Suherdjoko and Syamsul Huda M. Suhari, Jepara, Central Java/Gorontalo – Young people across the archipelago commemorated Youth Pledge Day, which falls every Oct. 28, with a range of events on Tuesday.

In Jepara, Central Java, university students from the province and from other universities in West Java celebrated the occasion by conducting a diving event on the Karimunjawa Islands.

"We want to show that we have a priceless, precious marine heritage that deserves preservation," explained Vinni Nurizky, a student at Semarang Diponegoro University.

Participants brought with them a banner, which they unfurled at a depth of 13 to 18 meters beneath the surface, tying it to the pillars of Karimunjawa pier. They also planted the Indonesian flag on the seabed.

Vinni said that the younger generation had to be made aware of the nation's rich marine biodiversity, especially given President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's express focus on the maritime and marine world.

In Gorontalo, some 150 students of the Gorontalo State University's (UNG) School of Literature and Culture celebrated Youth Pledge Day by performing a mime in the town center. In their black-and-white costumes, the group drew the attention of passersby.

They walked about six kilometers between 3:30 p.m. and 5:30 p.m. local time, stopping on the way at spots including the UNG campus, Tugu Saronde and the crossroads in front of RRI Gorontalo radio station.

"This is our way of honoring the Youth Pledge. This is the face of Indonesian youth today," claimed Ipin Sastra, a member of the organizing committee. The group mimed different expressions, from anger and silliness to joy. No narration was read out except the recitation of the Youth Pledge at the end of every performance, with all the performers raising their fists to the sky.

The celebration of Youth Pledge Day was also marked by a number of protests staged by university students focusing on causes of complaint such as poverty and the planned fuel price hike.

In Makassar, South Sulawesi, sporadic protests were held in a number of places. The protesters conveyed their demands to the new government. At least three rallies ended in clashes between protesters and the police.

Meanwhile, in East Manggarai regency, Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, 224 students of Waemokel Catholic senior high school celebrated Youth Pledge Day by conducting speech and poetry-reading competitions.

Themed "the role of the younger generation in development", the event also featured regional dances including the traditional Congka Sae dance.

One entrant in the speech contest, Yohanes Paskalis Jai, used his speech to call on Indonesian students to avoid alcoholic drinks, drugs and other evils. "I ask young people to act positively. We have to be creative with our ability to improve the nation's dignity," he said.

School principal Robertus Wahab said that the speech competition was held to help motivate students to study and to give them the chance to express their thoughts in a healthy competition.

[Andi Hajramurni from Makassar and Markus Makur from Flores also contributed to this story.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/29/youth-pledge-day-celebrated-nationwide-with-fanfare-protests.html

West Papua

Journalists jailed in West Papua set to be freed

New Matilda - October 29, 2014

Amy McQuire – In spite of the outcome, free press advocates are warning the charges laid against a pair of French journalists could make it even harder to report from the province. Amy McQuire reports.

Two French journalists held without charge for the past 11 weeks in the Indonesian province of West Papua are due to be released today after they were convicted of breaking immigration laws to report on the notoriously media-shy area.

But there are concerns their conviction will only make it harder for foreign journalists to work in the province, where allegations of widespread human rights violations on behalf of the police and military on the Indigenous West Papuans continue.

Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat were given a two and a half month prison sentence last week, but have already served the term of their sentence.

Dandois and Bourrat were arrested on August 6 in the town of Wamena while filming a documentary for the Franco-German TV channel Arte. They were transported and detained in the capital of Jayapura.

Both journalists were on tourist visas and were arrested on immigration charges. It is extremely hard for foreign journalists to obtain a visa and many enter on tourist visas but risk deportation if they are uncovered. Those who are granted a rare journalists visa are escorted under strict conditions.

Both journalists faced up to five years in jail for entering on tourist, rather than journalist visas. Prosecutors originally sought a four-month sentence during the trial.

When Dandois and Bourrat were arrested, local Papuan police told media there were doubts they were working as journalists, and were potentially looking at charges for subversion.

While both journalists will be released, human rights groups and media watchdogs have condemned their detention.

Human Rights Watch's Phelim Kine said the journalists' conviction indicated Indonesia will continue to exercise a "repressive chokehold" over West Papua.

"Indonesian police had hinted that Dandois and Bourrat, who were producing a documentary on the restive province for Franco-German Arte TV, might face "subversion" charges for allegedly filming members of the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM)," Mr Kine said in a statement.

"But the rhetoric masked the government's anger that the two journalists had run afoul of its decades-old policy of preventing foreign media scrutiny of Papua. That policy makes it nearly impossible for journalists to report freely from the province

"Obstructions to foreign media access include requiring foreign reporters to get special official permission to visit the island.

"The government rarely approves these applications or else delays processing, hampering efforts by journalists and independent groups to report on breaking news events. Journalists who do get official permission are invariably shadowed by official minders, who strictly control their movements and access to interviewees.

"The government justifies its restrictions on media access as a necessary security precaution due to the ongoing conflict with the small and poorly organised OPM."

Reporters Without Borders welcomed the release of the journalists, but said they should never have been convicted for doing legitimate reporting. "It is a big relief to know that Dandois and Bourrat will soon be released," the group's secretary-general Christophe Deloire said.

"Any other outcome would have set a terrible precedent for media freedom in Indonesia. We stress that, according to the principles of international law, they did not commit any crime by courageously undertaking their investigative reporting in Indonesia."

The Committee to Protect Journalists echoed those concerns. "Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat should never have been jailed for immigration violations," said CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Bob Dietz.

"The conviction and sentencing call attention to local authorities sensitivity to scrutiny, and could intimidate journalists who seek to shine a light on Indonesia s restive provinces."

It is notoriously difficult for foreign journalists to gain access to the province, which has been under Indonesian control since the late 60s.

The media ban and the reported intimidation of local journalists and sources has meant recurring allegations of human rights violations against the ethnically Melanesian Indigenous population are largely left off the international radar.

The new Indonesia President Joko Wikodo has indicated he will lift the media ban in West Papua. He was inaugurated on the same day as the trial.

There were also hopes the new President might influence Australia's foreign policy, which has been consistently supportive of Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua.

Earlier this month the Senate passed a motion proposed by Greens Senator Richard Di Natale calling on the Australian government to request the release of Ms Bourrat and Mr Dandois. The motion passed following technical amendments from Foreign Minister Julie Bishop's office.

"This motion goes to two specific issues," Senator Di Natale told the upper house. "One is the issue of journalism and journalism right around the world being under attack. We have recently seen the issue of the Australian journalist Peter Greste incarcerated in Egypt after a show trial but we cannot advocate for people like Peter Greste and stay silent on the issue of the arbitrary detention of journalists in West Papua like the two French journalists who were doing nothing wrong other than reporting the truth."

Senator Di Natale told New Matilda earlier this month it was a "huge shock" that the government had decided to back the motion. But it is doubtful whether this would signal any significant shift in policy.

The journalists' lawyer Aristo Pangaribuan told Reporters Without Borders that while the release was good news "legally speaking it isn't". "This judgment sets a precedent which might be used by the authorities in the future to justify surveillance or arrests of foreign journalists in the region."

Source: https://newmatilda.com/2014/10/27/journalists-jailed-west-papua-set-be-freed

NZ protest calls for media freedom in West Papua

Radio New Zealand International - October 29, 2014

Protestors staged a demonstration outside Indonesia's embassy in New Zealand today, calling for media freedom in West Papua.

This follow's last week's conviction of two French journalists for misusing their tourist visas to work in Indonesia's Papua province. The pair, who were arrested and detained in August, were sentenced in Jayapura to two and half months in prison.

The protestors in Wellington questioned how Indonesia can call itself a democracy when local and foreign journalists are prevented from doing their jobs in West Papua.

They also called for Indonesia to free the dozens of known political prisoners languishing in Papua jails. One of the protestors, Tekura Moekaa, read a poem she wrote, searching for understanding of Indonesia's record in West Papua.

"When Japan invaded Indonesia, only twenty years before Indonesia occupied West Papua, Indonesia and its people experienced similar if not the same situations the people of West Papua are going through. However later Indonesia were signed and allowed their independence. Why would you do unto others as have been done unto you?"

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/258091/nz-protest-calls-for-media-freedom-in-west-papua

Police, soldiers suspected of arming Papua separatists

Jakarta Globe - October 29, 2014

Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura – Authorities in Papua have arrested a police officer and are questioning three soldiers suspected of supplying ammunition to an armed separatist cell blamed for attacks that killed at least six police officers in the past three years.

The officer in custody, identified only as A.J., a police brigadier, was arrested on Sunday along with six suspected members of a cell of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) led by Pinus "Rambo" Wenda, who was also netted in the bust.

"We can confirm that one of our men was arrested and is suspected of having supplied ammunition to an armed criminal group," Insp. Gen. Yotje Mende, the chief of the Papua Police, told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday.

He said the bust took place in a hotel in Wamena, in Papua's Jayawijaya district, in which police also found two rifle magazines and dozens of rounds of ammunition.

"We've had an eye on [A.J.] for a while now, but it's only now that we've been able to catch him in a position where we can charge him," Yotje said. "We're questioning him intensively to determine where he got the ammunition, whether he stole it or some other means."

Yotje said A.J. had claimed to investigators that his uncle, a retired soldier, was also involved in supplying ammunition to Rambo's cell.

The provincial military commander said separately that his office was questioning a retired soldier and two serving ones about their alleged role in the case.

The police are handling the investigation into the retired soldier, according to Maj. Gen. Fransen Siahaan, the head of the Cendrawasih Military Command in Jayapura, which oversees military operations for the whole of Papua.

"The two others are still serving in the force and are being investigated by the Military Police," Fransen told the Globe on Tuesday. "If they're found to be involved in supplying ammunition to the OPM, I will discharge them. We won't tolerate any armed forces personnel who does that. We're going to find out how long they've been doing this."

War drums

Police have not named A.J. or any of the soldiers as a suspect in the case, but they have already designated the six suspected OPM members as such.

Police also shot Rambo in the leg during the hotel raid on Sunday, claiming he tried to resist arrest.

The capture of Rambo, one of the most wanted OPM operatives in recent years, has prompted a threat of an armed backlash from the separatist group.

"We demand that the police immediately release our comrade, Rambo Wenda, or else we and all Papuan people will declare war and will target all non- Papuans in Papua," Puron Wenda, the commander of the OPM in Lanny Jaya province, the organization's stronghold, told the Globe by phone on Tuesday.

He added that police had until Thursday to release Rambo and the five others, "otherwise we will beat the drums of war."

Puron said he had also phoned Yotje, the police chief, to make the demand – a claim that Yotje confirmed. "But I refused to communicate with them because they're criminals," Yotje said.

Rambo is blamed for more than a dozen attacks on police stations and convoys since 2005 in Puncak Jaya and Lanny Jaya districts, and the deaths of at least six police officers since 2011.

The OPM, which is outlawed by the Indonesian government, has waged a low- level armed insurgency against the Indonesian security forces since 1965.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/police-soldiers-suspected-arming-papua-separatists/

Brutal new defence minister undermines Jokowi's overtures to West Papua

Crikey.com - October 29, 2014

Nic Maclellan – Writing in Crikey yesterday, Indonesia analyst Jim Della- Giacoma said the appointment of retired general Ryamizard Ryacudu as new Indonesian Defence Minister "could have been worse". But if you're West Papuan, it's hard to see how.

During his election campaign, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo travelled twice to West Papua, promising a new era of dialogue between Jakarta and Jayapura. Last August, Jokowi met with West Papuan political, community and church leaders, outlining new policies for the troubled region. He pledged greater access for foreign journalists, stating: "Why not? It's safe here in Papua. There's nothing to hide."

But the Indonesian President's appointment of Ryacudu as Defence Minister threatens to undermine these commitments. The choice of a hard-line former military general for this senior cabinet post is likely to undo Jokowi's cautious steps towards reconciliation in West Papua.

Successive Indonesian presidents have regarded the provinces of Papua and West Papua as an integral part of the Indonesian republic, cracking down on West Papuan nationalists who promote the right to self-determination or call for independence.

Since Indonesia's takeover in the early 1960s and the 1969 Act of Free Choice, Indonesia's police and military forces have committed extensive human rights abuses. The Indonesian Armed Forces have marginalised the West Papuan guerrilla movement Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) but are struggling to control a new generation of student and community activists who are calling for independence.

In spite of Indonesia's post-1998 democratic advances, West Papua remains an area with little international monitoring on the ground (the recent arrest, detention and trial of two French journalists for meeting with independence activists is a sign the security forces are still hostile to international scrutiny).

The new Defence Minister is an ally of former Indonesian president Megawati Sukarnoputri, and his appointment reflects her influence with the new Jokowi administration. Ryacudu was chief of the Indonesian army's strategic command (Kostrad) in 2000-02 and then army chief of staff between 2002 and 2005.

During his time in the Indonesian military, Ryacudu was notorious for his hostility to Indonesian human rights activists, expressed doubts about civilian control of the military and downplayed concerns over human rights violations by the Indonesian military in Aceh and West Papua.

A decade ago, Ryacudu led the implementation of martial law in Aceh, with a crackdown on the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM), or Free Aceh Movement. In May 2003, he told Time Magazine: "Our job is to destroy GAM's military capability. Issues of justice, religion, autonomy, social welfare, education? Those are not the Indonesian military's problems."

In response to reports that Indonesian soldiers had executed unarmed children during the martial law crackdown, he stated: "If they are armed and fire, they will be shot, because children – and women – can kill, too."

Ryacudu also played an important role in the crushing of the "Papuan Spring", the period between 1998 and 2001 when West Papuans met to propose new options for self-determination. In 1998, as the Suharto regime collapsed, the West Papuan church, NGOs and indigenous leaders formed the Forum for Reconciliation in Irian Jaya (FORERI). In February 2000, the Papuan Mass Consultation (MUBES) was held in Jayapura to discuss democracy and self-determination. Supported by then-Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid, this popular congress was a crucial but short-lived moment of hope for West Papuans.

A key outcome of the congress was the creation of the Papua Presidium Council, led by Chief Theys Eluay, a key indigenous leader who proposed dialogue rather than conflict with Jakarta. But Eluay was murdered by Indonesian soldiers on November 10, 2001, shortly after attending an event at the Kopassus Special Forces base near Jayapura – Indonesian military officials initially denied responsibility for the killing, but after campaigning by human rights activists, seven low-ranking soldiers were eventually brought before a military court. These soldiers were found guilty in 2003 but only served short prison sentences.

At the time, Ryacudu praised Eluay's murderers as heroes, stating: "I don't know, people say they did wrong, they broke the law. What law? OK, we are a state based on the rule of law, so they have been punished. But for me, they are heroes because the person they killed was a rebel leader."

Today, Indonesian human rights activists, academics and solidarity groups have all expressed concern about Jokowi's new Defence Minister, and the potential for further conflict in West Papua.

Joe Collins of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) states: "The people of West Papua live in fear of security operations in the territory and the appointment of Ryamizard Ryacudu as Defence Minister can only add to this fear. There was some hope that the election of Jokowi would bring an easing of tension in West Papua, but with Ryamizard Ryacudu's appointment it looks like there could be a continuation of solving issues of concern in West Papua by the security approach, not by dialogue."

The Indonesian President can talk of dialogue, but ongoing human rights violations in West Papua by Indonesian police and military will undercut this initiative and continue to sour regional relations.

For Australia, the issue of self-determination in Melanesia will not go away. The French Pacific dependency of New Caledonia is scheduled to hold a referendum on self-determination before the end of 2018. Bougainville is moving towards a decision on its political status after nearly a decade of autonomous government. Self-determination will remain on the agenda in West Papua, even though governments in Canberra, Jakarta and Port Moresby regard it as a taboo subject.

[Nic Maclellan, a journalist and researcher in the Pacific islands.]

Source: http://www.crikey.com.au/2014/10/29/brutal-new-defence-minister-undermines-jokowis-overtures-to-west-papua/?wpmp_switcher=mobile

Yohana is first female Papuan minister

Jakarta Post - October 28, 2014

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura – Yohana Susana Yembise might have had a bitter pill to swallow when she was defeated as a candidate to become the 2014-2019 Biak Numfor regent in Papua, but she was headed for a better future after being appointed as the minister for women's empowerment and child protection in the administration of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo. She replaced Linda Amalia Sari.

Yohana, fondly called Yo, ran to become Biak Numfor regent with her running mate Friets G. Sanadi, but lost to the pair of Yesaya Sombuk and Thomas AE Ondi, who were sworn in on March 23.

Yo, who was installed as Papua's first female professor in November 2012, had no other wish than to write books. "I've achieved the highest title in the academic field and it's time for me to write books," she told The Jakarta Post two weeks before her appointment as minister.

She said she saw the regency election as a hands-on experience and a political learning process. She even conducted her own survey to find out why she lost the election.

"I approached the residents one by one and they said they liked me but they could not elect me because earlier they had made commitments to another candidate who had provided them cash aid to build a house of worship and for other needs. So I was failed by money," she said.

Yo said she remained positive by working on a book about gender and political issues in Papua.

Born in Manokwari, West Papua, on Oct. 1, 1958, Yo has lectured at the school of pedagogy and teacher training at Cenderawasih University since 1987.

After earning an applied linguistics diploma from the Regional Language Center (RELC), SEAMEO Singapore in 1992, she completed a Master's degree program at the education department of Simon Fraser University in Canada in 1994.

She earned her doctorate in 2007 from the University of Newcastle in Australia. In 2011, she was a member of the joint selection team of the Australian Development Scholarship (now Australia Awards) in Indonesia. The mother of three was enthusiastic in encouraging Papuan women to pursue higher education overseas.

"My team from Cenderawasih University is currently mapping out the number of highly educated women in Papua and designing positions for them. The program enables me to prepare intellectual women in Papua to become professors in the future," she said.

Pastor Neles Tebay, head of the Fajar Timur Theological Academy in Abepura, Jayapura, believed that Yohana's selection as a minister could inspire other women in Papua. "Jokowi has raised the hopes of women in Papua that they could become ministers in the country," he said.

Neles said he considered that naming a woman from Papua as minister was part of Jokowi's "mental revolution" because people are accustomed to imagining men when they speak about ministers from Papua.

Back at home, Yo has secured a special place in the hearts of her three children. "One of mum's gifts is cooking. For me, there is no other food that is as delicious as mum's," Marcia, 27, Yohana's eldest daughter, wrote in an e-mail to the Post.

Marcia, a Fullbright scholar, has finished her graduate study at Loyola University in Chicago, the US. The second daughter, Dina Maria, 18, is currently studying climatology in London, the UK. Yo's youngest is Bernie, 16, a senior high school student in Timika.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/28/yohana-first-female-papuan-minister.html

Freeport Indonesia union plans one-month strike at copper mine

Reuters - October 27, 2014

Jakarta – Workers at Freeport-McMoRan's giant Indonesian copper mine plan to go on strike for a month from next week, a union official said on Monday, after the company failed to make changes to local management following a fatal accident.

Earlier this month, hundreds of angry protesters blocked access for two days to the open-pit area of the Grasberg complex, where production was temporarily suspended following the death of four workers on Sept. 27.

The remote copper mine is one of the largest in the world and any prolonged disruption could support prices of the metal, which have fallen almost 10 percent this year.

Three Freeport unions have agreed to take strike action from Nov. 6 until Dec. 6 to pursue demands including the appointment of new managers, Albar Sabang, a senior official at a Freeport union, told Reuters. Sabang's union has about 9,100 members.

"The purpose of the strike is of course to stop production so there will be pressure for the Freeport Indonesia management to answer to our demands," Sabang told Reuters by text message.

Freeport, which employs around 24,000 workers, declined to comment on Monday. About three-quarters of the workforce belong to a union.

Relations between Freeport and the unions have been strained in recent years following a three-month strike in late 2011 as well as a series of minor disputes.

In addition to the four workers killed in the collision involving a truck last month, 28 people were killed after a tunnel collapsed in May last year.

Indonesia's mine ministry investigated the Sept. 27 accident and asked the company to introduce changes to safety procedures and policies before allowing open-pit mining to resume.

Three weeks ago, the Freeport Indonesia union warned of fresh protests, blockades or strike action if workers' safety concerns and other demands were ignored.

A union letter detailing the planned strike was sent on Oct. 23 to Freeport's local CEO, Rozik Soetjipto, the chief executive and chairman of the Arizona-based firm and various government officials.

Under normal conditions, the Grasberg open pit produces around 140,000 metric tons of copper ore per day and the underground mine about 80,000 tons.

Although the copper market is broadly expected to be in surplus next year, one trader said, an extended strike could tighten regional concentrate supply, with the market not far from balanced at the moment. Freeport's concentrate is low in impurities.

Freeport, one of the biggest tax payers in Southeast Asia's largest economy, only recently resolved a tax dispute with the government that halted exports for months and frayed relations.

Should the Freeport strike go ahead as planned, it may be the first big test for Indonesia's newly appointed energy and mineral resources minister, Sudirman Said.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/business/freeport-indonesia-union-plans-one-month-strike-copper-mine/

Arrest of French journalists shows Indonesia's Papua paranoia: Activist

Jakarta Post - October 26, 2014

Jakarta – Human Rights Watch (HRW) deputy Asia director Phelim Kine says the arrest and conviction of two French journalists, Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat, reflects the Indonesian government's willingness to steamroll over journalists' rights in order to keep foreign media from reporting on Papua.

In a release made available to The Jakarta Post on Saturday, Kine said Indonesian police had hinted that Dandois and Bourrat, who were producing a documentary on the restive province for Franco-German Arte TV, might face "subversion" charges for allegedly filming members of the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM).

"The rhetoric masked the government's anger that the two journalists had run afoul of its decades-old policy of preventing foreign media scrutiny of Papua. That policy makes it nearly impossible for journalists to report freely from the province," said Kine.

The Jayapura District Court convicted Dandois and Bourrat of "abusive use of entry visas" on Friday. The two journalists, who have been detained since Aug. 6, will be freed on Monday based on the time they have already served.

Kine said that among the obstructions to foreign media access, the Indonesian government requires foreign reporters to get special official permission to visit Papua. However, it rarely approves these applications or else delays processing them, hampering efforts by journalists and independent groups to report breaking news.

"Journalists who do get official permission are invariably shadowed by official minders, who strictly control their movements and access to interviewees," said Kine.

It was further said the government had consistently arrested and jailed Papuan protesters for peacefully advocating independence or other political change, with more than 60 Papuan activists now in prison on "treason" charges.

Kine said President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, who took office on Oct. 20, would hopefully lift official obstacles preventing foreign journalists and international organizations from visiting Papua.

Jokowi visited Papua during the election campaign and assured journalists that the government "has nothing to hide" on the island.

"Dandois' and Bourrat's plight suggests that the government still has plenty to hide and will punish those who challenge its repressive chokehold on foreign media access to Papua," said Kine. (ebf)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/26/arrest-french-journalists-shows-ri-s-papua-paranoia-activist.html

Dispatches: Indonesia's Papua paranoia jails foreign journalists

Human Rights Watch - October 24, 2014

Phelim Kine – Indonesia's media freedom sustained a worrying blow on Friday when a court in Jayapura, on the country's easternmost island of Papua, convicted French journalists Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat of "abusive use of entry visas."

The two journalists – detained since August 6 – will be freed on Monday based on time-served. But their arrest and conviction reflects the Indonesian government's willingness to steamroll journalists' rights in order to keep foreign media from reporting from Papua.

Indonesian police had hinted that Dandois and Bourrat, who were producing a documentary on the restive province for Franco-German Arte TV, might face "subversion" charges for allegedly filming members of the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM). But the rhetoric masked the government's anger that the two journalists had run afoul of its decades-old policy of preventing foreign media scrutiny of Papua. That policy makes it nearly impossible for journalists to report freely from the province.

Obstructions to foreign media access include requiring foreign reporters to get special official permission to visit the island. The government rarely approves these applications or else delays processing, hampering efforts by journalists and independent groups to report on breaking news events. Journalists who do get official permission are invariably shadowed by official minders, who strictly control their movements and access to interviewees.

The government justifies its restrictions on media access as a necessary security precaution due to the ongoing conflict with the small and poorly organized OPM. Tensions heightened in Papua in February 2013 following a suspected OPM attack on Indonesian military forces that killed eight soldiers – the worst act of violence against the military in the area in more than 10 years. The government also consistently arrests and jails Papuan protesters for peacefully advocating independence or other political change. More than 60 Papuan activists are in prison on "treason" charges.

There have been hopes that President Joko Widodo, who took office on October 20, would lift official obstacles for foreign journalists and international organizations to visit Papua. Widodo visited Papua during the election campaign and assured journalists that the government "has nothing to hide" on the island. Dandois and Bourrat's plight suggests that the government still has plenty to hide and will punish those who challenge its repressive chokehold on foreign media access to Papua.

Source: http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/10/24/dispatches-indonesia-s-papua-paranoia-jails-foreign-journalists

French journalists' Papua jail terms spark calls for reform

Agence France Presse - October 24, 2014

Jayapura – Two French journalists were on Friday handed short jail terms for illegally reporting in Papua, sparking calls for the new Indonesian government to lift long-standing restrictions on foreigners covering the restive province.

Thomas Dandois, 40, and Valentine Bourrat, 29, were each given a two and a half month jail term, but will walk free on Monday after having already served the time in custody awaiting trial.

They expressed relief, with Dandois telling reporters: "I want to return to Paris as soon as possible in see my family."

The pair were detained at the start of August while making a documentary for Franco-German television channel Arte about the separatist movement in eastern Papua.

Indonesia is deeply sensitive about journalists covering Papua, where a low-level insurgency against the central government has simmered for decades, and rarely grants visas for foreigners to report independently in the region.

Indonesia's Independent Alliance of Journalists said it was the first time that foreign journalists have been tried for immigration violations in Papua, while rights groups called for new Indonesian President Joko Widodo to drop curbs on reporting there.

"The Jokowi administration should... lift restrictions for independent journalists to visit Papua," said Andreas Harsono, a Jakarta-based researcher for Human Rights Watch, using the new president's nickname.

Widodo, the country's first leader from outside the political and military elite, was sworn in Monday, with many hoping for a fresh new style of government in the world's third-biggest democracy.

Dandois's brother Marc echoed the sentiment, telling reporters at the court it was important "for journalists all over the world to be able to do their jobs freely without any obstacles". "I am proud of Thomas."

'Criminalising journalism'

In the past, foreign journalists caught reporting illegally from Papua have been quickly deported. But Dandois and Bourrat's case went to trial, and the pair were charged with breaking immigration laws since they had tourist, not journalist visas.

The pair could have faced up to five years in jail but in the end prosecutors recommended a much shorter sentence, saying they had admitted their mistake.

Handing down the verdict Friday, chief judge Martinus Bala told the court in Jayapura, the capital of Papua province, that the journalists had "been proven legitimately and convincingly guilty of the crime of conducting activities that are not in line with the permit given to them".

He also ordered them to pay a two million rupiah ($170) fine each or spend an extra month in jail. Their lawyer Aristo Pangaribuan said the pair did not plan to appeal.

While welcoming the short sentence, he warned: "From a legal perspective, this is not very good because it opens the door for the criminalisation of journalistic activities."

Foreign journalists can apply for visas to report from Papua, but in reality they are rarely granted. Under the current system, 18 different government agencies have to give their approval, Harsono said.

Dandois was detained at a hotel in the city of Wamena with members of separatist group the Free Papua Movement (OPM), and Bourrat was detained shortly afterwards, according to authorities.

The OPM has been at the forefront of the fight against the central government in the resource-rich but poor and ethnically Melanesian region.

Source: http://www.ndtv.com/article/world/french-journalists-papua-jail-terms-spark-calls-for-reform-611304

French journalists Dandois and Bourrat receive two-month sentence

Sydney Morning Herald - October 24, 2014

Michael Bachelard, Jakarta – Two French journalists have been sentenced to two months and 15 days imprisonment in an Indonesian jail for reporting in the West Papua province while on a tourist visa.

The sentence means Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat will be out of prison and free to return to France next week.

Bourrat's mother, who had pleaded for her daughter's release, said from Paris it was "very good news". But their lawyer, Aristo M.A. Pangaribuan, said there was no room for celebration because "the sentence still criminalises journalistic work".

He said a priority for Indonesia's new president Joko Widodo should be to ease restrictions on foreign reporting in the two Papuan provinces, Indonesia's easternmost and among its poorest regions.

"If the new government really wants to start development in Papua, then it should be transparent about what they are doing in Papua by letting in foreign journalists," Mr Aristo said. "Otherwise it's just rhetoric."

Mr Joko had, during the presidential election campaign, indicated that he may ease restrictions.

Mr Aristo argued to the court that the French pair were not actually carrying out journalistic work, and were only conducting research.

Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Christophe Deloire said the sentence was a "big relief" and that "any other outcome would have set a terrible precedent for media freedom in Indonesia".

Under international legal principles – which endorse reporting without valid visas where the legal regime is too restrictive – they had committed no offence.

Mr Deloire said Indonesia's low ranking in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index, 132nd out of 180 countries, is due in part to the lack of transparency and restrictions on reporting in Papua.

The two reporters were caught by police in the highlands capital of Wamena on August 5 while filming a documentary for Franco-German TV station Arte on the West Papuan separatist movement – a notoriously touchy subject for the Indonesian state.

For reporting from the province, authorities require a journalist visa and a special permission letter, both of which are difficult to get. Even so, most reporters caught with tourist visas are simply deported.

The prosecutor, Sukanda, had sought a four-month prison sentence after previously saying he would seek the full five years available under Indonesian immigration law. He told the court on Thursday that the call for the five-year sentence was to act as a deterrent to other foreign reporters.

He also said an aggravating factor in the case was the possibility that the reporters "may report negatively on Indonesia overseas".

The case has highlighted again the extreme sensitivity with which Indonesian authorities regard independent journalism in West Papua, which as hosted a low-level separatist movement since it was incorporated into the Indonesian state in 1969.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/french-journalists-thomas-dandois-and-valentine-bourrat-receive-twomonth-sentence-20141024-11b9pb.html

Human rights & justice

President Widodo rapped over hardline defence minister Ryamizard Ryacudu

Agence France Presse - October 29, 2014

Jakarta – Indonesia's reformist new president Joko Widodo has come under fire for appointing a hardline ex-general as defence minister, with activists saying on Wednesday it marks a step backwards for human rights.

Widodo, the country's first leader from outside the political and military elites, surprised observers by naming former army chief of staff Ryamizard Ryacudu to his cabinet at the weekend.

Activists have alleged that abuses took place during his leadership of military operations to quash separatist groups in Aceh, on western Sumatra island, and in the eastern region of Papua.

In 2003, he was criticised for praising a group of soldiers who had been jailed for killing a Papuan pro-independence leader as "heroes". "There is a pessimism that he will respect human rights," said Al Araf of prominent rights group Imparsial.

John M. Miller from the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network added: "The appointment of a hardliner like Ryamizard Ryacudu tells us that President Widodo is not serious about promoting human rights or reaching out to Papua."

However the United States, a key ally of Indonesia, sought to play down the concerns.

"We are certainly aware of the allegations of human rights violations committed by the Indonesian army while the general served as army chief of staff," said State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki. "We are not, however, aware of any allegation that ties the defence minister explicitly to a specific human rights violation."

She also noted that the military, which used to play a central role under the regime of dictator Suharto, had transformed "in significant ways" since the country became a democracy in 1998.

The move was also criticised as it broke with the tradition established since the end of Suharto's three-decade rule of appointing a civilian as defence minister, a practice intended to demonstrate the supremacy of the civilian establishment over the military.

During authoritarian rule, Indonesia's military had enormous political influence, enjoying unelected parliamentary representation as well as the fruits of a large business empire.

However since Suharto's downfall, the military has been stripped of its seats in the parliament and plays a far smaller role in public life.

Source: http://gulfnews.com/news/world/other-world/indonesia-president-joko-widodo-rapped-over-hardline-defence-minister-ryamizard-ryacudu-1.1405450

A 'back seat' seen for human rights in Jokowi's defense lineup

Jakarta Globe - October 28, 2014

Farouk Arnaz, Ridho Syukra & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta – Retired Navy admiral Tedjo Edy Purdjianto will have his work cut out for him as Indonesia's new coordinating minister for political, security and legal affairs, particularly in acting on President Joko Widodo's narrative of turning Indonesia into a "global maritime axis," observers and politicians say.

Poengky Indarti, the executive director of the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial), said on Monday that Tedjo, the former Navy chief of staff with a brief stint in the Defense Ministry, had achieved little during his time in the armed forces to reform and modernize the Navy.

"Unfortunately when he was in office we didn't see a lot of achievements," Poengky said.

Golkar Party legislator Tantowi Yahya said Tedjo would have to deal with a myriad of security issues, including the ever-present threat of terrorism, escalating tensions in the South China Sea, and the sporadic disputes between soldiers and police officers over control of protection rackets and other rent-seeking activities.

Tedjo, Tantowi said, "must formulate a blue print for defense in keeping our sovereignty," adding that the new minister must act fast.

Tedjo served in the Navy for 34 years before his retirement in 2009. He subsequently moved into politics, joining the newly established National Democrat Party (NasDem).

People's Conscience Party (Hanura) legislator Susaningtyas Kertopati said Tedjo could translate Joko's "maritime axis" vision into actionable plans, but may lack in other key policy areas.

"The new security minister must make breakthroughs and have adequate political communication skills to deal with the House of Representatives," where the opposition controls a majority of seats, Susaningtyas said.

"Tedjo must also be able to coordinate the ministries under his purview so they can perform well," she added.

She said Tedjo must choose his staff well to complement his maritime knowledge and experience with experts in other areas.

Failure to address security and border issues could have serious political implications for Joko's administration, but the president appears to have anticipated this by choosing Ryamizard Ryacudu, a former military general with extensive combat experience, as his defense minister.

But Ryamizard could have a tough time as minister, Susaningtyas said. "Being a defense minister is not only about managing soldiers," she said. "He will also have to manage the defense industry."

Ryamizard is known for his straightforward and unvarnished approach and inflammatory remarks, particularly on border issues – a tactic that has won him support from soldiers and the public, who see him as patriotic, but raised concerns among international relations observers.

Analysts says Ryamizard's tough stance could steal the spotlight away from another retired general, Prabowo Subianto, Joko's rival in the presidential race and now the opposition's figurehead.

Poengky said she was concerned that respect for human rights might be taking a back seat in Joko's cabinet with the appointment of Ryamizard. "Civilian ministers show that democracy is in the hand of civilians. This is a setback," she said.

Ryamizard has a checkered human rights records, she said, highlighting the high civilian casualties during the time he led military operations to fight armed insurgencies in East Timor, Aceh and Papua.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said the appointment of the controversial former general to the new cabinet showed that Joko was "negligent" toward human rights issues.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/back-seat-seen-human-rights-jokowis-defense-lineup/

Kontras: Ryamizard appointment shows Jokowi 'negligent' on human rights

Jakarta Globe - October 27, 2014

Farouk Arnaz & Ezra Sihite, Jakarta – The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) says the appointment of a controversial former general to the new cabinet shows President Joko Widodo is "negligent" towards human rights issues.

The prominent human rights group has struck out at Joko's decision to name Gen. (ret.) Ryamizard Ryacudu the country's defense minister, saying his involvement in operations against the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Free Papua Organization (OPM) made him unsuitable for the role.

"Ryamizard's appointment shows that our president is negligent towards human rights and the defense sector," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said on Sunday evening.

The retired general was one of 34 ministers announced in Indonesia's new cabinet at the State Palace on Sunday.

Ryamizard was Army chief of staff between 2002 and 2005 and chief of the Army's strategic command (Kostrad) between 2000 and 2002. He has been singled out by Kontras for his role overseeing operations in Aceh and Papua.

Haris said that Ryamizard's "sins" included his leadership role during the implementation of martial law by the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) in Aceh following the collapse of peace talks in 2003. A report by Human Rights Watch published in 2003 voiced concern about serious abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed by both the TNI and GAM forces during the period.

Haris also raised concerns about Ryamizard's attitude towards leading Papuan independence figure, Theys Hiyo Eluay, the late chief of the Papua Presidium Council.

"In Papua, he once said that whoever killed Theys was a hero," Haris said. Theys was murdered by seven soldiers from the Army's Special Forces unit Kopassus in 2001.

Ryamizard, meanwhile, rejected that he had ever been involved in alleged human rights abuses when confronted by reporters at the State Palace on Sunday.

"Go ask the journalists who went to Papua, Aceh, ask about it," Ryamizard said. He said human rights activists and journalists should know he was always "clean" during his 35 years serving in the TNI.

Another cabinet appointment with a military background, Tedjo Edhy Purdjianto – a former Navy chief of staff who is now coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs – has been given the green light by Kontras.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/kontras-ryamizard-appointment-shows-jokowi-negligent-human-rights/

Cabinet may put security, law reforms in limbo

Jakarta Post - October 27, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani and Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – The appointment of figures with dark human rights records and political affiliations to security, defense and legal ministerial posts has left the country's legal and security reforms hanging in the balance.

National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and rights campaigners have decried the decision of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to install 64- year-old former Army chief Gen. (ret) Ryamizard Ryacudu as defense minister, due to the latter's alleged role in gross human rights violations that took place during the military operation in Aceh.

"As then army chief of staff, he [Ryamizard] was responsible for all operations in Aceh. His appointment thus will protect the culture of impunity within the military," Komnas HAM Commissioner Otto Syamsuddin Ishak said on Sunday.

Komnas HAM had declared the military operation in Aceh, which lasted from 1989 until a peace deal was signed in 2005, a gross violation of human rights in August last year, based on an investigation that focused on five particular cases.

Among them are the 2001 Bumi Flora massacre in eastern Aceh; the finding of the remains of victims of the conflict in a mass grave in Bener Meriah regency in 2002; and the 2003 massacre in Jambo Keupok village in southern Aceh.

Ryamizard led the Army between 2002 and 2004 under the administration of then president Megawati Soekarnoputri, now the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) chairwoman.

Al Araf, the program director of human rights watchdog Imparsial, suggested that Ryamizard's appointment was a setback as it broke from the tradition of civilian rule within the Defense Ministry.

"Compared to Jokowi, former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono did better in his first term by appointing Juwono Sudarsono, a committed academician with strong defense knowledge, to the post," he said.

Al Araf raised doubts that with Ryamizard in power, the ministry would support the much-awaited amendment to the 1997 Military Tribunal Law to allow civilian courts try soldiers involved in non-military offenses.

Iis Gindarsah from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said that Ryamizard's appointment demonstrated "a new dynamic" in civil-military relations.

"On his institutional responsibility, minister Ryamizard will retain his predecessor's policy on military modernization and rebuilding indigenous strategic industries through a combination of key weapons procurements and offset programs," he said.

Jokowi has also faced criticism over his decision to appoint PDI-P politician Yasonna Laoly to take the helm of the Law and Human Rights Ministry.

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) researcher Ade Irawan said that the appointment of a politician as the law minister would be prone to conflicts of interest as many corruption cases involved political parties.

"[The appointment] is quite disappointing. Ministerial posts involved with the country's corruption fight should not be filled with figures from political parties," Ade said.

Concurring with Ade, former Supreme Court justice and legal expert Asep Iwan Iriawan said that the last administration had provided evidence that showed a politician assuming the ministerial post faced challenges in giving fair treatment to graft convicts who came from the same political party.

"In the past, we saw that the public questioned a law minister's decision in granting remission to those with political ties. A minister who had a professional background would not face this dilemma," Asep said.

Meanwhile, Jokowi has been applauded for installing former Navy chief Adm. (ret) Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno to take the reins of the coordinating political, legal and security affairs ministry.

"Edhy's appointment breaks away from the domination of the Army in ministerial posts," Al Araf said, adding that Edhy had a clean human rights record. Edhy, who led the Navy from 2008 until 2009, is the defense division head of the NasDem Party, a member of Jokowi's Great Indonesia Coalition. (idb)

[Haeril Halim contributed to the article.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/27/cabinet-may-put-security-law-reforms-limbo.html

Activists strongly reject 'rights abusers' as candidates

Jakarta Post - October 25, 2014

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – As the time for President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to announce his Cabinet lineup nears, activists have heightened appeals for the new President not to compromise by appointing any figures with poor human rights records as ministers.

Rumors were circulating that after making several revisions to his Cabinet lineup, Jokowi had still included figures implicated in past unresolved human rights cases.

Unconfirmed reports said that Jokowi and Vice President Jusuf Kalla could announce the Cabinet later Friday or next Wednesday at the latest.

Among the problematic candidates are former Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Gen. (ret.) Wiranto who chairs the Hanura Party; former Army chief of staff Gen. (ret.) Ryamizard Ryacudu who is close to Megawati Soekarnoputri, the chairwoman of Jokowi's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P); and former National Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy chief As'ad Said Ali.

Speculation rose that both Wiranto and Ryamizard were vying for the position of coordinating political, legal and security affairs minister while As'ad could be eyeing BIN's top post.

Human rights NGO Imparsial sent a letter to Jokowi earlier on Friday, warning the President not to appoint figures possibly involved in past human rights abuses.

In addition to Wiranto, Ryamizard, and As'ad, Imparsial also named as undesirable former BIN chief Gen. (ret.) AM Hendropriyono, former Jakarta Military commander Lt. Gen (ret.) Sutiyoso and former BIN deputy chief Maj. Gen. (ret.) Muchdi Purwopranjono.

"It's important to ensure that Jokowi's ministers and other high-ranking officials are figures who don't have poor track records, not only in terms of corruption but also in human rights," Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti said.

She believed that appointing problematic figures could disappoint millions of Indonesians who had high expectations in Jokowi's Cabinet.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/25/activists-strongly-reject-rights-abusers-candidates.html

Labour & migrant workers

Jakarta workers seek bigger pay jump before fuel increase

Bloomberg - October 31, 2014

Herdaru Purnomo – Indonesian President Joko Widodo's government is walking a tightrope as a new minimum wage is negotiated for Jakarta, seeking to balance a pro-business pledge against promises to help the nation's poor.

Workers in the capital, where Widodo was the governor until he won the presidential election this year, are calling for an increase of about a third in the minimum wage in 2015. Such levels would spur job cuts as companies couldn't afford the labor cost, the country's main employer group said, before a decision by the local wage council due tomorrow.

"Help Mr. Jokowi!" said Surya Purwanto, a worker at a pharmaceutical company, referring to the nickname the president is known by. "We hope that Mr. Jokowi as President, and Mr. Ahok as Jakarta governor, could improve the life of workers," he said, adding the current minimum wage is no longer adequate.

Unions and labor groups justify their demand for next year, which compares with the 11 percent wage increase granted for the current year, by citing an impending fuel price increase and rising costs for food. What is decided in Jakarta and its surrounding region, the nation's manufacturing center, will set the pace for factories across Southeast Asia's largest economy, carrying both political and economic implications for Jokowi.

"There are of course risks that the 30 percent wage hike demand will turn out to be a boomerang – relocation of manufacturing plants, for example," said Gundy Cahyadi, a Singapore-based economist at DBS.

"Jokowi/Ahok's success in capping this year's hike to 11 percent despite higher demands, is a sign that they are not just blindly implementing policies that benefit the poor."

Jokowi, who took office last week, has vowed to spur sagging growth in the world's fourth-most populous nation by attracting investment, expanding manufacturing and cutting red tape. He also wants to reduce income inequality, in a country where more than 40 percent of the population, or 100 million people, live on less than $2 a day, according to the World Bank.

The Indonesia Workers Confederation Union is seeking a wage increase of as much as 64 percent, and a minimum of 30 percent, said its leader M. Rusdi. It wants the government to add phone credit, fridges and perfume as essential items into a basket of goods used to calculate worker living costs.

"We cannot work if we smell bad, so perfume is now a priority for us," Rusdi said. "We will do anything to get our minimum wages up by 30 percent, such as demonstrations."

Workers in the capital, where wages are a benchmark for the country, may settle for a 27 percent increase to 3.1 million rupiah ($256) a month, said Dedi Hartono, a labor representative on the Jakarta Wage Council, a body comprised of workers, employers and government that is scheduled to announce the annual salary tomorrow.

For the employers' association, known as Apindo, anything more than a rise in line with annual inflation of about 5 percent will be too much, said Chairman Sofjan Wanandi.

"If it's on top of that, we give up," Wanandi said. "Next year there could be more massive layoffs of 100,000," he said, calling on government leaders to create jobs instead.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/business/jakarta-workers-seek-bigger-pay-jump-fuel-increase/

Regions gear up for new wage hike amid investors' concerns

Jakarta Post - October 31, 2014

Rizal Harahap and Indra Harsaputra, Pekanbaru/Surabaya – With several regions in the country having increased the 2015 provincial minimum wage (UMP) and others determining an appropriate pay rise, the Japanese government has warned of the potential financial burden on its investors.

The Riau administration has set the province's UMP for 2015 at Rp 1,878,000 (US$156) per month, up by 11.47 percent from its current level. Riau Remuneration Council secretary Ruzaini said the 2015 UMP was set during the a council meeting on Oct. 28.

"The main consideration was the monthly basic cost of living [KHL] in 2014 of Rp 1,872,000. By percentage, the 2015 UMP is 103 percent that of this year's KHL," Ruzaini said Thursday.

According to him, the decision regarding the 2015 UMP was final, as it had involved all stakeholders. "It involved not only representatives from relevant parties but also the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) and academics in order to obtain a comprehensive study," said Ruzaini.

However, the head of the Riau chapter of the All-Indonesia Workers Union Confederation (KSPSI), Patar Sitanggang, maintained that he was dissatisfied with the increase. "Riau is known for its high living costs, and the rise of Rp 178,000 per month is inadequate," he said.

According to Patar, workers expected the 2015 UMP to be increased to between 19 and 20 percent, but the union representatives failed to impose their wishes during the remuneration council meeting.

Meanwhile, thousands of workers affiliated with the Indonesian Workers Alliance Congress (KASBI) staged a protest Thursday against the unchanged UMP in South Sumatra, arguing it was insufficient to meet their daily needs.

"We reject the UMP, which is not commensurate with workers' living costs," Dodi Arianto, deputy head of KASBI's South Sumatra chapter, said outside the South Sumatra Legislative Council (DPRD) in Palembang.

Separately, the Japanese government said it expected the East Java administration to review municipal and regency minimum wages so as not to burden investors from Japan.

Japanese Consul General Nomura Noboru said that based on a number of meetings with 50 large-scale Japanese investors in the East Java Japan Club, which holds meetings twice a week, any rise in the UMP should be accompanied by an increase in manpower productivity and skills.

"Although labor wage increases also take place in Vietnam, productivity and skills there are higher than in Indonesia. If the UMP here continues to rise without being accompanied by a corresponding rise in skills and productivity, there is a likelihood that many Japanese companies will relocate to Vietnam, which is also geographically closer to Japan," Nomura told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.

East Java is currently home to 120 Japanese companies, in Pasuruan, Surabaya, Mojokerto and Gresik.

East Java Governor Soekarwo has yet to decide the amount of the UMP for next year, but he predicted that it would go up by 11 percent.

Soekarwo added that the UMP in East Java would not depend on the rate in Jakarta. Several trade unions have proposed that Surabaya's monthly wage for 2015 should rise to Rp 2,860,000, up 21 percent compared to the city's rate for this year of Rp 2.2 million.

[Ansyor Idrus also contributed to the story.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/31/regions-gear-new-wage-hike-amid-investors-concerns.html

No deal reached on 2015 minimum wage ahead of November 1 deadline

Jakarta Globe - October 30, 2014

Jakarta – Workers earning the minimum wage in Jakarta may have to wait to find out how much they will take home in 2015 after the city's government admitted on Thursday that no deal had been reached in advance of the Nov. 1 deadline.

"There's a potential delay on the decision because no agreement has been reached," Priyono, the head of the Jakarta Manpower and Transmigration Agency, told the city government's official news portal beritajakarta.com.

Minimum wages are set at the provincial level in Indonesia in annual negotiations between individual governors and the country's unions. Monthly wages in 2014 were set at Rp 2.4 million ($198) for Jakarta, up 10 percent on the previous year.

This year's wage increase was, however, modest in comparison to the minimum wage hike in 2013, which was bumped up 45 percent by Jakarta's erstwhile governor, Joko Widodo, in response to the increase in the price of subsidized fuel.

Wages in Indonesia are low by regional standards and have seen little of the runaway growth in China in recent years. Unions are naturally keen to emphasize that Rp 2.4 million is a pittance on which to live in a capital city where housing, fuel and food are becoming more expensive.

Business groups such as the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) have, by contrast, consistently trumpeted the opportunity costs to Indonesian businesses' competitive advantage wrought by raising wages too quickly. National wage growth is outpacing the country's gains in productivity, they say.

Employers' groups have also repeatedly asserted that businesses will move out of Jakarta if wages rise too high too fast. They have not produced any evidence so far of companies packing up and setting up elsewhere. The unions respond by saying that repeated warnings of unnamed firms upping sticks to Cambodia or Vietnam is an easy straw man to deny the country's workers from receiving a better deal.

There are structural problems in Indonesia's labor market that extend beyond pay. The World Bank and others point to the worryingly high number of Indonesians working in the informal sector, and say that hefty double- digit pay awards introduced too quickly will cause employers to continue to take people on informal contracts. This will, they say, slow the transfer of poorly protected workers from low-production casual work into permanent work where training, productivity and access to social security is far greater.

In Jakarta's case the main bone of contention appears to be a measure known as the Decent Living Index (KHL), an approximation of the minimum amount needed to afford a "decent" standard of living. The government had set this at Rp 2.3 million a month.

Jakarta's Acting Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama is understood still to be negotiating the fine print of this measure with the unions. The unions feel the government has significantly underestimated the per liter price of accessible water, for example, as well as other specific items that contribute to the gross figure.

Sarman Simanjorang, a member of the Jakarta Wage Council, said the announcement could be made after Nov. 1.

Workers in Jakarta recently staged a typically animated rally to call for the minimum wage for 2015 to be set at Rp 3 million, a 25 percent pay rise.

At a May 1 Labor Day rally in Jakarta's Bung Karno stadium, the leader of one of Indonesia's largest unions came out in support of Prabowo Subianto in exchange for a pledge by the losing – as it turned out – presidential candidate that he would support a 30 percent wage rise for 2015.

Basuki has said that he will increase wages, but the rise will not be as high as the unions have demanded.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/jakarta/deal-reached-2015-minimum-wage-ahead-nov-1-deadline/

Freedom of speech & expression

Police press on Jokowi defamation case

Jakarta Post - October 31, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – The National Police on Thursday reiterated their commitment to continuing an investigation into a small-time worker in East Jakarta, who stands accused of posting a modified pornographic image that bears the faces of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri amid a public call to drop the case.

Muhammad Arsyad, a 24-year-old satay kiosk worker, allegedly posted the pornographic picture on his Facebook account around July at the time when Jokowi, then Jakarta governor, was still campaigning for the presidential election.

Henry Yosodiningrat, an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician and lawyer, filed the lawsuit, accusing Arsyad of defamation under the Criminal Code and of distributing pornographic content under the 2008 Pornography Law.

In the face of protests, the National Police's economics and special crimes director, Brig. Gen. Kamil Razak, insisted that the force would not drop the case, noting the gravity of the offense committed by Arsyad.

"All cases with sufficient elements will be processed. It is pornographic content, not just some words or pictures. Judging from the ethics side, it is very inappropriate. Try to imagine if the victims were our relatives, would we be OK with that?" Kamil said at his office in Jakarta.

The arrest of Arsyad earlier this week sparked public controversy as Jokowi has now become the country's seventh President. The use of law enforcement to proceed Arsyad's case has raised concerns that the government is trying to curb freedom of expression.

The police have already detained citizens for defamation cases related to social media. Yogyakarta Police arrested in September Florence Sihombing, a law student, for complaining about the city and its residents on Twitter.

Henry, a PDI-P lawmaker and a member of the party's legal team, said that he would not revoke the allegations and would let the police process the case.

Even if Henry agreed to drop the case, the police still retain the authority to prosecute Arsyad. National Police chief Gen. Sutarman said Thursday that the arrest of Arsyad was more about the pornography, which could be deemed a regular crime, and not about defaming Jokowi.

On Wednesday afternoon, Arsyad's mother, Mursidah, accompanied by his lawyer Abdul Aziz, went to the National Police headquarters detention center but failed to meet Arsyad as he had been rushed to the police's Dr. Sukanto Hospital in East Jakarta due to depression.

"The police investigators said he was depressed after watching news reports on the television in his cell," Abdul said.

Mursidah extended her hope that her son would not be prosecuted. "He is a breadwinner. Please forgive my son. [...] If needed, I will trade [my] life," Mursidah, an onion peeler at Kramat Jati traditional market, told reporters.

Wahyudi Djafar of the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) lamented the use of the defamation charge in the case.

"Rights groups have long advocated for the removal of articles on defamation, as stipulated in the 2008 Electronic Information and Transaction (ITE) Law, the Criminal Code and other laws. These articles have a chilling effect that discourages people from expressing their opinions," he said.

Donny Budi Utoyo, Information and Communication Technology Watch (ICT Watch) co-founder, said the case should serve as momentum for the government and the public to step up efforts to provide education on the safe and ethical use of the Internet.

"As Internet connection becomes cheaper, more people in the country will enjoy online access. The government, private sector and civil society share a responsibility to provide education and raise awareness about digital ethics – what things can and cannot be done online," Donny said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/31/police-press-jokowi-defamation-case.html

Street vendor arrested for insulting Jokowi, Megawati

Jakarta Post - October 30, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – A small-time worker in East Jakarta has been arrested for allegedly posting a doctored pornographic picture which bears the faces of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Muhammad Arsyad, 24, was charged with defamation and spreading pornographic material, a violation of the 2008 Anti-Pornography Law. Police detectives arrested Arsyad at his parents' home in Kramat Jakarta in East Jakarta on Oct. 24.

The National Police's economics and special crimes director, Brig. Gen. Kamil Razak, said on Wednesday that the arrest was based on a report filed by Henry Yosodiningrat, a PDI-P lawmaker and a member of the party's legal team, on July 27 when Jokowi, then Jakarta governor, was still campaigning for the presidential election.

"The suspect could face 12 years in prison under Article 29 of the 2008 Anti-Pornography Law on the distribution of pornographic pictures, and Article 310 and 311 on defamation," Kamil told a press briefing.

The police are still pursuing more suspects in the case, believing that Arsyad did not act alone. The police worked in coordination with the Communication and Information Ministry to block Arsyad's Facebook account.

Kamal said the police would continue to prosecute the case as the violation could be deemed a regular crime. "The suspect apologized but that is his own business. We can't broker a mediation. It is up to Pak Jokowi. We started investigating the case not solely based on the report. We have the authority to pursue the case," Kamil said.

Arsyad's arrest has caused a public outcry and many have called for President Jokowi to forgive Arsyad. In a television interview on Wednesday, Arsyad's mother, Mursidah, cried and bowed down asking for Jokowi's forgiveness for her son.

Mursidah, an onion peeler at Kramat Jati traditional market, said that her son was not aware that manipulating and uploading pornographic images could be considered a crime.

A member of the PDI-P legal team, Teguh Samudra, apparently dismissed the public outcry, arguing that Arsyad, like any other citizen, must be responsible for his actions.

"He is a 24-year-old man who has the ability to tell the difference between right and wrong. He published the pornographic picture on purpose," Teguh told The Jakarta Post. He said that it was the PDI-P and not Jokowi, who sought legal action against Arsyad.

Teguh shrugged off deputy House of Representatives speaker Fadli Zon's suggestion that police were overzealous in their prosecution of Arsyad only to please Jokowi.

"The case could serve as a reminder that we should not easily slander others. We appreciate the police's work. The force's action is not an act to win praise, as Fadli Zon accused," he said.

Separately, Democratic Party executive chairman Syariefuddin Hasan said that Jokowi should follow the footsteps of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in allowing critics to freely express their opinion.

"For ten years, Pak SBY [Yudhoyono] was bullied, his images were burned, and his family and actions were the subject of condemnation. The president faced these patiently," Syarief said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/street-vendor-arrested-insulting-jokowi-megawati.html

Workshop banned by police after threats by Islamic fundamentalists

Jakarta Post - October 24, 2014

Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta – Yogyakarta Police banned a media literacy workshop about Islamic fundamentalism scheduled to be held on Friday morning after threats were circulated by an Islamic fundamentalist group.

"Police asked the committee to cancel the workshop three days ago," the director of the Islamic and Social Study Institute (LKIS), Hairus Salim, told the Jakarta Globe on Friday. "We told them to issue a formal letter if they wanted to ban the event.

"They sent the letter yesterday [on Oct. 23]." The letter was signed by the Yogyakarta Police's security chief, Sigit Haryadi.

It is understood that police believed the Yogyakarta chapter of the Islamic People's Forum (FUI Yogyakarta) planned to disrupt the event.

The workshop, titled "Media Literacy: Handling Religious Fundamentalist Content in the Media", should had been part of an event called "Jagongan Media Rakyat" (People's Discussion on the Media).

LKIS was invited only to manage the workshop, which was scheduled for 9 a.m. at Yogyakarta's National Museum on Friday.

"The event was to inform youth on how to spot information spread by websites which often provokes and incites hatred against certain people or groups," Hairus said.

FUI Yogyakarta broadcast a message calling on all Islamic people and organizations to come to the event and "drag the organizer out if there's a slight indication that the event is mocking Islam."

LKIS regretted the ban, saying that police should not have allowed the FUI to dictate what can or cannot be discussed in an open forum. "The police should protect us, instead of bowing down to the pressure of the FUI," Hairus said.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/islamic-fundamentalism-workshop-banned-police-threats-islamic-fundamentalists/

Political parties & elections

PPP 'burying itself' in continuing internal battle over chairmanship

Jakarta Globe - October 31, 2014

Jakarta – The rift within the United Development Party, or PPP, reached new depths this week with a breakaway camp staging its own national convention in Jakarta.

Former religious minister Suryadharma Ali has been fighting his dismissal from the party's top position in September after he was named by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) as a graft suspect. Suryadharma's former secretary general, M. Romahurmuziy, led the charge for his the party boss' ouster.

Romahurmuziy, popularly known as Romy, subsequently staged a party convention in Surabaya, East Java, which saw him take over the position of PPP chairman – an appointment the government only officially recognized last week.

"[The PPP] regrets its decision [to name Roma] as chairman. Therefore, I demand that Jokowi immediately repeal the move," Suryadharma announced on Friday, referring to President Joko Widodo by his popular nickname.

Suryadharma, who still considers himself the official party chairman, said Romahurmuzy's appointment was illegitimate, claiming the gathering he led in Jakarta last week – and not his rival's in Surabaya – was the official PPP convention.

Observers have pointed out that both party factions should first have resolved their differences through an internal tribunal before a national convention could even be staged.

However, both camps claimed to have gone through this process. "The result [of the tribunal] is this convention," Suryadharma said referring to the meeting staged by his supporters.

The PPP controls the second-fewest number of seats in the House of Representatives, sliding down three spots from sixth position five years ago. The party's dismal legislative election results of April this year were reportedly one of the deciding factors for Suryadharma's removal as chief.

The former religious affairs minister then angered many members of the PPP by cozying up to the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party's losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto before the House election – even appearing at a rally extolling Prabowo's political chops while neglecting to promote his own political stock or that of his party.

But it was Suryadharma's naming as a suspect by the (KPK) that was the final straw for many in the PPP. Suryadharma has been charged with mismanaging the country's multi-billion dollar hajj fund during his time as minister of religious affairs.

The deposed PPP boss maintains his innocence and says the changing of the guard at the PPP is tantamount to a coup.

Humphrey Djemat, a lawyer for the PPP camp and loyal to Suryadharma filed a lawsuit against the Justice and Human Rights Minister Yasona Laoly in the Administrative Court (PTUN) on Wednesday after the official acknowledged the PPP's change in leadership.

"The decision of the justice and human rights minister has had a legal impact that damaged the PPP in this dispute," Humphrey said.

"The minister's decision was not carefully made; it was inconsistent, unlawful and violated the principles of professionalism and legal certainty that characterize good governance."

Suryadharma's camp has demanded that the ministry annul its decision pending a court verdict on the suit.

Around 800 party members attended Suryadharma's convention, which was staged at Central Jakarta's Sahid Jaya Hotel on Thursday and Friday.

Present at the convention were Gerindra chairman Prabowo Subianto, National Mandate Party (PAN) chairman Hatta Rajasa, Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie and two House of Representatives deputy speakers, Fahri Hamzah and Fadli Zon. Notably absent were Romahurmuziy and PPP officials supporting his reign.

The guest politicians represented parties that are all members of the Red- White coalition, oppose the Awesome Indonesia coalition that supports President Joko. Under Suryadharma, the PPP backed the Prabowo-led camp, known as the KMP, before switching sides under Romy.

The Jakarta convention also aimed to appoint Suryadharma's successor, who is now under investigation by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on several counts of graft.

Five PPP politicians are hope to replace the disgraced minister, all of whom are Suryadharma supporters.

Romy denounced Suryadharma's convention, saying that it violates party rules. Furthermore, Romy said his faction had invited Suryadharma's camp for reconciliation meetings during the Surabaya convention, but was refused.

Andar Nubowo from the think tank Indo Strategy said the PPP "is burying itself" with prolonged internal conflict. "They are too busy pushing for their own agendas. [PPP supporters] have lost their role models and leadership," he said.

Andar added that the rift will likely impact the party's already dismal votes in the next election.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/ppp-burying-continuing-internal-battle-chairmanship/

Tensions rise in Golkar as rivals attack Aburizal

Jakarta Post - October 31, 2014

Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – A group of Golkar Party politicians vying for the party's top job have warned their incumbent chairman Aburizal Bakrie against abusing his authority to stay in power.

In a joint statement made on Thursday, the seven politicians – lawmakers Airlangga Hartarto, Agus Gumiwang Kartasasmita and Zainudin Amali, Golkar deputy chairman Agung Laksono, party executive Hajriyanto Thohari, former industry minister MS Hidayat and former lawmaker Priyo Budi Santoso – called on the party's central executive board to organize an "honest, transparent and accountable", selection process for the party's new chairman.

The joint statement was made after allegations were aired that several regional heads of the Golkar Party had become subject to intimidation ahead of the national congress.

"These people, for instance, threatened to dismiss those who refused to write a recommendation letter in support of his [Aburizal's reelection] bid," said Agung, a former coordinating people's welfare minister.

The seven politicians, who had earlier announced their intentions to run as candidates to become party chairman, also demanded that Aburizal immediately give details about the party's upcoming congress, so that they could prepare themselves.

"I believe all candidates want to be good sports and see this chairmanship race run smoothly," said Hidayat, a former trade minister under former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

A conflict has been brewing within the Golkar Party since it failed to secure a victory in the legislative elections on April 9. Many senior Golkar politicians blamed Aburizal's political maneuvering.

Opposition against Aburizal grew stronger following his decision to support the presidential bid of the Gerindra Party's Prabowo Subianto. Aburizal's decision to support the unsuccessful bid landed Golkar outside of the ruling circle for the first time in the party's 50-year history. Party members who challenged Aburizal's moves had also reportedly been threatened with dismissal.

In August, Aburizal suspended Agung from his position as deputy chairman after he pushed for a national congress to find a new chairman before President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo was sworn in on Oct. 20.

The Golkar Party's last congress in 2009 gave Aburizal the party leadership until the party's next scheduled congress elects a new chairman in 2015.

Should the rival faction succeed in ousting Aburizal, Golkar would likely join the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)-led coalition, which is aligned with the government of President Jokowi.

Golkar deputy secretary-general Lalu Mara Satria Wangsa, who is also an Aburizal aide, quickly denied allegations claiming that Aburizal had put pressure on the party's regional chapters to support his reelection bid.

"There is no such thing [as intimidation occurring]. Any support [for Aburizal] should come from their consciences, not by request," he told The Jakarta Post.

As one of the country's oldest political parties, Golkar had previously undergone at least two major leadership changes in order to join a new government.

In 2004, Golkar joined the Democratic Party-led coalition, which nominated Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla, after then Golkar chairman Wiranto and his running mate Salahuddin Wahid lost the presidential contest. Supporters of Kalla managed to oust Wiranto and install Kalla as his successor.

In the 2009 election, the party also switched from nominating a Kalla- Wiranto ticket to joining the coalition of Yudhoyono, who won a second term. Kalla was ousted by Aburizal following his defeat in the presidential election.

Political analyst Said Salahuddin of People's Synergy for Democracy in Indonesia (Sigma) commented on the tensions within Golkar, saying that their escalation ahead of the Golkar chairmanship race was normal.

"This is part of a psychological battle to help them gain wider public attention. However, serious allegations like intimidation must first be crosschecked or they could turn into slander," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/31/tensions-rise-golkar-rivals-attack-aburizal.html

Senior PPP members give nod to Romy

Jakarta Post - October 30, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – Two rival groups in the United Development Party (PPP) are striving for legitimacy after the government issued a decree confirming the contested appointment of new chairman Muhammad "Romy" Romahurmuziy.

Romy, who led a splinter group within the PPP to defy former party chairman Suryadharma Ali, held a muktamar (national congress) on Oct. 15 in Surabaya, East Java, garnering support from more than two-thirds of the party's regional members for his chairmanship.

Although the congress and Romy's appointment are still being outlawed by other internal bodies in the party, newly inaugurated Law and Human Rights Minister Yasonna Laoly has issued a ministerial decree recognizing the changes in the structure of PPP's central board with Romy as the new party chief.

The decree was revealed during a harsh plenary session at the House of Representatives in which Romy's loyalists in the PPP faction contested the illegal participation of the party in the establishment of House commissions and internal bodies.

Romahurmuziy said that he would report Suryadharma to the National Police if the latter still claimed to be part of the party's central board.

"[The National Police] must obey the government's decision and should not issue any kind of permit to anyone who claims that they are acting on behalf of the PPP's central executive board," he said at a press conference on Wednesday, referring to Suryadharma's plan to hold another congress to contest the Surabaya congress.

Suryadharma and other internal bodies of the party earlier said that they would carry on with plans to hold the congress on Thursday. Romy further said that Suryadharma was now only a regular member of the party.

A rift in the party emerged after Suryadharma gave the party's official support to former presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto and his Red-and- White Coalition of political parties. Suryadharma, who has been named a suspect in a haj scandal, was later told to step down by Romy's group.

Romy announced his endorsement of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's Great Indonesia Coalition after the Surabaya congress and finally secured party executive Lukman Hakim Saifuddin as religious affairs minister.

Also on Wednesday, Suryadharma's lawyer, Andreas Nahot Silitonga, said that they planned to file a lawsuit with the State Administrative Court (PTUN) regarding the issuance of the ministerial decree.

Andreas further said that initially they wanted to report Romy to the police for the Surabaya congress, but following the issuance of the decree they had shifted their strategy.

"The development in the Law and Human Rights Ministry made us decide to delay submitting our initial report to the police, and we will focus instead on the lawsuit at the administrative court," he told reporters.

The party's council member Machfudhoh Aly Ubaid told The Jakarta Post that if Romy had received approval from the government, then there should be no national congress on Oct. 30.

"It is already legitimate if it comes from the ministry," she said, adding that sharia assembly chairman Maimun Zubair himself had acknowledged Romy's legitimacy as the party chairman.

"If [any of the disputing parties] want to proceed with a meeting, the forum is not a national congress," she said.

PPP sharia board deputy head Fahrurrozi Ishaq added that there was nothing any members of the party could do to reverse the ministry's decision. "That's the right and domain of the ministry. What could we say?" he told the Post.

Therefore, Fahrurrozi implored all party members to accept the fact that Romy was the PPP's new chairman. "If [all party elements] want to unite, then just accept [the government's decision] as Muslims who want the best [for the party]," he said. (ask)

PPP conflict

Sept. 9, 2014: An executive meeting at PPP headquarters votes in favor of dismissing party chairman Suryadharma Ali, who has led the party since 2007, and appoints deputy chairman Emron Pangkapi – a staunch opponent of Suryadharma – to head the party.

Sept. 12, 2014: Party secretary-general Muhammad Romahurmuziy and three party deputies – Emron, Lukman Hakim Syaifuddin and Suharso Monoarfa – are fired by Suryadharma, who says the four officials severely violated the party's constitution by attempting to fire him. Suryadharma appoints Syaifullah Tamliha as secretary-general and four new deputies – Dimyati Natakusumah, Hasrul Azwar, Masykur Hasyim and Epyardi Asda – soon after the dismissals.

Sept. 15, 2014: PPP executive board deputy secretary-general Ichsan Muchsin says that Emron's appointment as chairman, replacing former chairman and graft suspect Suryadharma, is valid. He says the executive board had instructed Emron to register new PPP officials with the Law and Human Rights Ministry to obtain legal standing.

Sept. 25, 2014: An internal council within the PPP decides to maintain the leadership of Suryadharma, following attempts to unseat him after he was named a graft suspect. Council head Chozin Chumaidy says Suryadharma's ousting is unconstitutional.

Oct. 11, 2014: The party's council orders the two rival factions to hold an islah (reconciliation) and to plan a muktamar (national congress) through a consensus.

Oct. 15, 2014: Embattled PPP opens its eighth muktamar in Surabaya, East Java, despite the refusal of Suryadharma to acknowledge the validity of the congress.

Oct. 16, 2014: A faction of the PPP appoints Romahurmuziy as party chairman at the Surabaya muktamar. The congress, which successfully farms a quorum, unanimously appoints Romahurmuziy to replace Suryadharma, who is facing a graft charge from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Oct. 21, 2014: In a move aimed at hitting back at his party opponents, Suryadharma tells branch representatives that rival faction leader Romahurmuziy has been named chairman in an illegal congress. Claiming to have the support of the party's sharia board head, Maimoen Zubair, Suryadharma urges the executive board leaders to attend a muktamar on Oct. 30 in Jakarta.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/senior-ppp-members-give-nod-romy.html

Constitutional Court rejects judicial review of regional elections law

Jakarta Globe - October 24, 2014

Adelia Anjani Putri & Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta – The Constitutional Court rejected on Thursday a judicial review of the controversial regional elections law on account of a presidential decree rushed out by former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"The court doesn't consider the legal standing of the application and the request for review," Constitutional Court Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva said, as quoted by the state-run Antara news agency.

The judicial review was filed by several applicants, including human rights group Imparsial, against a law passed in September by the House of Representatives (DPR) ending direct elections for mayors, district heads and provincial governors.

Local leaders would instead be appointed by the Regional Representatives Council (DPRD), ending people's right to choose officials who wield sweeping powers over large budgets conferred by Indonesia's highly decentralized political system.

The passing of the law was seen by many as an affront to democracy engineered by losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto and his most senior backers in the Red-White Coalition – the bloc of parties that control the majority in the House.

The judicial review of the regional elections law was applied after Yudhoyono issued a presidential decree known in Indonesia by its acronym, Perppu.

Constitutional Court Justice Patrialias Akbar said the Perppu had invalidated the law, and that there were therefore no grounds for a review of a law that no longer existed. The Perppu remains a temporary measure to buy time.

It was issued in desperation by Yudhoyono after his Democratic Party walked out of the House session – in so doing handing victory to Prabowo's Red- White coalition. But the House will have an opportunity to vote down the Perppu, reinstating the removal of direct elections for regional heads in an example of the complexities of Indonesian law.

Article 205 of the Perppu Pilkada states that "After this Perppu comes into effect, 2014 Law No 22 [the Regional Elections Law] is revoked and no longer valid."

The lead lawyer for the plaintiffs, Wahyudi Djafar, told the Jakarta Globe that he knew the application for judicial review was dead in the water all along because of the existence of the Perppu, but that the collective behind the court application felt they had no option but to proceed anyway.

"We are aware that the legal objective was non-existent," he said. "However we had no choice but to proceed with the judicial review appeal and let the justices reject it – something that we already knew would happen.

"We could not retract the appeal because it would mean that we might seem to have second thoughts about our actions and the reasons behind them, hence our legal standing would be lost.

"By letting the court reject the appeal, we maintain our right... if we want to file another judicial review – which we will if the House decides to [overrule the Perppu]."

A constitutional law expert at the University of Indonesia agreed that there was no legal impasse to filing a second judicial review.

"Should the House decide to take down the presidential regulation and revive the local election law, anyone can go to the Constitutional Court and file a new judicial review," Irman Putra Sidin told the Globe.

Refly Harun, another legal expert, said that President Joko Widodo could issue another presidential decree to replace Yudhoyono's – should that be voted down by the House.

Prabowo's Red-White Coalition has defied consensus opinion that it would have disintegrated by now. Most financial analysts, journalists and university academics had predicted some of Prabowo's coalition parties would have jumped ship to Joko's camp once the reality of being out of power had sunk in.

That scenario has not been realized, however, and the outlook for direct local elections in the world's fourth-largest democracy remains uncertain, with more political horse trading and legal wrangling to come.

Wahyudi, the lawyer at the helm of the plaintiffs' judicial review, said he would play the waiting game to see whether the House voted to reinstate the law, which, in the Globe's Sep. 26 editorial, was described as having "in one fell swoop thrown the country's democratic system back into the dark ages of the New Order regime."

"For now, we're waiting on the House's political choice," Wahyudi told the Globe on Friday. "This is not about legal form – it's about protecting our right to vote."

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/constitutional-court-rejects-judicial-review-regional-elections-law/

Election body gears up for concurrent regional polls

Jakarta Post - October 24, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Batam/Jakarta – The General Elections Commission (KPU) is preparing for regional head elections, slated to be held simultaneously in seven provinces and 181 regencies and cities in 2015.

KPU commissioner Ferry Kurnia Rizkiyansyah said the first step required of the commission was to set the date for concurrent elections as stipulated by the government regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) issued by former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"We have to decide the date and month so it becomes the guide," he said on the sidelines of a meeting attended by KPU commissioners in Batam on Thursday.

Weeks before stepping down from office, Yudhoyono issued two Perppu regulations to reinstate direct elections for regional heads. The previous system, which had run for a decade, was revoked in a controversial deliberation of the Regional Elections (Pilkada) Law at the House of Representatives in September, in the wake of political rivalry between President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's Great Indonesia Coalition and former presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's Red-and-White Coalition.

Presently, the Perppu is only partially effective, pending approval of the House. KPU chairman Husni Kamil Manik said he expected a decision on the election date to be made by the end of the year at the latest.

"The process [to decide the date] is still ongoing since there are many things that we have to take into consideration," he said.

One consideration is the fact that the KPU has to re-design regional elections to accommodate the Perppu. "For example, the mechanism of public review is a new one [introduced in the Perppu]," he said.

The Perppu stipulates that a public review, aimed to reveal inadequate candidates, has to be held in each region three months before the registration of candidates. The registration should be six months before the election day.

To decide on the date, the KPU will coordinate with the Home Ministry since the end of tenures of regional heads are different, according to Ferry. Husni said the Home Ministry would appoint officials in charge of regions where regional heads were ending their tenures before the chosen election date.

Another difference between the upcoming concurrent elections and past regional elections is campaign budgeting. While in the past, campaign budgeting had to be bore by the candidates, the Perppu mandates the state budget to fund campaigns through Regional/Provincial General Elections Commissions (KPUDs).

Ferry said this could lead to an increase in cost, despite the fact that a primary reason for holding simultaneous regional elections was to trim the budget. "There will be an increase as well as a decrease [in cost]. In terms of the increase, it will be caused by campaigning," he said.

After the 2015 regional elections, the government will hold the next batch in the remaining regions in 2018.

"For regional heads whose tenures end in 2015, their regions will have elections in 2015. For those finishing their tenures in 2016 and 2017, their regions will vote for new heads in 2018," Ferry said.

After that, all provinces, regencies and cities in the country will have simultaneous regional elections in 2020.

Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court rejected on Thursday five review petitions into the Pilkada Law, and said the law had been suspended with the issuance of Yudhoyono's Perppu.

A total of 10 petitions had been filed to challenge the controversial law. After the Perppu issuance, only five petitions had chosen to press ahead based on the argument that Yudhoyono's Perppu was still waiting for House approval to be fully effective.

Attorney OC Kaligis, who represents the NasDem Party, one of the five plaintiffs, said he had expected the court decision. (ask)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/24/election-body-gears-concurrent-regional-polls.html

Surveys & opinion polls

Jokowi riding high on public support: SMRC

Jakarta Post - October 30, 2014

Jakarta – After assuming the nation's highest office just a little more than a week ago, findings from a new survey reveal a high degree of public trust in its new leader, President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

The Jakarta-based pollster, Saiful Muljani Research and Consulting (SMRC), found in its latest survey, which was conducted between Oct. 2 and Oct. 4, that 52.8 percent of respondents were confident in Jokowi's capacity to lead the country, while some 21.7 percent were very confident of his leadership ability.

"If we add up the numbers, we can say that 74.5 percent of total respondents have faith in Jokowi," SMRC chief researcher Djayadi Hanan said in a press briefing on Wednesday.

In the survey, the SMRC interviewed 1,520 people in 33 out of the country's 34 provinces. The margin of error for the survey was 2.8 percent.

The survey found that respondents expressing confidence in Jokowi came from a variety of age groups, education backgrounds and political party affiliations.

"This shows that we have moved past the presidential election that divided us into two groups. People have accepted that Jokowi is the country's president and the people support him," Djayadi said.

Prior to the July 9 presidential election, Indonesia witnessed its most polarizing presidential campaign in the nation's history, with voters continuing to exchange vitriol even after the General Elections Commission (KPU) certified the victory of Jokowi over his rival, the strong-willed former general, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto.

The conflict has now moved to the House of Representatives, where Prabowo's Red-and-White Coalition now controls the House, relegating Jokowi's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)-led coalition into a minority position. The rift has fueled fears of political instability.

Djayadi emphasized that Jokowi should work to maintain and capitalize on the high level of public trust to push through his key programs, which will likely be met by opposition from the House.

"Public trust is very important for the current government. The public can pressure House members if they obstruct the government's pro-people programs," Djayadi said.

Law expert Refly Harun said that in order to sustain public support, Jokowi should begin by appointing figures of integrity to the posts of attorney general, National Police Chief, and in leadership positions at other law enforcement agencies.

"The attorney general and the National Police chief should not have ties to political parties so as to avoid conflicts of interest. Also, its better if Jokowi appoints an attorney general who is an outsider," Refly said.

Refly also warned Jokowi not to allow members of his family to engage in business activities that were prone to corruption.

He added that Jokowi should throw his support behind the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in its antigraft campaign, something that former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono failed to do.

"During the Yudhoyono era, Yudhoyono did not show support to the KPK during its prolonged dispute with the National Police. He decided to take action only after being pressured by the public," Refly said.

Relations between the two law enforcement institutions reached their nadir in July 2012, when the KPK named Insp. Gen. Djoko Susilo a suspect in a driving simulator graft scandal at the National Police Traffic Corps. The police responded by recalling investigators assigned to the KPK, even though their tenures had not yet expired. (idb)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/jokowi-riding-high-public-support-smrc.html

Environment & natural disasters

New minister to focus on scrutinizing forestry permits

Jakarta Post - October 30, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – With the merging of the Forestry Ministry and the Environment Ministry in President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's new Cabinet, newly-appointed Environment and Forestry Minister Siti Nurbaya Bakar faces the daunting task of balancing the exploitation and preservation aspects of both ministries.

Environmental activists have questioned how Siti would helm the ministry to reach a balance in the management of the country's abundant, yet massively exploited, natural resources.

Fresh from the hand-over ceremony with her predecessor Balthasar Kambuaya on Wednesday, Siti made it clear that one focus of the ministry would be on the issuance of permits.

"The issuance of permits should be made easy for the business world so that natural resources could truly become a source of public wealth," she told reporters at the ministry's office in Kebon Nanas, East Jakarta. Siti said that in the future, permits should be obtained quickly and cheaply. She did not elaborate on what kind of permits she was referencing.

But Siti admitted that she had things to learn first before the plan could be implemented.

The merger and the appointment of Siti has raised concerns over the future of environmental conservation in the country, with some saying that the new ministry might tend to produce policies in favor of exploitation rather than conservation.

Conservation group Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI), for example, said that there was still a strong paradigm of exploitation in the country caused by the point of view that exploitation is a source of income to the state while conservation is costly.

WALHI chairman Abetnego Tarigan also raised doubts over the capability of Siti, pointing out how she was not a prominent name in the environmental field, despite her doctoral degree in natural resources planning from the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB).

"I've been involved in environmental and natural resources issues for 12 years, but never once have I come into contact with work related to Ibu Siti Nurbaya," he said.

Commenting on the concerns, Siti acknowledged the dual nature of the new ministry, which had the authority to issue forest utilization licences (HPH) as well as strategic environmental assessments (KLHS). A KLHS is an assessment that regional administrations have to carry out before issuing permits for land or forest management, as stipulated in Law No.32/2009 on environmental management and protection.

Siti, however, assured reporters that the preservation function of the ministry was alive and well. She said that the plan to simplify the issuing of permits did not mean that the process would not be controlled and monitored carefully.

"The perception that surfaces in the public is that permit issuance is associated with transactions. It can't be like that anymore. Permit issuance is an instrument of control," Siti said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/new-minister-focus-scrutinizing-forestry-permits.html

Jokowi's merging of environment, forestry ministries scorned

Jakarta Post - October 24, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Batam – President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's vow to protect the environment has come under question following his plan to merge two complimentary entities, the Forestry Ministry and the Environment Ministry, into a single ministry.

A conservation group, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), said on Thursday that the plan would be a setback to the country's effort to improve the management of the environment, as the monitoring function of the Environment Ministry may diminish as it merges with the Forestry Ministry, one of the subjects of the monitoring.

Walhi chairman Abetnego Tarigan said that the two ministries were almost antagonizing in nature since the Forestry Ministry tended to focus on the exploitation of forests while the Environment Ministry focused on preserving the environment.

"Amid the [backward] paradigm of exploitation in our country, combining exploitation and conservation authorities into one body does not guarantee balanced decision making," he told The Jakarta Post.

Therefore, it was feared that the new ministry would produce policies in favor of exploitation rather than conservation, according to Abetnego.

"The paradigm is influenced by the point of view that conservation is costly while exploitation is a source of income to the state," he said.

Likewise, Greenpeace Indonesia chairman Longgena Ginting said that the focus of the ministry might be skewed toward exploiting forests.

"This idea of merging is worrying because the Environment Ministry could become a part of the portfolio of the Forestry Ministry, as the first's roles and authorities are smaller and more limited than the Forestry Ministry," he told the Post on Thursday.

Another thing that might be problematic in the future is the fact that the Environment Ministry is in charge of monitoring unruly public officials authorized to issue forestry permits and file lawsuits against them, while the Forestry Ministry who issues permits. "No one will assume the watchdog role in the future," Abetnego said.

Longgena also pointed out the fact that environmental issues were not limited to forestry. "There are issues in other sectors, such as maritime," he said. "The plan might marginalize environmental issues."

Abetnego, meanwhile, said that the plan might cause people to think narrow-mindedly about the environment. "Why isn't [the Environmental Ministry] being merged with other natural resources sectors?" he said.

Abetnego also said that it was too risky to merge the two ministries seeing as how any decisions made by the new ministry would be heavily influenced by the appointed minister.

The plan to merge the two ministries was spelled out in a letter sent to the House of Representatives on Wednesday, in which Jokowi proposed additions or alterations to the nomenclatures of the ministries in his administration.

According to Abetnego, the plan contradicts Jokowi's vow and commitment to strengthen the institutions related to the environment.

"The President has failed to comprehend the essence of strengthening and is trapped dealing with the number of ministries promised in the Cabinet. If the two ministries are not merged, then the number of ministries will be higher than those during former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's era," he said.

Furthermore, during a meeting with Jokowi in May, Walhi suggested that he keep the two ministries separate while increasing the authority of the Environment Ministry.

"Therefore, we urged the House to reject the plan and call on the President to cancel the plan," Abetnego said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/24/jokowi-s-merging-environment-forestry-ministries-scorned.html

Health & education

Sex education campaign to be rolled out on Youth Pledge Day

Jakarta Post - October 26, 2014

Jakarta – A flag-raising ceremony is usually the norm to commemorate the historical moment when a group of Indonesian youths proclaimed three ideals – one motherland, one nation and one language – on Oct. 28, 1928, now known as Youth Pledge Day.

However, youngsters may instead find themselves rocking out to local tunes in Taman Menteng in Central Jakarta on Sunday, as part of a campaign by the Seperlima group to promote sex education.

The five organizations that constitute Seperlima – youth group Pamflet, the Indonesian Family Planning Association (PKBI), the Center for Education and Information on Islam and Women's Rights Issues (Rahima), Dutch NGO Hivos and the University of Indonesia's Gender and Sexuality Research Center – are holding the third Festival Seperlima with the theme "Beda Itu Biasa" (Different is Normal) in commemoration of Youth Pledge Day.

Pamflet coordinator Afra Suci Ramadhan told The Jakarta Post that the campaign's main objective was to promote the importance of sex education for youths, using the music and film event as a way of reaching out to young people in a relatable way.

"We chose this theme in honor of the Youth Pledge. We want to encourage pluralism and unity among young Indonesians, and sex education is one way of doing so. People learn how to respect themselves and each other when they are given sex education and that is also a key principle of the Youth Pledge," she said.

Last year, campaign events were held in October at 365 Eco Bar in Kemang, South Jakarta, and in April at the National Museum in Central Jakarta. However, Afra said, Seperlima wanted to hold the Oct. 26 event in a free open space so that it would be more accessible to the public.

"It's a free event and we want everyone to come. We want as many young people to receive our message as possible," she said, adding that the campaign was hoping for between 700 and 1,000 visitors.

Afra said that the musical acts chosen to play all supported Seperlima's belief in the importance of sex education. She added that the films had been chosen because they all touched on themes of identity and sexuality.

Separately, Kartika "Tika" Jahja of local band Tika & The Dissidents said that many of their songs had underlying themes relating to homophobia and women's right to their own bodies.

"So even without any dialogue, we hope that young Indonesians can understand the message that we are all trying to spread during this event. Everyone needs to understand that being different is normal," she said.

Festival Seperlima will host a number of activities throughout the day, including music performances and film screenings.

The music performances will run from 3:15 p.m. until 10:35 p.m., featuring local acts such as Tika & The Dissidents, Sore, Dialog Dini Hari, Risky Summerbee & The Honeythief, Witches, Polkawars, Harlan Luky Annash, Zeke Khaseli, Folkagogo and Angsa & Serigala.

Four movies will be shown in between the musical performances, starting at 6:30 p.m. and ending at 9:50 p.m., followed by discussions with the movie directors and schoolteachers after each screening.

The movie Masa Sih? (Really?) by young film director Chairun Nissa will be shown to public audiences for the first time.

Visitors will also be able to browse stands and booths run by a number of organizations for more information on sex education. (fss)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/26/sex-education-campaign-be-rolled-out-youth-pledge-day.html

Refugees & asylum seekers

Labor may adopt policy of turning back asylum seeker boats to Indonesia

The Guardian (Australia) - October 26, 2014

Shalailah Medhora – Labor may keep the practice of turning asylum boats around if it wins office at the next election, signalling what could be a major policy backflip.

Turning back boats where it is safe to do so is a central pillar of the government's Operation Sovereign Borders policy. Labor had vociferously panned the policy as dangerous and ineffective.

But on Sunday, Labor's immigration spokesman, Richard Marles, admitted that the policy had reduced the number of boat arrivals.

"It has had an impact," he told Sky News, adding that it was only effective because it was used in conjunction with regional resettlement, a Labor initiative.

Marles also admitted Labor "might" keep the controversial policy, but only if it had the support of the Indonesian government. "If there was a situation if in which Indonesia agrees with this, then that's a game- changer," he said.

"We are open-minded on this. We are utterly committed to make sure that the humanitarian crisis that happened on our borders [of asylum seekers drowning at sea while trying to reach Australia] never happens again."

Indonesia has consistently criticised the turnback policy, saying it impinges on its sovereignty. Labor had argued that the policy is bad for bilateral relations.

The immigration minister, Scott Morrison, wrote in a statement: "Don't trust what Labor says, trust what they do." "In opposition they voted against turn backs and temporary visas. The Australian people know who they can trust on our borders."

Asylum seeker advocates have denounced Labor's apparent change of heart on turnbacks. "It is very disturbing when both sides of politics see asylum seekers as a commodity in political deal-making," Pamela Curr from the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre said.

Greens spokeswoman on immigration, Sarah Hanson-Young, said: "There was a time when Labor stood up for refugees and for Australians who believed in a fair go for all. That time is over.

"Labor have gone to water in the face of Tony Abbott's cheap, politically motivated cruelty campaign." The potential change in Labor policy comes as the government looks set to introduce a contentious new bill to the Senate.

The bill would legislate the turnback policy under the Maritime Powers Act and reintroduce temporary protection visas (TPVs). It seeks to alter the definition of refugee, and circumvent the role of the high court in deciding asylum seeker issues.

It passed the House of Representatives last week, and will only pass the Senate with the support of the Palmer United party (PUP).

Head of PUP, Clive Palmer, made a deal with the Coalition to pass the legislation last month, but that deal looks shaky, as PUP argues the bill is different from the one it agreed to support. Tasmanian senator Jacqui Lambie is considering the bill before it heads to the Senate this week.

Labor has expressed concern with certain elements of the bill, including the reintroduction of TPVs and the moves to strip courts of power in deciding cases, labelling the move "inappropriate".

Marles also has concerns with moving away from the United Nations convention by changing the legal definition of refugee. "It's a stunt," he said. "This is a cheap play of legal nationalism on the part of the government."

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2014/oct/26/labor-may-adopt-policy-of-turning-back-asylum-seeker-boats-to-indonesia

Graft & corruption

Bekasi ex-mayor, a graft convict, in surprise jaunt from prison

Jakarta Globe - October 30, 2014

Jakarta – Indonesia's porous prison system has once again come under scrutiny after the former mayor of Bekasi, ostensibly locked up in a Bandung jail on a six-year sentence for corruption, was seen dining at a South Jakarta restaurant earlier this week.

Mochtar Muhammad, who was sentenced to jail in March 2012 after his earlier acquittal was overturned, was seen having dinner on Monday night with his former lawyer, Sirra Prayuna, before going back to the Sukamiskin prison in Bandung.

Officials from the Justice Ministry's Directorate General of Corrections have confirmed that he left the prison, where most of Indonesia's corruption convicts are held, but could not say why.

Handoyo Sudrajat, the corrections chief, said Mochtar had applied for permission to leave the prison for several hours, and was back by night. Permission is usually given in cases when a prisoner wants to visit an ill relative, and even then, they have to be escorted by prison guards. In Mochtar's case, there was no official reason given for his trip, nor were any guards spotted at the restaurant with him.

Sirra, however, said it was a steaming pile of manure – literally. The convict's former lawyer said that Mochtar left the jail to buy compost for his gardening activities while in prison. While out, he decided to meet up with Sirra to discuss his pending parole request. Sirra did not explain why Mochtar had to go all the way from Bandung to Jakarta to buy fertilizer.

He did, though, claim that the former mayor was on the prison's "assimilation" program, in which he was allowed out of prison for several hours each day to work as a productive member of society, before returning to his cell in at night.

"I got a call from him at 6:30 p.m., asking to meet up. So of course I met him. He said he was out looking for compost," Sirra said. He added that even though he was no longer Mochtar's lawyer, he was still willing to discuss the convict's parole request with him.

Justice Minister Yasonna Laoly, who was inaugurated on the same day that Mochtar went on his jaunt, said he was unaware of the case but would question the chief warden at Sukamiskin about it.

Yasonna spoke during a surprise inspection of Cipinang Penitentiary in Jakarta, another prison known for its unusual concessions to high-profile inmates, including allowing them to have cellphones to run drug-trafficking rings on the outside, have sex with their girlfriends in the warden's office, and even cook meth.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), whose investigation led to Mochtar's jailing, said the case was the first major test for the new minister, who hails from the same party – the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) – as Mochtar.

"He needs to evaluate the officials in charge of [Sukamiskin] prison," Busyro Muqoddas, a deputy chairman of the KPK, said on Wednesday. "If he doesn't handle this case firmly, he's going to be humiliated by his own subordinates, many of whom are responsible for the rot within the system by selling their authority."

Mochtar, arrested by the KPK in connection with four separate corruption cases – including embezzlement of regional funds and bribing environmental officials to award his administration a "clean city" prize – was acquitted by the Bandung Anti-Corruption Court in October 2011.

That ruling was the first, and to date only time that the KPK did not win a conviction in a case that it prosecuted, and raised doubts about the series of questionable verdicts handed down by the Bandung court. The antigraft commission appealed the verdict, and in March 2012 the Supreme Court quashed the acquittal and sentenced Mochtar to six years in prison.

Incidentally, one of the judges who initially acquitted Mochtar, Ramlan Comel, was in March this year named a suspect by the KPK in an unrelated corruption case, and was arrested in August.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/bekasi-ex-mayor-graft-convict-surprise-jaunt-prison/

Freedom of religion & worship

Religious affairs minister Lukman holds faith in freedom

Jakarta Globe - October 31, 2014

Adelia Anjani Putri, Jakarta – The lone minister to survive the cut in President Joko Widodo's cabinet from the previous administration has unveiled plans to draft a bill that would afford unprecedented protection to religious minority groups, continuing where he left off in his battle against rising religious intolerance.

"Over the next six months, we will work on this bill to protect all religious groups, including those outside the six main religions of Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism," Lukman Hakim Saifuddin, the minister for religious affairs, said at a press conference in Jakarta on Wednesday.

"The bill will protect everyone's religious rights, especially the rights guaranteed by the Constitution," he said. "First, the right to believe in whatever they choose to put their faith in. There should be a guarantee that everyone is free to choose their own religion or belief. Second, the independence for anyone to practice their belief."

He added he hoped that "the bill can improve the quality of life." Lukman was inaugurated in June, in the twilight of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono administration, following the naming of the previous minister, Suryadharma Ali, as a graft suspect.

He has shown a more conciliatory stance than his predecessors on engaging with minority religious groups, including Shiite and Ahmadi Muslims – with whom he held breaking of the fast during Ramadan.

Suryadharma, by contrast, was known for his hostility toward these groups, including a public call for the Ahmadis to recant their "heretical" beliefs.

Lukman said the new bill would target the closures and attacks on churches and Shiite and Ahmadiyah mosques, one of the most egregious symptoms of the quasi-institutional discrimination of religious minorities stemming from the near-impossible administrative requirements laid out in a 2006 joint decree from the Religious Affairs Ministry and Home Affairs Ministry for congregations of any faith seeking a permit to build a house of worship.

"The bill will have many implications, including in terms of the permit to build places of worship," the minister said. "There should be a clearer and stronger regulation for this issue. Of course we need suggestions from the public so we can accommodate their needs and interests."

One of the requirements stipulated in the joint decree is for applicants to get the signed approval for their house of worship from the heads of 60 neighboring households of a different faith. In Muslim majority Indonesia, Christian, Shiite and Ahmadi applicants have almost invariably failed to get the required number, while a few cases have been reported in parts of eastern Indonesia, which has a large Christian population, of Muslims not being allowed to build mosques.

Lukman also promised to address the long-running issue of Shiite and Ahmadi communities being driven from their homes by mobs of Sunni Muslims – often with the support of the local police.

"It's a complex problem," he conceded. "It involves things related to officials such as the police, issues with local governments, problems within the local community, and admittedly, problems related to religious beliefs.

"Steps taken should be integrated and not partial. We're working on it. Now we're communicating intensively with local governments where refugees [of religious pogroms] are staying. Hopefully we can come up with the solutions," Lukman said.

He added that his ministry would also work with local Islamic clerics – who are often instrumental in inciting hostilities against minority groups – to get them to embrace religious tolerance.

"We'll hold interfaith forums for religious teachers to make sure that everyone has the same standing," he said. "Even though we have different beliefs, all religions teach the same lesson of promoting humanity – making humans human."

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/religious-affairs-minister-lukman-holds-faith-freedom/

New home minister to delve into minority issues

Jakarta Post - October 28, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang and Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – Newly appointed Home Minister Tjahjo Kumolo has said that he will scrutinize problems faced by minority groups over the past decade.

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician said that he would make an inventory of what could be categorized as minority problems.

"We will ask [for data] on what has happened in the past decade," he said on the sidelines of the Cabinet inauguration on Monday at the Presidential Palace.

He added that he would soon summon governors, mayors and regents to hear directions regarding a plan on financial austerity from President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

"We will deliver messages from Bappenas [the National Development Planning Board] and the Finance Ministry so that regional heads can understand about the limitation of [the current] state budget and will be able to anticipate [conditions]," said Tjahjo, referring to soaring fuel prices that may push the Jokowi administration to relieve some subsidies to make larger fiscal room for development programs.

Tjahjo, who is currently still serving as PDI-P secretary-general, is among five PDI-P members appointed in the new Cabinet.

A career politician and lawmaker, Tjahjo has never acquired public office before. The nationalistic background of the PDI-P, however, has given hope that he will be able to reform the conservative approach of home ministers from the time of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono administration.

Previously, Yudhoyono preferred to give the ministerial post to former military officers or local bureaucrats, which led to violent incidents with religious minority groups.

Human rights watchdogs recorded a rising number of incidents among religious groups during Yudhoyono's two terms.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) recorded 21 bylaws that had been issued by regional governments between 2005 and 2011 to disband any religious activities by members of the Ahmadiyah community, putting the Ahmadis under threat from locals and radical organizations.

A political analyst from the Indonesian Civilized Circle (Lima), Ray Rangkuti, suggested that Tjahjo would be more open-minded in handling sectarian conflicts compared to his predecessor Gamawan Fauzi.

"Looking at his character and his background as a [PDI-P] politician, I believe that Tjahjo will be more tolerant. He tends to go against mass organizations that often create trouble, such as the Islam Defenders Front [FPI], but he will handle those according to regulations," Ray said.

Human rights defender Hendardi, who chairs human rights watchdog the Setara Institute, said that the first challenge for Tjahjo would be to end discrimination against minorities like the Ahmadi and Shia groups.

He was referring to the Islamic sect of the Shia community based in Sampang, East Java, whose hundreds of members remain banned from returning home after they were forcibly evicted from their villages when their homes were burned by a group of people claiming to be representatives of the majority Sunni Muslims in August 2012.

Similarly, members of the Ahmadiyah community in Ketapang, West Nusa Tenggara (NTB), have been living in a local shelter after a mob claiming to be members of the Sunni majority attacked and burned their houses eight years ago.

Adding to discrimination imposed on the country's religious minorities, the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor, West Java, has remained sealed for more than 10 years despite a ruling by the Supreme Court, the country's highest legal institution, stipulating its legitimacy.

"[Along with the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Law and Human Rights Ministry] Tjahjo must also revoke all laws and regulations that accommodate discrimination against the country's religious minority groups, such as, among other things, the bans on Ahmadiyah as well as a 2006 joint ministerial decree on places of worship," Hendardi said.

The 2006 joint ministerial decree stipulates that congregation members must secure approval from at least 60 local residents of different faiths and the government-sponsored Regional Interfaith Harmony Forum (FKUB) before establishing a house of worship.

Robert Endi Jaweng, executive director of the Regional Autonomy Watch (KPPOD), specifically called on Tjahjo to keep a close watch on the development of Aceh and Papua, two provinces are that still marred with political instability, as well as economic and security concerns.

"I was hoping that the new home minister would be someone who has experience in governing. But now, we have Tjahjo, a politician. He may face challenges in building communication with special regions, particularly Aceh and Papua, and coordinating with respective ministries to ensure that sufficient funds and the right policies are in place to propel these regions' development," he said. (idb)

[Hasyim Widhiarto contributed to this article.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/28/new-home-minister-delve-minority-issues.html

Civil service & bureaucracy

New government calls a halt to civil servant recruitment

Jakarta Post - October 29, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – In line with President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's "mental revolution" campaign slogan, newly inaugurated Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform Minister Yuddy Chrisnandi announced on Tuesday that the government was planning a moratorium on civil-service recruitment.

The Hanura Party politician said the moratorium would improve the administration's effectiveness and avoid wasteful spending.

"[Vice President Jusuf Kalla] asked us to impose a moratorium on civil servants," he said on the sidelines of the hand over ceremony from his predecessor Azwar Abubakar at the ministry's office in Senayan, Central Jakarta.

The moratorium will be in effect for the next five years, according to Yuddy, but does not mean there will be absolutely no new recruitment of civil servants during Jokowi's term of office – rather a suspension of recruitment for ministries that already had enough civil servants.

A ministry would be unable to recruit staff without a prior organizational audit, said Yuddy. He was referring to the audit ordered by President Jokowi of all ministries in his Cabinet to identify problems and inefficiencies within the organizations.

"[Each minister should assess] what is working, what is not working, and focus on serving the people," Jokowi said as he opened his first Cabinet meeting in the State Palace on Monday.

He also instructed Yuddy to monitor the auditing. "If possible, simplify the organization so that [we can] work more effectively and efficiently," Jokowi said. Yuddy described the moratorium on civil-servant recruitment as analogous to the moratorium on issuing new forest-clearing licences in 2011.

"It's the same with the forest moratorium. If the forest is still good, then don't cut it down," he said.

In a bid to further boost the efficiency of the national bureaucracy, the ministry is also studying the ideal ratio of civil servants in relation to the population, according to Yuddy. "We have 250 million people, so how many civil servants do we really need?" he said of the initial task given to each ministry.

According to data from the Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform Ministry, the number of civil servants in the country had increased by 22.47 percent since 2003, reaching 4.46 million civil servants in 2013. The rise in the number of civil servants has been cited as the cause of the ballooning state budget allocated for civil servants' salaries.

Data from state-budget watchdog the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (FITRA) shows an increase of Rp 43.6 trillion in spending on civil servants' salaries in the 2014 state budget from the previous year's budget. The figure is higher than the increase in the state budget allocation for development from 2013 to 2014, which was only Rp 13.2 trillion.

FITRA coordinator Uchok Sky Khadafi said on Tuesday that the moratorium was needed to trim the budget. "It could free up funds for civil servants as well as their benefits and much better state facilities," he told The Jakarta Post.

"Instead of recruiting new civil servants, which wastes money for their training programs and so on, it's better to use long-established staff." Uchok added that the current number of civil servants was already too high and more than what the country needed.

"They're concentrated in 'wet' [well-funded] regions and not in remote areas. This is because the ministry doesn't have an agency to count the their numbers, capacities, education and where they are located," he said. "The data [on civil servants] is not complete. This is what the ministry has to work on," Uchok added.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/29/new-govt-calls-a-halt-civil-servant-recruitment.html

Governance & administration

Praise as record number of women serve in Jokowi's cabinet

Jakarta Globe - October 28, 2014

Jakarta – Activists hail President Joko Widodo's appointment of eight women in his cabinet – the largest number in Indonesia thus far, although they remain cautious as to calling this a significant progress.

Prior to this, the highest number of women in the cabinet had been the four in the second term of former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"In quantitative terms, we can see this as part of efforts to encourage progresses by women," Masruchah, deputy chairwoman of the National Women's Commission (Komnas Perempuan) told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday.

"Some of them also occupy strategic positions that will enable them to protect and support women and marginalized groups in general."

Among the female appointees in Joko's Working Cabinet are Puan Maharani, the coordinating minister for human development and cultural affairs, State Enterprise Minister Rini Soemarno, Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and Health Minister Nila Moeloek.

The four others are Environment and Forestry Minister Siti Nurbaya, Maritime and Fisheries Minister Susi Pudjiastuti, Social Services Minister Khofifah Indar Parawansa and State Minister for Women's Empowerment and Children Protection Yohana Yembise.

While figures such as Retno, Indonesia's first female foreign minister, Nila and Yohana are largely considered professional technocrats, the others, critics have accused, are appointed mainly because of their proximity to power.

Puan, for example, is the daughter of Megawati Soekarnoputri, the chairwoman of Joko's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

Rini, meanwhile, has long been known to be Megawati's confidant; she was the industry and trade minister during the latter's presidency.

Rini, former chief of Astra International, is considered by some critics to be Joko's most controversial choice. They cite her questioning last year by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), in an investigation related to the notorious Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) case.

Rini, though, seems to pay no heed to her critics, addressing only work- related issues when speaking to journalists at her new office.

On Tuesday she said she would not hastily appoint a new president director of state oil and gas firm Pertamina, following the resignation of Karen Agustiawan.

"Pertamina is a huge state enterprise, so we won't just recommend some random names to the president," Rini said, reported by news portal jpnn.com.

Perhaps due to these issues, Masruchah of Komnas Perempuan hesitates to comment on the female ministers' qualities. "They've only been appointed as ministers for a few days. We can only judge their qualities after they have worked for at least 100 days," she said.

Andi Widjajanto, a close aide to Joko, said the president did not seek to allocate women specifically in these positions. "When we finished composing the cabinet lineup on Saturday, we were surprised that it included eight women," Andi said. "It was an unintended result."

Meanwhile, the World Economic Forum in its latest Global Gender Gap Report ranks Indonesia at the 97th place out of 142 countries included in the report – which measures gender based gaps in access to economic participation, education attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment.

Iceland tops the rankings, followed by four Scandinavian nations. The Philippines is in ninth place and Yemen is last.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/praise-record-number-women-serve-jokowis-cabinet/

Home affairs minister the one that got away: KPK

Jakarta Globe - October 28, 2014

Novianti Setuningsih, Jakarta – One slipped through the cracks. That was the admission from Indonesia's chief graft fighter about the inclusion of veteran politician Tjahjo Kumolo in President Joko Widodo's cabinet – despite the fact that he had been flagged following checks by the national antigraft agency and the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center.

Tjahjo, from Joko's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), was named the country's new minister for home affairs on Sunday.

Though placed in the "low zone" of candidates deemed questionable, he was not considered a potential risk of being named a graft suspect, Abraham Samad, chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), said on Monday. "There was indeed a note" against the name of Tjahjo, Samad told reporters.

The red flag against Tjahjo was his failure to submit wealth reports to authorities since 2001, when he first joined the House of Representatives. As a public official, he was required to disclose his wealth at the end of his term in 2004, and again later that same year when he was reelected.

Tjahjo also failed to declare his earnings in 2009 – when his career at the House was picked up once more – and at the end of his term this year.

As a result, the only financial record the KPK has of Tjahjo lists his wealth at just Rp 511.5 million ($42,100), as reported in 2001. That makes him, on paper anyway, the least wealthy of the 34 new ministers – although 13 years in the House, and at least one car that retails for double his stated wealth, make it all but apparent that he has far more than that.

Joko delayed announcing his cabinet earlier this month, pending checks conducted by the KPK and the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), and made it clear that he would not accept candidates who had been yellow- or red-flagged by the agencies.

By law, public officials, regional leaders, lawmakers and state firm directors are required to disclose their wealth before and after they take office, including when they take up a new position, get transferred or receive a promotion.

The KPK will then verify the officials' wealth and assets to ensure that they do not come from corruption practices during their term in office.

KPK deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas on Monday reminded all of Joko's 34 ministers regarding their obligation to submit a wealth report. "Now [that they're government officials] they have to report everything," Busyro said.

So far, no one has complied and disclosed their wealth. But based on earlier data submitted to the KPK, Puan Maharani, the nation's new coordinating minister for human resources development and culture, has a reported total wealth of more than $2.8 million.

The report is based on data from January 2010, when the 41-year-old daughter of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri was still a PDI-P lawmaker. At that time, Puan possessed properties worth Rp 16.7 billion ($1.375 million) and other sources of wealth – such as vehicles and money – totaling an additional Rp 17.4 billion and $28,125.

Meanwhile, the new State-Owned Enterprises Minister Rini Mariani Suwandi had a fortune of Rp 48 billion in properties, precious stones and cash, and a further Rp 75.7 billion in bonds, according to her 2004 wealth report, the latest data available on her finances.

Rini, who last submitted her wealth report when she ended her term as industry and trade minister under former president Megawati, also had a debt of Rp 66.1 billion and $1.45 million at the time.

It is not known what her wealth is now, and whether the debt is still outstanding. Although she looks to be among the wealthier ministers in Joko's cabinet, her wealth was not shocking considering she has served as chief executive in some of Indonesia's biggest companies.

But still, Rini has come in for criticism and may well be among those flagged by the KPK. The KPK questioned the SOE minister last year in an investigation related to so-called release and discharge documents obtained by debtor conglomerates in the notorious Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) case.

Rini, who was the deputy chairman of the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA), was questioned in connection with her position as a member of the Committee for the Stabilization of the Financial Sector (KSSK).

The KPK suspected that Rini knew about the process of obtaining the discharge release papers issued by IBRA, based on a 2002 Presidential Instruction and signed by the then-president, Megawati, on her key economy minister's recommendation.

Hadji Kalla Group

Rini's disclosed wealth, however, was nothing compared to that of Vice President Jusuf Kalla, whose family owns the Hadji Kalla Group.

Kalla last disclosed his wealth in July shortly before the presidential election campaign, where he states to own a whopping total assets of Rp 465.6 billion and a further $1 million. Meanwhile Joko, who owns a furniture business in his hometown Solo, states his fortune at Rp 29.8 billion.

Religious Affairs Minister Lukman Hakim Saifuddin could well be among Joko's less wealthiest cabinet members. Lukman last disclosed his wealth in 2009 when he became Deputy Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), listing his a total wealth at Rp 4.56 billion and a further $102,270.

Transportation Minister Ignasius Jonan owned up to Rp 23.5 billion per 2012, when he became president director of state railway firm Kereta Api Indonesia.

Meanwhile, Tourism Minister Arief Yahya, who disclosed his wealth in 2010 when he became president director of state telecommunication company Telkom, had a wealth of Rp 24.8 billion.

Not all members of Joko's cabinet have disclosed their finances to the KPK as some have never before held a government, parliamentary or state firm post.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/kpk-pdi-ps-tjahjo-kumolo-questionable-pick/

Attorney-general, top spy posts remain empty

Jakarta Post - October 28, 2014

Jakarta – Contrary to the tradition of his predecessors, President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo kept the post of attorney-general and a top spy post empty during the new Cabinet's inauguration on Monday.

While he announced Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) head Mardiasmo as the new deputy finance minister and Indonesian ambassador to Saudi Arabia A.M. Fachir as deputy foreign minister, the President has yet to reveal the new attorney-general and National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief.

In previous Cabinet inaugurations, the posts in question, which are equivalent to ministerial positions, have been filled alongside the other Cabinet posts.

Islamic University of Indonesia law expert A. Mudzakkir said that it was not against the rules to postpone the appointment of the two offices. "But when the Cabinet is dismissed, both officials will quit their posts like the rest of the Cabinet," he said as quoted by Antara news agency on Monday.

Speculation is rife that the President is still being fiercely lobbied by rival candidates for the positions.

After former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono officially dismissed his Cabinet, including former attorney-general Basrief Arief, on Oct. 19, Jokowi appointed Deputy Attorney-General Andhi Nirwanto as acting attorney-general.

Several figures have been tipped for the BIN top job, including former BIN deputy chief As'ad Said Ali, former military intelligence agency (BAIS) chief Rear Marshal (ret.) Ian Perdanakusuma and current BIN deputy chief Maj. Gen. Erfi Trianussu.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/28/attorney-general-top-spy-posts-remain-empty.html

Plenty of fanfare but little love for Jokowi's 'working cabinet'

Jakarta Globe - October 27, 2014

Jakarta – For a government that was supposed to eschew political patronage, President Joko Widodo's cabinet lineup announced on Sunday carried all the hallmarks of an administration beholden to its party backers – including several key appointments that have raised concern among observers.

Joko announced his 34-member "Working Cabinet" after repeated delays pending the outcome of background checks performed by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Financial Transaction Report and Analysis Center (PPATK), as well as consultation with the House of Representatives on changes to some ministries.

"I selected the ministers carefully and meticulously," Joko said at a press conference on the State Palace lawn on Sunday afternoon. "That's important because this cabinet will work for the next five years, and we want the chosen people to be clean figures, hence our consultations with the KPK and PPATK."

Political analysts, however, were not convinced. Twenty-one of the appointees are either affiliated to a political party or have links to senior party officials, particularly Megawati Soekarnoputri, Joko's party patron and chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI- P). This after Joko had repeatedly insisted that political appointees would be limited to just 16.

Political compromises

"Several expectations have not been met in this cabinet lineup," Burhanuddin Muhtadi, the executive director of Indikator Politik, a think tank, said in an interview on Metro TV. "It's not bad, but it doesn't have a wow effect, and that's because of the overly heavy political nuance – there are just too many political appointments."

Aleksius Jemadu, the dean of Pelita Harapan University's School of Social and Political Sciences, echoed the criticism. He added, though, that the "political compromises" made by Joko were inevitable, given that the administration, facing an opposition with a majority in the House of Representatives, needed strong support from its coalition partners, including Joko's own PDI-P.

Thirteen of the political appointees are political party members, and the other eight have close ties to the PDI-P. "Political compromises are inevitable; they can't be fully avoided because Joko needs the support of members of his coalition," Aleksius said.

He cited the appointment of Ryamizard Ryacudu, the defense minister, as an example of a longtime Megawati associate getting a key post. "This is a political compromise versus human rights issues. It appears that [Joko's] commitment to Megawati is stronger than his commitment to the civilian supremacy," Aleksius said.

Ryamizard, a former Army chief of staff, has a checkered human rights record, having been involved in the invasion of East Timor, as well as the suppression of separatist activities in Aceh and Papua.

Mega in the mix?

Another surprise pick is that of Puan Maharani, Megawati's 41-year-old daughter, as the coordinating minister for human development and culture. Puan has no experience running a government ministry or agency, and certainly none at coordinating level.

She later told reporters that her mother had nothing to do with deciding on the cabinet selection, but acknowledged that she, along with other ministers from the PDI-P, had been nominated by Megawati.

The PDI-P chairwoman was also said to be behind a last-minute change to the lineup. A list obtained by the Jakarta Globe and confirmed through two independent sources just hours before the announcement was nearly identical to the final list, with the exception of the post of communications minister. The earlier list named PDI-P politician Maruarar Sirait to the post, but the person who got the official nod was Rudiantara, a former telecommunications industry executive.

Neither Joko nor Maruarar would confirm or deny that there had been a change; but at a joint press conference after the announcement, Maruarar was dressed in a white shirt identical to those worn by the other ministers as they were named and introduced to the press.

Another PDI-P stalwart named to a key position is Tjahjo Kumolo, the party's number two and now the minister for home affairs. Tellingly, Tjahjo's first port of call after leaving the State Palace following the announcement was Megawati's house.

"I want to go meet the boss, to report to her," he told reporters as quoted by Viva.co.id – clearly not referring to the current president of the republic.

Observers also took issue with the appointment of PDI-P veteran Yasonna H. Laoly as minister of justice and human rights – a portfolio they argued should have gone to someone with no political affiliations.

"We had hoped that the next justice minister wouldn't be a politician, because that would pose huge potential for conflicts of interest," Ade Irawan, an activist from Indonesia Corruption Watch, told the Jakarta Globe.

"Previously it was said the position would go to Professor Saldi Isra" of Andalas University in Padang, West Sumatra, he added. "But then it went to a PDI-P politician."

Ade said that the final list showed that Joko had ignored the recommendations of the KPK and the PPATK not to pick candidates that it had expressed doubts over.

"Among the names announced, we've identified several who pose a potential conflict of interest and who have poor track records," he said, but did not name any individuals apart from Yasonna.

Siti Zuhro, a senior political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the party-heavy makeup of the cabinet was a reflection of the internal struggle between various factions for control of the administration.

"His efforts to form a streamlined coalition and streamlined cabinet haven't succeeded," Siti said as quoted by Sindonews.

"It's hard for Joko to prove he's formed an unconditional government if in forming his cabinet he keeps going back and forth to Megawati's house. He comes off as not having the authority or prerogative to choose his own ministers.

"There's an internal struggle going on, and Joko appears to be hostage to it, restrained in his ability to form his own cabinet," she added.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/plenty-fanfare-little-love-jokowis-working-cabinet/

Indonesia's new president Joko Widodo announces cabinet

Sydney Morning Herald - October 26, 2014

Michael Bachelard – Indonesia's new foreign minister is a career diplomat who remembers well her first posting in Australia partly because she had her car vandalised in the furious protests following the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre in East Timor.

Retno Marsudi, the Indonesian ambassador to the Netherlands, is a surprise choice over some more highly fancied rivals, and will be the country's first female foreign minister.

She will be a key part of President Joko Widodo's cabinet of 34, announced late Sunday and due to be inaugurated on Monday.

The cabinet, which Mr Joko labelled his "Working Cabinet", was still being finalised until hours before the announcement. It includes eight women and is a mix of professional, technocratic and political appointments.

It took more than a week of furious work, and its announcement has been delayed several times after at least eight of the original candidates were knocked out by the Corruption Eradication Commission and the Financial Transactions Reports and Analysis Centre over suspicion of corruption.

The final list shows Mr Joko appears to have steered clear of some of the major pitfalls, including candidates allegedly involved in corruption or human rights abuses. However one appointee, defence minister Ryamizard Ryacudu, is controversial with human rights activists over his record in the military.

Ms Retno will replace Marty Natalegawa, who had a sometimes antagonistic relationship with Australia. She came to know Australia well in her first overseas posting as the information secretary in Canberra between 1990 and 1994. Her former boss in that posting, ambassador Sabam Siagian, said she was a "competent and diligent diplomat".

However, she had only served herself as ambassador in stable countries, Sweden and the Netherlands, and now she faced "a challenging situation" as foreign minister.

She is considered likely to stick to the mainstream Indonesian line of a "free and active" foreign policy, and maintain "a thousand friends and no enemies".

The department mainstream also regards Australia with sometimes prickly suspicion.

In a recent interview, Ms Retno said she remembered Australia well, particularly after Indonesian troops shot dead at least 250 protesters at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili, East Timor, in 1991. The incident led to furious demonstrations in Australia led by unions and civil society.

"It was truly a challenging time for Indonesian diplomats in Australia," Ms Retno recalled in an interview with women's newspaper Nova.

"It ranged from threats and blockades to working out what to say to the media, the people and the Australian Government." She said her car had been dented by protestors one time, and another day doused in milk when she was shopping.

"Each diplomat got a 24-hour police guard... given the high level of threat, I asked my first son who was at preschool not to go to school for a week. There was one day where we couldn't get out of the office at all. We only got out after the Australian government deployed anti-protest police. Every car was escorted closely by police car who then stayed on at the diplomat's residence around the clock."

Former boss Mr Sabam said that, after Dr Natalegawa, who was unpopular in his own department, and the extremely outwardly focused former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Ms Retno would face a very challenging environment.

"Internally she has to reintegrate the foreign ministry, make it an effective and productive instrument, while externally she is facing a challenging situation – dealing with ASEAN countries, the rivalry between China and the US, and the maritime power build-up in the Indian Ocean."

Mr Joko is unfamiliar with foreign policy and will rely much more heavily on his minister than Dr Yudhoyono did.

Mr Joko appears at the last minute to have rejected two former generals from his cabinet list: Wiranto, who was implicated in human rights abuses in East Timor, and Luhut Panjaitan, who became one of the new president's closes campaign allies.

Also in Mr Joko's cabinet is Sofyan Djalil as the Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs. Mr Sofyan, as a minister in Dr Yudhoyono's cabinet, was one of those whose phones were tapped by Australian spies in 2007, leading to a six-month cooling of relations between the two countries.

Mr Joko has appointed several confidantes of his political patron, Megawati Sukarnoputri, in a sign that she retains a powerful influence.

Puan Maharani, Megawati's much-derided daughter, will be the Coordinating Minister for Human Development and Culture. The new Minister for State- Owned Enterprises – which still control about 40 per cent of the Indonesian economy – is Rini Soemarno, a Megawati-era trade minister.

Perhaps the most controversial appointment will be of the Minister for Defence, Ryamizard Ryacudu, who was army chief of staff under Ms Megawati, but, according to human rights body KontraS, was a hardliner in wanting to "crush" separatists in Aceh in the early 2000s, and supported special forces members facing trial for killed a Papuan rights figure, Theys Eluay in 2003.

"The law has stated that they are guilty. They must serve the sentence. However, for me, they are heroes," Ryamizard said of the Kopassus troops at the time. He was rejected for entry to the United States after troops under his command were implicated in the military killing of two US citizens in Papua in 2002.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/indonesias-new-president-joko-widodo-announces-cabinet-20141026-11c4va.html

Jokowi's Cabinet announced, here is the lineup

Jakarta Post - October 26, 2014

Ina Parlina and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – After taking the oath of office on Oct. 20, Joko "Jokowi" Widodo announced on Sunday his Cabinet lineup after delaying the announcement on Wednesday night, which prompted speculation that he was wrangling with leaders of political parties in his coalition who were insisting on nominating problematic candidates.

Jokowi's Working Cabinet 2014-2019

1. Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno (former Navy chief of staff 2008-2009/NasDem Party top executive)

2. Coordinating Economic Minister Sofyan Djalil (former state-owned enterprises minister)

3. Coordinating Maritime Affairs Minister Indroyono Susilo (an executive with the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

4. Coordinating Human Development and Culture Minister Puan Maharani (legislator/PDI-P top executive)

5. Home Minister Tjahjo Kumolo (legislator/PDI-P top executive)

6. Foreign Minister Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi (Indonesian ambassador to the Netherlands)

7. Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu (former Army chief of staff 2002- 2004)

8. Law and Human Rights Minister Yasona H. Laoly (legislator/PDI-P politician)

9. Finance Minister Bambang Brodjonegoro (deputy finance minister)

10. Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Sudirman Said (PT Pindad president/former PT Pertamina executive) 11. Industry Minister Saleh Husin (Hanura Party politician)

12. Trade Minister Rahmat Gobel (businessman)

13. Environment and Forestry Minister Siti Nurbaya (NasDem politician/former civil servant)

14. Agriculture Minister Amran Sulaiman (Hasanuddin University lecturer)

15. Agrarian and Spatial Planning Minister Ferry Musyidan Baldan (NasDem Party politician)

16. Transportation Minister Ignasius Jonan (PT Kereta Api Indonesia president)

17. Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister Susi Pudjiastuti (owner of airline operator Susi Air)

18. Manpower Minister Hanif Dhakiri (PKB politician)

19. Public Works and Public Housing Minister Basuki Hadimuljono (Public Works Ministry top official)

20. Health Minister Nila Moeloek (Indonesian representatives for MDGs)

21. Culture and Elementary and Secondary Education Minister Anies Baswedan (Paramadina University rector).

22. Social Affairs Minister Khofifah Indra Parawansa (former women's empowerment minister).

23. Religious Affairs Minister Lukman Hakim Saifuddin (current religious affairs minister)

24. Communications and Information Minister Rudiantara (PT Indosat commissioner, former top executives for PT Semen Indonesia, PT PLN, PT XL Axiata)

25. State Secretary Pratikno (Gadjah Mada University rector)

26. Research and Technology and Higher Education Minister M. Nasir (Diponegoro University rector)

27. Women's Empowerment and Child Protection Minister Yohana Susana Yembise (Cendrawasih University lecturer)

28. Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform Minister Yuddy Chrisnandi (Hanura Party politician)

29. Villages, Disadvantaged Regions and Transmigration Minister Marwan Jafar (PKB politician)

30. National Development Planning Minister/National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) chief Andrinof Chaniago (University of Indonesia lecturer)

31. State-Owned Enterprises Minister Rini Soemarno (former trade minister 2001-2004/former PT Astra International president)

32. Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Minister AAGN Puspayoga (PDI-P politician)

33. Tourism Minister Arief Yahya (PT Telekomunikasi Indonesia president director)

34. Youth and Sports Minister Imam Nahrawi (PKB politician)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/26/jokowis-cabinet-announced-here-lineup.html

Planned purchase of cars for councilors sparks criticism

Jakarta Post - October 24, 2014

Rizal Harahap, Pekanbaru – A plan by the Riau provincial administration to purchase official cars for councilors has sparked criticism, with the cost being considered too expensive.

The Riau provincial administration has allocated almost Rp 70 billion (US$5.8 million) to purchase 247 new official cars, 66 of which will be distributed to provincial councilors and the council speaker.

Criticism began as it was later revealed that among the cars to be purchased was a 3,500 cc jeep worth Rp 3.1 billion and a 2,500 cc sedan worth Rp 1.8 billion allocated for the Riau Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD I) speaker.

"In total, Rp 4.9 billion is to be spent on buying official cars for a legislative council speaker. This is wasteful spending that has nothing to do with the public interest," the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (FITRA) Riau coordinator Usman said on Thursday.

Usman said that if the administration was sensitive and pro-people, the budget must be allocated to more productive activities or converted into subsidies for students from economically poor families.

The same criticism was also expressed by the chairman of the Association of Islamic Students' (HMI) Great Sumatra branch, Mizan Musthofa, saying the purchase of the official cars must be cancelled.

"We should switch the fund to activities that can be directly felt by the public," Mizan said.

Condemnation also came from the chairman of the Malay Customary Institution (LAM) executive board member Al Azhar, who said the purchase was excessive.

"Excessive luxury is not in accordance with Malay cultural values in the community in Riau," he said.

Separately, the head of the provincial administration secretariat's purchase and asset inventory division, Ahmad Fadillah, said Rp 3.1 billion for the purchase of the jeep was still an estimated price.

"The process is entering a rebuttal period to accommodate objections regarding the stage and process of the purchase, so there is no confirmation yet," Fadillah said.

He said the purchase had been conducted according to the prevailing regulation and the budget had not yet exceeded the allowed amount.

"The purchase of a jeep for the legislative council speaker's field operational vehicle is normal," said Fadillah, adding that the vehicle currently used by the council speaker was the property of the provincial administration.

Responding to the criticism, Riau DPRD I speaker Suparman said the case should not be exaggerated if no regulation had been violated.

"A provincial legislative council speaker gets two operational cars, just like the head of the provincial administration," he said, adding that the budget had been made even before he was sworn in as Riau council speaker.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/24/planned-purchase-cars-councilors-sparks-criticism.html

Parliament & legislation

Worrying mutiny in the House

Jakarta Post - October 30, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – Simmering tensions between rival coalitions in the House of Representatives boiled over on Wednesday, with the dueling camps at the legislative body, the Red-and-White Coalition and the Great Indonesia Coalition, each establishing its own leadership of the House and internal bodies.

Challenging a unilateral decision made by the Red-and-White Coalition to name the leaders of the House and its internal bodies, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)-led Great Indonesia Coalition announced a separate House leadership, with senior PDI-P politician Pramono Anung Wibowo appointed as speaker and the National Awakening Party's (PKB) Abdul Kadir Karding, the United Development Party's (PPP) Syaifullah Tamliha, the NasDem Party's Patrice Rio Capella and the Hanura Party's Dossy Iskandar Prasetyo serving as deputy speakers.

The PDI-P claimed that the leadership would soon begin working to bring an end to the standoff, which has paralyzed the House more than a month after its induction.

"[...] In order to ensure that the House functions properly, we've agreed to elect our own speaker and deputy speakers. Also, we hereby file a vote of no confidence against the current House's chairmanship," PDI-P lawmaker Arif Wibowo announced on Wednesday.

Arif said the Great Indonesia Coalition made the decision after failed negotiations with the current leadership of the House, which it deemed "authoritarian" and biased toward the Red-and-White Coalition.

He said that the current leadership had also violated internal House regulations when it blocked a motion from politicians of the Great Indonesia Coalition to present arguments at plenary meetings. "We decided to hold our own plenary meetings in addition to other meetings," Arif said.

Lawmaker Viktor Bungtilu Laiskodat, chairman of the NasDem faction at the House, stressed that forming its own leadership of the House was the only way for the Great Indonesia Coalition to exert its influence.

"It is clear now that the five factions [within the Red-and-White Coalition] aim to control the House through authoritarian means. With their power, they will force the government to bow to their demands and they want us to accept the deal as well," Victor said.

The Great Indonesia Coalition's decision to appoint its own speaker and deputy speakers came just minutes after the Red-and-White Coalition – which has secured a majority of seats in the House – tightened its grip on the House by placing politicians in charge of the House's internal bodies, including its commissions, through a controversial selection process.

During the selection process, House deputy speakers – all of whom are members of the Red-and-White Coalition – pressed ahead with proceedings without the presence of any lawmakers from the Great Indonesia Coalition.

Article 251 of the House's internal regulations stipulates that meetings of a House internal body can proceed only when at least 50 percent of lawmakers are present and six political factions represented.

The selection process proceedings met the attendance quota, but failed to fulfill the party representation requirement, with only the Golkar Party, the Gerindra Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Democratic Party factions present.

Lawmakers from the PPP were registered for each of the meetings, but none of them attended to protest a decision made by the House leadership to only recognize the PPP faction led by embattled PPP chairman Suryadharma Ali.

House Deputy Speaker Fadli Zon from Gerindra insisted that the selection of all leadership positions was legal despite the absence of PPP lawmakers.

Constitutional law expert Yusril Ihza Mahendra said that the House feud constituted a setback for the country's democracy. "This country cannot move forward if one group maintains control in either the legislative or the executive branch of government," Yusril said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/worrying-mutiny-house.html

Big gains in House for opposition as Jokowi's coalition rolls over

Jakarta Globe - October 29, 2014

Carlos Paath, Jakarta – Indonesia's House of Representatives forged ahead on Wednesday with the selection of commission and committee leaders, despite a boycott from the five-party Awesome Indonesia coalition, or KIH, of President Joko Widodo.

Leaders of five commissions had already been elected by mid-afternoon, and Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo said the remaining six, as well as the House's six committees, would have new heads by tomorrow.

"The selection will be done through negotiation or voting, depending on the conditions of the commissions and bodies," Bambang said.

The push to settle commission heads, however, has been boycotted by parties supporting President Joko, who have refused to put forward legislators to sit on the bodies.

With a minority in the House, the bloc has been powerless to stop losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's Red-White coalition (KMP) – which has 353 of the 560 House seats – sweeping leadership posts.

No leaders had been appointed to the House's budget committee, inter- parliamentary committee, legislative committee, ethics committee or council committee by the time of writing.

Hendrawan Supratikno, a legislator from Joko's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said that Wednesday's meeting was "not credible."

"There is an extraordinary desire to dominate [from the Red-White coalition]," he said. "Don't forget the House is a representative institution. The selection seems to be forcefully conducted in a rush." Hendrawan said the KIH would hold a meeting to decide their next step.

As of the time of writing, the opposition KMP had secured leadership roles in:

Commission I, which oversees defense, information, foreign and political affairs: Chairman: Mahfudz Siddiq (Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS). Deputies: Tantowi Yahya (Golkar), Asril Hamzah Tanjung (Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra), Hanafi Rais (National Mandate Party, or PAN).

Commission II, which is responsible for home affairs, regional autonomy, agrarian affairs: Chairman: Rambe K. Zaman (Golkar). Deputies: Ahmad Riza Patria (Gerindra), Wahidin Halim (Democratic Party), Mustafa Kamal (PKS).

Commission IV for agriculture, plantations, forestry and maritime affairs, fisheries and food affairs: Chairman: Edhy Prabowo (Gerindra). Deputies: Siti Hediyati Hariyadi (Golkar), Herman Khaeron (Democrat), Viva Yoga Mauladi (PAN).

Commission IX for population, health, manpower, transmigration: Chairman: Dede Yusuf Macan Effendi (Democrat), Syamsul Bachri (Golkar), Pius Lustrilanang (Gerindra), Asman Abnur (PKS).

Commission VIII for religious affairs, social affairs, women's empowerment: Chairman: Saleh Daulay (PAN). Deputies: Deding Ishak (Golkar), Sodhik Mudjahid (Gerindra), Ledia Amaliah (PKS).

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/big-gains-house-opposition-jokowis-coalition-rolls/

Armed forces & defense

Indonesian defense chief may smooth path for army novice Jokowi

Bloomberg - October 31, 2014

Chris Blake – Former Suharto-era general Ryamizard Ryacudu, tapped by Indonesian President Joko Widodo for defense minister, could become a conduit to the powerful armed forces for the country's first leader to rise from outside the aristocracy or the military.

Ryamizard, who spearheaded anti-separatist crackdowns in his time as army chief of staff in the early 2000s, said he's waiting for instructions from Joko for defending an archipelago that would stretch from New York to Alaska.

"Wait, let me learn first," Ryamizard told reporters Oct. 26. "I don't want to speak presumptuously. I'm awaiting the president's roadmap."

Joko, known as Jokowi, is a former furniture dealer who entered politics in 2005 and had little experience in security policy in his time as a mid-city mayor and then governor of Jakarta. His selection of Ryamizard, 64, could smooth ties with the armed forces, though it has raised concerns among rights groups and questions about his capacity to modernize a military that for most of Indonesia's history has been focused on internal threats.

"Ryamizard gives Jokowi a defense minister who is well liked within his own military," said Ken Conboy, country manager at RMA Indonesia, a Jakarta- based risk management firm. "Ryamizard was a soldier's soldier, but never really known as a diplomat. So there is perhaps some risk to Jokowi that Ryamizard will be prone to making politically inappropriate statements."

Ryamizard rose through the ranks during the rule of dictator Suharto in the 1990s and has defended soldiers convicted of killing a Papuan independence leader as "heroes" and said rights groups "contribute nothing to this country." The son of a regional army commander, he has ties to former President Megawati Soekarnoputri, the daughter of founding President Sukarno and now leader of Jokowi's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P.

'Highly politicized'

Megawati nominated Ryamizard to be commander of the armed forces in her final days in office in 2004, a move that was blocked by her successor as president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a former general. His appointment to Jokowi's 34-member cabinet is a political concession to Megawati, said Andreas Harsono, an Indonesia researcher for Human Rights Watch.

"He comes from the Suharto era where military officers were highly politicized," he said. "His father was loyal to President Sukarno. He is loyal to President Megawati. I think that is the only explanation."

Ryamizard will oversee a defense budget that Jokowi has said he wants to increase to 1.5 percent as a share of the economy, which is Southeast Asia's largest. The president has said he wants to modernize the armed forces, particularly the navy, which is responsible for patrolling the more than 17,000 islands that make up the world's fourth most-populous nation.

Military spending

Military spending has increased over the past decade and reached Rp 81.96 trillion ($6.8 billion) in 2013, or 0.9 percent of gross domestic product, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

"Percentage wise it looks pretty impressive," said Richard Bitzinger, coordinator of the military transformations program at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore. "But that basically means going from a very low level to not much of a higher level."

If Indonesia wants to modernize its military it must commit the necessary resources over a sustained period of time and focus that money on the navy and air force rather than ground troops, he said.

"It's not something you can nickel and dime," he said. "It's going to take time. If you're going to add equipment you've got to add personnel. So you need more sailors and you need more pilots and things like that and that takes a long time and that costs money too."

Malacca Strait

Jokowi has said he wants to stop smuggling of Indonesia's natural resources and has suggested building a network of drones to patrol the country. The Malacca Strait, a shipping lane that links the economies of countries such as India, China and Japan, also runs through Indonesia.

At his inauguration on Oct. 20, Jokowi likened himself to a "captain trusted by the people" and said it was time for Indonesia to return to "Jalesveva Jayamahe," the Indonesian navy motto meaning "in the seas we will triumph."

"I would think that Ryamizard would be pressed to reflect Jokowi's maritime emphasis in his defense planning," Conboy said. "I suppose there could be some concern that he will favor the army when it comes to purchases, rather than the maritime emphasis voiced by Jokowi."

China's rise

Indonesia also faces an increasingly assertive China, which has been pushing its territorial claims to most of the nearby South China Sea. While Indonesia is not an official claimant to areas in dispute and has sought to stay out of the spat, officials have said that China's interpretation of its nine dash-line map – the basis for its claims – is seeping into Indonesia's exclusive economic zone.

China must not create regional instability, Indonesian military chief Gen. Moeldoko told reporters Oct. 29 in Singapore. The defense force has "hundreds of ships" to secure the country's maritime lanes within its borders, he said.

"China is a great economic superpower, however we don't want this great force to create instability in the region," Moeldoko said. "Just a small disturbance within this maritime zone will give a big impact" and create turbulence in the region.

'Conservative instincts'

Still, Ryamizard's background suggests that he will focus internally, perhaps overlooking potential military threats from outside, said Marcus Mietzner, an associate professor at the Australian National University in Canberra.

"He's not a strategic thinker," said Mietzner, author of "Money, Power and Ideology: Political Parties in Post- Authoritarian Indonesia." "He has deeply conservative instincts, and these are likely to guide him. This means preserving military privileges, less emphasis on transparency in the name of guarding 'state secrets,' and no genuine attempts at improving civilian oversight of the armed forces."

While he may take a tough stance on separatist ambitions in Papua, Ryamizard won't be responsible for countering the threat from militants, including the potential return of Indonesians who left to fight with Islamic State in the Middle East. That responsibility lies with the police and intelligence agencies. Gen. Moeldoko said he believed Ryamizard was the right man for the post.

'Proper figure'

"Based on his huge experience as well as vast academic background, I'm quite sure that General Ryamizard Ryacudu is indeed a proper figure," he said. "I'm also quite sure that later he's going to produce some kind of political policies that are indeed quite proper for the military and the state."

Ryamizard has in the past made comments about meddling by "foreign imperial powers" and his appointment could complicate military cooperation with allies such as Australia and the US, said Kevin O'Rourke, a political analyst and author of "Reformasi: The Struggle for Power in Post-Soeharto Indonesia."

"A question is whether Ryacudu will involve himself in foreign policy issues, perhaps taking stances that conflict with those of the new foreign minister," O'Rourke said.

Democratic transition

When asked about Ryamizard, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said the US was aware of "allegations of human rights violations committed by the Indonesian army while the general served as army chief of staff."

"We are not, however, aware of any allegation that ties the defense minister explicitly to a specific human rights violation," she told reporters on Oct. 28 in Washington. "Indonesia's military, like the country as a whole, has reformed in significant ways over the past 16 years in line with Indonesia's democratic transition."

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/news/indonesian-defense-chief-may-smooth-path-army-novice-jokowi/

Old-school Ryamizard may hamper weaponry system reform

Jakarta Post - October 28, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani and Ina Parlina, Jakarta – Military experts have raised concerns that upgrades to the Indonesian Military's (TNI) weaponry system could be stalled under the leadership of new Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu, due to his conservative approach and his tainted international reputation.

Indonesian Institute for Defense and Strategic Studies (Lesperssi) analyst Rizal Darma Putra said that the utmost challenge faced by Ryamizard, a 64- year-old former Army chief, would be to give equal attention to the weaponry development of the three branches of the military.

"Ryamizard is known for his conservative views and his strong focus on Army development. He must abandon his old ways in order to implement the maritime-axis vision of President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo," Rizal said.

"As the defense minister, he must pay fair attention to and synchronize the weaponry development of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force," he added.

Under the first stage of the strategic plan between 2010 and 2014 laid out by then president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the country completed nearly 40 percent of the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) framework. The target was reached through financial backing of Rp 100 trillion (US$8.25 billion) in the five-year period, Yudhoyono said.

The funds have enabled the TNI to replace its obsolete armaments by procuring cutting-edge weaponry – such as the German-manufactured main battle tank (MBT) Leopard and Brazil's EMB 314 Super Tucano turboprop aircraft.

During the period, state-owned manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia signed an agreement with South Korea on the joint production of KFX/IFX fighter jets, an essential step to advance Indonesia's defense industry.

In the second phase of the strategic plan slated for 2015-2019, the country aims to advance national defense industries, enhance joint production with foreign suppliers and develop new weaponry.

Rizal suggested that Ryamizard may face obstacles in forging defense cooperation with some countries due to his poor human rights record, which includes allegedly instructing the massacre of separatists in Aceh and supporting the murder of Papuan leader Theys Eluay.

"He may have hostile relationships with Australia and the US. He must revamp his image in the hope of convincing many countries to sign defense deals with Indonesia," he said.

Ryamizard was reportedly refused entry to the US following the alleged involvement of soldiers in the murder of two US citizens in Papua in 2002.

Ryamizard may have even more funds to manage as Jokowi, during his campaign, pledged to triple the budget for the TNI in a bid to modernize weaponry and improve the welfare of military personnel. This year's Defense Ministry budget stood at Rp 76 trillion.

To help prevent misappropriation in weaponry procurement, Rizal urged Ryamizard to strengthen the ministry's internal supervision, as well as join forces with the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in auditing its expenditure.

"Ryamizard must not evade external supervision by arguing that those [procurements] are national secrets," he said.

The Centre for Strategic and International Studies' (CSIS) Iis Gindarsah said that with a positive economic outlook in the foreseeable future, Ryamizard would be able to procure more key weapon systems, including multirole fighter jets, attack helicopters, missile-guided frigates and surveillance radars.

Ryamizard on Sunday reassured journalists that he would give proper attention to each branch of the military, and pledged to improve the quality of soldiers aside from modernizing weaponry systems.

"Our weaponry system must be up-to-date, but [we also need to develop] the personnel who operate those weapons. What is the point of buying numerous weapons but having a crew that is unable to use those professionally?" he asked.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/28/old-school-ryamizard-may-hamper-weaponry-system-reform.html

Fishing & maritime affairs

Indonesia suffers huge losses due to fish theft

Jakarta Post - October 31, 2014

Jakarta – Newly elected Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister Susi Pudjiastuti said on Friday that losses from rampant fish theft in Indonesian waters were estimated to be in the trillions of rupiah.

"The losses could reach about Rp 11 trillion," Susi said in Jakarta as quoted by Antara news agency. According to Susi, the figures were calculated from 5,329 large-scale fishing ships of over 30 gross tonnage applying for their licensing to the government.

For the licensing of the total number of ships, the government's subsidies for the fishing industry were estimated to reach about Rp 11.5 trillion per year.

In return, the government received only about Rp 300 billion from the fishing ships, she said, emphasizing that the incomes were not comparable to calculations in the licensing of the ships.

Susi said she had ordered the revision of the existing regulations so as not to cause the state to suffer more losses. She reiterated that high incomes from fishing industry could be used to help improve the welfare of fishermen. (hhr)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/31/indonesia-suffers-huge-losses-due-fish-theft.html

Analysis & opinion

A kindergarten House

Jakarta Post Editorial - October 30, 2014

The description of the House of Representatives by late president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid is still fresh in people's minds – a "kindergarten", he called the rowdy legislature during his term in office.

The "kindergarten" came to life again on Tuesday when a table, microphones and mineral water bottles were thrown down by lawmakers from the United Development Party (PPP).

This latest disheartening report was a far cry from the high hopes for the new government. As President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's Cabinet is not considered star-studded, the House will be crucial to monitor and supervise the executive branch.

However, any such hopes evaporated shortly after the installment of the new lawmakers at the beginning of October, as they notoriously ended the direct election of regional heads after a plenary session that lasted almost an entire day and night. The intense politicking continues, as House members fight over the leadership seats of the commissions and other House bodies, before they can start work early next year.

What the public saw once again on Tuesday was lawmakers' obsession with short-term political interests, which in the context of the PPP is the rivalry between its two factions.

The House leadership, dominated by the Red-and-White Coalition, took advantage of its power by immediately acknowledging the PPP faction under embattled chairman Suryadharma Ali, and ignoring the other PPP faction that has expressed support for the coalition led by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which supported Jokowi's presidential bid.

The new government will benefit from a House that is increasingly seen by the public as divided and lacking credibility, if the House continues to be perceived as ignoring the public interest. The general public will lose out, however, if the government goes unchecked while political parties remain trapped in infighting. People have come to realize that our back-and-forth democracy is something that we have to live with, much like natural disasters.

Nevertheless, after almost 70 years of independence, citizens expect more maturity from politicians, especially after this year's most divisive presidential election. The "Working Cabinet" has met with protests over the lack of representation of certain ethnic groups, but this is mostly in jest as people are eager for immediate breakthroughs from all ministers.

What our politicians fail to realize is the low importance people attach to the political parties, appreciating merely that we need a functioning House to pass laws, supervise the government and deliberate the state budget.

Regional legislative councils (DPRDs) are also known for narrow-interest maneuvering instead of reflecting genuine concern for their constituencies. The Aceh DPRD, which recently rushed to pass a new sharia-based criminal code without much consultation, and the Jakarta DPRD, which is fussing over the installation of acting governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama as governor, are only two examples.

Just as with the new Cabinet ministers, our politicians should also be reminded to "work, work and work".

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/30/editorial-a-kindergarten-house.html

As new president takes office cabinet includes officials tied to atrocities

Democracy Now - October 28, 2014

Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo, has held his first Cabinet meeting amidst criticism from human rights activists for picking a new defense minister who once defended military killings of civilians.

In July, the former Jakarta governor known as "Jokowi" defeated the US- trained former army general Prabowo Subianto, who had been accused of mass killings when he headed the Indonesian special forces in the 1990s.

While human rights groups hailed the defeat of Prabowo in July's election, the new president is facing opposition for picking former Army Chief of Staff Ryamizard Ryacudu to be Indonesia's new defense minister. Over the past decade, Ryamizard has defended the military's actions in West Papua and Aceh and publicly claimed that civilians become legitimate army targets if they "dislike" army policy or have "the same voice" as anti-government rebels.

We are joined from Indonesia by veteran investigative journalist Allan Nairn, whose dispatches shook up the presidential race when he reported on human rights abuses committed by Prabowo and the US-trained general's statement that Indonesia needs "a benign authoritarian regime" because the country was "not ready for democracy." Nairn also discusses his latest major report, revealing that a top adviser to Indonesia's new president has admitted "command responsibility" in the 2004 assassination of the country's leading human rights activist, Munir Thalib.

Transcript

Aaron Mate: We turn now to Indonesia. On Monday, the country's new president, Joko Widodo, held his first Cabinet meeting a week after being sworn in. In July, the former Jakarta governor, known as "Jokowi," defeated the US-trained former army general Prabowo Subianto, who had been accused of mass killings when he headed the Indonesian special forces in the 1990s. Over the weekend, President Jokowi said he wanted to form a, quote, "clean Cabinet."

President Joko Widodo: [translated] The process of choosing ministers was done carefully and cautiously. Carefully and cautiously. This is a priority, because this Cabinet will be working for five years, and we want to choose clean people. We choose not only those capable in their fields, but candidates who are also strong in operational leadership and have great managerial ability.

Amy Goodman: While human rights groups hailed the defeat of General Prabowo in July's election, President Jokowi is facing criticism for picking former Army Chief of Staff Ryamizard Ryacudu to be Indonesia's new defense minister. Over the past decade, Ryamizard has defended the military's actions in West Papua and Aceh, and publicly claimed civilians become legitimate army targets if they "dislike" army policy or have "the same voice" as anti-government rebels.

Joining us from Jakarta, Indonesia, is investigative reporter Allan Nairn, who has reported on Indonesia for more than 20 years. His reporting shook up the presidential race when he reported on human rights abuses committed by Prabowo, the US-trained general. Nairn also revealed that in 2001 Prabowo told him, in an off-the-record interview, that Indonesia needs "a benign authoritarian regime," because the country was, quote, "not ready for democracy." Just this week, Allan Nairn broke another major story. He revealed that General A.M. Hendropriyono, a top adviser to Indonesia's new president, Jokowi, had admitted "command responsibility" in the 2004 assassination of the country's leading human rights activist, Munir.

Allan, welcome back to Democracy Now! Can you start off by talking about the significance of Jokowi's election, the new president of Indonesia, and then the significance of who he's chosen to be in his Cabinet?

Allan Nairn: Well, Jokowi – the biggest significance was who Jokowi defeated. General Prabowo, who had worked with US intelligence, was openly calling for the abolition of direct presidential elections. When Prabowo spoke to me, he was musing about a fascist dictatorship. He is the general most implicated in the mass killing of civilians. He is the general closest to Washington. And if he had taken power, it could have brought Indonesia back to the Suharto era.

Jokowi is a civilian, and he comes from a poor neighborhood. He speaks a language like poor people do. And there was hope that he could represent the beginning of a departure from the tradition of military dictatorship. But in the campaign, he was surrounded by killers. Prabowo, his opponent, was a killer, but Jokowi was surrounded by killers. And some of those killers are now contending to be in his Cabinet. One of them, General Ryamizard, as you just mentioned, is already in. There are a few others in contention now.

One very significant thing happened in the past few days. General Wiranto, who was perhaps the worst mass murderer aside from Prabowo, he was penciled in to be the coordinating minister for security in Jokowi's Cabinet. In that job, he could have taken de facto control of the army, police and intelligence. Word of that came out on Friday at noon. I was able to confirm that and put that out. And people, activists mobilized. And by Saturday night, Jokowi had yanked Wiranto from the Cabinet. And Jokowi told his staff that it was because of that pressure he received from activists on the outside. So that was a victory. That kind of thing could not have happened in any previous administration.

But there are still contenders now to be intelligence chief, which hasn't been decided yet. One of them is a man named As'ad, who worked with the CIA along with Hendro and was implicated in the assassination of Munir, the leading human rights activist. Another is a general named Sutiyoso, who was implicated in the assassination of journalists in Balibo during the Timor invasion. Another is a general named Sjafrie, who's been implicated in massacres in Aceh, in the repression in Jakarta in '98 and in Timor in '99. Sjafrie got five US Special Forces courses in the US, and he said, after one of them, that he had been trained by US Special Forces just back from Peru, and they had trained him in "how to create terror." And these are candidates in the running to be intelligence chief. Again, activists are weighing in now, trying to oppose this. And it's possible they can be stopped, because – but there's a huge struggle for power going on.

Aaron Mate: And, Allan, you mentioned Munir. Last month was the 10th anniversary of his death. He was flying from Jakarta to Holland and poisoned on board. What new revelations have you learned?

Allan Nairn: Munir was poisoned with a massive dose of arsenic. This was given to him by an agent from BIN, the intelligence agency, which at that time was being run by General Hendropriyono, the man I just interviewed a week ago. And General Hendro admitted to me that he bore command responsibility for the Munir assassination. This is a breakthrough development. He also agreed, after – I had about two hours with him and just was able to repeatedly question him and press him on three major atrocities – Munir, a massacre at Talangsari, the '99 massacres in Timor – and was able to get him to say in the end that, one, he accepted command responsibility in the Munir assassination, that, two, he was willing to stand trial for those three atrocities, and that, three, he would call for the release of all Indonesian – secret Indonesian government documents and US documents, from the CIA and the NSA and the Pentagon, and the White House, as well, relating to those cases.

So this sets a very important precedent, because, of course, Indonesian generals and US generals and US presidents have made an art form of evading accountability for murders that they commit. The reason the US did not continue its large troop presence in Iraq was that they were unable to negotiate an agreement under which US forces would be exempt from prosecution for atrocities. There was the same issue in Afghanistan. A few years ago, the Obama administration sent Harold Koh to an ICC, International Criminal Court, conference in Africa to try to rewrite the definition of "aggression" so the US couldn't be touched. Israel has been threatening the Palestinian authorities not to go to the International Criminal Court. Nobody wants accountability. None of these powers want to be held to the same standards that an ordinary person does if they commit murder.

But now, General Hendropriyono, who is one of the biggest figures in Indonesia – he's the dominant figure in intelligence in the army, he was the CIA's man in Indonesia – he has made these admissions and concessions: command responsibility, willing to be put on trial. So now the question becomes: If Hendro, General Hendro, is willing to be put on trial, why not the other generals? And since at the time of the Munir assassination he was also working with the CIA, and since his admission of command responsibility means that this was a BIN operation, BIN intelligence operation, therefore the CIA could also be legally liable for this. And if Jokowi allows Hendro to be put on trial, as Hendro says he's ready to accept, CIA and Pentagon personnel could then be subpoenaed by the Indonesian courts as witnesses, to see what information they have and what role they had in these and other atrocities. And it sets a precedent. If an Indonesian general is willing to accept accountability, is willing to stand trial, why not the American generals, why not the American presidents, once and for all, be willing to sit down in court, like everyone else has to, when you cause the death of a civilian?

Amy Goodman: Allan Nairn, can you talk about the significance, for those aren't familiar with Indonesian politics, of who Munir was, the leading human rights activist in Indonesia, and then why it was that the general, Hendropriyono, was willing to have you at his mansion and answer your questions? I mean, you were instrumental in bringing another general, Prabowo, down. I mean, he – it was possible – was going to win the presidency of Indonesia before you exposed what he had said.

Allan Nairn: Well, that was the reason, apparently, that Hendro received me, because – according to Hendro, because he saw me as having helped to bring Prabowo down, and Hendro was on the other side in that campaign. Hendro was on the side of Jokowi. So, when we started, before I could say anything, Hendro said, "I'm very" – it shocked me. He said, "I'm honored to receive you, because of the way you hurt Prabowo." In the campaign, Prabowo ended up filing criminal charges against me. His people said it was in part for inciting hatred of the army and for causing Prabowo to lose. So I think that was the reason Hendro let me into the room. During the campaign, though, I had also called for Hendro to be put on trial for crimes against humanity, as well as other Jokowi generals. But it was the damage I did to Prabowo that caused him to receive me.

Munir was a giant in Indonesian politics and society. He was the pioneering human rights activist. He exposed atrocities by Hendropriyono, by Wiranto, by all of the generals. He did it impartially and evenhandedly. He was also extremely brilliant. He was one of the clearest, most brilliant thinkers I've ever met. He was a friend of mine. And he died vomiting to death on a plane, because BIN, which was in liaison with the CIA, slipped him a massive dose of arsenic. And today Munir is a legend, especially among the young people of Indonesia. And it's appropriate. It's one of those rare cases where historical credit goes to the person who actually deserves it – there are Munir T-shirts, there are songs about Munir – because people know that he was one who stood up for the people and they killed him for it.

Amy Goodman: And, Allan Nairn, his responsibility, Hendropriyono's responsibility, in the 1999 terror campaign in East Timor? When the Timorese were voting for their independence, Indonesia burned almost all of it to the ground. You survived that. You covered it to the end, the last Western journalist in Timor at that time. Hendropriyono's responsibility, but then going back, as you were saying, to the United States?

Allan Nairn: Hendropriyono at the time was the minister of transmigration. According to the UN truth commission in Timor, Hendro was one of the architects of the militia terror campaign that burned down 80 percent of the structures in Timor, included massacres, rape, machete attacks on churches, etc. And he was also the one who, they said, masterminded the mass deportation, forced deportation of almost 400,000 Timorese – an astonishing operation. And as that was going on, the US was still backing the Indonesian army. The Clinton White House was still backing the Indonesian army. And it was only the rising crescendo of world press coverage of the arson and the rape and the terror that was happening, and pressure from Congress, that finally, at the last minute, caused Clinton to relent, say, "OK," he gave the concession, "we will cut off aid to the Indonesian army," finally, all of it. And within about a day after that, the Indonesian army announced that they were giving up and pulling out of Timor and would allow the UN-sponsored referendum in which the Timorese had voted for independence, allow that to go into effect.

And during that campaign, at the end, as I was there, left in Dili, I was arrested on the streets by Wiranto's army and held as prisoner in the military headquarters. And I could see, from inside that military headquarters, the militia, the men in red headbands, in civilian dress, who would go out and commit the atrocities. And they were running right out of the army bases. But now Hendro, General Hendropriyono, says he's willing to be put on trial for that, as well as the Talangsari massacre, as well as the Munir assassination. So now it's up to President Jokowi to see whether he will allow such trials to go forward.

And it sets a precedent. Imagine, trials for generals like Hendropriyono; trials for the American CIA directors, like George Tenet, who met with Hendropriyono, who were sponsoring people like that; trials for the American generals, who were committing similar atrocities, directly in places like Iraq and Afghanistan, indirectly in places like Guatemala and Salvador and Gaza, countless other places; trials for the American presidents who sponsored this. The kinds of concessions that Hendropriyono made set very important precedents. Just beginning with the release of all those secret documents from the CIA, from the NSA, from the White House, from the Indonesian police, intelligence and military, it would be opening a Pandora's box. And it's long overdue, because we have to know the truth about state mass murder, and we have to put those who commit it on trial, be they Indonesians, be they Americans, anyone.

Amy Goodman: Allan Nairn, I want to thank you for being with us, journalist and activist, has reported from Indonesia for decades, previously exposing government killings of civilians, as well as in Latin America, an award- winning journalist. We have been speaking to him in Jakarta, Indonesia. We'll link to his reports at democracynow.org.

When we come back, voters in Colorado and Oregon are going to the polls. They want labeling for genetically modified foods. Monsanto is pouring in a fortune to prevent that from happening. We'll talk to the editor of a new book, The GMO Deception. Stay with us.

Source: http://www.democracynow.org/2014/10/28/as_indonesias_new_president_takes_office#

Political compromise taints Joko's cabinet

Jakarta Globe Editorial - October 27, 2014

President Joko Widodo has been hailed as the country's first leader who has no ties to the past corrupt regime. Because of this, his clean track record and humble personality, Indonesians have high expectations and hopes that the country can finally move forward and become advanced.

He was supposed to pick the most capable ministers that can implement his new – and revolutionary – ideas and programs. But we see a compromise cabinet. It is the definition of politics in its rawest form: Who gets what, when and how.

At least 21 ministers in the 34-member cabinet are either representatives of political parties or have links to political figures supporting him. We also see a mismatch between the personnel and the posts.

Our assessment of his economic team is mixed at best. He has made a solid selection in Finance Minister Bambang Brodjonegoro and Communication and Information Minister Rudiantara but has picked questionable figures in State Enterprise Minister Rini Soemarno and Maritime and Fisheries Minister Susi Pudjiastuti.

The inclusion of Puan Maharani, the daughter of Megawati Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), as a coordinating minister for human resources development and culture is an example of a political compromise. Being a senior minister, she will oversee large funds and a wide portfolio, including health, education and social welfare. We can only imagine that the shoe is too big for her.

We are disappointed because we had high expectations. This is Joko's cabinet, not Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's. In any case, however, we welcome the cabinet as it could have been worse. As Joko said, it's a working cabinet, and we hope the fruits of their work can prove us wrong.

Source: http://thejakartaglobe.beritasatu.com/opinion/editorial-political-compromise-taints-jokos-cabinet/

Jokowi fails his first test

New Mandala - October 27, 2014

The first cabinet for Indonesia's new, 'reformist' president, Joko Widodo, is striking for how bad some of the appointments are, writes Edward Aspinall.

Edward Aspinall – Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) promised to bring a new spirit of reform to Indonesia. Indeed, he has offered nothing less than a 'mental revolution'. In his first real test, the formation of cabinet, Jokowi seems to have gone for realpolitik over reform.

What is striking about the new cabinet he announced on 26 October is how familiar it looks. It's a cabinet with the standard mixture we have come to expect in democratic Indonesia: a few decent reformers are located in technocratic posts, but many party hacks also get seats. More appointments are surprisingly bad than are surprisingly good.

Much has been made of the fact that the new cabinet contains a high proportion of people (18 out of 34) with professional rather than party backgrounds. But Indonesian cabinets always contain a mixture of intellectuals, business leaders, and technocrats, alongside party appointees. This usually makes it possible for reformers outside the government to take comfort from the presence of a few individuals with records of integrity and professional skill in the cabinet. Things are much the same this year.

For example, the new minister for culture and elementary and secondary education is the highly respected Anies Baswedan, rector of Jakarta's Paramadina University, and a man with many visionary ideas about the future of education in Indonesia. Pratikno, the rector of Gadjah Mada University and new State Secretary, is also highly regarded. Some of the technocratic and economic ministers are respected in their respective fields. The new foreign affairs minister, Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi, is the first woman in the post and a respected diplomat (as is almost always the case). Nila Moeloek the new health minister is a professor of medicine at the University of Indonesia and a strong advocate for public health (she's also one of eight women in the cabinet – a new record).

Overall, no doubt some of these professionals will turn out to be very competent and productive ministers. But it is striking that so few of them (Anies Baswedan is the obvious exception) have established independent reputations as reformers, even though many such people were included in the many lists of potential cabinet members that circulated in the lead up to the announcement.

What is really striking about the new cabinet is how bad some of the appointments are. Special mention should be made of the new Defence Minister, Ryamizard Ryacudu. It has been a 15-year tradition to appoint civilians to this post, as a symbol of civilian supremacy in the new Indonesia. This appointment breaks that tradition. It also appals members of Indonesia's human rights community.

As Army Chief of staff back in the mid-2000s, Ryacudu not only infamously praised as 'heroes' soldiers who were convicted of murdering a famous Papuan independence campaigner, he also actively tried to sabotage the Aceh peace process and intensify military operations there in the aftermath of the December 2004 tsunami. He is the most conservative former military officer to have been included in a cabinet since 1999.

Another appointment ringing alarm bells in Indonesia is new state enterprises minister, Rini Soewandi. Like Ryacudu, Soewandi is a confidante of Megawati Soekarnoputri and owes her cabinet position to this connection. She was a trade and industry minister under Megawati, and was last year questioned by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in regard to her alleged role in the massive Bank Indonesia (BI) liquidity assistance scandal. It is highly suspicious that a patronage politician like this should be appointed to head the State Enterprises ministry, one of the 'wettest' in Indonesia and long a milch cow for the party that controlled it.

These appointments show that Jokowi has had to make compromises with the political parties who backed his presidential campaign and whose support he will need in parliament. Again, there is nothing unusual in this: Yudhoyono had six parties represented in his last cabinet; Jokowi has five. But it was believed that Jokowi would intervene strongly to ensure that the party appointees were highly reputable and effective, and he called on the KPK to screen candidates and weed out those suspected of corruption. This process did lead to some candidates proposed by the parties being abandoned. There is little evidence it led to an overall improvement of the quality of party appointees.

For example, in the weeks leading to the formation of the cabinet, there was much speculation that the appointees from Jokowi's own PDI-P would include some of the party's younger and dynamic reformers. This did not happen, and instead we see, for example, Tjahjo Kumolo, the party's unscrupulous general secretary and all-round fixer appointed to the politically crucial position of Interior Minister (Kumolo is another new minister with the dubious distinction of having been questioned by the KPK). Puan Maharani, Megawati's daughter and one of the most reviled figures in contemporary Indonesia, gets a senior coordinating ministerial post.

Likewise, Jokowi has stated that bureaucratic reform would be a critical priority for him, but has given the relevant ministry to an undistinguished Hanura party politician. The new coordinating minister for economic affairs, Sofyan Djalil, was an undistinguished minister for state enterprises during Yudhoyono's first term and is in the new cabinet because he is close to vice president Jusuf Kalla. And so on.

It was always clear that Jokowi would have to make compromises with the political parties that backed him and the old forces of patronage that underpin them. In that regard, there is little that is surprising in the composition of the new cabinet. But it is surprising just how far he has gone in making these compromises.

Overall, this is a cabinet that continues rather than breaks with Indonesia's emerging political traditions. To be sure, it is possible that some of the ministers will emerge as strong reformers. But at first glance, this cabinet is far from being the fresh start that Jokowi promised.

[Edward Aspinall is a professor of politics at the Australian National University's College of Asia and the Pacific.]

Source: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2014/10/27/jokowi-fails-first-test/

Indonesia: Jokowi's cabinet of compromises

Sydney Morning Herald - October 27, 2014

Michael Bachelard, Jakarta – And so it begins. Joko Widodo, the Indonesian president labelled "A New Hope" on the cover of Time magazine has inaugurated a cabinet of ministers that is full of compromises.

There's the deeply unimpressive daughter of his political patron Megawati Sukarnoputri; a man with a questionable human rights record as a soldier; and at least one, it's suspected, who raised a "yellow flag" of potential corruption when their name was parsed by the country's highly effective anti-corruption commission.

Jokowi announced his first cabinet on Sunday describing it as a "Working Cabinet," but the press quickly renamed it a "cabinet of compromises". Was this the best he could do? Well, perhaps it was.

Eight of the 43 names he originally submitted were given a red flag by the anti-corruption commission or the financial transactions tracking authority. Indonesia's political, bureaucratic and judicial elite is riddled with a graft so thorough that it's considered the "old normal".

Jokowi promised he would end that, but, while most of the worst names were gone, he has clearly lost some early battles along the way.

He also promised he wouldn't run a "transactional" cabinet – that he would not trade cabinet posts for political votes in parliament. In some ways that left him with the worst of both worlds. Realpolitik forced him to choose 14 political appointees in a cabinet of 34 to keep his minority coalition together, but his minority status gave him a very limited political talent pool to choose from.

There are several specialists: bureaucrats and academics, which will please the non-government sector.

And the cabinet includes eight women, significantly outstripping Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott's total of one, and they hold key portfolios such as foreign affairs, forestry, state-owned enterprises, and maritime affairs, which Jokowi has highlighted as a priority.

There is some real talent: Anies Baswedan as education minister stands out, but the academic and think tank sector in Indonesia is not very deep yet, and there was not much to choose from. Also, as Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's academic vice-president Boediono proved between 2009 and 2014, academic accomplishment does not mean the ability to actually achieve anything.

Then there are the old stagers, friends of Megawati for the most part, who in her idiosyncratic world view deserve some political favour because they are loyal to her and the legacy of her father, Sukarno. These, particularly the defence minister Ryamizard Ryacudu, are the most worrying.

As Jokowi tries to make the restive West Papua province, which still has a heavy military presence, a priority, Ryamizard will be remembered as the man who has tried to excuse the murder of Papuan activists by soldiers in the past.

He also riles sensitivities in Aceh, where he was a real hardliner during the separatist war in the early 2000s. In Aceh, separatist sentiment is stirring again and he is not the man to quell it. From all accounts he's not all that smart. In 2004, as a four-star general, Ryamizard claimed there were 60,000 foreign spies in Indonesia .

His appointment means the eyes of the world will be on who gains the upper hand in cabinet on some sensitive issues: the new, relatively inexperienced foreign minister, Retno Marsudi, or the new experienced but disliked defence minister.

If, for example, the South China Sea issue starts to impact Indonesia's Natuna Islands directly, then we might see what kind of compromises Jokowi has been forced to make.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/indonesia-jokowis-cabinet-of-compromises-20141027-11ce1d.html

Hendropriyono admits 'command responsibility' in Munir killing – Part 1

Allannairn.org - October 27, 2014

Allan Nairn, Jakarta – General A.M. Hendropriyono, one of Indonesia's most powerful figures, has admitted "command responsibility" in the assassination of the country's leading rights activist.

In two nighttime interviews at his Jakarta mansion on October 16 Hendropriyono made statements that appear to open him to prosecution and may create problems for the CIA, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), and for Joko Widodo – Jokowi – Indonesia's new president.

Hendropriyono is a key Jokowi adviser, is a core leader of the TNI, and was working with the CIA when his intelligence unit, BIN, killed the activist Munir.

In detailed, on-the-record discussions with me Hendropriyono, perhaps inadvertently, ended up submitting himself to close questioning.

By the time it was over he had abandoned some of his and TNI's longest standing defenses, and had agreed to stand trial for three major atrocities: the Munir murder, the 1999 terror campaign that devastated occupied East Timor, and the 1989 Talangsari massacre that earned him the nickname "the Butcher of Lampung."

Hendropriyono also ended up agreeing that he was calling for the release of all internal documents held by the Indonesian and US governments relating to these cases.

By admitting "command responsibility" and opening to the door to certain facts, Hendropriyono places legal pressure on two men – the general, Wiranto and the intelligenge man, As'ad – who have moved to the center stage of Indonesian politics after being touted for the Jokowi cabinet.

The encounter with Hendropriyono was unexpected and at times bizarre. The first session started with him trying to flatter me, and ended with me telling him that I hoped Munir's killers would be jailed for life.

In between, the discussion was, at times, complex. It will be described in several installments.

I had called Hendropriyono's cell phone, from New York, on October 14 hoping that I could get a comment from him on his role in killing civilians.

During last summer's Indonesian presidential campaign that resulted in Jokowi's election, I had repeatedly called for Hendro to be tried for crimes against humanity.

But what got far more attention, indeed, at times saturation coverage, was my running confrontation with Jokowi's opponent, General Prabowo. I had published an off-the record interview with Prabowo in which Prabowo ruminated on fascist dictatorship, talked about how to do massacres, discussed his extensive work with the Pentagon/US Intelligence, and insulted the highly regarded cleric and late President, Gus Dur.

Prabowo demanded that the army capture me, called me a liar, an American imperialist, an "enemy of the state," and pointed out – correctly – that the TNI had previously captured me seven times and that Suharto had banned me from the country as "a threat to national security." Responding to Prabowo, TNI declared that I had become an "Operational Target" (TO).

I challenged the army to grab me, challenged Prabowo to bring me to court, and – on the matter of American Imperialism – challenged Prabowo to join me in calling for the living US presidents to be put on trial for atrocities, and for the US mining giant, Freeport McMoRan, to be expelled from Indonesia.

Prabowo backed down on all fronts and received ridicule, so finally, on the campaign's last day, he filed criminal charges against me. His aides later explained that among other things the charges related to "inciting hatred of the army," and, after the election results were in, "causing Prabowo to lose."

It was against this background that Hendropriyono, one of the pillars of the Jokowi campaign, indicated that rather than talking on the phone he wanted to talk in person, in Jakarta. I was heading to Jakarta anyway, and within hours of entering the country, went to Hendro's corner estate in Senayan, Jakarta.

As he entertained a delegation from Malaysian intelligence, and I waited in a sitting room, a member of Hendro's family told me that Jokowi had already offered him three ministries, including MENKOPOLKAM, the top military/intelligence post. Relatedly, just that day, Hendro's son-in-law, General Andika, had been announced as the new head of PASAMPRES, Jokowi's personal security detail. In a cabinet in front of me was a photo of Hendro with Generals Wiranto and Sutiyoso, and to the right a photo of Hendro with his old aide, General Susilo, who later became President. In between was a bust of Napoleon – a Hendro favorite, a family member explained.

After he ushered me in, Hendro started by saying that he was "honored" to meet and receive me because I had hurt Prabowo in the campaign. He suggested that Prabowo was "totalitarian."

I replied that I attacked all the generals, including him. Hendropriyono said he knew that, and said that if he was not mistaken I had attacked him particularly for Talangsari. I said that was true, but I had attacked him for many things, also including Munir and 1999 Timor.

Hendro wanted to talk about Talangsari first. By all accounts – including Hendro's to me, what had happened there had been a bloodbath, but he started by saying: "There was no other way to do it, Allan Nairn."

He said that as regional commander he controlled both the army and the National Police BRIMOB, and moved in to confront religious militants who were armed with "bows and arrows."

He said "They said I was togut. Togut means extremist who will always finish the Muslims..." He said of the rifles vs. arrows showdown, "Of course... we won because we were stronger."

Hendro said: "We encircled the huts that they built in the village together with the villagers. Nobody was out (of the huts) because of forbidden by their chiefs, by their leaders... I said that 'we will attack you and I ask you to go out from the house and surrender.'"

Then at some point, by Hendro's account – and that of everyone else – the encircled huts went up in flames.

Survivors and witnesses say Hendro's men lit the fires, and shot and tortured unarmed villagers. Their testimony to the government human rights commission (KOMNASHAM) and to human rights groups like Munir's Kontras is detailed.

But, to my astonishment, as we sat there in his Jakarta mansion, Hendropriyono said that the dead at Talangsari had actually killed themselves.

"Suddenly they burned their own huts. That made so many people die," he said. (He estimated the death toll at 100, maybe 200, overwhelmingly unarmed, with many women and children)

I asked incredulously, "So you're claiming they killed themselves?"...

"Yes, they burned, they burned their huts."

"In effect you're saying they committed suicide."

"Yes...

"Bunuh diri?" ('Committed suicide?'), I asked in Indonesian.

"Bunuh diri" ('Committed suicide'), General Hendropriyono replied.

He suggested they might have done this out of fanaticism. I returned to the point, seeking clarity:

"Jadi, bapak kata bahwa orang itu bunuh diri?" ('So you're saying that those people committed suicide?')

"Bunuh diri," – suicide, Hendro replied with finality.

So I said:

"As I'm sure you know, there are many witness testimonies from survivors of Talangsari given to KOMNASHAM and others that say that those hundred or 200 were killed by your troops, were killed by you in a massacre. So why not face this in a trial? Would you agree to be put on trial and make the argument in a court like you've just made to me?"

"Yeah, of course it was not true," Hendro replied, skirting the question.

I said: "You could say that in court. You could tell it to the judge."

But again, Hendro did not want to answer.

Instead, he digressed. He started with an attack on "the Indonesian human rights organizations," i.e. Munir's Kontras, and similar groups.

Hendro said that the human rights groups had paid off witnesses to implicate him, a charge that was ironic since it had been extensively reported that Hendro himself had made payments to witnesses, for, he said at the time, religious purposes.

(When I later mentioned Hendro's payoff charge to a table full of Kontras people, they were shocked – and couldn't stop laughing; "As if we had the cash!," one exclaimed.)

But the thing that most bothered Hendro was the fact that the rights groups, including KOMNASHAM, had agreed to hear testimony from child survivors of Talangsari, ie. from people who were still minors at the time of the inferno.

He was evidently upset that these surviving children had been taken seriously. They "were still kids," he said. They "didn't know what was going on."

It was, of course, the case that Talangsari child witnesses were resorted to. But this was because Hendro and his men had killed their parents, according to the rights groups.

And in fact there was testimony from adult survivors as well, and in any event child testimony was often used in such cases.

In 2013 I was called to testify in a genocide trial in Guatemala. In the dock was the US-backed ex dictator, General Efrain Rios Montt.

In that case, then-child testimony was used extensively. Rios Montt was convicted of planned massacres and sentenced to 80 years (the oligarchy later froze the case; the General remains under house arrest.)

General Hendropriyono didn't want such testimony here.

But while complaining about the children, General Hendro appeared to slip up. He himself reopened the issue of possibly being compelled to stand trial.

"I'm quite sure that if we go to court, (the) court will go and look at the witness(es)," he remarked, his point being that the court would disregard the children and false, paid-off witnesses.

So I jumped in: "So then what you're saying is that it should go to court, and you should be put on trial for Talangsari, and you do not fear that, you would accept that? You would accept being put on trial for Talangsari?

Hendro, paused, recoiled and mumbled: "I cannot, mmm, I think I have..."

And then he said, incredibly: "If anybody instead of me – say like yourself – if you were me at that time I'm quite sure that you would do the same thing."

"No, I would not do the same thing," I replied. "I would not do the same thing."

"What would you do? Tell me, what you would do if you were me," the General insisted.

"I would not kill people," I said, but I wanted to get back to the point:

"But I want to make sure I understand what you're saying. I just want to get a clear understanding of it. Are you saying that you would accept being put on trial for Talangsari? And then in the court you would make your arguments and you would bring forth your evidence?"

"Oh yes of course!," Hendropriyono replied.

This appeared to be the breakthrough.

But I wanted to nail it down, and he hedged.

"So you would accept being put on trial for Talangsari?"

"At that time," he replied.

He was referring to 1989, the time of the massacre.

"I'm talking about now," I said. "Because that time has passed. I'm talking about now."

At this point, Hendropriyono's emotional – and legal – defenses appeared to break.

"Everything that I did," he said, "everything that they accused me (of), there is nothing for me to prefer not to accept. I will face." The breakthrough had indeed happened. General Hendropriyono had agreed to face trial.

After decades of the TNI – and himself – erecting defenses, excuses, for not facing justice, this commanding general – and CIA partner – had set a precedent.

"Because everything that I did, I'm not animal, I'm human," he said.

"And you know, I feel, I have children, I have family, and I can feel how they feel. So to me, I'm responsible for everything that I did and there is nothing that I will refuse. I understand what you mean. If there is a court for me for human rights violations, I will accept."

This Talangsari back-and-forth set the pattern for our discussion of other atrocities: Hendropriyono reaching – sometimes deeply implausibly – to assert that the corpses in question weren't exactly, really, his fault, but at the same time owning up to the fact that, in the end, he had been in charge, and that it was appropriate for he, the senior General, to be placed on trial for murder.

This concession was fundamental, and it opened doors. It had particularly significant repercussions for our later discussion regarding Munir. Repercussions not just for Hendro, but for BIN, As'ad, and the CIA.

End of Hendropriyono: Part 1.

Source: http://www.allannairn.org/2014/10/breaking-news-gen-hendropriyono-admits.html