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Build the power of the poor to resist the colonialist's invasion

Pembebasan Number 7 - April 2003

Pembebasan (Liberation), is published monthly by the Central Leadership Committee of the People’s Democratic Party (KPP-PRD)

Editorial committee

Haris Rusli Moti, Natalia Scholastika, Roysepta Abimanyu, Lukman Hakim, Yusuf Lakaseng, Wibowo Arif, Jakfar, Vivi Widyawati, Aswan Jaya, Kelik Ismunanto, Kamaludin Pane.

Jl Tebet Barat Dalam VIII A No. 4 South Jakarta. Phone: (021) 829 6467. E-mail: koran_prd@hotmail.com. Bank Account: BCA KCP Urip Sumoharjo, 4560567044

Translated by James Balowski

Contents (selected articles)

Editorial: Sever the link in the chain of colonialism

Although it is yet to be visible, the embryo of struggle lies behind the rejoicing of the Iraqi people, after the statue of Saddam Hussein, a symbol of his power in Baghdad city was torn down by a coalition tank. The destruction of this statue, can be said to symbolise the destruction of a dictatorial regime which existed and oppressed its people for 26 years. It is not yet certain however, that political freedom will accompany this. This incident also marks the most brutal, naked and shameless conquest by the chief imperialist, in the framework of broadening its exploitation, so that it can continue to maintain its power. Can we hope that democracy will grow from a regime which is build by an imperialist military? No, we cannot hold to such an illusion.

We are currently faced with a picture of a world which is in motion, culminating in a clash between imperialism against its enemies. Make no mistake, the demands of capitalist development up until this most recent stage (imperialism), requires that they plunder the world’s wealth, by what ever means -- ferociously and blatantly. The occupation (colonialisation) of Afghanistan, then Iraq, adds to the series of subject countries, or countries subjected to fulfill the needs of imperialism. But the backlash and resistance to this -- in its various forms - is an objective law which they also cannot deny. Exploitation by international corporations is immediately followed by resistance against it; their consolidation in a number of world forums (the IMF, World Trade Organisation, World Bank, World Economic Forum and so on) is constantly blockaded by demonstrators who oppose them. Their war agenda is almost universally answered by the word “no”. The cries of the suffering peoples of the Third World is answered by solidarity from the people of the First World.

This blatant colonisation which is spreading across the world cannot be fully understood if we do not look at the concrete interests which disguise the policies of the chief imperialist (the United States), where ever it occurs, it is linked to finding a solution out of the economic recession which they a currently experiencing. Including also the illusions that they offer. Coalition forces have already facilitated a meeting between the groups who opposed the Saddam Hussein regime. At the same time however, they provided a number of points which must be adhered to in the transition towards a new government in Iraq. One of these points requires the involvement of coalition troops in dealing with “the pressing problems” in Iraq.

The problem is, everything, even including that which is most strategic, has now become “a pressing problem” in Iraq, and the US demand to be involved in handling it, a need which is most pressing for the US and its allies, will not be to overcome the humanitarian crisis which they created, but rather to establish an obedient regime which can become their agent. Hunger, the lack of medicines and the victims of the war, are only an elementary problem which “can” be overcome with 400 million dollars, which will then distributed everywhere to be able to deceive us that they also are concerned with the “humanitarian” crisis. Meanwhile the budget which has been allocated for prosecuting the war, building infrastructure for the operation of their economic interests, and to pay for the soldiers to guard them, has been calculated as being more than 200 billion dollars.

The (nauseating) efforts of the US imperialist regime to inflame the spirit of patriotism though all of its instruments of propaganda, have more or less influenced the attitudes which have developed among the American people themselves. This spirit has been intentionally created to cloud the true interests of imperialism. There is one great hope -- and it is not an empty one -- which we invest in the people of the main imperialist countries, be more careful in seeing this phenomena, and be able to conclude what is the real issued which has do be confronted. History has noted the effectiveness of struggle by the people of imperialist countries against the policies of their governments: the Vietnam war, the French invasion of Aljazair and so on. Sometime it has not reached the ideal stage, that is bringing down the capitalist regime, however at the very least it has been able to enlarge the movement, and provide support to the people’s movements in the Third World.

Taking this concussion on the process of this re-colonialisation in the domestic context, in essence it is no different to what has gone on in other backward countries. With the minor exceptions of countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, Libya and North Korea, it can be said that almost all of the regimes in the backward countries have become props for the maintenance of imperialist domination of the world. Concretely, this can bee seen from the US military presence in more than 100 countries, and its armadas in various countries, to safeguard their assets along with plundering -- both veiled and openly -- the wealth of the backward countries.

The Indonesian regime of the President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz is one of the links which has become a bulwark for this imperialist power; and the military -- which represents a part of this regime -- is the most loyal watch dog of the US. They did not react at the beginning of the anti-war demonstrations, but then rushed to howl about how the actions must not disturbing the assets of their master. All of them are just agents who prop up colonialism. The resistance of the Indonesian people against colonialism -- either economically or through political and cultural values -- has in fact occurred, however this has not yet been carried out in conscious manner. The protests against the price increases to fuel, rejecting privatisation, rejecting the import of cheap food and against the war and so on, are a reflection of this struggle.

Over time this link in the chain of world colonialism will be evermore weakened by crisis, and the resistance it faces. What follows is the need for unity between oppressed groups and to sever the imperialist link which is before our eyes. The direct rejection of imperialist policies, whether it be the case of protests against the war, the sale of state assets and so on, needs to be accompanied with concrete demands which forces the regime to position itself in opposition to the interest of the colonialists. Then we will see the true character of the regime. The recent war has also unveiled the mask that they wear, were the words of the regime against the war were mere lip service. US war ships from Japan and Philippine waters were still allowed to pass trough the Malaka Straits (Indonesian waters) to make war on Iraqi society.

The people resist - national roundup

Students demand: Mega-Hamzah and the political elite resign!

March 1 - Coinciding with the May Day momentum, on March 1 in Solo, Central Java, hundreds of students from the Solo Indonesian Muslim Students Action Front (Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, KAMMI) held a “dawn attack” demanding the resignation of President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz at the Solo municipal hall. In Jakarta, 800 students from the Greater Jakarta Student Executive Council (BEM se-Jabotabek) held a demonstration at Megawati’s residence which was blocked by hundreds of police. The student’s demands included trying the corrupters, government policies for the poor and that Mega-Hamzah resign. On the same day in Bandung, West Java, 1000 BEM activists from all of the city’s institutions of higher education except the Bandung Institute of Technology held a demonstration in front of the West Java regional parliament declaring their mistrust of the elite who have never considered the plight of ordinary people. This action also demanded a reduction in prices and the abolition of the armed forces dual social and political function.

March 11 – Still in Jakarta, around 300 KAMMI activities held a demonstration at the presidential palace to call on the people to unite in rejecting the Mega-Hamzah government which has been incapable of bring prosperity to the people. The were later joined by around 100 activists from the Student and Youth Opposition Front (Barisan Oposisi Kaum Muda Mahasiswa, BOKMM) who demanded that the Mega-Hamzah regime resign and be replaced by a transitional government of youth. Other demands included the abolition of the Anti-Terrorism law and the arrest, trial and seizure of the assets of the corrupters and perpetrators of human rights crimes. BOKMM is made up of a number of organisations including HMI MPO (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam - Majelis Penyelamat Organisasi, a splinter organisation of the Islamic Students Association), the Muhammadiya Students Association (Ikatan Mahasiswa Muhammadiyah, IMM), the Indonesian Islamic Students Movement (Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia, PMII), KAMMI, the Indonesian Christian Student Movement (Gerakan Mahasiswa Kristen Indonesia, GMKI), the Hindu Dharma Student Family (Keluarga Mahasiswa Hindu Dharma, KMHD), the Popular Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Kerakyatan, GPK) and the University of Indonesia Student Action Front (Front Aksi Mahasiwa, FAM). On the same day in Surabaya, East Java, 500 people from the Cries of the Oppressed Indonesian People (Jeritan Rakyat Indonesia Tertindas, JERIT) protested against the Mega-Hamzah government for not siding with the people. They wore masks of faces of the suffering people as a symbolic condemnation of the rotten morality of Indonesian government officials.

March 15 – Hundreds of people in Jakarta from BEM Java-Bali, the People’s Defence Command (Komando Bela Rakyat) and the Society Against the Plundering of State Assets (Masyarakat Anti Penjarahan Aset Negara) held a people’s forum at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout demanding an end to thuggery [paid thugs are being increasingly used against government opponents], a reduction in the price of basic goods and the jailing of corrupters. The People’s Forum presented a number of figures who gave speeches including the chairperson of Government Watch, Farid R Faqih, the chairperson of the United Democratic Party (PUDI), Sri Bintang Pamungkas, and the chairperson of the People’s Democratic Party (PRD), Harris Rusly Motty.

March 23 – Hundreds of people in Palembang, South Sumatra, from the Mega Opposition Front (Barisan Oposisi Mega, BOM) held an action blockading Megawati at the Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin II Airport, when Megawati was in Palembang for the official opening of the offices of the Palembang Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle [PDIP, Megawati’s party]. As often happens, the police and PDIP security personnel brutally attacked the demonstrators.

Aceh and West Papua, they only want democracy!

March 3 – In the Acehnese capital of Banda Aceh, six solidarity activities from Student Solidarity for the People (Solidaritas Mahasiswa untuk Rakyat, SMUR) held a hunger strike in front of the Joint Security Council [which was overseeing the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the government] protesting the absence of civil liberties to express and voice their hopes. The hunger strike continued for one week.

March 13 – In Surabaya, around 100 activities from the Surabaya Papua Student Association (Ikatan Mahasiswa Papua, Imipa) held an action at the Surabaya regional parliament. They rejected the division of West Papua into three provinces.

March 18 – In Banda Aceh, an amada of hundreds of trucks which transport basic goods into Aceh held a strike in Medan, the capital city of North Sumatra. They demanded that the Aceh local government and security forces provide a guarantee to drivers and truck crews that “invisible payments” that are being demanded throughout Aceh be abolished.

Collaboration between the authorities and security forces threatens press freedom

March 8 – Scores of media activities in Jakarta from the group Solidarity for Press Freedom (Solidaritas untuk Kebebasan Pers) demonstrated in front of the presidential palace. The action was joined by a number of press and non-government organisations (NGOs) including the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), the Press Council, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) and the Legal Aid Institute (LBH).

March 13 – In Makassar, South Sulawesi, around 100 journalists from the Anti-Violence Journalists Solidarity Forum (Forum Solidaritas Wartawan Anti Kekerasan) held a demonstration and art performance in front of the Mandala monument.

March 18 – In Solo, Central Java, around 100 people calling themselves the Anti-Thuggery Peoples Movement (Gerakan Rakyat Anti-Premanisme, Garap) which is made up of BEM students from the Surabaya National University, the Solo Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI), PWI Reform, AJI, PFI Solo, the Solo High School Student Front and other NGO activities, held a demonstration in the ground of the Solo regional parliament opposing all forms of thuggery.

March 19 – One hundred local residents and journalists in Medan held an action collecting signatures on a white and red banner 100 metres long which was spread out in front of the North Sumatra regional parliament. The action was titled "North Sumatra Children of the Nation Solidarity for Tempo” [the offices of Tempo magazine was attack by hired thugs in early March]. In Yogyakarta, Central Java, around 50 people from the Anti-Thuggery Society (Masyarakat Anti-Premanisme, MAP), which is made up of AJI, the NGO Forum, the Yogya Student Front (Front Mahasiswa Yogya, FMY), the Yogyakarta NGO Forum, the Yogyakarta Youth Student Association (Perhimpunan Pelajar Mahasiswa Yogyakarta, PPMY) and the Indonesian Student Struggle Front (Front Perjuangan Pelajar Indonesia, FPPI) held a demonstration in front of the Yogyakarta district police headquarters at the northern ringroad in Yogyakarta.

War: The trigger for solidarity against the puppet imperialist regime

March 3 – In Denpasar, Bali, around 100 demonstrators from the Indonesian National Religious Institute Communication Centre (Pusat Komunikasi Nasional Lembaga Dakwah Kampus, Puskomnas LDK) went to the US consulate in Denpasar rejecting the planned US war against Iraq and calling for a boycott of the US and its allies products.

March 13 – Around 100 people from the Indonesian Christian Youth Community (Komunitas Pemuda Kristen Indonesia, KPKI) held a demonstration at the Indonesia Hotel roundabout calling on the world to reject the US attack on Iraq.

March 14 – Scores of Surabaya artists from the Indonesian Anti-War Artists group (Seniman Indonesia Anti Perang) held a theatrical action rejecting the war in front of the US consulate. In Yogyakarta meanwhile, a joint action was held by hundreds of students from the National Student Front (Front Mahasiswa Nasional, FMN), the Yogyakarta City Committees and a number of other institutes of higher education.

March 16 – In Jakarta, 700 people from the Society for World Peace (Masyarakat untuk Dunia Damai) held a joint prayer meeting and lit candles for world peace at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout. The action was joined by the Women’s Clam Alliance (Aliansi Perempuan Menggugat, APM), the Jakarta Expatriate Community (Komunitas Ekspatriat Jakarta), INCREASE (Indonesian Centre for Reform and Social Emancipation), Kontras, BEM, the Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle (Front National Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia, FNPBI), WALHI (Indonesian Forum for the Environment) and the PRD.

March 21 – Actions at the US Embassy in Jakarta continued. The first included 200 people from the People’s Forum of Concern (Forum Peduli Rakyat, FPR), BEM activities from Banten, 300 people from the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP), the National Mandate Party Youth Front (Barisan Muda PAN), PPP Reformasi, 100 people from KAMMI and 100 people from PMII. On the same day in Makassar, around 100 BEM activists from the Makassar State University demonstrated at the US consulate calling for Japan to immediately withdraw support for the US war. Elsewhere in Makassar, 500 people from Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia held an action at the Reformasi toll road protesting against the US attack against Iraq. In Solo, at lease 2000 people from the Justice Party (Partai Keadilan, PK) were involved in a similar protest at the Gladak roundabout. In Denpasar, scores of people demonstrated in a joint action involving KAMMI Denpasar, PMII Bali and the Untied Indonesian Islamic Students who demonstrated at the US consulate.

March 22 – In Jakarta, 50 people from the Anti-War Society (Masyarakat Anti Perang, MAP) held a series of actions at starting at the British consulate, the Hotel Indonesia roundabout, the UN building and finally in front of the US Embassy. A representative of the demonstrators, Kelik Ismunanto (the PRD’s international relations officer) express the view that the US and its allies’ military aggression will impact on the Indonesian economy which has yet to recover from the crisis. According to Kelik, this would make things difficult for Indonesian society and other developing nations who will have to shoulder the impact of this aggression including the cost of the war. “The threat of economic problems will again haunt Indonesia, but I pity the Mega-Hamzah government who are like a buffalo with a ring through its nose so it can’t do very much, unlike foreign imperialism which acts through financial institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank, the Consultative Group on Indonesia and the World Trade Organisation”, said Kelik.

March 25 – At the US Embassy in Jakarta, around 100 painters from the Universal Painters Movement (Gerakan Pelukis Universal, GPU) held a demonstration against the US invasion bringing with them some 100 paintings. The 100 paintings measuring 50x60 cm took up the theme “Art for Peace” and “No War”. Next it was the turn of scores of youths and students from FPPI to demonstrate against the war at the US Embassy. Meanwhile in Ambon, the capital city of the Maluku Islands, 150 students from the Ambon State College of Islamic Religious Studies demonstrated at the representative offices of the UN to oppose the US aggression against Iraq.

March 28 – In Jakarta, hundreds of school and university students from Al Azhar Indonesia released balloons with white cloth hanging from reading “Peace” (Perdamaian) and held a theatrical action opposing the invasion of Iraq by the US and its allies. At the US and British Embassy, around 100 University of Indonesia activists from the Student Activities Unit and Nuansa Islam also held an action condemning US aggression. In Solo (Surakarta), hundreds of people from the Surakarta People and Students Movement (Garakan Rakyat dan Mahasiswa Surakarta, GRMS) also held an action opposing US aggression against Iraq. GRMS is an alliance made up of BEM students from the Surakarta National University, KAMMI, the PRD, LMND, GPK and several other groups. In Pasuruan, East Java, 5000 people also held an anti-war action at the Pasuruan regional parliament under the banner of the Pasuruan People’s Solidarity for Iraq (Solidaritas Masyarakat Pasuruan untuk Irak).

March 29 – Around 200 people from the National Coalition held and action at the US Embassy to demand the withdraw of troops from Iraq before going to the presidential palace to demand the waters of the Malaka Straits be closed to US warships.

March 30 – In Jakarta there was a demonstration at the US Embassy rejecting the Iraq war by around 300 thousand people calling themselves the Indonesian Committee for Solidarity with the People of Iraq (Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Rakyat Irak, KISRA) who came from the PK, PK-Prosperity, PAN, PPP Reformasi, the PRD, the Pioneer Party and several other political parties. Several mass organisations also participated as well as students from a number of campuses also demonstrated.

April 4 – In Medan, 100 people calling themselves the North Sumatra Islamic People’s Solidarity for Iraq (Solidaritas Masyarakat Muslim Sumut untuk Irak) which is made up of 31 mass organisations and Islamic political parties held an action at Freedom Square.

April 5 – Around 3000 people from the Muhammadiyah Islamic mass organisation held a demonstration at the Mandala Monument on Jl. General Sudirman Makassar in Makassar, opposing the US invasion of Iraq. The demonstrators who had been gathering since 11am were high-school and university students. At the action, which continued for an hour, a prayer was held for the Iraqi people who were the casualties of the war. In Surabaya, around 2500 people from the Catholic community, Lintas Paroki and church people held a prayer for the Iraqi people. The Santa Maria Ngagel church was filled with peace banners and posters. The action demanded that Indonesia withdraw its embassies from the US and its allies, that it sever diplomatic relations with the US and its allies and the international financial institutions, a boycott of US and its allies products, the dissolution of the UN, that President Bush be taken before the International Court, that UN Security Council end the military aggression by the US and its allies, that Megawati resign, that forms of imperialism be rejected, that the UN must impose sanctions on the US and its allies, that in Iraq, the UN must facilitate a diplomatic resolution and humanitarian aid for Iraq, that consulates of the US and its allies be expelled from Indonesia, the closure of McDonalds, KFC and TFC restaurants, the closure of the Malaka Straits which is being used by US war ships and so forth.

Commemorating IWD, women reject neoimperialism

March 8 – In Jakarta, 500 demonstrators from APM which is an alliance of women’s NGOs, students and the PRD, commemorated International Women’s Day (IWD). The action which began at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout at around 3pm was around the theme of “women reject liberalism and the neoliberal regime”, “women reject price rises” and “reject the draft labour laws”. APM explicitly rejected all economic and political policies of the Mega-Hamzah government which it said are subservient to the interests of foreign capital, militarism and called on the government to reduce the prices of basic goods and subsidise education. Meanwhile in Yogyakarta, around 30 activists from the Poor People’s Front for Struggle (Front Perjuangan Rakyat Miskin, FPRM), the PRD and a number of NGO activists also commemorated IWD with the themes “women reject price increases, discrimination and exploitation of women” and “reject US imperialism and the invasion of Iraq”. They also called for the overthrow of the puppet regime of Mega-Hamzah and the formation of an government of the poor.

March 24 – In Jakarta, 100 worker representatives from PT Citra Sekarwangi Agro Persada (CSAP) Makassar, attempted to demonstrate at the residence of former President Suharto’s daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana alias “Tutut”. Unfortunately this was not possible and they were only able to reach Jl. Teuku Umar because they were blocked by police. The intention of the Makassar workers was to demand the payment of unpaged wages by CSAP after they had been sacked. They represented 300 workers who had been dismissed because they held a strike demanding improvements to management and welfare benefits in February 2001. Prior to being dismissed, they had not been paid for 10 months.

March 25 – In Jakarta around 2500 workers from the Committee Against the Oppression of Workers (Komite Anti Penindasan Buruh, KAPB) went to the presidential palace to oppose the draft labour laws which were being debated by the national parliament. The workers came from scores of trade unions including the Federated Union of Textile, Clothing and Leather Workers, the Federated Union of Steel Workers, the Berikat Nusantara Industrial Zone Trade Union, the Indonesian Maritime and Sailors Trade Union, the Indonesian Transport Trade Union of Struggle and FNPBI. KAPB hoped that these actions would continue to grow in the lead up to May 1, May Day.

Refugees unsettled by Aceh conflict

March 1 – As a result of demands which were not heeded by the regional government in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, on February 26, 400 refugees from Stabat again demonstrated in front of the grounds of the Governor, over their right to funds for repatriation and for the government to review the data on the on the total number of refugees from Aceh.

March 13 – Around 500 Acehnese refugees in Medan who have yet to receive repatriation funds amounting to 8,750,000 rupiah from the department of social affairs, demonstrated on the road leading to the Medan Polonia airport. The refugees asked to be allowed to board flights home first and promised to pay the costs after they had received the repatriation funds from the government. However they were blockaded by around 200 police, military personnel and airport security personal.

March 13 – As many as 48 Acehnese refugees in Medan, 14 of which are women, held a hunger strike. They were protesting the failure to pay repatriation funds.

March 17 – In Banda Aceh, around 300 refugees from Central Aceh along with students went to the offices of the Joint Security Committee [JSC, tasked with monitoring the cessation of hostilities agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian government]. They demanded that the JSC in Central Aceh act on their behalf to request that the Aceh regional government pay attention to their situation. The 300 refugees have been staying at the Darussalam Banda Aceh campus since March 15 after being terrorised by an unknown group.

March 18 – In Medan, a demonstrations by around 2000 Acehnese refugees continued. They blockaded the Polonia Airport in order to prevent the Minister for Social Affairs, Bachtiar Chamsyah, from departing for Jakarta.

2004 elections: What is the position of the democratic and poor people’s movement in Indonesia?

By Whayu

At the time of writing this, movement comrades, in particular those from the trade unions, student organisations and political parties (the People’s Democratic Party), are busy preparing to “commemorate” May Day. In Jakarta itself, almost all organisations which have coloured the democratic movement in Jakarta are involved in an alliance called the May One Action Committee. From the student organisations there is the United Indonesian Student Movement (Gerakan Mahasiswa Indonesia Bersatu, GMIB) which is made up of the Youth and Student Opposition Front (Barisan Oposisi Kaum Muda-Mahasiswa, BOKMM) and other students who are part of BOKMM such as the Greater Jakarta Student Executive Council. Just among workers there is the Worker’s Anti-Oppression Committee (Komite Anti Penindasan Buruh, KAPB) which has been building unity since the 1999 draft laws on the Guidelines for the Protection of Labour and Resolution of Industrial Disputes were first mooted. There is also the Women’s Claim Alliance (Aliansi Perempuan Menggugat). Finally the National Coalition is also involved in this alliance. In viewing the experience of previous years, the unity which has occurred in Jakarta in the momentum for this May Day is extremely likely to also occur in other regions. Moreover, in regions where the peasant movement is quite advanced, farmers are also involved in the May Day momentum. If this is indeed the case, put simply, almost all democratic organisations are at this time building unity in response to May Day 2003.

May Day has been commemorated for the last four years, since 1999, by almost all trade unions (obviously excluding the “yellow” trade union, the Federation of All Indonesian Labour Unions). From the point of view of total numbers, the number trade unions and mass organisations outside of the trade unions which have participated in May Day has grown ever year. Moreover, in every city and district, last year workers’ alliances and fonts (which involve organisations outside of labour organisations such as students, peasants, the urban poor and political parties) gathered together nationally at a national conference. Thought this conference, the May Day struggle movement succeeded in uniting its program of demands and actions. Almost all district and city alliances used the same name, that is the May One Action Committee. Unfortunately, the aim of building unity beyond the momentum of May Day unity at the conference did not succeed. The tool of national unity, the tabloid Solidaritas, while receiving a significant positive response in a number of regions was only able to be published once.

What about May Day 2003? Will this May Day only become a routine yearly celebration? It is clear that if the target of the democratic movement in taking advantage of the potential of this May Day unity is limited to just holding demonstrations, it will become little more than a mere ceremonial routine. Why? Because the May Day momentum -- which has the potential to unify the democratic movement -- should also be linked to the tasks of the present movement.

Following May Day, we are now faced with the momentum of the 2004 general elections. Where at the moment, all political forces, including those political parties which are sitting in the parliament, as well as the new political parties which have emerged recently, are busy preparing themselves so that their parties can get through the requirements to participate in the 2004 elections.

What should our position be with regard to this election? Boycott or participate in the elections, or “just ignore them” and continue to “consistently” build the mass base, organise demonstrations which have no relationship with the elections or simply say “it’s not important” to discuss the elections, “there is no point, and it’s just a waste of time”.

For a number of comrades, particularly those in (progressive) political parties who are outside of the mass organisations, they perhaps think in simple terms with regard to this election: to either boycott or participate in the elections. This choice is usually determined by the level of consciousness and mass struggle which exists. Their look at it in terms of which choice increases the possibility of taking the movement forward, which choice is more useful to raise the people’s consciousness, to consolidate the people’s power, which in the end has the aim of accelerating the process of bringing down the oppressive regime and the oppressed people taking power. Which is the correct path, to boycott or participate in the elections.

Meanwhile, among non-political party circles in the mass organisation, mostly among students who are full of ultra-left nuances (sorry, perhaps a bit too candid), for them perhaps there is only one choice, that is to boycott the elections. Whatever the state of the movement, for them there is only one tactical position which should be taken in elections: to golput [golongan putih or white movement, meaning not to mark a ballot paper – JB] or boycott and get on with building the movement. “It doesn’t matter if it is small, at long as it is consistent”, is perhaps their slogan, or “basically, participate in the elections is a betrayal”.

Meanwhile among non-party circles, in the labour movement, the peasant movement and the movement of the urban poor, it is perhaps even worse: “TAKE NO POSITION”. This is based on the assumption that “we are not a party, we don’t’ participate in elections, elections have no use, they are only to deceive the people”. Although aware of this issue they continue to take no position in determining what movement should be built. Meaning it is not important to build a movement in the elections. A position with regard to elections is left up to the individual people/members. Meanwhile, the task of the mass organisations remain the same as every other day: organise, consolidate, hold actions, advocacy, build the organisations, all of which have no relationship the momentum of elections.

Because these mass organisation “take no position”, in the end the masses are poisoned by the oppressive political parties who are presently in power and sitting in parliament. Just look at who were the biggest supporters of PDIP [Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, the party of President Megawati Sukarnoputri – JB] in the last elections? They were workers, farmers, the urban and rural poor who succeeded in being deceived. Why? Well, because labour organisations, peasant organisations and organisations of the urban poor in the cities did not provide any direction as to what they should do in the elections. Because these mass organisations took no position in the end they left the people to be deceived.

Not taking a position and refusing to build a movement in the 2004 elections must itself be considered to be a betrayal of the people’s movement. Because we know that in the 2004 elections, the people who are “already conscious” and sick of the authorities (both in the government and parliament), will definitely be coaxed and again betrayed by the oppressive political parties which are in the parliament at the moment. This means that during the 2004 elections we cannot just remain silent. A movement must be built. In facing this we don’t need to act alone. That is to confront the power of the oppressor parties which are currently in the parliament during the momentum of the elections, all of the strength of the poor people’s movement (workers, farmers and the poor) and all of the rest of the democratic movement (students, popular progressive political parties and so on) must unite, come together, in one forum, to determine a position on the 2004 elections. This May Day therefore, must become a the first step in the initial consolidation towards uniting the movement to participate the 2004 elections. Bring together all of the May Day fronts in all of the cities and regions plus the progressive political parties and peasant unions to begin coming together to determine our position.

For example, look at the poll which was carried out by the Jakarta daily Kompas on January 13. The result of the poll, which was conducted in eight major Indonesian cities (Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, Medan, Palembang, Samarinda, Makasar and Menado), indicated that “the majority of people” “REJECT” all of those “in power” at this time: the government, the parliament and the political elite (86 per cent are disappointed in the government, 67 per cent believe that the people’s representatives are not concerned with the plight of the people and 79 per cent are disappointed with the political elite). Although this poll indicates that the majority of people reject those in power, the number of people who want the Megawati government to replaced totaled only 27 per cent. Certainly, the results of this poll do not provide enough of a reference to see the objective situation. But never the less, the development of dissatisfaction in the form of protest actions strengthens the conclusions of the poll. So the question which follows, the question we can put forward, is why does only 27 per cent of those polled want the government to be replaced?

If the majority reject those in power shouldn’t they also agree with replacing Megawati (who they reject). No comrades, because to reach the point of replacing the Megawati government the people must be clear about who the alternative is. The alternative is clear, as reviled in the poll, it is not the political elite or those who sit in parliament at the moment. Actually it is THE PEOPLE THEMSELVES WHO MUST BECOME THE REPLACEMENT. But what do we mean by the people? There are the workers, farmers, the urban and rural poor, students and other oppressed people. At the moment they are divided; even within the same class or sector they are divided. It is not possible to create such a force, without uniting  the oppressed peoples. Certainly a small section of the people have already begun to build their forces though trade unions, peasant unions, poor people unions, student organisations and progressive political parties. While perhaps they are small, from this starting point we can build a unity and genuine power of all the people. If all of these forces are untied, then it will be possible to confront the power of the oppressive and rotten political parties which presently sit in the parliament. Certainly, the strength of the oppressive political parties can clearly be seen in the outcome of the last elections. This is because we left them to deceive the people into choosing them and not choosing us (whatever our choice; participate in the elections or boycott). Imagine if the strength that we posses was united and presented to the people, continually and consistently articulating the interests of the people and inflaming struggle everywhere?

So we return to the principle question, what is the attitude of the people with regard to the 2004 elections, if for example this poll is seen as a measure? The same. The result is not that the people will automatically choose to boycott (cancel) the 2004 elections this time round. Because without a convincing alternative for the people the people’s choice will be a pragmatic one (the same as the result of the minority who agree with replacing Megawati). Is choosing Golkar [the state ruling party during the regime of former President Suharto] preferable because the when Golkar (Suharto) was in power it was better compared to Megawati or the PDIP. Or choose the National Mandate Party, or the United Development Party, or the National Awakening Party or the Justice Party, or one of the other new parties. This view is often expressed if when we talk with the people, most of whom feel disappointed in the Megawati government and the PDIP. There are many reasons which determine this decision. A small number will perhaps choose to golput and other to join in a boycott. This is what will happen if the democratic and poor people’s movement hand over their power to the oppressors who will then be free to cheat them again in the 2004 elections, or if the movement continues to be divided so that it weak and unable to counter the mass hysteria of the elections.

What then are the choices: Boycott or participate in the election, the result will be far better if all of the democratic and poor people’s movement present a united voice, one position rather than acting separately.

Perhaps in order not to be confused or misunderstand, it is necessary to explain how the different parties and mass organisations would participate in the elections. The mass organisations (trade unions, peasant unions, the urban poor) as well as political parties who are involved in this unity can form a “PARTY for the ELECTIONS”. Or a party which is formed especially for the elections. After the elections are over, this “election party” may then be “disbanded”. The principal goal of involvement in the elections is to broaden the dissemination of propaganda, to raise the political consciousness of the masses. Therefore the main issue in the formation of a party for the elections is located in its campaign PROGRAM. This program must be campaigned and struggled for during the elections and also if this election party then succeeds in obtaining votes in parliament. So the issue of which candidates will be nominated to sit in parliament and the like must be placed under the main goals of the program. Once again, if the strength of the poor and the democratic movement are brought together by forming a “party for the elections” it will not therefore not be difficult, not just a dream, for us to fulfill the conditions for a party to participate in the elections and obtaining votes in parliament. If this occurs in reality it will be in fact the worst nightmare of the authorities. If the people’s consciousness is built and a campaign of mass propaganda carried out the by a united movement or an Election Party it will be capable of obtaining broad mass support and mass demands and have the mass potential to carry out more advance political actions. The ELECTION BOYCOTT movement for example, would be more effective politically if it joined us in this. With a united opposition the anti-people authorities will not be free to oppress the people, issue laws and regulations which oppress the people. Activities of revolutionary struggle within the parliament and in the revolutionary struggle outside of the parliament, are only tools to increase the revolutionary consciousness of the masses, to the point were it is capable of preparing the objective conditions for the masses themselves to carry out revolutionary actions. In this way the people will establish the power of the people for themselves.

An anti-neoliberal women’s movement is born

On March 8, the world commemorated International Women’s Day (IWD). In Jakarta, around 1000 people, the majority being women from the Women’s Claim Alliance (Aliansi Perempuan Menggugat, APM), commemorated the day by condemning the recent increases to fuel prices, calling for a reduction in prices and the resignation of President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

The women’s movement in Indonesia emerged in the mid-1980s along with the rise of the pro-democracy movement struggling against the authoritarian regime of former President Suharto. Over the last 20 years, there has been new and quite meaningful advances in the movement such as the strengthening of the discourse within the feminist movement, the movements against the discrimination and oppression of women; but because of its different perspectives, these currents have often found themselves in conflict with each other.

Discussion groups mushroomed in thousands of non-government organisations which were taking up women’s issues, street actions were coloured by the women’s movement. However, one particular question which did not find an outlet was, can there be a joint platform for this movement? Why has the women’s movement remained fragmented? In the commemorations which were held on March 8 for example, one organisation commemorated the day with a book launch at a luxury hotel, other groups held seminars, while others organised art exhibitions on women’s issues. In a corner of the Hotel Indonesia roundabout in Central Jakarta, a group of housewives carried pots and pans and condemned the recent price increases, while in the afternoon 1000 women held a demonstration which marched to the presidential palace chanting “Reduce Prices, Overthrow Mega!”.

Compared to women’s movement which has developed in other countries, where the normative issues have already shifted to those being taken up by the anti-neoliberal movement, the movement here has certainly been left behind. The destruction of the women’s movement by the Suharto’s New Order regime was appalling. All political participation was suppressed and the freedom to organises was cut off completely. Two decades have since passed, and a new struggle is emerging from scratch to reestablish meaningful political rights. Gradually, this movement is starting to reap the benefits.

The government’s decision to increase the prices of basic goods at the end of 2002, obviously hit women very hard. Women in Indonesian live in a society who structure very patriarchal, where their participation is limited to attending to household affairs. Women were the most affected by the increase in the price of basic goods and medicines. Their anxiety is easy to see in the market corners, on public transport.

Over time, women are becoming aware and have come to a common understanding that these price incenses did not just fall from the sky, rather they are a result of policies intentionally implemented by the Megawati government in accordance with the desires of its master: the imperialist countries. Imperialism implements these policies -- the policies of neoliberalism -- as a solution to overcome the global economic crisis. So the organising of women to become a force of resistance is very important. The birth of APM was based on such conditions.

There have been two large actions carried out by APM. The first action in January 2003, that is a week after the price increase, involved around 800 demonstrators -- the majority being women from non-government organisations or individual housewives. This mobilisation was repeated at IWD, involving some 1000 people. One of the gains which can be highlighted is the type of demands that were raised, they were far more advanced compared to the demands which have emerged in previous actions. Anti-imperialism and anti-militarism are no longer just another ingredient, instead issues such as price increases and violence against women are now grounded on such issues. This was confirmed by the issues taken up by APM such as opposing the US military aggression against Iraq, and the involvement of APM in a number of alliances.

The organisation of women, in the end, obviously cannot be viewed from a singe perspective. A basis for the birth of a more advanced social order, socialism, is the only thing which can end the oppression of women. The basis for the liberation of women is the return of women to involvement in the productive sectors of society. Meaning, without working consistently, jointly to achieve this, it will be impossible to create a news society which is socially just.

A new history is in the making. The mobilisation of thousands of women raising political issues is a new victory. This was perhaps the largest action since the mobilisations organised by Gerwani [a mass women’s organisation affiliated to the Indonesian Communist Party] in the 1960s. In the past the different women’s movements have been polarised around mainstream issues involving normative demands such as protecting reproductive health, domestic violence, the legalisation of abortion and quotas for women in parliament. Women’s groups have gone from opposing price increases to demands opposing imperialism and militarism. This represents a huge leap forward.

A example which is almost identical to what is occurring in Indonesia is the history of the women’s organisation GABRIELA in the Philippines, which represented a democratic coalition between a number of women’s movements. Initially, the platform which untied this movement was issues such as wage discrimination against women. The economic crisis in the later part of the 1970s was what caused the movement to grow. In a patriarchal society, just like Indonesia, the economic crisis, price increases and mass dismissals created considerable concern among women. The gains that were able to be achieved were based on the correctness of the tactics which were used, that is political education and the organisation of the masses on a regular basis. The maturity of GABRIELA furthermore, can be seen from its progress in building a coalition, as well as the its methods of action, that is mass mobilisations.

During the economic crisis, mass mobilisations were held to involve women in increasingly large political actions, which were triggered by the assassination of [Cory Aquino's husband] Senator Benigno Aquino in 1984. A movement which essentially started from economic issues grew to become a political force. Although this movement has become weakened more recently, we can learn from the errors that were made.

Another monumental moment in history can be seen in Chile, during the commemoration of IWD in 1985, when women held massive mobilisations with the demand that the dictator, President General Pinoche resign immediately. The brutality of Pinoche, the abduction and disappearance of thousands of people, triggered a conscious to struggle throughout society, including amongst women.

There is therefore, a great potential for the women’s movement, particularly as the policies of neoliberalism are implemented more harshly. In the future, other gains which need to be won will be drawing together demands over normative issues with the anti-imperialist movement. The strategy which must be followed is to continually orientate our organisational work towards the women’s movement, involving education and mass mobilisations, along with building a front between the women’s movement and other forces. This will not be an easy job, but it is a task which is appropriate and one which must be begun now.