Alvis
bribery allegations
Campaign Against Arms
Trade statement - December 10, 2004
CAAT warmly welcomes the
decision by Mr Justice Park to allow the Guardian access to the court file
of the case Chan U Seek vs Alvis Vehicles Limited.
Former Alvis agent, Singapore
businessman Chan U Seek, had sued Alvis over the sale of Scorpion tanks
and Stormer Armoured Personnel Carriers to Indonesia in the mid-1990s,
claiming he was entitled to commission worth 6 million pounds. The disclosure
of the case documents has struck an important blow for the public interest
against "commercial confidentiality" and has shed more light on the inner
workings of the UK arms industry than anything since the Scott Report.
According to the witness
statements Alvis employed a company called PTSK, run by the daughter and
two sons of a Brigadier General in the Indonesian Army to secure the sale
of around 100 armoured vehicles to Indonesia in the mid-1990s. By Rini
Soewondho's account her ability to secure the support of Suharto's "inner
circle" enabled the Indonesian Army to gain the funds it needed to purchase
the Scorpions and Stormers.
The witness statements of
Lionel Steele (Alvis's International Sales Manager) and Nick Prest (former
Chairman and Chief Executive of Alvis and former DESO employee) show that
a company owned by Suharto's daughter "Tutut", called Global Select, convinced
the "inner circle" to buy Alvis. The Guardian has alleged that Global Select
collected around 10% (16.5 million pounds) of the sale price.
By Nick Prest's own account
Alvis's hiring of PTSK and Global Select was "crucial" in enabling it to
secure the 1995 and 1996 contracts for armoured vehicles. From the published
documents it appears that Chan U Seek was involved in attempting to sell
Alvis vehicles to Indonesia in the 1980s but had been released by Alvis
following his failure.
CAAT is unsurprised by these
allegations. Allegations of corruption have previously surrounded arms
deals to Indonesia. On Tuesday the Governor of Aceh, Indonesia, was arrested
over allegations he personally profited from the purchase of a Russian
Mi-2 military helicopter. In early 2004 allegations were made of corrupt
practices over the purchase of four Russian Mi-17 military helicopters
for the Indonesian Army. Current Indonesian Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono
has previously admitted that up to 30% of the money for equipment purchases
is skimmed off the top by those involved.
The allegations against Alvis
raise important questions:
-
What did the Major Government,
which licensed the deals, know about the alleged payments to relatives
of the Suharto family and senior Indonesian military officers that were
allegedly part of the deal? This is particularly pertinent given the deal
was underwritten at the time by the Export Credits Guarantee Department
(ECGD). Indonesia subsequently defaulted on the deal, potentially passing
the bill to the UK taxpayer. CAAT believes an urgent enquiry into Government
knowledge of the financing of the deal needs to be undertaken by the National
Audit Office (NAO) or the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) in Parliament
to examine this.
-
Both Rini Soewondho and Nick
Prest refer to the 1996 contract being secured despite the competition
from Daewoo of South Korea "who were offering a competitive vehicle on
generous credit terms" (Prest). An enquiry by the NAO or PAC needs to establish
whether ECGD cover was offered to Alvis with the purpose of enabling Alvis
to secure the deal and, if so, whether this represents good value for money
for the taxpayer.
-
The other main UK arms deal
to Indonesia in the 1990s was the then British Aerospace's sale of Hawk
aircraft to Indonesia in 1993 and 1996. These two deals were for 40 Hawk
ground attack aircraft and the deals were worth around #700 million. BAE
Systems is no stranger to corruption allegations; currently the Serious
Fraud Office is investigating allegations of slush funds surrounding its
dealings with Saudi Arabia. Were Global Select, Basque or other companies
around Suharto's "inner circle" involved in taking money from the Hawk
deals? If so, what did the UK Government know about it at the time?
-
Rini Soewondho's statement highlights
the fact that from 1978 "the purchase of all defense equipment from foreign
companies must be made through agencies owned by Indonesian citizens. These
companies have to be owned by retired Indonesian military personnel (or
a member of his family)". She confirms that her family's company was an
agent for UK firms up until the 1990s, and from the statement of Nick Prest
we know one of these firms was Royal Ordnance. What other companies had
dealings with PTSK? And what, if any, payments were made to agents or Suharto's
"inner circle" to secure contracts? CAAT believes that this shows the need
for a more wide ranging investigation into all sales of military equipment
to Indonesia during this period.
According to the Guardian, Conservative
Ministers at the time gave the go-ahead for the deal as it preserved 150
jobs at Alvis's plant in Coventry in the short term and because the Ministry
of Defence wanted to "preserve more than one armoured vehicle supplier
for the British army". A more blatant example of how the interests of the
UK arms industry ride roughshod over any considerations of human rights
and promoting democracy can hardly be imagined. For the sake of 150 jobs
and the MoD's self-interest, vehicles were exported which have been used
in the war in Aceh (where hundreds of civilians have died) since 2003.
Stormers were deployed in Aceh on election day on 5 April 2004 where "those
who failed to register were visited and terrorised by [Indonesian Army-backed]
militia groups. Those who failed to turn up on election day were forcibly
escorted to the polling stations". No candidates critical of Martial Law
enforced
by the Indonesian Army were permitted to stand at the elections.