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Capitalist
state equals state terror
Pembebasan Number 5 - February 2003
Pembebasan (Liberation), is published monthly by the Central Leadership Committee of the People’s Democratic Party (KPP-PRD)
Editorial committee
Haris Rusli Moti, Natalia Scholastika, Roysepta Abimanyu, Lukman Hakim, Yusuf Lakaseng, Wibowo Arif, Jakfar, Vivi Widyawati, Aswan Jaya, Kelik Ismunanto, Kamaludin Pane.
Jl Tebet Barat Dalam VIII A No. 4 South Jakarta. Phone: (021) 829 6467. E-mail: koran_prd@hotmail.com. Bank Account: BCA KCP Urip Sumoharjo, 4560567044
Translated by James Balowski
Contents (selected articles)
January 2003, the people's resistance has begun to show it is moving towards a distinct point, in driving towards uniting the struggle of popular power, and finding a way out of the present difficulties. The resistance which has broadened in terms of its political demands, which are becoming more and more advanced, in fact represents a multiplication of all of the feelings of dissatisfaction against earlier decision by the regime of President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz. Over the one and-a-half years in which Mega-Hamzah have been in power, numerous ant-people policies have been enacted, however a reaction of the people and the democratic elements had yet to rise to the surface. The implementation of economic programs such as the sale Indosat and the Release and Discharge of debtors from criminal charges was the initial trigger, but the increases to the price of fuel, electricity and telephone charges which followed was the trigger which gave fruit to the recent massive actions.
If we trace the process of the development of the people’s movement, it can be seen that in previous periods, the people were only restless and angry, however now they are showing their anger in the form of political actions which are much stronger – in action. Workers, farmers, fisherpeople, university and high-school students, the urban poor, housewives and women, drivers and conductors, professionals and others are in motion demanding a reduction in prices and showing their mistrust of the present government and parliament.
In the face of this threat from the people the Mega-Hamzah regime has tried to maintain its authority through the bribe of price reductions which are of no real value. We cannot be tricked, the real issue is not located in the five per cent reduction in the price of fuel and electricity. The central issue being demanded by the people has in fact already focused on the character of the government itself. So united is it that all efforts are being made to defend its continued existence. The issue is none other than neoliberalism, and all its facets and impacts. The regime has set in place a neoliberal/imperialist/colonialist agenda which has brought down the control of the people's economy; which means that all of a sudden the people's politics will be weakened, because if the people's politics are left to grow - from the aspect of their organisational development and political consciousness, this will impede the implementation of this agenda. Because of this brutal repression has been the most logical choice taken by the regime.
The rejection of the policies of the Mega-Hamzah government should be continued and become a rejection of the regime itself. This is the point which has been raised in a number of demands by the people who are taking action. This has not been ignored by the political elite, who have heated up their political trading based on the fires of the people’s struggle who’s fervor continues to increase. The people who are weighed down by frustration and confusion in seeking a way out, are faced with two choices. A majority of the political elite make an offer of a gradual and long-winded solution and ask that the people be patient until the 2004 general elections, not to vote for the Megawati’s Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle but instead vote for their party. Meanwhile democratic groups are trying to provide an immediate solution.
The logic of the movement's history requires the people to seek a way out as quickly as possible. Because if we wait any longer, the suffering burdening the people will become that much greater. Price increases continue to occur, the people's assets continue to be sold off, the corrupters are neither arrested of tried in any serious manner, mass sacking will continue, imported food products will further wipe clean the farmers land and so forth. All of this been proven to be true, and has already provided us with a lesson.
The basis to determine the next steps for the people is to make a careful study the political stage which is developing now. We can be sure that the people's mistrust of the elite in the government and parliament will continue to spread, people's organisations will grow and strengthen as a result of spontaneous and organised resistance. The unification of people's mass organisations from a number of different sectors, which is convinced that it needs to provide an alternative authority to the people has already been born out of the current political rage.
The formation of the National Coalition, is no less than an objective result of the resistance that has been occurring up until now. A political position has been demonstrated by the coalition in raising the platform of rejecting the Megawati government, along with presenting a program of demands as a way out of the present crisis. The National Coalition needs to advance so that it is capable of shaping itself into an alternative government from, by and for the people, to demand broader participation by the people, student and peasant organisations, trade unions, women's organisation, the urban poor and so on. This also requires the development of the National Coalition's structure at the regional, city and district level.
All elements of the people need to invest their convictions in the wave of people's resistance which is now in flowing and seeking its estuary. The government's bribes will only be capable of containing a small ripple in the movement, because the preparations to form an alternative - in order that it become that estuary - for all of this resistance must be given serious effort. Let us unite in action together!
An alternative government if Mega-Hamzah fall
By Max Lane
Since the announcement of increases to the prices of fuel, electricity and telephone charges, demonstrations have occurred in almost all parts of Indonesia. Although most of these demonstrations have been organised by students, workers, housewives and ordinary people have also been involved. The demonstrations have been much larger that those which occurred in 2002. The political spectrum represented in the demonstrations has also been much broader. Aside from student action groups such as BEM (Student Executive Bodies), FAMRED (Student Front of Reform and Democracy) and KAMMI (Islamic Students Action Front), popular social-democratic organisations such as the PRD, trade unions and youths from the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Justice Party have also been involved. Also not left behind have been organisations such as the Voice of Concerned Housewives and various other types of groups have also been involved in the actions. The development of the existing situation shows signs that these actions will continue roll on.
In talk-shows on television and newspaper articles in a number of newspapers, a number of people from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle [PDIP, the party of President Megawati Sukarnoputri] have also “admitted” that the manner in which the price increases were announced may have been lacking in elegance or perhaps it was not the right time, occurring so close to the new year for example. There have also been those who have claimed that the actions are being manipulated by third parties (who ever they might be).
In fact we should not be surprised at the emergence of these demonstration in numbers which are greater than 2002. There are two main factors which have determined this process.
The first factor is that many people feel that the price increases are part of a series of government decisions which continue to burden ordinary people or which have “disregard” the interests of the people. Over 2002 there have been many incidents which have hurt the people’s feeling of justice. When thousands of Indonesian workers were deported from Malaysia the government was silent so that the migrant workers, a part of who’s income has contributed to the state foreign exchange, were left without facilities in places like Nunukan [a tiny island ofd the coast of East Kalimantan]. There have been a number of cases of arbitrary sackings which have added hundreds of thousands to the number of unemployed. There have been price fluctuations which have hurt sugar cane, tobacco, soybean and rice farmers as a result of the polices of the Megawati government and the IMF. There have also been increases in the cost of higher education and many other incidents and developments which reflect on a government which does not side with the “little people”.
This process will continue because the economic strategy which is being pursued by the Megawati government and the IMF will further worsen the economic situation. The IMF’s recipe of privatisation of state owned industries, deregulation of the market, including abolishing protection of domestic industry and agriculture, the opening up of the national market though greater regional autonomy, receiving loans thorough the IMF and the abolition of subsidies, is the strategy which is been pursued in a number of Third World countries and in all of them it has plunged them further into crisis. The flame of frustration and protest will in turn continue.
Protests and alternatives
In the latest wage of protests, demands that the Mega-Hamzah government step down have become increasingly widespread.
There are also activists who continue to work on the ground in a different sectors such as student organisations, trade unions, peasant unions, the urban poor movement and those who have become activists in political parties who have offered an alternative program, for example the PRD and the Indonesian United Democratic Party (PUDI). There are also new parties which are interested in and have declared themselves to be rooted in the movements, although they have yet to be tested. However it should be noted that the Bung Karno Nationalist Party (PNBK) has succeeded in mobilising the masses to joining protests against the most recent price increases.
Elements from a broad social and political spectrum have carried out a significant amount good research, analysis and thought, though debates and arguments, to formulate a way out for the Indonesian people in the face of the present crisis. This spectrum of organisations and individuals are far more capable than the government institutions themselves which are well established in and trapped by the mythos and propaganda of the Western elite [which they believe] will bring the Indonesian nation out of this prolonged crisis.
The other sector from this world “outside of the elite” is the majority of oppressed people themselves, who are made up of millions of people who are not yet actively forming their own organisations. These millions of people, with all of their experience, energy, imagination and emotions, are desperately needed as the driving force of change.
An alternative program
But we are only speaking here about the composition of an alternative government in sociological terms, that is “who” the government will be. What is also important, or of even greater importance is, “what” kind of government, what kind of program will it have? Any effort to establish a coalition of political opposition will be pointless and be unable to develop if it does not have an alternative program which is correct and convincing.
From this analysis, thinking and research by different groups in civil society it is very clear what the main content of such a program should be. Firstly, domestic industry and agriculture must be protected from the voracious attacks by Western conglomerates. Import tariffs on key goods which are produced domestically must be increased and imports controlled centrally. Secondly, the rupiah cannot allowed to be played with by international speculators. Thirdly, the payment of long-term foreign debt must be frozen so that the Indonesia’s foreign exchange can be used for domestic development programs and subsidies to basic goods and fuel can be reestablished.
Fourthly, there must be an increase in joint work in the economies of Third World nations in the framework of building a strategic alliance against the political and economic manipulation of the West. Fifthly, the large conglomerates and industries which control the central pillars of the economy must be nationalised. This in itself means severing the relationship with the IMF and the World Bank.
But in order to carry out such a program there is a special need which must be fulfilled by an alternative coalition. The coalition must be capable of mobilising the oppressed people to actively join in winning and implementing such a program. Moreover, success in fully carrying out such a program depends on the active involvement of ordinary people. The ideas and productive energy of the people cannot continue to be left idle.
The principle wealth of Indonesia is not oil, gas, gold or mining, but the 220 million people of Indonesia. If only ten million of these people are active, meaning they organise themselves, the Indonesian economy can be built effectively and a government organised which is truly controlled by and is from the people.
In fact the possibility of following this course is already open. It is therefore the responsibility of civil society and all elements of the reform movement to no longer just demand reforms or concessions from the existing political elite.
The spectrum of political alternatives must put itself forward, together with the people, as an alternative to the present government of the political elite. What is needed now is a “presidium” which originates outside of the elite one which comes from “below”, from the people. A “people’s national congress” could assist in explaining “who” and “what” an alternative government might be.
If such a coalition comes forward to answer the aspirations of the people, history will decide if the process of reform in Indonesia will be through the general elections [in 2004] or through a process of people’s power or a combination of these factors.
[Max Lane is a Visiting Fellow from the Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation Studies, University of Wollongong, NSW Australia.]