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Our Tasks  – The People's Struggle Weekly

Weekly newsletter of the People’s Democratic Party – Edition Number 3, February 2003

As an alternative form a national coalition

The weakness of popular consciousness

During the period of the political crisis over the last six years, the basic weakness of the movement has been the failure to provide a perspective on the key direction and aim of the movement, that is the issue of sizing power. This has again become an issue of hot debate after the movement came to the concussion (common platform) that the government of President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz can no longer reasonably be maintained.

In the experience of the opposition movement so far, has shown that it is already moving in the direction of this perspective. As the crisis has continued, a number of elements in the movement have tried to offer an alternative. However the ideas which have emerged on an alternative to the present government have consistently failed to find a significant base of power. If we examine it, the most important issue is caused by the general ideological weakness of the movement, while in fact the basic aim of the movement has always been linked with a vision of a future society which must be struggled for in order to resolve the contradictions which have emerged in the present stage in the development of Indonesian society, after the capitalist-militarist state of the New Order regime of former President Suharto was been proven to have failed. We can examine this ideological weakness from the historical facts of the Indonesian opposition in which secretaries and reformism has thrived.

This can be seen from the failure of the movements in 1974, 1978 and the unfinished insurrection during the fall of Suharto. The central problem is a misunderstanding of democracy due to the massacres and mass terror during the years of the New Order. The New Order’s domination through terror, its baseness, was reflected its failure to obtain hegemonic support from the people. This failure was because of the thriving radicalism of the people which was derived from the popular conciousness which emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century – which should be able to become the potential for the movement today. Look at the people’s support of the movements of 74, 78 and 1998!

Opportunistic views have also come to the fore, especially among moderate democrat groups. This is linked to the weakness of the democratic character and the issue of firmly siding with the people. These symptoms could be seen at the time the moderate democrat groups were incapable of democratically challenging the development of revolutionary and radical democratic forces prior to the 1945 national revolution up until now. This was the basis for the emergence of RERA (Reconstruction and Rationalisation) or the liquidation of the people’s militia and the Red Drive Proposal – a proposal to obliterate the revolutionary groups – in 1948, separatism during 1950s, the fall of liberal democracy which was replaced by guided democracy, moreover in guided democracy itself, because of its weakness the democrats depended on an even more that most contemptible force, that is the military in the years 1965-1966. Therefore the moderate democrat groups cannot be expected to play a leadership role, the Ciganjurist [a term derived from a meeting of opposition figures in 1998 - JB]/presidium model has now been abandoned by the ideas of the movement.

The current movement developed within the struggle to bring down the New Order dictatorship and has already tried to formulate alternatives such as the formation of the Indonesian People’s Council (MARI) in 1996, and before this the formation of the Independent Election Monitoring Committee (KIPP). However the vehicle of struggle which should be built as a means to bring down the dictatorship and as an embryo of an alternative government, failed to carry out the its historical challenge. The reformist and moderate coalitions from the majority of the opposition came to the fore in the face of the July 1996 reaction by the dictatorship which instead destroyed the gains which had been achieved. This reaction was not opposed by mass mobilisations or mass meetings, or by strengthening solidarity, increasing the radical militant work in the opposition groups, rather it became an arena to destroy each other, counter accusations between the opposition groups themselves.

In the lead-up to the fall of Suharto, the concept of a new government again emerged, a People’s Council, a National Presidium, an Indonesian People’s Committee and so on. However the debate which occurred always failed to locate the roots of the problem, that is the substance and importance of an alternative government. Of course those who developed these coalitions and engaged in the elementary debates, tended to look to who/which elements could express their ideas, to limit the aims to those who produced ideas, not making an effort to find a joint platform through democratic forums, choosing to avoid this or just organise joint actions. Important issues such as what economic and political platform must be constructed by an alternative government, what kind of strategy was need so that the ideas of an alternative government could be popularised among the people and find real support and active participation from the people, what kind of initiatives and concrete political actions the movement must carry out and so forth where not taken up. While in reality the consciousness of the people, who were fed up with and hated the elite and the bourgeois forces, had the potential to be able to rapidly be transformed toward the goal of forming a government run by the people themselves.

Towards a National Coalition

So what perspective of an alternative government must be put into place in the current situation and in terms of concrete political actions by the movement at this time. The accumulating burden of the crisis, the disappointment with the process of democratisation, the policies of providing release and discharge to the corrupt conglomerates, the privatisation of Indosat along with the increase in the price of three important components (fuel, electricity and phone charges) has triggered an explosion of mass resistance by the people. Bribes by the government such as reducing the amount of the increases and delaying the increase to telephone charges will only put the brakes on the movement for a short time. Because in parallel with this the Mega-Haz government is already preparing to launch dozens of other anti-people policies such as the plans to privatise Bank Danamon and BCA, the ratification of draft legislation on the Establishment of Protection for Labour and the Resolution of Industrial Disputes and so on. Why must it be so? It is clear that the Mega-Haz government and the entire political elite are persisting with implementing neoliberal policies which have until now, proven to only bring suffering to the people and failed to resolve the crisis.

The development of a democratic front – as a starting point – can be illustrated like this. In response to the recent opposition to government policy, a number of local fronts have emerged, not just in Jakarta. These fronts are not just action alliances which are concerned with a single issue, they are more advance than simply a joint action committee. In Pulu, the Central Sulawesi Poor People’s Forum was formed, in Surabaya the East Java Poor People’s Struggle Front, in Mataram, South Sumatra, North Sumatra, South Sulawesi, Surakarta, Yogyakarta, similar fronts were also formed. These fronts, in comparison with joint action committees, are far more advanced because they are more permanent and strategic in terms of their program and platform and also in terms of the perspectives they want to achieve. Meanwhile in Jakarta, among others there is the Workers Anti-oppression Action Committee (KAPB), the majority of the membership being trade unions, the Youth Opposition Front and the se-Jabotabek Student Executive Board who’s membership is made up of students and other elements.

However of all these front which have emerged, in terms of structure and means of struggle, their character is still narrow, that is sectoral and local. Although a national coalition has already emerged for example, in terms of the unity of their program it is still not enough. On the positive side what has emerged from this development is a basis for the formation of a solid national opposition front which can become even stronger.

The birth of the National Coalition must be given special emphasis, because it is relatively advanced and has the potential to become a national opposition front. In terms of its composition, almost all popular democratic elements can be involved (student and people’s mass organisations, non-government organisations, trade unions, progressive political parties and so on). If we look at the document which was issued at its declaration on January 22, at the very least there is a foundation for the emergence of a national opposition front which is solid, open and radical, one which could become a real possibility. For example on the issue of a solution to the present crisis which must be fought for through extra-parliamentary means, the National Coalition is open to all democratic elements which have a democratic and pro-people vision. And even more importantly, the National Coalition’s program has the capacity to respond to the oppression which is being experienced by the people as a result of attacks by imperialism and domestic agents such as the abolition of subsidies, privatisation, the foreign debt, trade liberalisation, affordable education and health care for the people, the elimination of corruption, human rights violations and other pressing programs of the people.

However this potential will remain just that, without more direct direction by the movement. At the very least, the pressing program of the National Coalition is to immediately invite all other democratic elements to join and the formation of branches in all provinces and cities. And most importantly, it should demonstrate to the people its consistency in the struggle through campaigns in the mass media and holding mass at the regional and national level (centralised in Jakarta or simultaneous mass meetings in all cities) so that the people can see an alternative to their frustration, see it give a kick to the elite powers who they hate. In parallel with this, a strengthening of the internal structure of the National Coalition is also needed, for example in organising a national congress and so on. From this we can see that the National Coalition has the potential to answer the people’s need to establish an alternative government.

A new government by the people, not by the political elite

In earlier editions of Tugas Kita, the conclusion was drawn that the only solution to the negative impacts on the people as a result of the accumulation of the economic and political crisis over the last five years is to form a state or government from, by and for the poor. A state system where the officials act in the interests of the working class, farmers and other oppressed groups. In other words, a genuine government of the poor.

However uncertainties often arise such as are the people capable of governing themselves? How can the people manage the administration of the state, finances and other state affairs? The blockage to finding the answer is because we tend to forget history. This is because of two dangerous tendencies which have developed: Firstly, the tendency of towards antipathy or not wishing to know, in essence this is a naïve resignation which brings misfortune. This kind of tendency emerges when the level of people’s frustration is very high (anger against the entire political elite) but they cannot see an alternative. Because of this the people often say: “Enough, why demonstrate, the result is the same, yeh!”. While in reality the reduction in the level of price increases to fuel and the delay in the increase to telephone charges, the most modest achievement of the movement, is a small fruit of victory by the movement/students and people’s protests in the streets, and it comes from no other place. Secondly, there is a tendency to resist but their political actions are based or trapped in a snapshot of events in accordance with the immediate issues which are being confronted. It does not connect with other issues which surround and are firmly linked to it. For example, when the price of fuel, electricity and telephone charges were increased, they came flocking into the streets to reject it (sometimes successfully, sometimes not), however after this dozens of policies which were essentially the same were issued, and they forget such policies were already certain to come into force.

The people, who often become the vanguard of the movement, that is students, are still very much trapped in this type of thinking. They tend to cover this inability to see into the roots of the problem and the solutions which are required, by wearing the hat of a “moral” movement.

Strangely enough, this kind of view is ruminated over by many intellectuals. The efforts by people to take power into their hands becomes blocked because it is still rooted in such a view, the victory of the fake elite reformists to date in deflecting power from anti-people actions must be seen as a failure of the movement to answer the needs of the people for an alternative government.

Forget the elite, seize power

The two types of views which we referred to earlier will in the end only benefit the political elite (more accurately referred to as experts at tying things up) who at the very least just prepare the conditions by which each day they try to extend their power, seeking better positions, which is the basis for the accumulation of greater amounts of capital. This most primitive form of capital accumulation is flourishing in Indonesia.

There has been not one real economic or political change since the overthrow of former President Suharto. However the history of the people’s struggle in Indonesia teaches us that it is absolutely correct to overthrow all regimes which do not side with the people. But, the task which follows, moreover what from the beginning must be able to be established specifically, is that the authority of the new government must be established on the basis of a government that fully (as much as possible if the achievements of the movement become its measurement) serves the interests of the poor, which in Indonesia is the majority of people. Thus its character must be the exact opposite of previous governments.

We can see this spirit if we look at the anti-dictatorship movement against the New Order regime under General Suharto. The situation of economic and political oppression forced the people to learn, to resist and try to form a type of new government. As an illustration, farmers from the Sri Rejekis village and surrounds in Lampung, South Sumatra, established coordination posts and Farmers Councils and over a period of three months and succeeded in reclaiming land totaling around 40,000 hectares. The village people also immediately replaced all of the corrupt village heads, those who made it difficult to get identity cards and so on. Raids against security personnel, who in the past had always frightened and oppressed them were unceasing, until Koramil (military headquarters at the ward level) and the Babinsa (noncommissioned law enforcement officers posted in villages and wards and affiliated with the civilian administration) no longer had the courage to enter the villages. This removal of thousands of corrupt village officials and the formation of people’s coalitions occurred in Central Java, East Java as well as Sulawesi after the fall of Suharto. In order to prevent further resistance, the government finally bribed them by establishing Village Representative Bodies.

People in Jakarta (such as in Pengarengan) proved they had the same abilities. When a large flood inundated Jakarta and the Jakarta governor Sutiyoso was still busy kowtowing to corrupt officials, while Megawati was still busy being pleased with herself, in an act of joint solidarity the people helped each other overcome the flood without resorting corruption. Of course, such corruption returned when the local government arrived to provide “assistance” and evicted the victims of the floods, as a result the situation instead became more difficult, and the people’s organisations who had tried to provide solidarity were blocked. Not long afterwards the people united in struggling against the local government which resulted in physical clashes. Moreover, Harian Kompas on January 17 and 25, 2003, carried a story that reported on the village of Keboromo, Pati, Central Java, who continued the process of democratic people’s courts against corruption by the local government and village heads. This is just a small example of how the people can govern themselves. If the same thing happened on a national level, there would be no need for any further hesitation because the people will have already begun a new period of history: self-government. From the examples above it can be seen that the materialisation of a consciousness of the importance of an alternative government will more clearly emerge in people’s consciousness if the movement broadens, when revolutionary consciousness spreads and the revolutionary situation develops broadly.

What is the basic character which differentiates the present state/government and an alternative government, a government of the poor? In particular what represents its special character is: Firstly, this government is a direct initiative from the people, who’s formation starts from its local environs and spreads to districts of a higher level. So the source of its authority is not legislation which has been discussed beforehand and approved by the parliament or government. It can also be termed a government which is formed though direct “seizure” by the people. Secondly, security is placed in the hands of the people themselves. Everyone is basically responsible for the security of the state. We no longer need a separate security force as we do at the moment, who abduct, terrorise, blackmail and murder the people. Thirdly, the authority of civil servants, the bureaucrats, is replace by the direct authority of the people, or at least is placed under the control of the people, they will no longer be civil servants who are just appointed, and instead can be recalled if the people so demand. Fourthly, the nature of state officials at the moment, that is people who have special privileges, sit in comfortable seats and receive a huge salary, who have facilities which are far above the norm (like the bourgeoisie), must be smashed. Thy must become ordinary workers from a special “branch of the civil service”, who’s maximum wage is no greater than the wages of a skilled worker (a worker being a person who does not own the means of production, and is dependent on their labour for wages).

If such a thing occurs, we can conclude that the people have their own genuine government. Because of this, the existing struggle, the people’s fronts and the National Coalition which has recently be declared, must broaden their structures, advance their programs, and provide a place for broad, mass participation so that it becomes a driving forces for a poor people’s movement. A movement which unites all of the pro-poor people’s power. A movement which will destroy the dreams or false hopes that parliamentary speaker Amien Rais, former President Gus Dur, Nur Hidayat, Yusril Ihza Mahendra and other figures can become the saviors of the people. History has already provided us with the conclusion that bourgeois political figures such as these, are no more than parasites which only strangle, deviate and more often than not prevent the people from struggling with a greater revolutionary consciousness. Only the people themselves are capable of overcoming this problem, through their own government, a government of the poor.

Protests not taken serously, opposition continues to spread

Jakarta: January 16 – Around 500 women from the Women’s Defense Alliance (Aliansi Perempuan Menggugat) held a candle light action in front of the presidential palace. They demanded the cancellation to the price increases to fuel and electricity. The Women’s Alliance is made up of a number of individuals and groups including Dita Inda Sari (a trade union leader), Erliny Rosalinda (the chairperson of the presidium of the Voice of Concern Housewives), Titik Kadarsih, Nurul Arifin, Okky (an artist) and others who were involved in the demonstration which began at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout.

January 18 – Around 1500 students demonstrated at the residence of President Megawati on Jalan Teuku Umar. The students from the se-Jabotabek Student Executive Council (BEM) and other groups demanded that Mega resign. As many as 1000 held a long-march from the Hotel Indonesia roundabout while 500 others rode motorbikes. Police blockaded the roads toward Mega’s house resulting in pushing and shoving breaking out between security personel and students.

January 21 – Thousands of students from the Democratic Student Network demonstrated on Jalan Ahmad Yani and set fire to Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) flags. The students were disappointed because PDI-P had manipulated the people’s support by implementing anti-people policies. They also called on the Mega-Haz government to resign and cancel the price increases to fuel and electricity charges, rejected privatisation and demanded employment opportunities for the people.

January 22 – Thousands of students from BEM se-Jabotabek held a demonstration near Megawati’s residence. The action was coloured by a clash with security forces in front of the Kuwaiti Embassy. It was started by a provocation by the Central Jakarta police who ordered the students to withdraw and threatened to arrest them and breakup the demonstration by force.

January 26 – Thousands of members of Hizbut Tahrir (liberation party) Indonesia, demonstrated at the US Embassy criticising the US’s plans to attack Iraq. The action was followed by a long-march toward the British Embassy who are regarded as allies of the US.

Bogor, January 18 – The inauguration of Professor Dr Ir Rokhmin Dahuri MS as the head of the Faculty of Fisheries and Oceanography at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB) was coloured by a demonstration by thousands of students who rejected the presence of Megawati, members of the parliament and other government officials who were to attend the function. The action began at 8am with a blockade of all entrances to the IPB campus. Each guest who wanted to enter the campus was checked. Government officials were evicted and forced to leave the campus. The students demanded that the government reduce prices and cancel the price increases to fuel and electricity. The students who organised the action came from four different groups, IPB BEM, the IPB United Indonesian Muslim Student Action, the Islamic Students Association and the Student Alliance of National Concern.

Yogyakarta: January 17 – Around 100 people from the National Student League for Democracy (LMND) and the People’s Democratic Party (PRD), the Indonesian Buskers Union (SPI) and other groups demonstrated at the intersection of the central post office. They were demanding that Mega-Hamzah resign. On returning home, a small group of demonstrators were suddenly attacked by around 15 thugs riding motorcycles armed with sticks and knives who then ran away. As result of the attack, around four people suffered serious stab wounds. Others suffered bruises after being hit by sticks and rocks which were thrown by the hired thugs. The victims included Suprianto Ginting who suffered stab wounds to the head and forehead, Leo who was struck on the head by a blunt instrument and Sri Mulyani who suffered similar injuries. Other groups also held actions on the same day including the Muslim Women’s Sisterhood who demonstrated at the Yogyakarta parliament demanding that all women’s groups reject price increases because women who are most effected by price increases. Meanwhile, the Yogyakarta Indonesian Muslim Students Action Front held an action at the Gajah Mada University (UGM) roundabout. As well as demanding the cancellation of price increases they also called for the law to be upheld and an end to the involvement of the IMF in the economic policies of Indonesia.

January 19 – A meeting in Yogyakarta between a delegation from the Consultative Group on Indonesia (CGI) and governors and regents from a number of provinces, was challenged by hundreds of demonstrators from a number of democratic groups in Yogyakarta. The students demanded that CGI be dissolved. As a result of violence by security forces, a clash broke out resulting in three students being seriously sounded and having to be taken for treatment at the Sardjito public hospital; four demonstrators were arrested by police and 16 suffered bruises. The demonstrators who were detained were: Mujiono from the Islamic Student Association, Deon Manalaksak from LMND, Edo Pungki from SPI and Endi Fatluloh from the People’s Anti Imperialist Forum. In all there were three separate clashes with police. The first occurred at the intersection in front of the central post office, only a few metres from the southern side of the Agung building were the IGI meeting was being held. Without warning. a group of students who were presenting speeches were run over by police riding motorcycles who also fired shot into the air. The second clash occurred half-an-hour later when a group of protesters arrived from Jalan Achmad Yani, on the north side of the Agung building, and tried to move towards the post office. Again police riding motorcycles forced the demonstrators to retreat to an area used by traders in front of the Benteng Vredeburg. Gun shots were again heard. The third class occurred in front of the post office on Jalan Panembahan Senopati.

January 20 – Just after midnight, a coordination post of the People’s Struggle Committee on the UGM Boulevard was attacked by scores of unidentified thugs. Although the four student activists who were staying there were not attacked, the perpetrators destroyed items inside the post and removed a number of documents which were then taken outside and burnt.

January 24 – Hundreds of Islamic school students from the Islamic Student Network held an action which ended with a lively presentation of a huge letter to the Yogyakarta central post office addressed to Megawati and Hamzah Haz. The participants were demonstrating against the price increases to fuel and electricity charges.

Semarang: January 17 – Six students form the Semarang State University officially ended a hungers strike demanding that the government cancel the price increases to fuel, electricity and telephone charges.

January 18 – Around 20 students from the Indonesian Youth Struggle Front and the Sultan Agung University Islamic Law Senate demonstrated and blockaded Jalan Kaligawe. During the action demonstrators set fire to four tyres and spread out a huge cartoon pamphlet on which was written: “Reject the price increases to fuel, electricity and telephone charges” and “Stop globalisation”. Two platoons from the Semarang metropolitan police and two platoons from the Genuk police arrived at the location and a clash erupted. After persevering for some time, it ending in the security forces and student pushing and shoving each other.

January 20 – Two students from the Student Solidarity Struggle and the Unissula Almuni held a particularly unusual action. Andi and Yusuf, climbed up on to a billboard in the grounds of the Jateng offices of Telkom in Yogyakarta and then dangling from the billboard which was around 10 metres high, unfurled a banner which rejected the price increases to fuel, electricity and telephone charges. At the same time, 20 of their comrades who were standing below held a theatrical drama about the conceited authorities who were responsible for the increases to the price of fuel. Meanwhile in the grounds of the Jateng parliament, Unissula students held an action which was coloured by a clash with security forces. The clash began when the students wanted to set fire to tyres. One of the students, Subiyanto was punched in the mouth and had to be rushed to the Telogorejo hospital. The clash was ended after Unissula student leader Mahfudz Ali asked the students to contain their emotions.

January 21 – Scores of nuns in Semarang went out into the streets along with women activists and children under the banner of the Concerned Women’s Network and the Children of Central Java. They rejected the policy of abolishing subsidies on fuel, telephone and electricity charges along with rejecting the foreign debt which is burdening the people. The nuns, who came from the Ordo Santo Fransiskan Convent in Semarang, gathered with scores of other activists in the grounds of the government radio station. Other groups included LRC KJHAM, the Indonesian Women’s Association, Women’s Solidarity, the Jateng Local Research Council, the Foundation for the Empowerment of Workers Farmers and Fisherpeople, the Indonesian Family Planning Association, the Asa New Communist Party, KKBH Semarang, LPSAP and the Indonesian Catholic Students Association (PMKRI). They also criticised government policy which prefers to side with the conglomerates and the IMF.

Demak: January 20 – Around 300 fisherpeople from the Moro village, in the Bonang district, went to the Demak regional parliament. They asked the central government to cancel the price increases and rejected the concessions which only reduced the price of fuel. The Demak parliament was pressured to issue a decision requesting the cancellation of the price increases to fuel.

Solo: January 20 – Students from the Surakarta Alliance of Concerned People held an action in which a gift of a batik gown coloured green was presented to the Solo city mayor, Slamet Suryanto, who was represented by the head of the Local Development Planning Board, Harsojo Soepodo. Scores of police blockaded the gates and in the end students held the action outside. The action began with the burning of tyres and photographs of President Megawati along with a blockading Jalan Ir. Sutami in front of the Surakarta National University campus.

Surabaya: January 16 – Beginning at 2pm, around 1000 students from the University of Airlingga BEM, the Surabaya Institute of Technology, the Indonesian Muslim Student Movement (PMII) Surabaya branch, the Surabaya National Mandate Party and the Surabaya Islamic Student Association began gathering in front of Governor Suryo’s statue. When students tried to enter the Grahadi governor’s office they were blocked by police and as a result a clash occurred. Around 20 students were wounded after being beaten by police. The wounded were treated by a medical tam from the University of Airlingga Medical Faculty and a number of them were forced to be rushed to the Dr Soetomo public hospital in Surabaya.

January 21 – Protesters from the Surabaya Alliance Forum for Trade Union Reform, the greater Surabaya BEM and the Anti-Globalisation Front called for the cancellation of price increases to electricity, fuel and telephone charges. Around 300 workers from the Surabaya City Attack Forum which includes workers from Indonesian Muslim Workers Association (Sarbumusi), the Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union, the Indonesian Front for Labour Struggle and other Surabaya trade unions also joined in the action. As well as demanding a reduction in the price of fuel, electricity and telephone charges, they also demanded improvements to the minimum wage which in Surabaya is only 516,000 rupiah per month. Another demonstration occurred in front of the Grahadi building by the Anti-Globalisation Front which is made up of the People’s Trade Union, the Jombang Free Trade Union, the Indonesian Youth Struggle Front, the Indonesian Alliance of Paralegal Advocates and the Airlangga University Human Rights Centre, a total of around 200 people. They demanded reductions to the price of electricity, fuel and telephone charges and rejected imperialism, neocolonialism and capitalism. Meanwhile, students from BEM Surabaya circled the city in vehicles, halting in front of the Grahadi building. They also rejected the price increases to electricity, fuel and telephone charges.

January 23 – At least three demonstrations were recorded in Surabaya. They were no longer demanding a cancellation to the price increases to fuel which had already been corrected by the government, rather the demand that the Mega-Haz duet resign. “Replace the Maga-Hamzah government” read a banner which was carried by the Poor People’s Struggle Front as they held an action in front of the Pemuda building.

Palembang: January 22 – PRD activists held an action in which T-shirts with PDI-P logos were burnt. The action, which was held in the grounds of the Raden Fatah State Academy of Islamic Studies campus, included speeches which criticised current government policy. They also criticised the failure of the government to eradicate corruption, collusion and nepotism. They head of the Sumsel PRD branch, Doriska Agustomi, said that the government is determined to persist with anti-people policies. The facts are that only a small part of the people’s demands have been fulfilled, that is only a reduction in the level of the price increases to fuel and a postponement to the price increases to telephone charges. At the end of the action, PRD activists burn PDI-P T-shirts which they considered to be a symbol of the dictatorship of the Megawati regime and the parliament.

Our Tasks (Tugas Kita – Mingguan Perjuangan Rakyat) is published weekly by the Central Leadership Committee of the People’s Democratic Party (KPP-PRD).

Editorial Board:

Haris Rusli Moti, Natalia Scholastika, Roysepta Abimanyu, Lukman Hakim, Yusuf Lakaseng, Wibowo Arief, Jakfar, Vivi Widyawati, Aswan Jaya, Kelik Ismunanto, Kamaludin Pade.

Translated by James Balowski

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