The Secretary-General of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation says the West Papuan cause has lost a good leader, following the death of Dr John Otto Ondawame.

Rex Rumakiek says Dr Ondawame, who died in Port Vila Thursday night following a reported heart attack, was the figurehead for the Coalition as it elevated the West Papuan bid to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group to its current level.

Mr Rumakiek says that being an educated fellow and having long been involved in major campaigns pushing for a peaceful solution to the West Papua issue, Dr Ondawame's legacy is substantial.

"He became sort of symbolic because despite (his people) being rich in mineral resources in this country, he was one of the poorest of all the campaigners. He was an ex-freedom fighter in the bush, as so many of us did, but especially him because he was arrested. He never planned to leave the country but he was arrested in Papua New Guinea and put in jail."

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/253912/legacy-of-west-papuan-leader-remembered

Government urged to deport French journalists

Jakarta Post - September 5, 2014

Jakarta – The Press Council urged the government to deport French journalists Thomas Charles Dandois and Louise Marie Valentine Burrot to their home country.

"They did not only misuse their tourist visas, but also contacted a number of sources in Papua," the council chairman Bagir Manan told reporters in a conference in Jakarta on Friday, as quoted by Antara news agency.

He said that the council had sent a letter to the Law and Human Rights Ministry's immigration directorate-general, requesting the deportation of both journalists.

Regarding the relationship between the journalists and armed civilian groups in Papua, he said that the government needed to declare certain areas as open or closed in a bid to prevent people from easily entering them.

"We do not treat foreign journalists and local journalists differently. The only difference is foreign journalists need to obey immigration regulations and they need to have a permit to stay here," he added.

The Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) also demanded the same action be taken by the government regarding both French journalists.

"They are members of a research team that communicated with several sources before another reporting team came to the location [in Papua]," AJI chairman Eko Maryadi said.

Dandois and Burrot were arrested by Papua police on Aug. 6. Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Yotje Mende said that his institution suspected that the two journalists were involved in espionage because they had held discussions with members of a separatist group led by Enden Wanimbo in Wamena.

He said that investigators grew more suspicious after the two were caught "deleting data from their laptops" while in police detention. (alz/nfo)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/05/govt-urged-deport-french-journalists.html

Amnesty calls for history of restrictions in Papua to end

Dateline Pacific - September 5, 2014

Amnesty International has called on the Indonesian government to stop attacking freedom of expression in Papua.

That comes after a number of arrests of pro-independence activists as well as two French journalists who were making a documentary on the independence movement.

Amnesty is also demanding justice for the murder of West Papuan pro- independence activist, Martinus Yohame, who was allegedly kidnapped by Indonesian security forces. Amnesty's Josef Benedict told Koro Vaka'uta there is a history of rights violations in the region.

Josef Benedict: What we have seen are restrictions on freedom of expression there where peaceful, political activists are not allowed to organise and to gather to express their views. We often have seen a very strong response from the security forces and often the use of excessive force and also the issues around criminalisation of activists. In the instance, we saw two students who basically just express themselves through pro-independence graphically who were arrested, detained, ill-treated. We also have highlighted the case of a traditional council leader who met some journalists in Papua who is now being arrested for rebellion.

Koro Vaka'uta: I know Amnesty International has talked about the Criminal Code and possible changes to that. How is the law used to clamp down in Papua?

JB: There are several laws that have been used. Particularly this rebellion law or what has been known as crimes against the security of the state, have been used quite arbitrarily in the last couple of years to imprison dozens of political activists, for as simple things as possession of the pro-independence Papuan flag or for raising it or for peaceful protest and so forth. Amnesty obviously considers them as prisoners of conscience, people that express themselves peacefully, and have called for their release. Some are in prison for as long as 15 years, you know. Not just Amnesty but even a working group on arbitrary detention of the United Nations have also raised their concerns about the usage of these laws in the Papuan region.

KV: The two French journalists who seem to be doing a documentary of sorts and they have been detained. Have you heard about the state or anything about their detention?

JB: What we've heard so far is that they've had access to lawyers who are currently working out with them their case and I think they will brought before, be charged and tried pretty soon for immigration violations. Their case highlights a larger issue with the issue of access to the Papuan region. Various foreign journalists have been denied access there over the years, including human rights organisations. If there is no major conflict in the region, we don't see the need to restrict independent observers there. Amnesty International have consistently called for all those who have been detained for their peaceful political activism or for freedom of expression to be immediately and unconditionally be released. But I think more importantly. what we need is independent investigations. We've seen in numerous cases where incidences of human rights violations occur in the province where investigations are not carried out by independent bodies but by the police themselves. And this in practice rarely leads to any form of prosecution and this has contributed to a culture of impunity in Papua where the security forces can get away with many things.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/programmes/datelinepacific/audio/20148555/amnesty-calls-for-history-of-restrictions-in-papua-to-end

Indonesia targets media after French journo arrests, says agency

Pacific Media Centre - September 4, 2014

Auckland (Pacific Media Watch/West Papua Media Alerts) – Indonesian intelligence officers are targeting West Papuan journalists and independence leaders for "potentially having contact" with two French journalists who were arrested in West Papua almost a month ago, says independent Australian-based agency West Papua Media.

Arte Television journalists Thomas Dandois, 40, and Valentine Bourrat, 29, were arrested on August 6 in West Papua for reporting on human rights abuses in West Papua. Their lawyer said this week that they were likely to be put on trial instead of being deported as other foreign journalists had been.

West Papua Media reports that Indonesian intelligence officers are targeting anyone they think may have met with Dandois and Bourrat before they were arrested.

"West Papua Media has been under severe security threat from Indonesian agents in Papua and Australia, associated with the arrests of French journalists," the news website said this week.

Editor Nick Chesterfield told Pacific Media Watch there were ongoing threats against staff and stringers. He called on the Australian government to intervene against Indonesian "abuses".

"The journalists and civil society workers in West Papua are the people we are most concerned about. We still have grave concerns for the safety and security of journalists, civil society, human rights investigators and people who have been in contact with Dandois and Bourrat or who have been mistakenly accused by the Indonesian security forces of having had contact.

"There are also ongoing threats to West Papua media staff inside Australia, who have been subjected to major security threats from Indonesian security personnel. We are calling on the Australian government to do everything it can to stop Indonesian security personnel to stop operating against both Australian citizens and citzens of West Papuan descent in Australia, and for Indonesia to understand that journalism is not a crime.

"Indonesia should stop theatening the security of people whose only work is to expose human rights abuses. This is to violate the very principles of democratic values. This whole case shows that Indonesia is nothing more than the predator of press freedom."

Immigration charges

So far, Dandois and Bourrat have been charged with violating immigration laws and could be jailed for up to five years if found guilty. The two may also be charged with "subversion".

This week, Indonesian immigration officials extended the detention period for the two arrested French journalists, saying they were still interviewing "witnesses".

The news site said that independence leader Martinus Yohame, who was kidnapped in West Papua after being lured to a meeting on August 20 and found murdered about a week later, may also have been targeted for assassination on suspicion of having had contact with Dandois and Bourrat.

"West Papua Media Alerts has highly credible but unconfirmed reports that Martinus Yohame was also targeted by Indonesian intelligence for potentially having contact with the two French Journalists still being detained in Abepura. Many of our people are currently in danger because of this situation," the news website said.

Yohame vanished the day after holding a press conference in West Papua where he condemned the Indonesian military occupation.

The latest interrogations of local media and sources are likely to have a chilling effect on media freedom in a country where foreign journalists are already effectively banned.

New Zealand journalist Paul Bensemann reported undercover from West Papua last year, and told PMW recently that constantly hiding from Indonesian police and intelligence agents meant that foreign journalists feared for the safety and wellbeing of their West Papuan sources.

Journalists killed

West Papuan editor, Victor Mambor recently told a seminar in New Zealand that journalists had been killed by the Indonesian military.

Journalist Ardiansyah Matra?is, who worked for Mambor's newspaper, Tabloid Jubi was killed in 2010 by the Indonesian military, and found naked and handcuffed, having been thrown into a river.

Two other journalists – Leiron Kogoya and Marlon Mramra – had been killed in the last six years over stories they had written, one for covering a story about police who raped a civilian in the police station, Mambor said.

In the same period, seven foreign journalists had been denied visas to West Papua and another five deported when they were caught by the military.

Those foreign journalists who were allowed to report were assigned an Indonesian intelligence officer to tail them everywhere, whether they liked it or not, whose accommodation, food and transport costs were charged to the media organisation.

Source: http://www.pmc.aut.ac.nz/pacific-media-watch/west-papua-indonesia-targets-media-after-french-journo-arrests-says-agency-8942

West Papuan independence leader found floating in sack at sea

New Matilda - September 3, 2014

Amy McQuire – A West Papuan pro-independence activist has been found dead less than a week after he went missing in the lead-up to Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's visit to the region.

The body of Martinus Yohame was found in a sack floating in the sea near the city of Sorong, West Papua on August 26. He went missing on August 20. Yohame was head of the local Sorong branch of the pro-independence group the West Papua National Committee (KNPB).

Amnesty International said the disappearance had coincided with the detention of another political activist just prior to President Yudhoyono's attendance at a sailing event in Sorong.

Yohame had reportedly staged a press conference in Sorong the day before he disappeared, opposing the President's visit and raising the issue of illegal logging.

The KNPB were reportedly planning demonstrations, including the raising of the banned "Morning Star" flag, an act which has seen activists jailed by the Indonesian government.

Amnesty International has condemned Indonesia, saying the attack "highlights the repressive environment faced by political activists and journalists in the area and the rights violations by the security forces there".

It also follows the arrest of two school students earlier this month for painting pro-independence graffiti.

Robert Yelemaken, 16 and Oni Wea, 21, were reportedly beaten by the arresting police officers. Amnesty International reports they were forced to roll in dirty water and drink paint. Yelemaken has been released but Wea is still incarcerated and facing charges of "incitement".

The fate of two French journalists who were arrested earlier this month whilst allegedly in the company of separatists is also uncertain.

They may be charged with espionage, despite the international Reporters Without Borders stressing they were in West Papua to report on the economic and social problems faced by Indigenous people under Indonesian rule.

International journalists are prohibited from reporting in West Papua, and local journalists are intimidated from reporting on independence sentiment.

Amnesty International called on the President-elect Joki Widodo to ensure freedom of expression in the country, by amending the Criminal Code to bring it in line with the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Indonesia s own Constitution.

Human Rights Watch has also called on the incoming President to release political prisoners and allow human rights organisations access to the region.

"In Papua, the failure of Indonesia's security forces to distinguish between violent acts and peaceful protests has contributed to rising tensions and insecurity in the province," a statement from Human Rights Watch said.

"Human Rights Watch urged Widodo to order the immediate and unconditional release of everyone imprisoned for the peaceful exercising of their political views, and to permit foreign journalists and human rights organizations unimpeded access to the province."

Indonesia has had control over the province since the withdrawal of the Dutch in the 60s, and the passing of the controversial "Act of Free Choice" in 1969.

Source: https://newmatida.com/2014/09/01/west-papuan-independence-leader-found-floating-sack-sea

Detention of French reporters illegal, says journalists' alliance

New Matilda - September 3, 2014

Amy McQuire – An alliance of South East Asian journalists have called on the Indonesian government to release two French journalists jailed in the province of Papua, claiming that their continued detention without charge is illegal.

Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat were filming a documentary for the Franco-German TV channel Arte when they were arrested on August 6. They were employed by the Momento production company.

They were arrested in the town of Wamena and transported to the capital of Jayapura, where they are still detained. Indonesian police claimed they were caught filming in the company of armed separatists.

Both journalists were on tourist visas and were originally arrested on immigration charges, which would have led to deportation. There were concerns those charges would likely be upgraded to subversion or makar (crimes against the state).

New Matilda understands it is now likely they will be charged with espionage, although in Indonesia, charges are not formally laid until a trial commences.

West Papuan activists have been staging protests across the world pressuring the Indonesian government to release Dandois and Bourrat. Indonesia restricts foreign press access to the Papua region, which has in part lead to a worldwide silence on human rights violations and the crackdown on peaceful protests in the region.

Yesterday the Southeast Asian Press Alliance called on Indonesia to release the journalists, and said their continued detention without charge was illegal.

"We view both the detention of Dandois and Bourat and the ongoing ban on foreign journalists in Papua as blatant violations of Indonesia's own Press Law," SEAPA said in a statement.

"Indonesia's authorities must make clear what charges the duo are facing and must also justify their continued detention.

"... It is important for the government of Indonesia to use the Press Law in handling the case, as it protects freedom of the press in the country, guarantees against censorship, prohibitions and restrictions of the media, and its right to access information."

The Alliance of Independent Journalists have stressed to the Indonesian Press Council that the journalists were working for French media.

The detention of the French journalists comes in the midst of allegations of human rights violations by security forces in the province.

Last week, a West Papuan pro-independence activist was found in a sack floating in the sea near the city of Sorong on August 26. He had gone missing shortly after calling a press conference opposing the visit of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the town, and raising the issue of illegal logging.

There are also concerns about the safety of up to 50 West Papuan locals who may have had contact with the French journalists, according to media sources.

Amnesty International has also raised concerns over the detention of a West Papuan student who was allegedly beaten and tortured for painting pro- Independence graffiti.

West Papua has been under the control of Indonesia since the 1969 controversial "Act of Free Choice" following the departure of the Dutch in the 60s.

Indonesia's President-elect Joko Widodo has promised to open up Papua to foreign journalists, claiming there is nothing to hide in the region.

Source: https://newmatilda.com//2014/09/03/detention-french-reporters-indonesia-illegal-says-journalists-alliance

Rights groups hopeful on calls to free journos in Papua

Radio New Zealand International - September 3, 2014

Regional rights groups are hoping they can convince Indonesian authorities to free two French journalists in Papua province.

The journalists, who were making a documentary on the West Papuan independence movement, have been in custody for a month on immigration charges. A local leader who had met with them is also being held on charges of rebellion.

Asian media organisations have urged the government to immediately release the journalists.

Amnesty International says restrictions on freedom of expression must end, and all prisoners of conscience must be immediately and unconditionally released. Amnesty Campaigner Josef Benedict says he's hopeful their calls will be heeded.

"The Indonesian government want to play a major role in the region. They want to be seen to be a country which respects human rights. They've taken the lead on many human rights issues in the region, particularly within the ASEAN movement. So it actually does a disservice to them when they take on or act in this manner in the Papuan region."

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/253697/rights-groups-hopeful-on-calls-to-free-journos-in-papua

Asia media groups urge Indonesia to free journalists

Radio New Zealand International - September 3, 2014

Asian media organisations have urged the Indonesian government to immediately release two French journalists who have spent a month in jail in Papua.

Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat face up to five years in jail and 42,000 US dollar fines, after being accused of breaching their tourist visas by practising journalism.

The Philippine Centre for Investigative Journalism reports the Southeast Asian Press Alliance has decried the continued detention of the pair, who were filming a documentary for the French-German TV network Arte.

Foreign journalists covering Papua are routinely barred from entering by the Indonesian government. The authorities also seized their video footage, audio recordings and phones.

Papua's provincial police have accused the two of supporting separatists, saying they will prove they are not journalists. The immigration chief in Jayapura, Gardu Ditiro Tampubolon, says there is strong evidence against the pair.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/253658/asia-media-groups-urge-indonesia-to-free-journalists

Amnesty: End attacks on freedom of expression

Jakarta Globe - September 1, 2014

Jakarta – Human rights watchdog Amnesty International has demanded an end to what it calls the Indonesian security forces' attacks on freedom of the expression in Papua, following the arrest and torture last month of two students for allegedly painting pro-independence graffiti.

"Recent attacks highlight the repressive environment faced by political activists and journalists in the area and the ongoing impunity for human rights violations by security forces there," London-based Amnesty said in a statement on Saturday.

It cited the arrests of Robert Yelemaken, 16, and Oni Wea, a 21-year-old university student, for painting graffiti that included calls for an independence referendum for Papua. (Amnesty itself makes clear that it takes no position on the matter of Papuan independence.)

Robert and Oni, said to be activists for the West Papua National Committee, or KNPB, which espouses greater autonomy for the region, were arrested in Manokwari district on Aug. 8 "and allegedly tortured or ill-treated" by police, Amnesty said.

"They were hit on the head and face with a rifle butt and kicked by the police. Both were forced to roll in a drain filled with dirty water and to drink paint. They were then taken to the Manokwari district police station where the beatings allegedly continued," the organization said.

Robert was released 10 days later, but Oni remains in custody and has been charged with incitement under the Criminal Code, for which he could face up to six years in prison if convicted.

"The attacks on freedom of expression must end, and all prisoners of conscience – those, like university student Oni Wea, detained solely for the peaceful exercise of their right to freedom of expression – must be immediately and unconditionally released," Amnesty said.

The group also cited the arrests on Aug. 6 of French journalists Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat for alleged immigration violations.

The were reportedly making a documentary on the separatist movement, and remain in detention.

"Their arrests highlight the ongoing restrictions faced by international journalists, human rights organizations and other observers to access the provinces of Papua and West Papua," Amnesty said.

It added that it had "long called for free and unimpeded access to the Papuan region for international journalists and human rights organizations and welcomed pledges by President-elect Joko Widodo in June 2014 that he would open up the region if elected."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/amnesty-end-attacks-freedom-expression/

French journalists arrested in Papua remain in detention

Jakarta Globe - September 1, 2014

Jakarta – Immigration officials have extended the detention period of two French journalists accused of violating the terms of their tourist visas by carrying out reporting work in Papua.

"We will extend their detention to complete their dossiers, which we're working on," Gardu Tampubolon, the head of the Jayapura immigration office, was quoted as saying by state-run news agency Antara on Monday.

The immigration office also rejected the request to place the two journalists, Thomas Dandois, 40, and Valentine Bourrat, 29, under "city arrest," which would mean they're allowed to leave jail but not the city.

Dandois and Bourrat, who both work for the French-German TV channel Arte, were arrested by police in a hotel in Wamena on Aug. 6, along with three alleged separatists from the Free Papua Organization (OPM). The journalists are currently being held at the immigration detention center in Jayapura.

Gardu said that officials were questioning witnesses in Wamena. Besides the immigration violation, the two may also face subversion charges because of the OPM connection.

In May 2010, two other journalists who also worked for Arte were arrested when covering a protest rally in front of the Papua Regional Legislative Council (DPRD). These journalists, Baudouin Koenig and Carole Lorthiois, were also accused of violating the terms of their visas and later deported.

The Indonesian government generally does not allow foreign journalists to report from Papua, citing the dangers emanating from a decades-long, low- level insurgency.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/french-journalists-arrested-papua-remain-detention/

Aceh

Five gamblers publicly caned in Aceh's Pidie district

Jakarta Globe - September 5, 2014

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – For the first time in eight years, five residents of Aceh's Pidie district on Friday were caned publicly for gambling, a violation of Shariah laws enforced in the province.

The public caning in the yard of Al-Falah mosque in Sigli was witnessed by around 1,000 people after Friday prayers.

"One of them was flogged eight times, while the four others were flogged seven times," Sabaruddin Hasan, the head of the Aceh Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) and the Shariah Police (Wilayatul Hisbah), told the Jakarta Globe on Friday.

The punishment was meted out on a special stage set up in front of the mosque, by two officials who had covered their faces. Sabaruddin said the people in Aceh were enthusiastic about witnessing corporal punishment. "More caning – serves you right!" one of the spectators shouted.

Sabaruddin said that the Shariah Police had actually been lenient. The gambler who received eight strokes of the cane, had been sentenced to nine, and the other four had been sentenced to eight strokes each. But because they had already served a month in detention, their sentences were reduced.

Under a 2003 bylaw, Aceh residents found guilty of gambling can face up to twelve strokes of the cane.

The five who were sentenced on Friday were arrested by Shariah Police officers in January and February. It was the first caning in Pidie district in eight years, and it was witnessed by senior officials, including Deputy District Head M. Iriawan and Pidie Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Sunarya.

"The caning shows the commitment of the Pidie district government to uphold Shariah law and serves as a lesson so that people know that we're serious," Sabaruddin said, adding: "The police chief told me that he really supports the enforcement of Shariah."

Sabaruddin said that the fact that nobody had been caned in the past eight years did not mean there were no violations of Shariah law in Pidie. "But the perpetrators got away," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/five-gamblers-publicly-caned-acehs-pidie-district/

Human rights & justice

Artists channel Munir's spirit with provocative performances

Jakarta Globe - September 7, 2014

Yuli Krisna, Bandung – The 26-year-old man skillfully applies make-up all over his face – first a white base, then black to accentuate his eyes and brows and finally, red lipstick. He then puts on a traditional sarong from the island of Lombok and an ivory-colored shirt.

Carrying a poster saying "Desire for Justice" with the picture of slain human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, the tall and slender man is ready to perform his act.

Wanggi Hoediatmo is a pantomime performer from Bandung, West Java who is well known for his Munir-inspired repertoires. On a recent day he held a special performance at his rented home on Jalan Rajamantri Tengah for a visiting Jakarta Globe reporter on a solo piece titled "Jangan Diam," or "Don't Keep Silent," a satirical title for a pantomime performance.

Without the use of words, using nothing but the power of his expression and gestures full of symbolism, he told a story of how Munir was killed and how the Indonesian government failed to bring those responsible to justice.

Wanggi said he came to know Munir, a year after his death, through an event that paid tribute to the human rights defender. Wanggi, who at the time was a senior in high school, became inspired to follow Munir's examples, by speaking up for justice through his art.

"Munir's words gave me energy never to be afraid to tell the truth no matter how hard it is [for others] to believe," Wanggi said. For Wanggi, Munir is a source of inspiration 10 years after his death. Wanggi, who majored in theater at the Indonesian School of Arts (STSI) Bandung, said around 40 of the 60 pantomime works he had produced are about Munir. The rest touches on social issues including malnutrition.

Songs and graphic designs

Wanggi is not the only artist to be inspired by Munir and his constant fight for justice. Munir has also become a muse for musicians, poets and performers.

Rock band Navicula, known for making socially and politically critical songs, wrote a song for Munir titled "Refuse to Forget" about the unresolved case over the circumstances of his death. Munir died on Sept. 7, 2004 on a flight en route to the Netherlands.

Meanwhile, pop indie band Efek Rumah Kaca wrote several songs about Munir like "Di Udara" or "In the Air" about how Munir was poisoned on board the flight to Amsterdam and "Hilang" or "Missing," which talks about how his death left a void in the hearts of many Indonesians.

Yogyakarta-based art collective Anti-Tank created a graphic design work depicting Munir, which anyone can download and adapt into T-shirts, posters and other applications for campaigns and rallies. Likewise, anonymous graphic designer Nobodycorp has created several downloadable black-and- white works for rallies as well as more elaborate, colorful works for social media.

Novia Seni Astriani, campaign and network manager at Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum), says that art is the most effective medium to educate people about Munir.

"Most of today's youth don't know who Munir is, what his case is all about. Ten years ago, they were still kids," she said.

"We want to say that Munir as an issue is not only for NGOs [nongovernmental organizations]. His struggle does not only benefit activists. As youths we can also contribute to the resolution of Munir's case through our own means and media."

Novia said year after year there had never been a shortage of artists and musicians willing to contribute to anniversaries of his death. To accommodate the artists' desire to contribute, Kasum set up Sahabat Munir (Munir's Friends), an informal group that unites activists, students, artists and victims of violence.

"There's no form to fill or anything," she said, adding that the movement has now spread to major cities and towns across Indonesia. The group lets people of different backgrounds to start their own campaign activities to push for the resolution of Munir's case or other human rights abuses.

"Usually during anniversaries like this there will be a lot of activities. On other days, we usually visit local communities or victims of eviction or land grab. We play films [about Munir] and stage discussions," Novia continued.

Facing threats

For Wanggi, Munir's courage to fight for victims of violence despite facing constant death threats had helped him to deal with his own threats and criticisms.

In February 2011, after putting on a performance criticizing malnutrition, Wanggi said he was followed and for days received on his phone death threats.

"My friend and I once performed at a TNI [Indonesian Military] anniversary celebration, and we put on a pantomime performance about the culture of impunity at the TNI. Several officers politely told us to leave. Afterwards I was called a few times by Kodim [Military Infantry Command] asking me to meet them. I was afraid it might have been a set-up," he claimed.

Since then Wanggi and his friends at Mixi Imagimime Theater were never again booked to perform at major events, with organizers saying they were afraid to invite them. "But the threats Munir had received must have been a lot worse, but still he continued to fight. This emboldens me," he said.

Wanggi's consistency to fight against injustice through pantomime eventually paid off. Recently he and his team were invited to tour across Indonesia, Vietnam and Timor Leste by a French circus act. Last year, he got to meet one of his idols, Munir's widow, Suciwati.

On Sunday, several groups are staging various activities – from street performances to murals to discussions – to commemorate the 10-year anniversary of Munir's death.

On Wednesday night, Kasum and Sahabat Munir will stage a public film- screening event and a discussion. Three films about Munir will be on view: "Garuda Deadly Upgrade," "Bunga Dibakar" (Burned Flower) and "Kiri Hijau Kanan Merah" (Left Green Right Red).

"We have the momentum of having a new president," Novia said, referring to President-elect Joko Widodo, who will be inaugurated into office next month.

"We want to remind the public through paintings, music, performances. We want to say: Let's remind the new president together that he has big tasks at hand. There are Munir's case as well as other human rights cases still unresolved."

[Additional reporting by Nivell Rayda in Jakarta.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/artists-channel-munirs-spirit-provocative-performances/

Activists recall Munir as principled, non-violent, intellectual

Jakarta Globe - September 7, 2014

Arientha Primanita, Jakarta – A decade since Munir Said Thalib's death, fellow activists recall his courage and passion for justice.

Munir, a leading human rights activist, had been outspoken in criticizing military officials for human rights violations in provinces such as in Aceh and Papua and in what is now Timor Leste. He died on Sept. 7, 2004, during a flight to the Netherlands, where he was pursuing a master's degree in international law and human rights. The father of two was 38 years old.

Activists lauded his courage and the legacy he left behind for the next generation of human rights defenders.

Haris Azhar, chairman of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) – a nongovernmental organization that Munir co-founded – said that Munir raised public awareness in standing up for human rights and he was not afraid to fight against injustice by an authoritarian regime.

"Along with other human rights activists, he contributed to civil courage. He also developed a stepping stone for the next generation to take in upholding human rights," he said.

Poengky Indarti, executive director of the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial), said Munir's biggest legacy was in exposing gross human rights violations to the public, including in one case the disappearance of activists that led to the dismissal of former Army general Prabowo Subianto from the military.

"Munir was also a human rights fighter who was really persistent in criticizing security officials," she told the Jakarta Globe. "He was also at the forefront in criticizing impunities in the country, and he had never stopped calling for the trials of human rights violators."

Poengky, who was Munir's subordinate at Imparsial, recalled him as a best friend, a brother and mentor since they started out as activists in Surabaya in 1992 – at a time when authoritarian leader Suharto still held great influence over Indonesia.

"He was really brave, humble, honest and loyal with strong humanitarian principles. He was not preoccupied with positions [of power] or wealth," she said.

Albert Hasibuan, legal and human rights advisor to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, praised Munir as a simple man with a strong personality and intention to uphold human rights.

"Most human rights activists are not hungry for power but are strong in idealism. Munir was one of them. He taught his peers and society to fight for human rights," he said in an interview. "Another of his strong legacy was his strong objection to violence."

Andreas Harsono, a researcher at Human Rights Watch in Indonesia, views Munir as one of the brightest minds this country ever had. He said Munir was a human rights champion as well as a public intellectual.

Andreas said he is currently compiling essays written by leading Indonesian thinkers of the 20th century. He has read almost all of Munir's essays and says that Munir is comparable to other great Indonesian thinkers like Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, Sutan Sjahrir, Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta and Abdurrahman Wahid.

"His legacy will be necessary for the state of Indonesia to move forward with the protection of human rights. He might be dead, but his legacy lives on. Indonesia should be proud of having its son, Munir," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/activists-recall-munir-principled-non-violent-intellectual/

Munir - Human rights defender, brother, husband, father and friend

Jakarta Globe - September 6, 2014

Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, Malang – Before he was assassinated 10 years ago, Munir Said Thalib was known as a fierce human rights defender, tirelessly advocating for victims of injustice and fearlessly pushing for those responsible to be put behind bars.

But not much has been reported about his early life – how the skinny boy from Malang, East Java became a legendary activist whose life was synonymous with Indonesia's rights movement.

Munir was born on Dec. 8, 1965. Because of his Middle Eastern heritage, his hair was brown, and cast in sunlight it would cast a yellowish glow, like the color of a ripen corn seed.

His trademark hair, which he shared with one of six siblings, inspired his father Said Salim Thalib to name him Munir – Arabic for "bright" or "shining." "We used to call him 'Uning' because of his yellowish hair," his older sister Annisa said.

Little Uning was very active and didn't like to stay indoors. He was also brave. Despite his small stature, he was standing up to boys much older than he when they picked on his quiet younger brother Jamal, particularly when Uning knew that Jamal didn't do anything wrong.

"He was never afraid to fight if he was right. He always stood up for Jamal. He got that from our mother [Jamilah Umar Thalib]. She always taught us to stand up for the truth," Annisa said.

Farida, Munir's elementary school teacher, remembered Munir as an active boy who had many friends. Despite his size, Munir liked to play soccer or fly kites in empty fields. Almost everyday he returned home with dirt and mud on his school uniform. Aside from his brown hair, Farida also remembered one unique thing about Munir.

"He was never afraid to fight, defending his friends. But he was also honest. He was willing to admit his own mistakes," Farida said.

Farida, who at 60 years old still teaches at Munir's elementary school, said she never expected Munir to be a prominent human rights defender. She also never expected that even many years later Munir still viewed her as his teacher and treated her with much respect. "He even invited me to his wedding," she said.

To this day, Farida said she always tells her students stories about Munir, teaching them that they, too, can accomplish great things and to always stay humble and remember their roots. Munir stayed consistent in defending those who couldn't defend themselves.

An early start

Fifty-seven year-old Tri Hartini, his high school teacher, noted that it was at this stage Munir became critical, always questioning things. "He liked to talk, and he was very critical. At times he chose to sit in the back, pondering, resting his chin on his palm," she said.

Perhaps it was here that he began to realize what he wanted to do in life. In 1985, Munir entered law school at Brawijaya University in Malang, moving away from his family's traditional professions as traders and shopowners.

"He was the only one [in the family] who chose this path," Annisa said. "He said he wanted to help others."

In college Munir had access to an abundance of human rights literature, learning how other countries were dealing with their dark past, how military dictatorship can be toppled. He pondered whether the same could be done in Indonesia.

He chose workers' rights as a topic for his thesis, giving him a view into the lives of thousands of Indonesian laborers who were paid unfairly and had virtually no rights. He noticed how big the welfare gap between laborers and their bosses were and how workers were treated inhumanely.

He felt he needed to do something. In 1989, his senior year, he interned at the Surabaya chapter of the Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), the only hope for justice for millions of poor laborers in East Java.

Even as an intern, he was vocal, actively advocating for victims of union busting, unfair pay, inhumane and hazardous working conditions and unfair dismissals. He was not afraid to criticize those in power and well- connected businessmen.

Activism

By 1990, the year he graduated, "he was already famous at LBH," said Lutfi J. Kurniawan, Munir's junior at Brawijaya law school who eventually formed Malang Corruption Watch. A year later, Munir was entrusted to become the coordinator for LBH Surabaya's Malang outpost.

Lutfi said that despite his reputation, Munir was a very accessible man. He was never reluctant in sharing his knowledge. Lutfi said that even after he graduated Munir helped junior classmates organize one of the biggest student rallies in his university's history.

"[Munir] taught us how to unite the different student bodies, how to organize the masses and how to confront security officials," he said.

Poengky Indarti, the executive director of the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial), remembered the first time she met Munir as a recent graduate applying for LBH Surabaya.

"I initially wanted a post at [LBH's] environment division, but after meeting Munir and saw his work with labor issues and got to know his thinking I moved to the labor division," she said.

Poengky described Munir as a lovable person who liked to tell jokes despite the seriousness of his work and the countless threats he received. In her eyes, Munir was also a great mentor and a passionate lawyer who had genuine empathy for the people he represented.

"Once there was a woman [Munir] represented. She was arrested for killing her husband because she was fed up with her husband constantly beating her. Munir took care of her child for her while she was incarcerated," Poengky said.

"Munir really cared about the people he helped. He was always there for them even if they needed him in the middle of the night. He loved nothing more than spending time with them. He often said he learned more from these people than the many books he read."

Munir's widow Suciwati said her late husband was the type of person who would even risk his life for the people he was fighting for.

One day in 1998, when he had moved to the LBH main office in Central Jakarta, Munir jumped over the building's fence to help a defenseless old laborer who was about to be trampled by a panicking crowd and beaten by security officials after a rally descended into chaos. Munir fractured his hand in the process while the younger and bigger rally participants did nothing to save the old man.

"I felt safe around him. Anyone who was being advocated by him felt the same. Despite his small posture, he was never hesitant about helping and protecting [others]," said Suciwati, who also goes by Suci.

Family man

Suci met her future husband in 1991. At the time she was a worker in Malang involved in a lot of union movements, strikes and rallies. Munir helped her union's advocacy. Noticing Suci's determination, consistency and intelligence, Munir fell in love.

Munir asked for her hand in marriage several times, but she always said no. "There were a lot of things to consider," she said.

Munir had a lot of enemies, and his life was threatened many times. She was afraid of raising children with a man who showed no fear of the powerful people he was fighting against.

But at one point she decided it was the risk she was willing to take to be with the man she loved and shared the same passion and ideology. They were married in 1996 and had two children, Soultan Alif Allende, now 15 years old and Diva Suukyi Larashati, 12.

After being married, it didn't take long before her worries came true. In 2001, as Munir and his family spent their holiday at Munir's parents' house in Batu, Malang someone called at 2 a.m. in the morning. Munir picked up the phone. At the other end of the line was a man saying that Munir must cease criticism of the military. Otherwise he shall receive a bomb package.

When Suci asked who it was, she recalled Munir as casually replying: "Just someone who wants to send a bomb package."

At the time Munir was unraveling the kidnapping of student activists in 1998 by the Army's special forces Kopassus. He was also demonstrating against the deaths of student protesters in a series of rallies surrounding President Suharto's resignation.

Following the phone call, a motorcycle was heard stopping and speeding in front of Munir's parents' house that morning. Munir peeped through the window and spotted a package placed at the front porch. Munir's only reaction was to ask his sleeping mother to move to another bedroom and call the police. He even managed to pass one or two jokes in the process.

But it wasn't a joke. At 7 a.m. the police bomb squad came and destroyed the package. It was filled with explosives.

Munir's sister Annisa said the family was well aware of the risks his brother was facing. Yet, Munir was very open about the many threats he had received.

As a family they were worried, but they also knew how important his struggle was to the country. Munir openly shared stories of his work with his mother, brothers and sisters – Munir's father died when he was about 10 – whenever they got together.

"We got to know Hendropriyono, Prabowo, Wiranto. About Poso, Maluku, Aceh," she said. Annisa was referring to Army generals A.M. Hendropriyono, Prabowo Subianto and Wiranto who Munir accused of gross human rights violations and the places of widespread sectarian conflict and intensive military operations.

The time leading before Munir's death in 2004 remains special for Munir's family. He was preparing for his studies in the Netherlands and had relinquished his duties to successors. He was left with a lot of free time, which he spent with his family, taking them to Malang for the holidays or watching movies alone with his wife.

"He liked action movies. The latest was 'The Day After Tomorrow'," Suci said, adding that the movie's plot about a father going to great lengths to rescue his son resonated with Munir. "He watched it many times."

In the weeks before he boarded the Sept. 6, 2004 flight to the Netherlands – during which he was murdered – Munir spent most of his time at home, playing with his children Alif and Divva.

"Those last moments were precious to us," Suci recounted. "One afternoon, one week before he left, he hugged us and said, 'I have found my heaven'."

[Additional reporting by Nivell Rayda in Jakarta.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/remembering-munir-human-rights-defender-brother-husband-father-friend/

A decade after Munir's assassination, questions still linger

Jakarta Globe - September 5, 2014

Nivell Rayda & Raja Humuntar Panggabean, Jakarta – They were the last pictures of human rights defender Munir Said Thalib alive, taken late on Sept. 6, 2004, shortly before he took the Garuda Indonesia flight where he would draw his last breath.

The pictures showed Munir with his closest friends: his staff from the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial) and his wife Suciwati, sharing jokes and laughs over cups of coffee at a doughnut shop at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport.

He looked well. Healthy as could be. His short, curly hair was golden brown, like ripe corn kernels glinting from the camera's flash.

In almost every shot, Munir is grinning from ear to ear, enthusiastic about his planned post-graduate studies in the Netherlands – a dream he'd had to postpone so many times before because he was too busy advocating for victims of violence, too anxious about leaving Indonesia, whose democracy was still in its infancy.

But that year he found very few reasons to put his dream on hold again. For the first time, Indonesia had held a free presidential election.

Munir was pleased with the fact that former military chief Wiranto, a candidate whom he saw as having the worst human rights record, failed to advance to the runoff vote. In a few weeks' time, then-president Megawati Soekarnoputri would be going head to head against her former security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Neither was an ideal candidate in Munir's eyes, but at least they were committed not to let Indonesia fall back into military rule. The outcome of the election made him slightly less uneasy about leaving Indonesia.

It had also been years since Indonesia saw a major human rights violation, and he saw a growing number of people start to speak up about human rights. He was confident he could pass on his work to his peers and juniors.

Poengky Indarti, who eventually took over from Munir as Imparsial's executive director, felt the urge to take lots of pictures of him before he left that day. She felt it would be years before she could see him again.

She also went against Munir's wishes and asked an old research consultant friend named Sri Rukminingtyas, who had recently moved to Rotterdam, to pick him up at Amsterdam's Schiphol International Airport.

"I don't need anyone to pick me up," Poengky, then Munir's number three at Imparsial, recounts her old boss as saying. But Poengky insisted. "I'm not sure why. Maybe it was just my maternal instinct. I had been taking care of his scholarship applications and getting his visa. I guess I needed to be sure he would be taken care of when he got there."

On Sept. 7, 2004, Munir died on board the plane as it flew over Budapest.

Sri remembered packing four tuna sandwiches that morning before she set out to pick up Munir. She thought that perhaps Munir might not have eaten on the plane, and getting breakfast at the airport would be too expensive.

She doesn't remember now what happened to the sandwiches. All she could remember was an announcement blaring from the airport's speakers mentioning the name "Munir." She also remembered that shortly afterward she got a call from Poengky. Poengky told her that someone from Garuda had just called to say that Munir was dead.

Sri immediately went to the airport's information office. A police officer confirmed that Munir had indeed died during the flight. "I lost control of myself and cried loudly. It was like being struck by lightning," Sri says.

Her seemingly simple task of picking Munir up at the airport turned into a somber affair, but one that threw her into a crucial role in unraveling the true nature of his death.

Sri explained to the Dutch police that Munir was 39 and in good health. She explained that he was a very prominent human rights defender back in Indonesia and that the he had received multiple death threats. Based on Sri's statements, the Dutch police ordered an autopsy done, and subsequently found a fatal dose of arsenic in Munir's body.

"If Sri hadn't been there, maybe his death would have been attributed to natural causes. His body would have been sent back to Indonesia without any investigation and we wouldn't have known the truth," Poengky says.

Legacy of impunity

Sunday marks the 10-year anniversary of Munir's death, a case that still holds many questions.

Three people have been convicted of his death: Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, an off-duty Garuda pilot and suspected State Intelligence Agency (BIN) operative who spiked Munir's drink with arsenic; and two accomplices who played minor roles in arranging for Pollycarpus to be on the same flight as Munir.

But those who masterminded the murder, giving Pollycarpus his orders, remain beyond the reach of the law. And activists blame this travesty on the reluctance shown by the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who came into office the same year that Munir died, to bring those responsible to justice.

"At the beginning of his rule, SBY promised to resolve [Munir's] case and even said that it would be 'the test of our history,'" says Choirul Anam, the executive secretary of the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum). "But now at the end of his administration the case is not fully resolved."

After two months of intense pressure from human rights activists and international media, Yudhoyono formed an independent fact-finding team on Nov. 23, 2004, to monitor the police investigation into the case and conduct its own inquiry.

Witnesses on board the flight noted that Pollycarpus was seated next to Munir on the flight from Jakarta to Singapore, where it picked up more passengers. The passenger manifest indicated that Pollycarpus got off in Singapore and didn't continue on to Amsterdam. But before he left Singapore's Changi International Airport, he was seen offering Munir a cup of coffee, which was spiked with arsenic.

Munir's health deteriorated from that point on, and he eventually died on board, hours before the plane landed in Amsterdam.

The fact-finding team also found that immediately prior to and after Munir's death, Pollycarpus had communicated extensively with Muchdi Purwoprandjono, who at the time was a deputy chief of the BIN.

In their court testimonies, several intelligence officials also said that Pollycarpus often visited the BIN headquarters and met behind closed doors with Muchdi. In at least one of those meetings, Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, the BIN chief at the time, was also present.

Pollycarpus is now serving a 14-year prison term after the Central Jakarta District Court, on Dec. 1, 2005, found him guilty of murdering Munir. The South Jakarta District Court, however, acquitted Muchdi of all charges on Dec. 31, 2008, despite the judges in Pollycarpus's trial ruling that Pollycarpus had acted on Muchdi's instructions.

Police never questioned Hendropriyono for his alleged involvement in Munir's killing.

Kasum secretary Anam notes that during Yudhoyono's two terms in office, Pollycarpus' sentence went from 14 years to two years in 2006, to 20 years in 2008, and finally, last year, back to 14 years. Pollycarpus also enjoyed a number of sentence cuts, amounting to a total of 42 months during six years in prison.

Anam says recent developments in the case should give prosecutors enough evidence to launch a fresh investigation.

"This government has never been serious in punishing those responsible, let alone solving the mysteries surrounding his death," he says. "Ever since Muchdi was acquitted, [prosecutors] have done nothing. Even after two changes of attorney general, they only made promises."

Anam says Yudhoyono has left his successor, Joko Widodo, with the very important task of seeking justice for Munir. "They had all the evidence. All that it takes is courage," he says.

Uli Parulian Sihombing, the executive director of the Indonesian Legal Resource Center, has called on Joko to bar those with questionable rights record from serving in his administration, following Joko's appointment of Hendropriyono as an adviser to the team preparing the new government for office.

Munir's widow, Suciwati, has also lambasted Hendropriyono's appointment. "Human rights is not a political commodity. If [Joko] has promised [to resolve rights abuse cases], then he must fulfill it by forming a government that is free of human rights violators," she says.

Human Rights Watch researcher Andreas Harsono says it is important that Joko appoint reform-minded people as his picks to head up law enforcement agencies, to ensure the resolution of Munir's case as well as all past human rights abuse cases, in which Munir so passionately sought justice during his lifetime.

A fearless defender

Anam describes Munir as a courageous fighter, even during the Suharto era, when free speech was greatly curbed and those criticizing power ended up dead, missing, or in jail. "He was never afraid of pointing at people's noses," Anam says. "Even powerful generals."

Among those he named as human rights abusers was Hendropriyono. The latter, at the time an Army colonel, led a bloody military crackdown on civilian protesters in Talangsari, Lampung, in 1989 that led to 45 people being killed and 88 others missing. The military also burned the protesters' village to the ground.

Munir's criticism of Hendropriyono intensified when the retired general joined Megawati's campaign. Aside from highlighting his past cases, Munir also raised concerns that he might abuse his authorities as the BIN chief for the campaign's benefit. Munir even lodged a lawsuit with the State Administrative Court demanding Hendropriyono's removal from his BIN post.

"But does that have a direct correlation with Munir's death? We don't know yet. What we know is that [Hendropriyono] is not the only human rights violator with a military background who had a grudge against Munir," Anam says, adding that Munir's many enemies could have conspired to have the rights defender killed.

Then there's Prabowo Subianto, a close friend of Muchdi's and the losing candidate in this year's presidential election. Munir repeatedly accused Prabowo, who was then chief of the Army's Special Forces unit Kopassus, of kidnapping pro-democracy activists toward the end of Suharto's 32-year rule. Several of those activists remain missing to this day.

Munir's constant pressure to have Prabowo tried forced the government to form a fact-finding team and the military to set up an ethics tribunal, which eventually led to Prabowo's dismissal from the Army.

Prabowo has repeatedly denied responsibility for the abductions, saying he was simply carrying out orders from his superiors and that all the kidnapped activists were released after being interrogated.

"He would have got onto the first flight back to Indonesia," Poengky says when asked what she thinks Munir would do if he were alive to see Prabowo running for president.

Inspiring generations

Munir's killers might have been trying to send a message by having the prominent activist killed in an elaborate assassination plot on board an international flight.

"If this can happen to Munir then imagine what could happen to lesser-known activists in remote areas like Papua or Aceh, so far away from the media spotlight," Poengky says.

But Munir's death only emboldened the next generation of activists to continue his struggle, advocating for the victims of human rights abuses.

Novia Seni Astriani is 25 and for three years she has been advocating for Munir's killers to face trial, as a member of Kasum's campaign and networking division.

"While in college, like so many of my peers, we learned that what we were taught as kids were lies. We never knew that our history was so tainted by so many human rights violations. We were never taught about Munir's assassination," says Astri, as she is better known.

"In college I got to know Munir. I got to know the cases he was fighting for... his thinking. And I was saddened. How could anyone murder someone like Munir? How could his case remained unsolved to this day? I felt I needed to do something."

On Thursday, Astri organized Kamisan, a weekly rally in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta to demand the resolution of past human rights abuses. This week's Kamisan is dedicated to Munir with some protesters wearing a mask bearing the likeness of the slain activist.

After some 20 minutes of silent protest, Astri grabbed a microphone and began talking to the crowd to fire them up. "Let's all gather around facing the so-called 'palace of the people.' For 10 years Munir's case has been in limbo. For 10 years the person at that palace has done so little," Astri tells some 40 protesters.

Aside from a handful of ageing victims of human rights abuses and violence, most of the rally's participants are youths, not much older than herself.

Munir has also inspired many to follow in his footsteps of advocating for victims of injustice.

"Munir as a human rights defender has given us a legacy that is simple yet very profound in its meaning," says 23-year-old Ichsan, who works for the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH). "In his time, he wasn't afraid to reveal injustice. All youths should learn from his courage."

Veronica Koman, 26, another LBH Jakarta lawyer, says she always bows whenever she goes to her office, which proudly displays Munir's pictures. "Much of Munir's legacy inspires me. Munir... has become a symbol of human rights in Indonesia," she says.

Those behind the assassination might have succeeded in killing Munir, but in doing so, they unwittingly created a martyr, an inspiration and a legend.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/decade-munirs-assassination-questions-still-linger/

Munir and the fight for human rights

Jakarta Globe - September 5, 2014

Sunday marks a decade since the death of human rights champion Munir Said Thalib, who was poisoned on a flight to Amsterdam in the Netherlands.

Munir was one of a few Indonesians who weren't afraid to speak their minds during President Suharto's era when freedom of expression was almost non- existent. Activists were afraid of ending up either tortured or dead.

Before his death, Munir had been outspoken about human rights violations committed by the military, including a bloody crackdown on protestors in Lampung in 1998, in which 45 people were killed and 88 others missing. The incident involved then-Army colonel Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, who was already the chief of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) at the time of Munir's death.

Munir also lashed out at Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's then son-in-law, who led the Army's special forces, Kopassus, to arrest pro-democracy activists. Some of them were later found murdered and others are still missing until now.

As a vocal human rights activist, Munir likely had many enemies. Any one of them would have wanted him dead.

And although the court convicted three people, including Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto an off-duty Garuda Indonesia pilot, who was a suspected BIN agent, the case still holds many questions.

Investigators found that Pollycarpus offered Munir coffee laced with arsenic at Singapore's Changi airport. Just prior and after Munir's death, Pollycarpus had extensive communications with then BIN deputy chief Muchdi Purwoprandjono.

But the court acquitted Muchdi, while police never questioned Hendropriyono, who is now one of President-elect Joko Widodo's advisors. We wonder about the future of human rights in this country.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/editorial-munir-fight-human-rights/

After 10 years, Munir murder unresolved

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Jakarta – Rights activists and family members of slain rights campaigner Munir Said Thalib will use the 10th anniversary of his murder to build momentum in demanding president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo take action to finally resolve the case.

"Does Jokowi have the courage to bring the alleged perpetrators to court?" Suciwati, Munir's widow (who is also a human rights activist), rhetorically asked The Jakarta Post on Monday.

Suciwati said that Jokowi would likely have problems resolving the murder case following the appointment of Hendropriyono, a retired general and former head of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), as an advisor on Jokowi's transition team. Hendropriyono was allegedly involved in Munir's case.

Even President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who had no ties to Hendropriyono and had expressed his commitment to resolving the case, had failed to make a breakthrough.

The executive director of rights group Imparsial, Poengky Indarti, also doubted if Jokowi would have the courage to bring closure to the murder case. She said Jokowi had never made any statements regarding Munir's murder.

"If Jokowi makes a statement that he will resolve the case during his tenure then it is a good start, but so far he has only said he would resolve the enforced disappearance cases from 1998," she said.

Munir, who was a prominent human rights campaigner, was killed on Sept. 7, 2004 during a flight to the Netherlands. He died from arsenic poisoning.

The South Jakarta Court only sentenced two perpetrators, Garuda Indonesia pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto and former Garuda president Indra Setiawan, to 20 years and 12 years imprisonment, respectively, for their roles in the murder of Munir.

Meanwhile, Muchdi Purwoprandjono, a former deputy to the BIN chief who was accused of involvement in the case, was acquitted of all charges against him in late 2011.

Leaked US diplomatic cables, released by WikiLeaks, alleged that Hendropriyono "chaired two meetings at which Munir's assassination was planned" and a witness at those meetings told police that "only the time and method of the murder changed from the plans he heard discussed; original plans were to kill Munir in his office."

With the absence of progress in the past 10 years in the work to find the mastermind behind her husband's murder, Suciwati said she has now set the bar very low.

"He does not have to say or promise anything to the public to prove that he is capable of resolving the case. [Jokowi] only needs to get some work done," she said.

As a start, both Suciwati and Poengky demanded that Jokowi go public with the findings from the investigations carried out by the government- sanctioned fact-finding team (TPF) set up by Yudhoyono to investigate the case.

"The public has the right to know the truth," Poengky said. She said that Jokowi could also order fresh investigations into several more people who were allegedly involved in the case, including Muchdi.

Separately, Usman Hamid, a rights activist who joined the TPF, added that it would be better if Jokowi set up a new investigation team to look into Munir's murder. "The investigation team has to be independent," he said. (ask)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/after-10-years-munir-murder-unresolved.html

Sexual & domestic violence

Sexual assault case against governor, police chief believes he's too old

Jakarta Globe - September 5, 2014

Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta – The National Police began an investigation on Friday of a sexual assault complaint made against Riau Governor Annas Maamun.

"We are questioning the complainant to ascertain whether there is a criminal aspect to this case and if there are any witnesses or evidence," the National Police's deputy director of the general crime unit, Sr. Comr. Toni Hermanto, said on Friday.

Toni said the police would only summon and question Annas if the investigation produced any evidence. He added that sexual harassment and assault cases are notoriously difficult to prosecute because of the frequent lack of any witnesses.

Wide Wirawaty, daughter of former Regional Representatives Council (DPD) member Soemardi Thaher, filed a police report on Sunday, describing an incident that happened in May.

It is understood that the substance of the complaint is that Annas forced Wide to touch him. Wide, 38, told police that the incident happened when she visited the governor's house. She was there to ask for a donation for English-language training for civil servants.

A spokesman for the Riau government, Joserizal Zen, denied the allegation and accused Wide of defamation. Joserizal said the complaint might have been contrived by parties who were unhappy because the governor had cut the budget for several ongoing projects.

In an extraordinary intervention into an investigation of a serious criminal complaint, the chief of the National Police cast doubt on the ability of a 77-year-old man to commit a sex crime on account of old age.

"I know him and I have met him once, is it even possible for a 77 year-old man to do such thing? We will investigate, we don't know for sure," Gen. Sutarman said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/sexual-assault-investigation-riau-governor-police-chief-believes-hes-old/

Freedom of speech & expression

Bandung court urged to drop media case

Jakarta Post - September 6, 2014

Arya Dipa, Bandung – Journalist organizations have expressed their regret over the persistence by some parties to settle media cases in court.

The head of the West Java branch of the Indonesian Television Journalists Association (IJTI), Iman S. Nurdin, questioned the Bandung District Court's stance of accepting a civil lawsuit alleging slander over a news report aired by Parijz Van Java TV (PJTV), a local broadcaster in West Java.

"The Supreme Court and professional organizations have already agreed that media disputes can and should be settled at the Press Council," Iman said in Bandung on Thursday.

Bandung District Court spokesman Djoko Indiarto said the court could not reject any case submitted to it. "We must sit both for criminal trials and civil suits. Otherwise, we would be breaking the law and violating the basic principle of justice," Djoko said.

The civil lawsuit was brought following the PJTV coverage on Jan. 6 about a home-ownership dispute between Suhanda Markum and Farchat Bahafdullah against Nanang Saepudin. Suhanda and Farchat, who claimed they were entitled to the disputed house in the Riung area of Bandung, considered they had been defamed. They filed a civil lawsuit via their lawyer, Hidayat, on Jan. 21, in which they accused Nanang and PJTV of broadcasting a false and misleading report.

In the lawsuit, the plaintiffs say they were put at a disadvantage because the defendants reported false information. Hidayat said the broadcast violated the 2008 Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law.

Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) secretary-general Suwarjono said all lawsuits regarding media news reports – be it electronic, broadcast or print media – should be settled at the Press Council, as regulated in the Press Law.

"This is the first case of defamation using the ITE Law against a media outlet. The law has tended to be used in cases relating to the Internet and social media, not a broadcast institution. This case should be settled at the Press Council," he said.

The case is currently in mediation between the two sides, while the plaintiffs have asked the defendants to pay Rp 1.6 billion (US$139,000) in compensation.

The Supreme Court issued a circular on Dec. 30, 2008, stating that disputes related to news reports should be settled through a mechanism pursuant to the Press Law.

Djoko said the court could not stop the legal process, however. The lawsuit will be heard by presiding judge Kasdiono alongside Dwi Sudaryono and Pinta Uli Boru Tarigan on the bench.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/06/bandung-court-urged-drop-media-case.html

Yogyakarta Police agree to release Florence

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Bambang Muryanto and Slamet Susanto, Yogyakarta – The Yogyakarta Police have granted a request to be released from custody filed by Florence Sihombing, 26, a Gadjah Mada University (UGM) graduate law student who was detained because of comments she made on social media that were considered insulting and which sparked anger among some Yogyakarta residents.

"UGM and Florence's family have given guarantees for the release from detention of Florence. We will release today," Yogyakarta Police's director of special crimes Sr. Comr. Kokot Indarto told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

He went on to say that on Monday morning UGM Rector Pratikno, the university's school of law dean Paripurna Sugarda and their entourages visited the Yogyakarta Police headquarters. During the visit they discussed the positive and negative aspects of Florence's detainment, which has sparked heated debate at the national level.

"UGM has agreed to first implement the ultimum remedium, or the last-resort principle, which means penal law procedures will be conducted as the last resort. They will first carry out an ethics examination process," said Kokot.

The Yogyakarta Police arrested Florence on Saturday afternoon after a number of local community groups, including an NGO calling itself as Do Not Betray the People's Voice (Jatisura), a reptile-lovers community and bike club Onthel, reported her to the police on Aug. 28. They claimed they were offended by Florence's comments on social media, deeming them insulting to Yogyakarta people.

On her Path account, Florence expressed her anger after being criticized for attempting to cut in front of people who were waiting in line at a Jl. Lempuyangan gas station in Yogyakarta – She wrote: "Jogja is poor, idiotic, uncivilized. Friends from Jakarta and Bandung, don't stay in Jogja."

According to the police, her comments violated the Law No.11/2008 on information and electronic transactions.

The university's school of law dean, Paripurna Sugarda, said UGM had sought an apology from Florence, having deemed her comments impolite. He said the Yogyakarta Police had agreed with the university's stance that making Florence's harsh comments on social media into a criminal case would not bring benefits to either the student or to Yogyakarta people.

"If we make it into a criminal case, this will not only endanger her future, but also taint the image of Yogyakarta residents as belonging to a society that always forgives," said Paripurna.

The dean said UGM would soon hold an ethics hearing on the case, during which Florence would be allowed to give clarifications. Paripurna said if proven guilty, Florence could face sanctions – from warnings, to suspension of studies and expulsion from the university.

"We will also ask the community groups who filed reports with the police to revoke their reports. If they don't want to do it, UGM will give her legal assistance," said Paripurna.

On Monday, Florence conveyed her formal apology, expressing her regrets for her harsh comments. "I apologize again for the derogatory comments I made that insulted the city on social media. I hope that Yogyakarta people and the Sultan will accept my apology," said Florence at the Yogyakarta Police headquarters on Monday, as quoted by tempo.co.id. She also thanked the university for helping her to deal with the case.

The Yogyakarta Police's action to arrest Florence over her remarks has drawn sharp criticism from a number of institutions, including the Yogyakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Yogyakarta) and the Yogyakarta Police Watch Network (JPP).

"We question the police's actions to swiftly respond to such a minor case while they continue to act sluggishly on more serious cases, such as on human rights abuses in Yogyakarta," said JPP spokesperson Farid Bambang Siswantoro.

He referred to the police's slow response in handling the murder case of Bernas journalist Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin, a case that has remained unsolved for 18 years.

Separately, LBH Yogyakarta criticized the Information and Electronic Transaction Law, saying that it was "anti-democratic" and a destruction of freedom of speech.

"It seems that we have returned back to a terror regime from the past. Our hopes for democratization and freedom of speech protections are just a myth," said LBH Yogyakarta director Samsudin Nurseha. (dyl)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/yogyakarta-police-agree-release-florence.html

Activists condemn arrest of student who insulted Yogyakarta

Jakarta Post - September 1, 2014

Jakarta – Civil-liberty groups have urged police to release Florence Sihombing, a graduate student at Gadjah Mada University's school of law, who has been detained by the police for insulting the city of Yogyakarta.

The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (ICJR) and the Center for Policy and Law Studies (PSHK), said the police had over-reacted by detaining Florence under the Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) Law, for a private statement made without ill intent.

"This is an excessive application of the law by the police," said Erasmus Napitupulu, a legal expert from the ICJR. Miko Susanto Ginting from the PSHK said Florence may have been rude but she was not involved in a criminal act. "Even a spokesman from the Communication and Information Ministry has confirmed that Florence's outburst was not a criminal act."

On Saturday, the Yogyakarta Police detained Florence after a preliminary interrogation following which she refused to sign a dossier for her defamation case.

The police charged her under Article 27 on defamation and Article 28 on hate speech against ethnicity, religion, race and intergroup affiliations (SARA) of the 2008 ITE Law.

Last week, Florence expressed her anger on social-media platform, Path, in which she insulted Yogyakarta and advised her friends not to live in the city, known for its large population of out-of-town students.

"Jogja is poor, idiotic and uncivilized. Friends from Jakarta, Bandung, please stay away from Jogja," she wrote in one of the posts.

Florence made the comment after being reprimanded by an attendant at a gas station in the city for trying to cut a line for unsubsidized gasoline. She was jeered by other customers following the incident, which occurred when Yogyakarta was experiencing a subsidized fuel shortage last week, with long queues forming at gas stations in the city.

The screen grab from Florence's post on Path went viral and last Thursday a NGO, calling itself Do Not Betray the People's Voice (Jatisura) filed a complaint with the Yogyakarta Police.

Sr. Comr. Kokot Indarto, the head of Yogyakarta Police's special crimes unit, said that Florence would be detained for the next 20 days at the Yogyakarta Police detention center.

Florence's lawyer, Wibowo Malik, insisted the police had no grounds for detaining Florence. "I can't accept this detention. I doubt if the detention is even official," he said, adding that Florence was depressed after being bullied on social media and had received threats of violence.

Wibowo said that Florence had issued an apology to Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, also the governor of Yogyakarta, and the people of Yogyakarta, stating that she had no intention to defame the good name of Yogyakarta.

Following the arrest, a number of prominent natives of Yogyakarta have condemned the excessive use of the law. Actor and comedian Butet Kartaredjasa said the image of Yogyakarta would be further tarnished by the arrest.

"This is the text that I sent to the Yogyakarta Police chief: 'Release Florence Sihombing. It will be counterproductive and tarnish the police's image as well as the wisdom of Yogyakartans.' It would be better for the police to release her," Butet said in one of his posts on Facebook.

A researcher with Kontras, Alex Argo Hernowo, pointed out that the police had erroneously applied the ITE Law in the case. Alex said that Florence only mentioned the name of Yogyakarta in her post, and, therefore, could not be subject to the ITE Law, which is only concerned with human beings, not a city.

Alex added that the police had also ignored Article 43 of the law which stipulated that the police had to seek approval, through a public prosecutor, from the chief of a local district court to detain an individual under the law.

"Florence has shown her good intention by apologizing to the community. She also showed up for the interrogation session. So based on articles 20 and 21 on detention of the Criminal Code, she should be released." (ask)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/01/activists-condemn-arrest-student-who-insulted-yogyakarta.html

Political parties & elections

Across indonesia, local chiefs slam plan to stop all direct polls

Jakarta Globe - September 7, 2014

Pitan Daslani, Jakarta – Isran Noor, the head of East Kutai district in East Kalimantan and chairman of Indonesia's Association of Regional Governments, or APKASI, has lashed out against parties in the House of Representatives for rushing to pass a bill that would completely deny the people the right to directly elect district heads and mayors.

In a lengthy explanation to journalists in Jakarta on Saturday, Isran said the regional election bill now being deliberated at the House would completely deprive people in more than 500 districts and cities the right to directly elect their regional heads, shifting that right to local legislatures. This would benefit parties that aim to establish an oligarchy to fulfill their selfish interests instead of those of the people.

"People pay taxes and obey laws as good citizens, and they don't demand anything more than having the right to elect their own leaders directly," Isran said. "Only once in five years can they exercise this right. So why should you take it away from them, after they have seen the benefit of democracy through direct elections?"

Parties at the House are reported to be rushing to pass the bill by their Sept. 11 deadline, with their term of office ending next month.

Isran said this was strange because on the executive front President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had issued a directive that ministers must not make strategic decisions since their term was ending soon. "So why should the legislative body take the reverse direction for such a strategic issue?" he asked.

The Home Affairs Ministry reportedly endorsed the idea of shifting people's right to elect their local leaders to the respective legislative councils in last year on the grounds that direct elections at the local level were prohibitively expensive to stage and were rife with vote-buying.

This high cost of winning office, the government contends, is what compels local leaders to engage in corruption once in office.

Isran disagreed, saying that if the high cost of local elections was what worried the central government and the House, then the right solution was not to deprive people of their democratic right to vote, but to improve the electoral system.

For instance, campaign rules can be tightened so that candidates get equal opportunities to appear on television and in print media, he suggested. In this way the public will know how much money these candidates spend for such activities, Isran said.

"Students have died fighting for democracy, from Trisakti University to other parts of the country, and people have only now enjoyed the benefits of freedom through direct elections. Don't rape their democratic rights, because that is all they have as Indonesian citizens," Isran said.

He warned of at least two "dangerous scenarios" emerging should district heads and mayors be elected by local legislative councils. First, members of the councils would see this as an opportunity to engage in political horse-trading with the candidates.

"Even stupid people could then become district heads and mayors, as long as they have the money to bribe the local councilors. But they may not be the type of leaders that the people of the district want, because the people are not involved in the election process," Isran said.

The second, and worse, scenario would be that political parties' representatives in the local councils would propose their own candidates to run for office, Isran said.

This, he argued, would create a dangerous oligarchy because the local executive and legislative leaders would collaborate for their own interests and there would no longer be a functioning system of checks and balances to ensure a fair and working democracy.

"In such a situation, district heads and mayors would subordinate themselves and feel indebted to the councilors, and consequently the executive leaders would spend their time satisfying only their legislative bosses and not pay any attention to the actual needs of the people," Isran said.

He warned that should the bill be passed into law, APKASI would immediately seek to have it struck down by the Constitutional Court.

"The people of Indonesia would take to the streets to protest this bill if it is passed into law," he said. "The government could come to a halt as could the House. Never play around with the people's right; it is part of their human rights."

He cautioned the central government and the House against repeating the blunder of the 1999 Regional Elections Law, which he said had created local government instability in many parts of the country.

Ramlan Surbakti, a political scientist from Airlangga University in Surabaya, also slammed the House's move as a gross violation of the Constitution. He told journalists that the pursuit of selfish interests should not be allowed to defeat the Constitution and the spirit of democracy.

Ramlan said that because Indonesia was a republic, "consequently sovereignty lies in the people's hands, and this is manifested through direct elections as mandated" in the Constitution.

He said the Constitution also stated that Indonesia had a presidential government system instead of a parliamentary government system. In a presidential system, Ramlan explained, the executive leaders are elected by the people, unlike in a parliamentary system, where a prime minister is elected by parliament based on majority representation.

"In order to emphasize and ensure consistency of the presidential government system, executive leaders must be elected directly by the people, and not by legislative councils," Ramlan added.

The heated row over the bill was fanned by a meeting last week in Bogor involving central government and House representatives who aimed to go even further than the concerns raised by Isran and Ramlan.

Barring politicians from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), all the other members of losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's Merah Putih coalition reportedly agreed that not only the election of district heads and mayors but those of governors also should be conducted by local legislatures, so that there would be no more direct elections in Indonesia's 34 provinces.

The coalition's argument is that the direct election system has created inefficiencies in local governance. But Ramlan said the real reason for the high cost of the elections was political parties' inability to nominated credible candidates.

He theorized that if the candidates were credible, they would not need to spend too much in "gratitude fees" to their respective parties; and nor would they need to waste money during campaigning, because people recognize their capabilities.

And if inefficiency is what worried them, Ramlan went on, simultaneous elections across the country would be a far better solution than depriving people of their only constitutional right to elect local executive leaders according to their aspirations.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta/across-indonesia-local-chiefs-slam-plan-stop-direct-polls/

Jokowi defends direct elections

Jakarta Post - September 7, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – President-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has thrown his support behind the effort to maintain direct elections for regional heads amid attempts from political parties affiliated with the Red-and-White Coalition to return the polls to regional legislative councils.

Jokowi said that had regional elections been returned to the councils, he would not have been able to advance beyond his first post as Surakarta mayor. "[Only] if it's up to the people to choose [their leaders] can those without money win [elections]," Jokowi said on Saturday as quoted by tribunnnews.com. He added that a representative-based election system would undermine the country's blossoming democracy.

Supported by just two political parties – the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Gerindra – in his campaign for governor of Jakarta in 2012, Jokowi was able to defeat then incumbent Fauzi Bowo, who was supported by a major coalition of political parties.

In an unprecedented move, a majority of House of Representatives members, all of whom belong to the Red-and-White Coalition led by losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, have voiced support for a proposal that seeks to reinstate the regional-election system based on voting by members of the Regional Legislative Councils (DPRD). The proposal is part of the regional elections bill currently being debated in the House.

Prior to the presidential election on July 9, members of the Red-and-White coalition had agreed to maintain the direct election system in the bill. But after Jokowi was declared the winner of the presidential election, the Red-and-White Coalition reneged on its pledge and is now seeking to do away with direct elections, echoing reform policies floated by Prabowo during his campaign.

Red-and-White Coalition parties, however, have said the sudden change of heart stemmed from the recognition that direct elections are too expensive, encourage "money politics" and lead to the emergence of permanent conflicts.

Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo said his party had conducted a thorough study that concluded the direct-voting system had more downsides than upsides.

"Whoever wins will [usually] commit graft to reacquire his or her campaign funds," he said on Saturday. "Good government will not be achieved because in every regional election, civil servants will be split into the campaign teams for each candidate, whether they are the incumbents or the newcomers."

The argument that direct elections trigger high-costs and result in inefficiency has been voiced for some time, particularly by government figures who criticize them for encouraging regional heads seeking re- election to fudge the numbers of regional budgets to illegally finance campaigns.

The Constitutional Court, meanwhile, has been burdened in recent years with hundreds of election disputes at the regional level. Many of those disputes were adjudicated by disgraced former chief justice Akil Mochtar, who accepted billions of rupiah in bribes to rig the verdicts. Akil has since been sentenced to life in prison for those crimes.

Constitutional law expert Refly Harun has said the problem of direct elections being too expensive could be managed better, thus eliminating the need for to implement an indirect-voting system to bring down the costs.

"If the problem is high costs, then there are electoral management [solutions to consider], where we can bring down costs by having simultaneous elections," he said.

Sri Budi Eko Wardani, director of the University of Indonesia's (UI) Center for Political Studies (Puskapol), said the problem of high-costs actually did not come from the election system itself, but from the political system in which candidates felt the need to seek support from political parties in order to secure votes.

"The key is not in changing the election system but in revolutionizing the internal system of political parties to prevent transactional politics," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/07/jokowi-defends-direct-elections.html

Prabowo seeks end to elections

Jakarta Post - September 6, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong and Ina Parlina, Jakarta – The Red-and-White Coalition, led by losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, is fighting for a return to the Soeharto-era election regime when governors, regents and mayors were not directly elected by the people.

In an unprecedented move, a majority of House of Representatives members have voiced support for a proposal seeking the return of the regional- election system based on voting by members of the Regional Legislative Councils (DPRDs).

Prior to the presidential election on July 9, the coalition had agreed to maintain the system of direct election in the regional election bill.

Prabowo's Gerindra Party, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, the Golkar Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the United Development Party (PPP) have joined forces to fight for a representative- based election system before the current House term expires on Sept. 30.

The number of House votes controlled by the coalition dwarfs that of president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's camp, which is seeking to maintain the direct-voting system.

Jokowi's camp includes the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Hanura Party. Even support from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), a member of Prabowo's coalition, for keeping the voting system unchanged is insufficient.

"We believe that the DPRDs should take over the voting power from the people to prevent vote buying," Gerindra Party central executive board deputy head Martin Hutabarat said on Friday.

"If the voting is through a DPRD, then it is relatively easy to monitor and control by the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK]. This is in accordance with the anti-corruption spirit," he said.

Martin said candidates seeking to lead regions could spend hundreds of billions of rupiah to fund their election campaigns, which usually led to them resorting to graft to recoup their investments.

Direct elections for regions were first introduced in 2005 after the fall of the Soeharto dictatorship in 1998 paved the way for a set of laws and regulations that strengthened regional autonomy, including the direct- election system for regional leaders.

The system has since provided an opportunity for the emergence of a number of reform-minded leaders, such as Jokowi, Surabaya Mayor Tri Rismaharini, and former West Sumatra governor Gamawan Fauzi, now the home minister. Gamawan, who is leading the government's team on the bill deliberation, said he would not fight to keep the current regional-election system during the upcoming discussion with the House on Sept. 11.

"The government will not insist [on maintaining the current system]. If we agree to maintain it, then there should be cost efficiency [in the organizing of elections]," he said. "There should also be a review of the system as there are around 330 regional leaders who have already ended up in prison because of graft."

When asked if representative-based elections would undermine the blossoming democracy, Gamawan argued that the 1945 Constitution had never stipulated direct elections. "There's no guarantee that representative-based elections would be free from bribery. But for sure, controlling a few is easier than controlling many," said Gamawan.

PKB legislator Abdul Malik Haramain said there was still hope the Jokowi coalition could persuade Prabowo's camp to abandon the proposal. "If we fail, we will bring the bill to the plenary meeting to be decided through voting," said Abdul, adding that the bill needed to be passed soon as 202 regions across the country were scheduled to hold elections next year and would need new legal guidance.

University of Indonesia sociologist Thamrin Amal Tomagola said that Prabowo's maneuvers in the bill deliberation were a form of revenge. Thamrin said the idea of returning the voting mechanism to the DPRD was absurd as history showed that councillors were actually more prone to vote buying.

"It's better for Prabowo's coalition to forget the bitterness of losing, and think of the greater good. Don't try to sabotage everything that the other camp seeks to achieve," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/06/prabowo-seeks-end-elections.html

Grass roots want PPP to join Jokowi-Kalla

Jakarta Post - September 3, 2014

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – United Development Party (PPP) secretary- general M. Romahurmuziy confirmed on Tuesday that the party's regional membership had appealed for the party to leave the Red and White Coalition, which supported losing ticket Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa in July's presidential election, and join the camp of president- and vice president- elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo-Jusuf Kalla.

"I can say there are equal numbers of those who want to stay with the Red and White Coalition and those who want to join Jokowi and Kalla," Romahurmuziy said at President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's private residence in Cikeas, West Java.

Romahurmuziy, along with other politicians who endorsed Prabowo-Hatta's presidential bid, met with Yudhoyono to reiterate their commitment to remain outside government when Jokowi-Kalla assumes office in October. Analysts, however, have predicted that the PPP will switch allegiances and become a government supporter.

Several politicians from Jokowi-Kalla's camp said the PPP was waiting for a succession in the party's leadership and, hence, a change in its political stance, following the detention of its chairman, Suryadharma Ali, by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Suryadharma has been named a suspect for allegedly abusing his position and misusing funds while managing the haj program when he was religious affairs minister.

Romahurmuziy, however, said that the party's statute did not require an immediate succession if the chairman was named a suspect in a criminal investigation. "We respect the 'presumption of innocence' principle," he said.

He admitted that many of the party's members, including members of its sharia council, had asked Suryadharma to resign from his position. "Their request was made on the basis of ethics. Whether or not Suryadharma acquiesces depends on Suryadharma himself," Romahurmuziy said. "So far, he has insisted on not [resigning]."

He added that the PPP's central executive board would soon hold a meeting to discuss the mounting demands from the regions for the party to join Jokowi-Kalla's camp.

It is hoped that the PPP and the National Mandate Party (PAN) will join Jokowi-Kalla's coalition and so satisfy the pair's hopes of securing a majority of political support in the House of Representatives.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/grass-roots-want-ppp-join-jokowi-kalla.html

Backroom dealings heat up

Jakarta Post - September 3, 2014

Bagus BT Saragih and Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – The Red-and-White Coalition of parties that supported the losing presidential ticket of Prabowo Subianto and Hatta Rajasa may have little interest in keeping its unity intact.

Several political elites from the coaltion were even found recently to have been trying to seal backroom deals with president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's camp.

The coalition's meeting on Tuesday with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, founder of the Democratic Party, attended by second-rate representatives.

Leaders of the Golkar Party, the Gerindra Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) sent mere envoys to a consolidation meeting hosted by the President at his private residence in Cikeas, Bogor, West Java.

Citing the reason that he was on "a foreign trip", Gerindra founder Prabowo Subianto sent his close confidant Fadli Zon in his stead.

Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie was represented by country singer and legislator Tantowi Yahya and party secretary-general Idrus Marham. The PKS was represented by the controversial deputy secretary-general Fahri Hamzah and former party president Hidayat Nur Wahid.

Another coalition member, the PPP, was represented by its secretary-general Romahurmuzy. PPP senior politician Lukman Hakim Saifudin also fueled speculation about the party's position, following his announcement later on tuesday that he would not take his seat in the House of Representatives because he wanted to concentrate on being religious affairs minister until October.

Lukman has just held the position since June, but he has won the hearts of many people for his open-minded stance on several sensitive issues. He was rumored to have been asked by Jokowi to stay in the Cabinet should the PPP finally agree to jump ship.

After the meeting, the Red-and-White Coalition emphasized its commitment to remaining outside the government to play the role of a "balancing mechanism". "This morning's silaturahim [gathering] was constructive. We intend and are determined to be part of the national development to mature our democracy life," Yudhoyono said.

National Mandate Party (PAN) chairman Hatta Rajasa, whose daughter was married to the President's son, had actually met with Jokowi the night before the Cikeas meeting.

The revelation of Jokowi's secret meeting with Hatta has shed light on a political development that could end up with PAN "betraying" other parties that endorsed Hatta's vice-presidential bid, but at the same time it renewed Jokowi's hope of winning the support of a majority of legislators.

Hatta described his meeting with the president-elect as a courtesy call to "my good friend Jokowi". "I also congratulated him [for his election]. We can be different [politically], but we don't [have to] stop saying hello to each other. What's wrong with me having silaturahim with Jokowi after the [presidential] competition?" Hatta asked.

Hatta's meeting with Jokowi was held secretly at the house of NasDem Party chairman Surya Paloh in South Jakarta. NasDem was one of the supporters of the Jokowi-Kalla presidential ticket.

Hatta's meeting with Jokowi, regardless the topics they discussed, must have had some political intentions, said Pol-Tracking Institute executive director Hanta Yuda.

Hanta added that Hatta could have utilized his meeting with Jokowi as "an opening step" because the chance of PAN joining the Jokowi-Kalla camp "is very big, but needs time."

Hatta could also have shared his economic expertise and experience as former coordinating economic minister when he approached Jokowi, Hanta added.

Hanta said it would be politically more beneficial for PAN and the PPP to be inside the Jokowi-Kalla camp. "If PAN stays in the Red-and-White Coalition, it would not have significant political leverage because the parties' legislators are outnumbered by the Golkar Party and the Gerindra Party," he said.

PAN's and the PPP's moves, however, could have turned Golkar, which is the party in the Red-and-White Coalition that won the largest number of legislative seats, restive.

"Golkar's dominance in the coalition could turn useless because if PAN and the PPP jump ship, the coalition would no longer constitute the majority of lawmakers," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/03/backroom-dealings-heat.html

After a fractious election between Prabowo and Jokowi, animosity lingers

Jakarta Globe - September 3, 2014

Kennial Caroline Laia & Raja Humuntar, Jakarta – The lingering resentment from Indonesia's bitterly contested presidential election has for weeks now seen politicians from the camp of losing candidate Prabowo Subianto continue to wage a war of words against President-elect Joko Widodo.

But the sense of disappointment hasn't been limited to Prabowo's inner circle. Nearly two months after the July 9 election, even after the official announcement of Joko's victory – later confirmed by a Constitutional Court ruling – many grass-roots supporters and sympathizers of Prabowo remain deeply dissatisfied with the outcome, and have not been shy about expressing their bitterness and cynicism, and the occasional smear, toward the president-elect.

"Do those who supported Jokowi [in the election] repent now? Those who haven't, hopefully they will soon," a homemaker in Tangerang wrote on her Facebook page last week, referring to Joko by his nickname.

The post carried a link to a media report that said Joko had asked outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to raise subsidized fuel prices before the end of his term in office, so as to ease the constraints on the incoming administration's budget.

Sites like Twitter abound with criticism of Joko. On Tuesday, for instance, a Twitter user wrote: "It's now your call. Do you want to be led by Joko Widodo, a corruptor, a communist, a liar, and a foreign stooge?"

Another user, meanwhile, tweeted, "Let's congratulate Jokowi on September 30, [as the] president of G30S/PKI," referring to the alleged coup attempt blamed on the now-defunct Indonesian Communist Movement (PKI) on Sept. 30, 1965.

The weeks leading up to the presidential election were indeed marked by a seemingly concerted smear campaign against Joko, who saw his lead in the polls of more than 30 points whittled down to single digits by balloting day, particularly among conservative Muslim voters who bought into claims that he was, variously, Christian, Jewish, ethnic Chinese, a communist, and a capitalist US agent.

But even after the General Elections Commission (KPU) announced him the winner of the election with 53 percent of the vote, and after the Constitutional Court, in its final and binding verdict, rejected the Prabowo camp's allegations of massive poll fraud, the negative sentiments toward Joko did not stop, in stark contrast to how quickly animosities subsided after the 2004 and 2009 presidential elections.

Besides the continuing wave of criticism from grassroots voters, more prominent names such as 1998 pro-democracy activist Sri Bintang Pamungkas have also continued to voice their rejection of the election results.

Sri, who in March staged a rally at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta to reject Joko's candidacy, last week said that he intended to thwart Joko and Vice President-elect Jusuf Kalla's inauguration at the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) on Oct. 20.

"We will collect thousands of people to occupy the MPR building [during the inauguration ceremony]," Sri said on Friday as quoted by Solopos.com.

"Besides being a puppet, Jokowi is likely an agent for the Republic of China. How could Indonesia be led by an agent and a puppet? Just by kissing the hand of the American ambassador he already looks like a real puppet," he added.

'Three circles'

Hamdi Muluk, a professor of political science at the University of Indonesia, noted that this year's election differed from previous ones in the degree that it polarized the voting public.

He said Prabowo's supporters could be grouped into "three main circles." The first is the "hard-liners, namely the elite from the parties in Prabowo's coalition."

The people in this circle have a direct interest in ensuring victory for Prabowo, and their ideas have been taken into consideration in every step that Prabowo has taken, Hamdi said.

The second circle is the volunteers. They declared their support for Prabowo and persuaded others to do the same. The final circle is the sympathizers, who voted for Prabowo but did not actively attempt to sway others to also vote for him.

"When the results of the quick counts were released, the first and second circles expressed their rejection. Meanwhile, the third circle began to fall silent and tended not to speak out," Hamdi told the Jakarta Globe.

"After the KPU's July 22 announcement, the third circle began to take the neutral path, but the rejection by the first circle flared up, leading to increased religious and racial sentiments.

"Finally, after the ruling by the Constitutional Court and [the rejection of Prabowo's lawsuit] by the State Administrative Court, the third circle became disappointed, especially with the non-statesmanlike attitude displayed by Prabowo. The second circle also appeared to begin to re- evaluate their own attitudes, while the first circle remain determined to continue to strive for Prabowo."

Hamdi said the lingering rejection among some of Prabowo's supporters at the grassroots level could be the result of mobilization by the first circle. Elites in the first circle inevitably have the money and power to mobilize the masses in their favor, he said.

'Heal the rift'

Eva Kusuma Sundari, a legislator from Joko's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), also blamed the political elites from the rival camp for letting the deep resentment and dissatisfaction grow among Prabowo's supporters.

"The key lies with the parties' elites. They shouldn't capitalize on [the lingering dissatisfaction]. Instead, they should motivate their supporters to ease the sentiments," she told the Globe on Tuesday. Eva added that the deep negativity was expected to end eventually.

"The so-called democratic festivity of the election is over. Now our job is to heal the rift among Indonesians for the sake of this nation's unity. Any issues related to smear campaigns must be eliminated. They shouldn't continue, they must be stopped," she said.

"It is now up to the politicians of this country to show statesmanship to unite our people," she added. Hanta Yudha, the director of the Pol-Tracking Institute, a political think tank, echoed the statements, saying the elites played a significant role in ending this issue that had polarized Indonesians.

"Things like smear campaigns are inevitable in a democratic country like Indonesia. The continuing smears on social media are a form of dissatisfaction from Prabowo's supporters," he said.

"However, rather than continuing to badmouth Joko and not move on, it's better for our people to get engaged by monitoring the incoming government's performance in implementing policies and fulfilling campaign promises. That's surely more important."

Hanta said he expected the smear campaigns to gradually diminish after Joko's government began working. "I'm quite sure that such sentiments in social media will die down, especially after the cabinet is formed. There will likely be parties from [Prabowo's] Merah Putih coalition jumping ship to Joko's camp."

He added that Joko and his transition team shouldn't have to spend time and energy addressing criticism of the president-elect, but rather focus on forming the cabinet and managing the priority list of programs.

But the "first circle" of Prabowo supporters appear unwilling to give up, announcing that they were seeking a judicial review with the Supreme Court of a KPU regulation "that we consider to be a violation of [a higher] law," Didi Supriyanto, a lawyer for the campaign team, said as quoted by Okezone.com.

The motion is expected to be in vain, given that the Constitutional Court, and not the Supreme Court, is the sole arbiter of election disputes. With their options at the judiciary seemingly exhausted, members of Prabowo's coalition are now turning to the legislative branch of government by pushing to set up a special committee at the House of Representatives to look into allegations of electoral fraud.

Golkar Party politician Agun Sudarsa said setting up the committee would be the best way to ease the sense of dissatisfaction plaguing the camp.

"The Constitutional Court had little time to thoroughly study all the documents, so [the ruling upholding Joko's victory] is not substantial. The House committee will be able [to seek] substantial justice, without a deadline," he said on Friday, as quoted by JPNN.com.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/fractious-election-prabowo-jokowi-animosity-lingers/

Muhaimin elected PKB chairman for third term

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Surabaya, East Java – Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar is on his way to becoming one of the country's longest-serving political party chairpersons after the National Awakening Party's (PKB) national congress unanimously agreed on Monday to appoint him as party chairman until 2019.

Participants of the congress, who represented the party's 33 provincial branch executive boards (DPW), 505 regional branch executive boards (DPC) and 10 overseas branches, also agreed to reappoint cleric Azis Mansyur as the leader of the PKB's syuro (religious) council.

Muhaimin, who has served as party chairman since 2005, however, denied that the absence of alternative candidates for the party chairmanship during the congress was a setback for the PKB.

Many credited Muhaimin's reelection with his success in securing 9 percent of the vote in the April 9 legislative election, making the PKB the sixth- largest political party in the country, surpassing the once-popular Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP).

Muhaimin also made the decision to join the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)-led coalition in nominating president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

"This [unanimous support] shows the PKB's solidity," he said soon after his reelection. "Everyone did not want a competition and instead prefers to work, work and work [for the party]."

Established in 1998 at the start of the reform era, the PKB finished third in the 1999 general election, behind the PDI-P and the Golkar Party, after securing 12.6 percent of the vote.

With support from other Muslim-based parties, the PKB also successfully brought party cofounder and former chairman of the country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, to the presidency in 1999.

The PKB came in third again in the 2004 general election after clinching 10.6 percent of the vote, but dropped to seventh place five years later with only 4.9 percent of votes, mainly due to a long-standing conflict over the party's leadership between Muhaimin and Gus Dur's family.

In the 2009 legislative election, still under Muhaimin's leadership, the PKB garnered 5 percent of the vote, securing only 28 seats in the House of Representatives. Despite a strained relationship with NU, Muhaimin, 47, was credited with the party's electoral success this year.

He, for example, managed to recruit tycoon Rusdi Kirana, one of the country's richest people, to join the party and was able to consolidate support from NU clerics ahead of the legislative election.

Widely known for his ambition and shrewd political maneuvering, Muhaimin proposed to presidential candidate Jokowi that the PKB ought to get a vice-presidential ticket in the July 9 race, an offer that Jokowi publicly declined.

Jokowi said on the sidelines of the congress that he was considering Muhaimin for a ministerial position in his future Cabinet. "Pak Muhaimin not only deserves [to become a minister], but also is very skillful and capable [of being a minister]," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/muhaimin-elected-pkb-chairman-third-term.html

Yudhoyono supports Merah Putih coalition to balance Jokowi's administration

Jakarta Globe - September 2, 2014

SP/Robertus Wardhy & Ezra Sihite, Cikeas – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Tuesday said he supports the role of Prabowo Subianto's Merah Putih coalition in serving as a balancing party to the incoming administration of President-elect Joko Widodo, even though he encouraged Democratic Party members last month not to align themselves with the coalition.

"I acknowledge Merah Putih coalition's ideas on how to supervise the administration and to become the balancing power. This role is necessary," he said during a press conference at his private resident in Cikeas, West Java, after receiving high-ranking officials from the Merah Putih coalition on Tuesday morning.

Yudhoyono also acknowledged that the coalition has accepted the final result of the president election, after the Constitutional Court settled an election dispute filed by Prabowo, who challenged the official election results of the General Elections Commission.

"I am happy because the Merah Putih coalition has set their attitude and acknowledged the [results of the] presidential election," the president said.

Yudhoyono, who is also chairman of the Democratic Party, stressed that although Joko and Vice President-elect Jusuf Kalla had won the election, Prabowo and his vice presidential running mate Hatta Rajasa had garnered enough votes to strengthen the Merah Putih coalition, and therefore their opinions in the upcoming administration should be highly considered.

In the July 9 election Joko and Kalla had almost 71 million votes, or 53.15 percent, of the total votes, compared to Prabowo and Hatta, who garnered about 63 million votes, or 46.85 percent.

"Don't forget that Prabowo and Hatta have also garnered a large amount of votes. The gap wasn't too big between the two pairs. As such, we have to respect and acknowledge this, the existence of this strong political power which will bring good, if both work hand in hand in building the future," he said.

"It is part of the democratic progress for parties outside of the government to monitor and ensure that the administration runs well."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/yudhoyono-supports-merah-putih-coalition-balancing-power-jokowis-administration/

Health & education

Teachers see new curriculum as total mess

Jakarta Post - September 3, 2014

Apriadi Gunawan and Syamsul Huda M. Suhari, Jakarta/Medan/Gorontalo – The hurried implementation of the 2013 curriculum has created confusion among students, parents and teachers who complained about the burden of extra work it imposes for little reward.

The teachers' union said that most teachers have failed to conduct an effective learning process in their classes because they themselves had not received clear guidelines from the Education and Culture Ministry.

Federation for Indonesian Teachers Associations (FSGI) secretary-general Retno Listyarti said the ministry should have given priority to improving the skills of teachers before rolling out the new curriculum in July.

"No matter how good the curriculum is, if the infrastructure and the teachers are not ready then it becomes useless," she said.

Parents in some regions have complained that after two months teachers remained clueless on how to teach their students according to the guidelines set by the new curriculum.

The mother of an elementary school student in Medan, North Sumatra, Arniwati Azhar, complained that teachers at her daughter's school remained at the dark about how the new curriculum should be implemented.

"If teachers themselves have no clue about how to teach using the new curriculum, how can you expect the parents to understand it?" she said on Tuesday.

In many cities, parents and teachers have also complained about logistical problems in the implementation of the new curriculum. Yahya Walangadi, the headmaster of an elementary school in Bone Bolango, Gorontalo, said that teachers at his school had to download the necessary textbooks from the ministry's website, bse.kemdikbud.go.id.

Yahya also complained that the ministry only gave limited access to teacher training. "They only gave us one seat for the training. We insisted on sending two teachers because we feel that the training is important, we feel that there is a need for more teachers to participate in the training."

Meanwhile, Hotma Prawoto Sulistyadi, the parent of a high school student in Yogyakarta, complained that the new curriculum added extra hours in class for his two sons.

"The extra hours can bring harm to students, especially elementary school and junior high school students. They can get too tired and this will in turn affect their character development," said Hotma.

Under the 2013 curriculum, elementary and high school students spend an extra two hours in class, while junior high students remain an additional four hours. "Children need more time to develop their interests, such as in arts and sports, so that they can have balanced growth," Hotma said.

Seto Mulyadi, a child psychologist, had earlier said that the 2013 curriculum only focused on developing the cognitive aspects of students. "It has the potential of turning our students into psychopaths in the future," he said.

Deputy Education and Culture Minister Musliar Kasim said that the ministry had done its best to prepare the new curriculum and that the logistical challenges the curriculum now posed were beyond its control. "The country is very large, so we can't ship the books to all locations, but we have sent compact discs containing soft copies of the textbooks."

Musliar said he could understand if teachers were not ready for the new curriculum. "It is good if they can even understand only 80 percent of the materials. It is still better than no training at all," he said. (ask)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/03/teachers-see-new-curriculum-total-mess.html

Teacher unions want government to close book on 2013 curriculum

Jakarta Globe - September 2, 2014

Natasia Christy & Herman, Jakarta – A week after Indonesia Corruption Watch demanded the termination of the 2013 Curriculum, the Federation of Indonesian Teachers Associations (FSGI) is now joining the call to close the book on the much-criticized initiative.

FSGI is an nongovernmental organization representing twelve teacher unions from various parts of the country. The organization says that the new curriculum cannot be implemented effectively because teachers are not ready and the necessary infrastructure is not in place.

"Book distribution is only one of the problems," FSGI general secretary Retno Listyarti said on Monday. "There are still many others, such as unprepared teachers and ineffective training. The problems are not only technical, but also substantial."

Another complaint by the teachers' association is the level of difficulty of the new curriculum, with complicated subjects being presented to students early in the year.

"It should be offered in stages, starting with the easier materials, then medium-level [difficulty], and then the hard parts. For maths, the problems are too hard, many are taken from the PISA [Program for International Student Assessment] – even many teachers can't solve them," Retno added.

According to the FSGI, the new grading system, which is aimed at assessing affective, knowledge-based and psychomotoric development, is also problematic.

"The assessment has to be given for each theme, but not all teachers are able to do this... because they haven't been trained. They also have to develop learning scenarios, but they haven't even been given the books yet," Retno said.

The FSGI general secretary said it is clear the country is not ready for the new curriculum. "I demand the government to stop the implementation of the 2013 Curriculum, and go back to using the one from 2006. If we proceed, there will be nothing but failure. The kids' future is at stake here," she said.

Education Minister Mohammad Nuh says the delays in providing the new books are due merely to technical problems. "People used to buy the books themselves and there was no problem," Nuh said on Monday. "Now, it is said that we will provide books for free, and everyone is just waiting."

However, Nuh said, this is not his ministry's responsibility, as it is the Goods and Services Procurement Policy Institution (LKPP)'s job to open a tender and schools should take care of the payment. "Yet people complain to us," Nuh said.

The minister also said that teachers can download the learning materials on the Rumah Belajar website or access the materials through CDs distributed to schools. However, he said, some schools refuse to pay for printing or making copies.

"I went do Dili Serdang [a district in North Sumatera] and the education agency is creative there. The books haven't arrived, but they have received the CDs, so they printed the materials and copied them using the School Operational Assistance [BOS] funds. The students get the materials – done," he said.

But Retno from FSGI was not convinced. "How about the schools in rural areas that can't access the Internet and do not have photocopy machines?" she asked. "Even if there are copy machines, a sizable sum is needed as each student is entitled to nine books."

"It's sad, they want to make copies but don't have the money, but if they don't make copies, the students can't study."

The ministry says it has demanded that printing, procurement and delivery are fast-tracked, but that some delays are inevitable, especially when schools refuse to pay.

"Some schools wouldn't pay because they receive no commission," Nuh said. "Market conditions are not ideal, they [schools] got the books but some wouldn't pay," he added, explaining that some publishers are now reluctant to print the books.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/teacher-unions-want-govt-close-book-2013-curriculum/

Graft & corruption

Energy minister Jero Wacik named corruption suspect

Jakarta Globe - September 3, 2014

Robertus Wardhy & Rizky Amelia, Jakarta – Indonesia's antigraft agency has named Energy Minister Jero Wacik a suspect in a wide-ranging corruption scandal at the heart of the country's oil industry.

"Today we are announcing that a letter to start the investigation [has been issued] on Sept. 2, 2014. The status of the case will be upgraded and Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources official J.W. will be named a suspect," Zulkarnaen, deputy chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), said at a press conference in Jakarta on Wednesday.

Bambang Widjojanto, another KPK deputy chairman, said the antigraft agency would request a travel ban to prevent Jero from leaving the country. "Regarding a travel ban, a request will be sent [to the Immigration Department] immediately after the announcement of the suspect's status," Bambang said.

He said Jero had committed extortion between 2011 and 2012, in order to increase his ministerial operational fund and raised nearly Rp 10 billion ($850,000) from the extortion. "The amount is around Rp 9.9 billion," Bambang said.

He said Jero asked his staff to increase his operational budget by getting money from kickbacks. "For instance, he conducted fictitious meetings to generate money, which could be considered abuse of power," Bambang said.

Karen Agustiawan, the former president director of state oil company Pertamina, is said to be one of Jero's extortion victims. However, Bambang declined to clarify this allegation, apart from saying Karen's departure could be related to Jero's case.

"We are not in the position to answer that question right now. The three things that I mentioned [modus of extortion] do not lead to that name. However, that doesn't mean that there's no connection," he said. Bambang said the KPK would reveal any connection to Karen in Jero's indictment.

In response to the charges against him, Jero has reportedly decided to step down from his ministerial post. Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry secretary general Teguh Santoso said Jero went to his office on Wednesday morning and again later in the afternoon to give guidance to his staff after he was declared a suspect.

"[Jero] said he was going to prepare his resignation letter soon," Teguh said as quoted by news portal Kompas.com on Wednesday. He added that the ministry would hold a meeting to discuss the matter of Jero's temporary replacement.

Democrats' reactions

Marzuki Alie, the deputy chairman of the Democratic Party's advisory board, said Jero should also resign from the party. "That is stated under the integrity pact," Marzuki said on Wednesday, referring to an agreement signed by each member of the Democratic Party.

The pact Jero signed when he became minister states that he would not commit corruption, bribery and any other serious violations, and that he would resign from his position in the party if he violated the terms of the agreement.

Jero has been elected as a new legislative member in the April election and he will be inaugurated next month.

Ferry Kurnia Rizkiansyah, a member of the General Elections Commission (KPU), said Jero could still serve as a lawmaker regardless of the charges against him. Ferry said that under the election law, the KPU can only revoke his position as a lawmaker after a court verdict.

One of the most senior officials in the Democratic Party said the party would cease to back Jero only if he were found guilty of the corruption charges.

The chairman of the party's board, Pieter Zulkifli, said the party would be guided by the presumption of innocence and that Jero was entitled to the benefit of the doubt until his guilt or innocence was established.

"Regarding Jero Wacik, we must respect the presumption of innocence," Pieter said on Wednesday. "We cannot be judgmental or assassinate the character of someone who has yet to be proven guilty."

Pieter emphasized that his party fully supports the KPK in its investigation. "We support the KPK to keep working to serve the people so all officials in the country will be clean," he said.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is also Democratic Party chairman, previously stated that he supported the KPK investigation.

Benny Harman, another senior party member and erstwhile head of the House of Representatives' legal affairs oversight commission, said the party would not intervene in the investigation – but called on the KPK to ensure that it had sufficient evidence to substantiate its claims.

"The KPK has to prove its allegations, and so does Jero Wacik. He has to prepare his own evidence and defense to refute the allegations. Then, let the legal process run its course, not politics, to enforce the law and uphold justice," he said. "We really hope the KPK will use the law, not politics, in doing its job."

Graft in the oil sector

The KPK investigation of the government's upstream oil and gas regulator, SKKMigas, is on the verge of being completed.

The probe against Jero's followed the August 2013 arrest of Rudi Rubiandini, then-chief of SKKMigas, on charges of taking bribes from Singapore-based Kernel Oil, an energy trader, to award it a lucrative tender to sell oil.

Jero's number two, secretary general Waryono Karno, was arrested after $200,000 in cash was found in his office.

In his trial, Rudi also implicated Sutan Bhatoegana, a Democratic Party legislator, for demanding kickbacks from SKKMigas tenders.

Rudi was convicted and sentenced to seven years in prison earlier this year. Kernel Oil executive Simon Gunawan Tanjaya was sentenced to three years in jail last December. Waryono and Sutan have both been charged but have yet to stand trial.

Jero is only the third serving minister in the country's history to be charged with corruption. The two others, former sports minister Andi Mallarangeng – a member of the Democratic Party – and the former religious affairs minister Suryadharma Ali, also served in President Yudhoyono's cabinet.

Jero is also the latest Democratic Party official embroiled in a corruption scandal. Several top officials from the party have either been jailed or are currently standing or awaiting trial in a range of graft cases. If convicted, Jero can face up to 20 years in prison and a Rp 1 billion fine.

Indonesia has a mixed if not capricious recent record in bringing corruption suspects to justice. Akil Mochtar, the former chief justice of the Constitutional Court, was handed an unprecedented life sentence earlier this year for accepting bribes to rig local election disputes, while the woman behind the bribe – Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah – was given just four years earlier this week.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/energy-minister-jero-wacik-named-corruption-suspect/

Four-year sentence for Banten governor condemned

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) blasted the Jakarta Corruption Court on Monday for handing down a "lenient" four-year prison term to suspended Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah. Prosecutors had been demanding a 10-year sentence.

KPK deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas said that the sentence was light given the damage Atut had inflicted on the country's judiciary by bribing former Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar, who was sentenced to life in prison for his role in the scheme. Busyro described the verdict as a blow to the country's efforts to eradicate corruption.

"We will appeal against the verdict. She deserves a longer jail term; she has besmirched our democracy and our Constitutional Court. She has also insulted the people of Banten who gave her the mandate to lead them," Busyro told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

Busyro added that it would not be easy for the Constitutional Court to win back the people's trust following the revelation of the bribery deal involving Atut and Akil.

Akil was arrested in October 2013 for accepting bribes from Atut's younger brother Tubagus Chaeri "Wawan" Wardana, who earlier also received a sentence of four years in jail for his role in the case. Wawan was ordered by Atut to pay the bribe.

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) condemned the verdict, describing it as "heaven-sent" for Atut. "It's very disappointing, The judges cut the jail term by 60 percent of what the prosecutors were demanding," ICW researcher Emerson Yuntho said. He added that the sentence was unlikely to deter others in Atut's Banten political dynasty, which has long been accused of mass corruption.

The KPK is currently building two further graft cases against Atut and Wawan, which could condemn the siblings to a maximum of 15 years behind bars.

A panel of judges at the Jakarta Corruption Court found Atut guilty of paying Rp 1 billion (US$85,353) in bribes to Akil through Wawan. In addition to handing down the allegedly lenient sentence, judges at the Jakarta Corruption Court also rejected KPK prosecutors' demand to strip Atut of her political rights.

"The defendant has other graft cases currently being investigated by the KPK. The fact that she has been found guilty in a bribery case has a special place in the public memory. The people of Banten are smart – they know who to vote for and who not to vote for in the next election," presiding judge Matheus Samiadji said in the verdict, explaining the panel's reasons for not stripping Atut of her political rights.

One of the five judges on the panel voiced a dissenting opinion, demanding that the court acquit Atut.

Responding to the verdict, Atut broke into tears and pledged that she would appeal against what she called an "unfair" sentence. "The verdict is devastatingly unfair. Four judges said that I was innocent and only one said I was guilty," Atut claimed, having apparently failed to understand the verdict. She quickly corrected her statement: "What the one [dissenting] judge said was true: I am innocent, I am just a victim in this case."

Atut also apologized to the people of Banten and to her family, not for any wrongdoings that she had committed but for the "unfair" verdict, insisting that she was not involved in the scheme to bribe Akil. "I beg you to pray for me. I apologize to all the people of Banten and to my family. I am a victim in this scheme," Atut said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/four-year-sentence-banten-governor-condemned.html

Tycoon release taints SBY's corruption eradication, says KPK

Jakarta Post - September 1, 2014

Jakarta – Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) spokesperson Johan Budi said the Law and Human Rights Ministry's decision to give a conditional release to businesswoman Siti Hartati Murdaya, who was convicted of graft in a case involving former Buol regent Amran Batalipu, did not reflect the commitment to corruption eradication frequently sounded by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"The conditional release is not in line with the spirit of corruption eradication that President Yudhoyono has continuously promoted," Johan said as quoted by kompas.com in Jakarta on Monday.

Johan further said the KPK did not issue any recommendation on the extension of a conditional release for Hartati. "The KPK even sent a letter to the ministry to refuse the conditional release," he said. Nevertheless, he added, the ministry had the full authority to decide on extending the conditional release for Hartati.

Earlier, the ministry said in a statement that the extension of a conditional release for Hartati would be in line with existing procedures. It was noted that since July 23, Hartati had served two thirds of her prison term and had not received any remissions.

Hartati, the president director of plantation companies PT Hardaya Inti Plantation and PT Cipta Cakra Murdaya, was found guilty in a Rp 3 billion (US$256,279) graft case involving Amran, centering on the arrangement of plantation permits. Hartati was first detained on Sept. 12, 2012.

On Feb. 4, 2013, the Jakarta Corruption Court sentenced Hartati to two years and eight months in prison and ordered her to pay Rp 150 million in fines or face an additional 3 months' imprisonment.

In his state speech on Aug. 15, President Yudhoyono said that he would stand on the front line in terms of eradicating corruption in Indonesia. (alz/ebf)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/01/tycoon-release-taints-sby-s-corruption-eradication-says-kpk.html

Freedom of religion & worship

Indonesian court hears interfaith marriage petition

Jakarta Globe - September 5, 2014

Kennial Caroline Laia & Yustinus Paat, Jakarta – Five people filed a petition for a judicial review at the Constitutional Court on Thursday that, if successful, would legalize interfaith marriage in Indonesia.

The petitioners argue that the 1974 Law on Marriage, which requires all marriages in Indonesia to be conducted in accordance with the respective religious beliefs of the bride and groom, violates the Constitution and principles of Pancasila.

"We feel that our constitutional right can potentially be harmed by Article 2(1) of the law, which states that a marriage is only legitimate if it is conducted according to one's religion and belief," Anbar Jayadi, one of the plaintiffs, said on Thursday after a preliminary hearing.

Anbar argues that the clause has been interpreted by officials to mean that all marriages inconsistent with the parties' stated religious affiliations – as interpreted according to the officiants' understanding of that religion's tenets – are illegitimate and unlawful.

"The clause has therefore created legal uncertainty for those who want to get married in Indonesia because implementation of religious law is highly dependent on the interpretations of different individuals or institutions," Anbar said.

The plaintiffs' petition may be helped by a 1989 Supreme Court decision, Andy Vony v. The State, which found the 1974 Marriage Law does not apply to interfaith marriages.

The case involved the a Muslim woman and Protestant man. The Supreme Court held that "the Marriage Law did not regulate marriages between partners of different religions" since the 1974 law only repealed colonial laws to the extent they were inconsistent. Because the woman sought to register her marriage at the Civil Registry Office, the court allowed it to be formalized as a non-Muslim marriage.

However, the 1989 Supreme Court decision failed to clear the way for interfaith marriages, as many attest. "The experience of having an interfaith marriage in Indonesia is really infuriating and bothersome. Why? Well, I am a Catholic and my husband is Muslim. We couldn't register our marriage in the Religious Affairs Office (KUA) because they oblige everyone who wants to register to be a Muslim – which is not fair," Antonia Timmerman said.

Antonia is a reporter for Investor Daily, which is affiliated with the Jakarta Globe.

"We couldn't register our marriage in the KUA, so we went to the Civil Registration office, which was also difficult. They asked for a 'Certificate of Baptism for the non-Catholic or non-Christian' [presuming conversion]," she said. "So, my husband signed a letter that stated he was in the process of studying my religion even though he did not intent to convert."

A woman who asked to be identified only by her initials, A.D., shares a similar experience.

"My husband and I agreed to pretend that I would convert to his religion solely for the purpose of getting a marriage certificate. But in fact, I'm still practicing my own religion," she said. "I believe it's a country's duty to issue regulations protecting its citizens, but as an individual I also have the right to choose to keep my religion. Therefore I lied," she said.

University of Indonesia sociologist Johannes Frederik Warouw said that the regulation of marriage in Indonesia is premised on its citizens' protection. "The regulation is created to 'protect' society in terms of living their lives peacefully, without having difficulties that stem from interfaith marriage," he told the Globe on Friday.

"Problems that could come from interfaith marriage are marriage certificate and recognition of children from the marriage, especially when it comes to social institutions. Many will question it," he said. "However, the regulation becomes quite discriminative, as we know that there are also many people who marry people from other religions. People should start to look things differently and critically. However, we also couldn't blame people for being not open-minded about it."

Legal expert Frans Winarta said the 1974 Marriage Law is inconsistent with the state ideology, Pancasila.

"At one time, a marriage was considered already legal by only registering it to the Civil Registration Office. But now with the unclear and burdensome law it's become so complicated. The law forces people to look for loopholes, marrying overseas and returning home to register their marriage. So, what's the use of the law?" he said.

"The law is clearly discriminative and irrelevant with our nation's current condition. It should be eliminated because it doesn't reflect Pancasila," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesian-court-hears-interfaith-marriage-petition/

Komnas HAM wants Jokowi to act on rising intolerance

Jakarta Post - September 4, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) plans to summon president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and vice president-elect Jusuf Kalla to demand that they commit to upholding religious freedom in the country, amid cases of discrimination targeting religious minorities.

Komnas HAM commissioner Imdadun Rahmat said in Jakarta on Thursday that the commission felt the need to summon Jokowi to ensure that the future government was committed to protecting the right of every citizen to practice their religion or belief.

"We're hoping the new government is more responsive [in handling cases where religious freedom is compromised]," he told a press conference at Komnas HAM headquarters in Central Jakarta.

Imdadun warned the former Surakarta mayor not to fall into the same trap as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who the commission deemed had failed to protect the religious rights of Indonesians. The commission said Yudhoyono had done very little to protect human rights and his administration was easily controlled by intolerant groups.

"It's a bad sign [when the government appears powerless] and it can lead to a failed state," Imdadun said. "The recommendation [to Jokowi] is a form of our disappointment in SBY. Even in the last 100 days of his tenure, serious cases of religious intolerance remain unsolved."

Komnas HAM urged Jokowi to establish a special committee tasked with solving cases of religious intolerance, which have steadily increased in the past four years.

A report from the Wahid Institute, which promotes pluralism and peaceful Islam, showed that religious intolerance cases in 2012 stood at 274, up from 267 in 2011. In 2010, the institute recorded 184 cases and 121 cases in 2009.

"The special committee is a signal that the government is serious [about handling religious intolerance cases," he continued. (nfo)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/04/komnas-ham-wants-jokowi-act-rising-intolerance.html

Governance & administration

Megawati's hand seen in Jokowi's advisory team

Jakarta Globe - September 7, 2014

Erwida Maulia & Yeremia Sukoyo, Jakarta – Hopes for a transparent and accountable government set up by President-elect Joko Widodo have been undermined by growing speculation that his party patron, former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, is pushing for her own sycophants to dominate key posts, and trying to influence the incoming government's key policies.

Concerns about Joko being a mere "puppet president" controlled by Megawati, the chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), were first raised during campaigning ahead of the July 9 presidential election by rival candidate Prabowo Subianto, but have gained wider traction since the formation of an advisory team by Joko to help ease the transition from the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to his own government.

The selection of Rini Soemarno, an industry and trade minister in Megawati's administration and a member of the PDI-P chairwoman's inner circle, as the head of the team underscores Megawati's influence over the incoming administration, analysts say.

"Regardless of whether or not the rumor is true, Joko needs to be careful," says Karyono Wibowo, the director of the Indonesia Public Institute, a think tank. "Rumors about the Soemarno family controlling the transition team are getting stronger among the public," Karyono warns.

Karyono points to growing indications that Rini's brother, Ari Soemarno, a former president director of state energy company Pertamina, was playing an increasingly central role in the transition team's activities.

Although the Soemarno siblings are considered to have vast experience in both the private and public sectors, Karyono says their influence over Joko might be seen in a negative light, almost as a form of nepotism.

"Dominance by anyone, in any form, may trigger a conflict of interest, and thus may have a negative impact on governance," he says. "Joko must hold fast to his promise to defend the rights of the people."

Eminence grise

Emrus Sihombing, a political scientist at Pelita Harapan University, says there is widespread talk of "a certain kingmaker" directing the transition team's efforts to determine cabinet appointments – but stops short of saying whether this eminence grise is Megawati.

The team has repeatedly evaded reporters' questions about the cabinet lineup, with Andi Widjajanto, one of Rini's deputies, saying last month that discussing the cabinet deliberations was "taboo."

"The political reality is that what's happening behind the scenes, those who think, plan and work behind the political stage, are usually a very solid core team who serve the kingmaker," Emrus says as quoted by Antara.

He notes that the composition of the transition team has never been made fully transparent to the public except for the names of some of its executives and advisers, continuing to fuel speculation that it is either filled with or controlled by people close to Megawati.

Andi, a political science lecturer at the University of Indonesia, and fellow deputy Hasto Kristianto, a PDI-P official, are known to be close to Megawati. Another of Rini's deputies, Akbar Faisal, is a deputy chairman of the National Democrat Party, or NasDem, which is one of the PDI-P's main coalition partners; a fourth deputy, Anies Baswedan, is a lifelong educator and not known to have any party affiliations.

Most tellingly, though, two senior advisers, former Army generals Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono and Luhut Panjaitan, are close Megawati confidants. Hendropriyono was the state intelligence chief during Megawati's presidency, and a shadowy figure in the murder 10 years ago this week of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, although he was never formally implicated in the case.

Deferring to Megawati

Megawati was first described as a "kingmaker" following Joko's victory in the Jakarta gubernatorial election in 2012, in which the PDI-P worked with Prabowo's Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra, to nominate the then-mayor of Solo, Central Java, to lead the capital.

In 2013, her late husband, Taufiq Kiemas, who had advised against Megawati running for president again this year, said that she should instead be a kingmaker once again and give the increasingly popular Joko the party's nomination.

Joko always deferred questions about his candidacy to Megawati. And when his candidacy was formally announced, it wasn't Joko who did so, but rather Megawati. That deferential attitude prompted the accusation by Prabowo and others that Joko was a puppet to Megawati, who wielded the real power.

Emrus says that as long as the transition team continues operating under a blanket of secrecy, the allegations of Megawati's central role in Joko's administration will only continue to strengthen.

He says that it is not so much Megawati as others close to her who are involved in directing or attempting to direct Joko's policies and courses of actions, including Puan Maharani, Megawati's daughter, and PDI-P officials Effendi Simbolon and Maruarar Sirait.

Sidelining volunteers, Kalla

Emrus says it is regrettable that Joko's camp is increasing sidelining the volunteer army of students, activists and academics who powered Joko's election victory at the grassroots level.

In its stead has come the Megawati-loyal transition team – which is now apparently even crowding out those close to Jusuf Kalla, Joko's running mate.

Poempida Hidayatullah, who was fired from the Golkar Party for supporting Kalla, a former chairman of the party, admits that his own role in Joko's team has diminished significantly since the election win and the formation of the transition team.

"I can't actively take part in the team on a daily basis now," he says. "But they once asked for my input on energy issues, including the fuel subsidy."

He also says that Rizal Sukma, a Kalla aide and executive director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, continues to provide advice on foreign policy. But since the transition team was formed, Rizal's name has barely featured.

"I'm not a deputy of the team. Why don't you ask Akbar, Anies, Andi or Hasto?" Rizal said in a text message to the Jakarta Globe when asked to comment on his apparent sidelining by the transition team. Anies and Andi did not respond to the Globe's phone calls for comment on the matter.

Poempida says that just because the transition team refuses to expose to the media their activities every now and then, it doesn't mean that it's because they are actually being directed by some people behind the scenes.

"Their intention [in being secretive] is good. It's so that they can focus on their job and not be easily swayed by pressure from outside," he says.

But Poempida acknowledges that Megawati has her own ideas of who should be in the cabinet, based on political considerations of the parties that backed the PDI-P in nominating Joko.

"But there's no problem with that. It's only normal," he says. "Joko and Kalla are supported by a coalition led by the PDI-P. So why shouldn't the chairwoman be allowed to give some suggestions? That's part of the usual political mechanism."

For his part, Joko has repeatedly denied the allegation that he is being dictated to by others, including Megawati and her sycophants in the PDI-P. He says the transition team is only there to help him decide on priority and strategic policies, and not to decide on the cabinet lineup.

"Whether we will have 34, 35 or only 15 [cabinet] ministers, that will be my decision to make," he said as quoted by Liputan6.com. "Anyone can make suggestions, but I'll decide. That's the prerogative of the president."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/megawatis-hand-seen-jokowis-advisory-team/

Jokowi to rearrange, not streamline Cabinet

Jakarta Post - September 4, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong and Dewanti A. Wardhani, Jakarta – President-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo said that he would keep the current number of ministries but that he would proceed with plans to merge a number of ministries he deemed redundant.

Jokowi said that he had tentatively agreed preliminarily with members of his transition team to maintain the current number of ministries, which stands at 34, despite earlier saying that he would reduce the number of ministries to 27.

"We will consider maintaining the number of ministries at 34. However, nothing is final yet. We still have time to consider other options," Jokowi told reporters Wednesday at City Hall in Central Jakarta.

Vice president-elect Jusuf Kalla, meanwhile, said on Wednesday that he was considering setting up two different ministries to manage the education sector: one that would focus on basic and secondary education and emphasize character-building and culture and another focusing on higher education, research and technology.

Kalla said that with two ministries focused on education, the government hoped that the quality of human resources would improve. "Universities have to be close with research so they can be active in coordinating research to come up with more applied technologies," he said.

Kalla added that so far research conducted by local universities had not produced significant results. "So in the future, if we want to know about cancer, we can refer to university A. If we want to know about rice, we can look to university B," he said.

As for primary- and secondary- level education, Kalla said that the ministry would have the job of designing the national curriculum, but that the central government would leave the technical details concerning curriculum implementation to local governments.

Jokowi's transition team also plans to establish a creative economy ministry, an agrarian ministry, a civil ministry and a maritime affairs ministry.

Andi Widjajanto, deputy of the Jokowi-Kalla transition team and in charge of the Cabinet design, said that a civil ministry would have the task of managing civil administration to help reap the benefits from the so-called demographic dividend that is expected to take place between 2025 and 2035.

Andi added that in order to maintain the number of ministries, Jokowi was expected to merge several ministries regulating agriculture, fishery, farming and plantation, into a single ministry of food security.

Furthermore, the Transportation Ministry and the Public Works Ministry would be merged to create a facilities and infrastructure ministry.

Under the new design, of the 34 ministries currently in place, 15 would be re-branded as a result of a merger or a separation.

Among the ministries that Jokowi would keep include the Defense Ministry, the Foreign Affairs Ministry and the Home Ministry – all of which are mandated by the law – as well as the Finance Ministry, the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Law and Human Rights Ministry, each of which would require permission from the House of Representatives to abolish.

Jokowi is also considering the dissolution of the three current coordinating minister offices, which are the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister, the Office of the Coordinating People's Welfare Minister and the Office of the Coordinating Economic Minister.

"The coordinating job[s] will be handled by the president and the vice president themselves," Andi said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/04/jokowi-rearrange-not-streamline-cabinet.html

Parliament & legislation

Lawmakers ask for monthly housing allowance

Jakarta Post - September 5, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – Members of the House of Representatives have made a new proposal demanding the payment of a monthly housing allowance in return for losing their official residences.

At a meeting to discuss a revision to an internal regulation on Thursday, several members of a special committee tasked with deliberating the revision proposed abolishing the lodging facility.

"Many of us prefer to stay in private residences, because there are extra costs paid for maintenance for [official] residences that are left abandoned. This puts a burden on all of us lawmakers, yet we are criticized for asking for maintenance costs," lawmaker Fachri Hamzah of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said before the meeting.

The chairman of the special committee, Benny Kabur Harman of the Democratic Party, said that lawmakers would prefer to get a housing allowance rather than an official residence.

"We keep demanding our rights, only now the form is a different form. We will need to further discuss the amount to ensure that it will be up to an acceptable standard," Benny said.

A large number of lawmakers have opted to abandon their official residences at a housing complex in Kalibata, South Jakarta. Some of the lawmakers, however, allowed their relatives, personal staff or housemaids to occupy the dwellings, while others preferred to leave them empty.

In 2011, the House came under criticism when its secretariat spent around Rp 430 billion (US$36.55 million) on repairing 516 houses in the complex. The House's secretariat spends Rp 76 billion on average per year for maintenance at the housing complex.

The proposal to strip lawmakers of their official residences, however, raised objections from a few lawmakers who come from outside of Jakarta.

"It's easy for those who have abandoned their [official] houses to support the idea. However, the houses are very useful for us who have been living [in them]. So, I encourage this meeting to decide carefully," said Saan Mustofa, a native of Karawang, West Java.

The meeting on Thursday concluded that more discussion was needed before the House could agree on what it would do about the housing facility.

Beside the privilege of having an official residence, the current draft of the internal regulation also includes, among other things, lawmakers' right to immunity, which would allow them to avoid prosecution for statements they make and actions they take, both inside and outside the House compound.

The list also details procedures for lawmakers to exercise their interpellation rights in order to question the government, as well as their rights for investigation, known as hak angket.

The discussion on Thursday was part of efforts to detail legislative regulations, as mandated by the controversial and newly approved Legislative Law (MD3).

Earlier on Wednesday, the meeting agreed on a mechanism that would allow five leadership posts to be voted on in a single round, requiring all of them to come from different political party factions.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/05/lawmakers-ask-monthly-housing-allowance.html

House agrees on voting for leaders in 'table d'hote' fashion

Jakarta Post - September 4, 2014

Ina Parlina, Jakarta – Pressure for president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's Gotong Royong coalition to exert influence on rival camps has been mounting, as the House of Representatives has agreed on a mechanism that would allow five leadership posts to be voted on in a single round.

The House's special committee on internal regulations sealed a regulation on Wednesday that stipulated that the nominations for House speaker and four deputy speakers would be presented in one package and all of them should come from different political party factions.

The rule, written in Article 28 of the draft House regulations on internal regulations, would implement the newly-enacted Legislative Institution Law (MD3), which set the new mechanism for voting for the speaker and deputy speakers, as well as for the leaders of the House's 11 commissions and other bodies.

The mechanism was a departure from the procedure of the previous 10 years in which the five posts were filled through consensus. The five political parties that get the most votes in a legislative election have the option to offer representatives, with the winning party automatically securing the House speaker's seat.

Under the new regulation Jokowi's coalition cannot propose a nominee without a lending hand from at least one political party from the rival camp, the Red-and-White Coalition that supported the Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa presidential ticket in the July election.

Led by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the winner of the 2014 legislative election, Gotong Royong currently additionally consists only of the National Democratic Party (NasDem), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and Hanura.

Saleh Husein, a special committee member from Hanura, said there was still a hope for the coalition because the draft of the internal regulation still had to be discussed in a working committee.

"I think it shows there is a strong desire [from the Red-and-White Coalition] to rule the house. We hope that the rule could be reviewed again in the working committee," he said.

He also said that Gotong Royong was currently seeking other parties to join the coalition, so that if the draft was passed Gotong Royong would still be able to nominate a House leadership package.

"In politics, anything can happen. There could be one or two parties who will join the Gotong Royong coalition before Oct. 1," he said.

Another special committee member from the PDI-P, Abidin Fikri, added that he did not worry about the situation because there remained a lot of time to conduct political maneuvers. "The political situation is still very dynamic," he said.

PDI-P is currently challenging seven other provisions in the controversial revision of the MD3 at the Constitutional Court. Having been enacted one day before the presidential election, it was viewed as a preemptive strike against the PDI-P-led coalition and candidate Jokowi should he win the election.

During the first hearing last week, representatives of the PDI-P asked the court to order a delay in the imposition of the law. Such an order, they argued, could eliminate the potential constitutional loses of the petitioners.

Another controversial revision in the law is Article 245, which gives a form of legal immunity to lawmakers facing criminal charges. The article stipulated that law enforcement agencies needed to get a permit from the House Honor Tribunal before they could summon lawmakers for alleged criminal activities.

Any requests for summons would be considered invalid if the Honor Tribunal, which would consist of 17 lawmakers from each political faction in the House, does not give its approval. (ask)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/04/house-agrees-voting-leaders-table-d-hote-fashion.html

Jakarta & urban life

Transjakarta to provide women-only buses

Jakarta Post - September 4, 2014

Jakarta – In response to the increasing levels of sexual harassment on public transportation, city-owned bus operator PT Transportasi Jakarta (Transjakarta) is set to operate special buses for women passengers.

On Monday, a man boarding a bus to Lebak Bulus in South Jakarta was caught grabbing a woman's buttocks. The woman was shocked and screamed, and the man was told to get off the bus at the Lebak Bulus bus shelter. Once he got there, he was asked to take off his shirt and wear a sign that read "Sex Abuser!!"

"Transjakarta will provide several buses especially for women. The driver and bus conductor will also be women," Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama said at City Hall on Wednesday.

Meanwhile, Transjakarta president director Steve Kosasih said that he promised to improve services and prevent sexual harassment. "Next year, we will procure the women-only buses. In the meantime, I will be reminding all onboard employees to keep an eye out for any sexual harassment," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/04/transjakarta-provide-women-only-buses.html

Police & law enforcement

National police crack down on critical crimonologist

Jakarta Globe - September 4, 2014

Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta – A criminologist who sits on the commission that supervises the National Police was threatened with defamation charges after comments during a TV interview in which he said the National Police was corrupt.

The controversy began when Adrianus Meliala, a criminologist, remarked in the TV interview that nobody should be surprised by the corruption scandal uncovered in the West Java Police's General Crimes Division. Adrianus added that the National Police's leadership had come to use its criminal investigation arm as an ATM.

He retracted the statement after an ultimatum by National Police Chief Gen. Sutarman on Aug. 19 demanding a public apology and retraction or else face criminal defamation charges.

The criminologist initially insisted the comments fell within the scope of his work as commissioner on the National Police Commission, under which he is legally obligated to supervise the force's conduct.

Sutarman alleged the commissioner's comments were criminal by virtue of their ability to undermine public confidence in the police.

On Aug. 26 Adrianus reported to the police's criminal investigation division – which he was accused of defaming – for questioning in connection with his comments. This was followed by his apology and retraction on Aug. 29.

National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said the law is strictly enforced against members of the police who violate it. The National Police has issued dishonorable discharge to 72 officers over the past two years for ethics violations or criminal offenses such as drugs, he said

"The National Police has investigated 371 members over the 2012-2014 period. Based on the trial process, 72 received dishonorable discharges," Boy said at the National Police headquarters on Thursday.

Boy said of the 72 officers dismissed, 35 were related to narcotics in 2012 and four were narcotics-related in 2013. While data for narcotics-related cases this year are not available yet, the remaining cases stem from morality and desertion.

Boy's statement comes in the wake of recent drug trafficking arrests of two members of the West Kalimantan Police in Kuching, Malaysia.

Adj. Sr. Comr. Idha Endri Prastiono, head of the West Kalimantan Police's anti-narcotics unit, and Chief Brig. M.P. Harahap, an officer at the Entikong sub-precinct police station in West Kalimantan's Sanggau district, were arrested in Kuching on Friday.

They are alleged to have been involved in an attempt to smuggle six kilograms of methamphetamine from Malaysia to Indonesia, West Kalimantan Police chief Brig. Gen. Arief Sulistyanto said in a statement on Sunday.

"The case is still being handled by the Malaysian authorities, so we don't know yet how far these two officers are involved in the case," Arief said. He added that Indonesian police officials had gone to Kuching to discuss the case with their Malaysian counterparts.

Idha is no stranger to controversy, with antigraft watchdogs demanding an investigation into the source of his wealth after a bizarre revelation by his wife, Titi Yusnawati, in January.

Titi claimed to have lost Rp 19 billion ($1.6 million) worth of jewelry during a flight from Supadio Airport in Pontianak, the West Kalimantan capital, to Soekarno-Hatta International Airport outside Jakarta.

Idha later corrected the figure to Rp 500 million, and after the jewelry was recovered from a gang of luggage thieves, a branch of the state pawnshop operator Pegadaian estimated that the items were worth Rp 181 million, Tempo.co reported. Idha never explained how he could afford that much for jewelry on a police officer's salary of less than Rp 10 million a month.

Before the West Kalimantan Police officers under the national corruption spotlight, a bribery scandal in which the West Java Police's General Crimes Division allegedly took a Rp 5 billion bribe from an online bookmaker dominated the July and August headlines. It was this scandal that prompted Adrianus's "ATM" comments and the subsequent, simmering feud.

Last year, Adj. First Insp Labora Sitorus, a West Papua Police officer, was sentenced to two years in prison and a Rp 50 million fine for laundering up to Rp 1.5 trillion in criminal proceeds. The charges brought by prosecutors, which included fuel smuggling and exporting a protected timber species, had seen him facing a possible 20 years.

Labora's case electrified the nation last year when the National Police confirmed findings by anti-money laundering watchdog PPATK that Rp 1.5 trillion in suspicious funds had passed through the low-ranking officer's bank accounts between 2007 and 2012.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/national-police-crack-critical-crimonologist/

Intelligence & state security

House revives talks on state secrecy bill

Jakarta Post - September 3, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – Two months before the end of the current term, the House of Representatives has reopened debate on a contentious bill on state secrecy, four years after deliberations were dropped in response to criticisms voiced by various groups that the bill would violate human rights.

House Commission I overseeing defense, foreign affairs and information held a meeting with human rights organizations – namely the Institute for Research and Advocacy (ELSAM); Imparsial; and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) – on Monday, which all urged the House to drop the debate.

Civil groups argued that not only did the current draft of the bill infringe upon existing legislation, but that it contained articles that would grant the government excessive power to criminalize civilians in order to protect state secrets.

Those articles included Article 6, whereby the power to determine what constituted a state secret would be given to the president. "In certain situations, the president can define something as a state secret," the article says.

Elsam director Indri Saptaningrum argued that this would encourage arbitrary interpretations by the government that could trigger the creation of an inexhaustible list of state secrets.

"It is important to define what kind of information is considered a state secret and what kind of information is not because a loose definition will potentially violate the peoples' right to information," Indri said.

She also urged lawmakers to discontinue discussions, saying that the bill's stipulations were already regulated by other laws such as the 2008 Law on Public Information, where Article 17 included information related to defense strategy, intelligence operations and the state's encryption system regarding public consumption.

Concurring with Elsam, Imparsial's Poengky Indarti said that the bill was a threat to democracy and freedom of the press.

President Yudhoyono ordered a halt to deliberations on the bill in 2009 following protests from civil society groups. He called on the Defense Ministry, which drafted the bill, to reexamine its substance.

Commission I deputy chairman Tubagus Hasanuddin, who is politician from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and who chaired the meeting on Tuesday, claimed that discussions were only preliminary, which to him reflected the bill's gloomy prospects.

"We only aimed to get input today. It doesn't necessarily mean that we will pass the bill because we practically have no time left to do so due to a number of priority bills to be completed before the end of the term," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/03/house-revives-talks-state-secrecy-bill.html

Foreign affairs & trade

Indonesia, Singapore agree on borders

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – Indonesia and Singapore have agreed to seal a final deal on sea borders, in a highly lauded move that could lead to better relations between the two neighbors.

Under the new agreement, which is to be signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, the two governments have settled the borders that delineate the eastern part of the Singapore Strait, an area incorporating Indonesia's Batam Island and Singapore's Changi.

Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said that the signing of the agreement was expected to take place in Singapore on Tuesday during Yudhoyono's meeting with his Singaporean counterparts, Prime Minister Lee and President Tony Tan Keng Yam.

"He [Yudhoyono] will arrive in Singapore tomorrow [Tuesday], and a private meeting with the Singaporean President and Prime Minister will take place. The meeting will include the signing of the agreement between Indonesia and Singapore relating to the first segment [of the eastern border]," Marty told the press at a meeting at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta on Monday.

The eastern sea border is divided into two segments: the first segment includes the area between Changi and Batam, while the second covers the zone between Bintan and South Ledge/Middle Rock/Pedra Branca, areas which are also a bone of contention between Singapore and Malaysia.

Marty said that Tuesday's agreement would be the second after a deal in 2009. "We signed an agreement covering the western part of the Singapore Strait in 2009, but the one covering the eastern parts has been delayed due to the territorial dispute between Malaysia and Singapore," Marty said, adding that the Indonesian government expected to seal an agreement with the Malaysian government in the next few days.

The 2009 agreement covers the western part of the Singapore Strait, including Nipah and Tuas islands.

During his visit to Singapore, Yudhoyono is also expected to receive the award of the Order of Temasek First Class from the Singapore government, the second award he has received from Singapore. During a state visit to the city-state in 2013, Yudhoyono was granted an honorary degree from the Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS).

House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees defense, information and foreign affairs, applauded the government's success in completing the agreement with Singapore.

"The agreement [with Singapore] will definitely hasten the process with Malaysia, which is good because unlike Singapore, with whom Indonesia has few sea disputes, Indonesia and Malaysia have been involved in a number of debates on the matter, due to a number of issues including illegal fishing," commission chairman Mahfudz Siddiq stated.

Mahfudz added that the agreement could boost ties with Singapore. "The signing of the agreement will improve Indonesian-Singaporean bilateral ties in the future. I believe that the agreement will have no negative consequences for the next government in terms of bilateral cooperation with Singapore," said Mahfudz, a member of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Mahfudz took issue only with the fact that the government rarely briefed the House on its progress in the negotiations with the Singaporean government.

Contacted separately, Commission I lawmaker Helmy Fauzy of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), one of the five political parties that officially nominated president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, praised the agreement, saying that it would further help the Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla administration to implement programs on maritime management.

"We have been involved in a number of sea border disputes, particularly with Malaysia. The signing of the agreement will definitely speed up the process with Malaysia and then we can eventually settle those disputes," Helmy said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/ri-s-pore-agree-borders.html

Economy & investment

Indonesia climbs 4 places on infrastructure

Jakarta Post - September 5, 2014

Linda Yulisman, Jakarta – Doing business in Indonesia has become easier, but corruption remains the major impediment that drags on its economic performance, according to a survey conducted by the Geneva-based business group World Economic Forum (WEF).

Indonesia climbed four notches this year to 34th place out of the 144 countries surveyed for WEF's global competitiveness index measuring improved ease of doing business.

Regionally, Singapore still continued to stand out compared to its Southeast Asian peers by reserving second place – the position it maintained for a fourth year in a row – just behind Switzerland, said the report.

The 2014-2015 report, which was published on Wednesday, attributed Indonesia's progress primarily to enhanced infrastructure and connectivity (up five places from last year's report) and to stronger quality of public and private governance (up 14 places).

The report also pointed out that corruption was still rampant and often involved high-profile figures, although concerted efforts against it had been made in the past years.

In its latest move on Wednesday, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik a graft suspect, alleging that he had forced his subordinates to collect funds totaling around Rp 9.9 billion (US$841,493) from "illegal sources" within the ministry between 2011 and 2013.

Jero is the third minister in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Cabinet to be named a graft suspect, after former youth and sports minister Andi Alfian Mallarangeng and former religious affairs minister Suryadharma Ali.

Indonesian Employers' Association (Apindo) chairman Sofjan Wanandi said that poor infrastructure – such as the electricity grid and seaports – and bureaucratic red tape still passed high costs onto business players operating in Indonesia, despite the achievements suggested by the report. "It's still lower than expected," he said.

Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) economist Latif Adam appreciated the progress made by Indonesia in fixing its poor infrastructure and connectivity and reforming its governance both in the public and private sectors. However, he said such an achievement should be viewed in comparison to neighboring countries.

"We are welcoming the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community [AEC] next year and we'll compete head-to-head without any borders. All member nations are racing to boost their competitive edge," he said, referring to rivalry over attracting investment in which the competitiveness of each country matters most.

The AEC is one of the pillars of ASEAN integration, which is set to officially kick off by the end of next year and make the region a single market and production base that would be fully integrated with the global economy.

The report, which was based on a survey of business executives worldwide, also highlighted the issue of labor as a variable that hampered Indonesia from climbing higher in the index.

"The situation of its labor market remains by far the weakest aspect, owing to rigidities in terms of wage setting and hiring and firing procedures," it said.

Workers' wages, traditionally a contentious issue, rose by between 7 percent and 30 percent this year after lengthy negotiations between employers and employees.

In response to the report, Finance Minister Chatib Basri said, "We see there has been improvement in the ease of doing business last year but [...] it's not as fast as we want."

Chatib said it would be the task of the new government to carry out necessary reforms, to continue focusing on addressing infrastructure and governance issues and to revise the 2003 Labor Law to allow for a more flexible labor market.

Separately, Coordinating Economic Minister Chairul Tanjung said a wage increase was not a major issue, but productivity was "because the cost per unit [of goods produced] is the one that determines whether wages are expensive or not". (gda)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/05/indonesia-climbs-4-places-infrastructure.html

Trade surplus, low inflation ring alarm bells

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta – While the latest indicators show that inflation is falling and the trade balance posted a surprising surplus, the positive data could conceal underlying problems facing the Indonesian economy.

The US$123 million trade surplus posted in July – which overturned a $305.1 million deficit a month earlier – was not caused by an improvement in exports.

Overseas shipments dropped 6 percent year-on-year, but the trade balance stayed in positive territory only because imports nose-dived by 19 percent, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) announced on Monday.

The plunge in imports, the worst since the global financial crisis, might potentially indicate a sharp economic slowdown for Indonesia ahead, noted Chua Hak Bin, an economist with Bank of America Merrill Lynch. The imports drop was caused by reduced domestic purchases of machinery, mechanical tools, plastics, vehicles and automotive parts.

"A small trade surplus masks sustained weakness in investment," ANZ Bank economists Daniel Wilson and Glenn Maguire stated in a note distributed to clients on Monday.

Indonesia's economy grew by 5.1 percent in the second quarter, the slowest pace in almost five years, but ANZ Bank predicted that such a painful downturn might persist for some time due to the bleak outlook of investments, which account for more than 30 percent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP).

"We have held the view that the investment-led moderation in GDP growth over the past six quarters was bottoming out in the second quarter 2014," they went on. "However, examining import data over June and July suggests that this base may be shifting out to the third quarter instead."

The market shared most analysts' cautiousness. Despite the unexpected trade surplus, the rupiah did not strengthen as it closed at 11,699 per US dollar on Monday, relatively unchanged compared to a day earlier, according to prices from local banks compiled by Bloomberg.

Also on Monday, the BPS announced that inflation in Indonesia fell to 0.47 percent in August, taking annual inflation to 3.99 percent, the lowest level in almost two years.

The fall in inflation might be an indication of weakening domestic demand, warned Dian Ayu Yustina, an economist with Bank Danamon in Jakarta. She pointed to the fall in core inflation – a long-term measurement of price levels that excludes prices of volatile food – which stood at 4.47 percent in August, compared to 4.64 percent a month earlier.

A potential adjustment to fuel prices, which might drive up inflation, is also in the wings, as president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has confirmed his commitment to reducing Indonesia's poorly targeted and economically burdensome fuel subsidies as early as November.

Every 10 percent of a fuel-price hike from the current subsidized gasoline price of Rp 6,500 (55 US cents) per liter might add around 0.6 percent of annual inflation to the economy, according to estimates from Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

"We're happy with latest inflation data but we still see potential risks that could exert additional pressure on price levels, such as the prospect of an adjustment to subsidized fuel prices," Bank Indonesia (BI) deputy governor Perry Warjiyo said Monday. "For now, maintaining cautiousness is still a must."

[Linda Yulisman contributed to this article.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/trade-surplus-low-inflation-ring-alarm-bells.html

US businesses still prefer Indonesia

Jakarta Post - September 1, 2014

Tama Salim, Jakarta – Indonesia remains the top destination in the ASEAN region for future US corporate expansion despite the many challenges for companies doing business in the country, a recent regional survey has found.

The ASEAN Business Survey Outlook 2015, carried out by the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) Singapore and the US Chamber of Commerce, revealed that Indonesia, Vietnam and Myanmar remained the priority markets for future US business investment. Brunei and Laos hold the least interest for respondents in the survey.

Indonesia managed to retain the top rank as voted by 41 percent of respondents, down, however, from the 49 percent reported in last year's survey.

Respondents identified insufficient infrastructure as the greatest hindrance to investment and trade, a shift from corruption, which ranked as the highest concern for businesses last year.

The survey, the data collection of which was made between May 5 and June 5, did cite corruption as a major barrier followed by uncertainty in bylaws and regulations, and a lack of new business incentives. Other concerns related to the availability of trained personnel, the movement of goods through customs and local protectionism.

AmCham Indonesia managing director Andrew White said Indonesia should continue to play on its strengths to attract US investors; its large market, strategic location, low labor costs and upwardly mobile and young demographics.

However, White warned against the current and prevalent regulatory uncertainty. "There's so much uncertainty, such as the lack of stakeholder consultation before big policy decisions are made, or the conflict among the ministries [in resolving overlapping regulations]," White told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

The AmCham survey shows that respondents are dissatisfied with certain Indonesian government institutions, particularly customs, immigration and taxation.

The three agencies scored a 62 percent, 43 percent and 40 percent dissatisfaction rate, respectively. Last year, the survey revealed a dissatisfaction rate of 57 percent for customs, while the rating for immigration and taxation were the same as this year.

White also cited a lack of basic infrastructure and limited access to skilled labor as the other main roadblocks that US companies had to cope with while doing business in the country.

Fortunately, he said, US businesses were optimistic that the next Indonesian government – due to be sworn in on Oct. 20 – would be able to improve on the country's business climate.

"US companies are prepared to continue to invest in Indonesia, because there are signs that the new government will take on these three issues [of regulation, infrastructure and labor]," White explained.

A study jointly conducted by AmCham Indonesia, the US Chamber of Commerce and USAID last year revealed that US firms poured in a total of US$65 billion between 2004 and 2012, making them the biggest foreign investors in the archipelago.

Official data based on inflows of funds recorded by Bank Indonesia (BI) shows that US foreign direct investment (FDI) settled at only $7 billion during the eight-year period, placing the country as the fourth-biggest investor in Indonesia.

The US Chamber of Commerce is the world's largest business federation representing the interests of more than 3 million businesses of all sizes, and in all sectors, and regions, as well as state and local chambers and industry associations.

Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) chairman Suryo Bambang Sulisto acknowledged that Indonesia had to work on its infrastructure and energy sectors despite the sustained interest from investors due to the country's large market.

Suryo listed the export of heavy machinery, oil exploration and consumer goods as the main sectors into which US investors were looking.

"Indonesia offers the greatest potential for investment, a wealth of opportunities," he said, adding that the Americans were keen on taking part in construction-based projects again after a period of absence.

Suryo said that investments were continuously flowing in, despite a slight decrease due to the election year. He believed that US businesses would become more upbeat about the country following the conclusion of the presidential election.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/01/us-businesses-still-prefer-ri.html

Analysis & opinion

A decade of injustice – time to find Munir's real killers

Jakarta Post - September 7, 2014

Papang Hidayat, London – Today marks exactly 10 years since Indonesia lost one of its most courageous and compassionate voices – Munir Said Thalib.

On Sept. 7, 2004, Munir, as he was affectionately known, was slipped arsenic while in transit in Singapore during a trip to Amsterdam, and didn't make it through the flight alive. A decade later, we're still no closer to finding the masterminds behind his murder.

One of Indonesia's most prominent human rights campaigners, Munir took up the cause of dozens of activists who were subjected to enforced disappearance. He co-founded two prominent human rights organizations, helped to uncover evidence of military responsibility for human rights violations in Aceh, Papua and Timor Leste (formerly East Timor), and made recommendations to the government on bringing high-ranking officials to justice. In September 1999, he was appointed to the Commission of Inquiry into Human Rights Violations (KPP-HAM) in East Timor.

I was personally lucky enough to work closely with Munir before his tragic death. I first met him in 1996 when he was a human rights lawyer with the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation. I, along with other student activists, met him frequently at his office in 1998, when we organized many protests against Soeharto's government.

Later, in 2004, he asked me to join his organization, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), where I worked for more than eight years before moving to Amnesty International. I remember Munir as not only a very courageous and persistent human rights defender, but also as an inspiring guru who trained many excellent rights activists in the country.

Many of us still live by one of his most famous sayings: "What we must fear most is fear itself, because fear affects our judgment."

Although three people have been convicted of Munir's murder, there are credible allegations that those responsible for his death at the highest levels have not been brought to justice. The three convicted were all employees of Garuda Indonesia, the state airline that Munir used on the day of his murder, but it is highly unlikely that they acted alone.

Former National Intelligence Agency (BIN) official Muchdi Purwopranjono faced trial in 2008, but was acquitted and many activists claim the process was flawed. Further, the findings of a 2005 independent fact-finding team into the killing, which was established by the authorities, was disregarded by the government and has never been published.

Munir's case cannot be seen in isolation, but is indicative of the wider culture of impunity surrounding attacks and harassment of human rights defenders in the country. In Indonesian there's even the word, dimunirkan (munirization), which applies when someone has been killed in mysterious circumstances.

Although the worst violence of the Soeharto era has subsided, many activists in Indonesia still live with daily threats, and it is all too rare that those responsible for the past killings of human rights defenders have been brought to justice.

While outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono showed little political will to bring Munir's real killers to justice, president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has made lofty promises to make human rights a priority once he takes office in October.

Unfortunately, Jokowi got off to an inauspicious start when he appointed Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, a former BIN head, to his transition team. Hendropriyono was the head of BIN at the time of Munir's murder and many human rights groups believe was involved in Munir's assassination – though Hendropriyono has always denied the allegations. Outrage from Munir's widow at the appointment forced Jokowi's camp to reaffirm their commitment to resolving Munir's case.

When Jokowi takes office, he has a golden opportunity to send a clear message that impunity for the killing of human rights defenders will no longer be tolerated. A first step should be to release the 2005 fact- finding report into Munir's killing to establish the truth. Secondly, he should ensure a new, independent police investigation into the case, so that everyone responsible – regardless of their official position – are held to account.

Munir was a unique voice and Indonesia owes him a debt of gratitude for all he has done for human rights in our country. On the 10th anniversary of his death, the least we can do is ensure that his murder is not forgotten and that the real killers are brought to justice.

[The writer is Amnesty International's Indonesia researcher.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/07/a-decade-injustice-time-find-munir-s-real-killers.html

Why Jokowi must repeal ITE Law

Jakarta Post - September 2, 2014

Ary Hermawan, Tucson, Arizona – At first, it was just another ludicrous Internet story. A woman vented her resentment on social media and unwittingly infuriated an entire population of a centuries-old sultanate. She was harshly bullied and later apologized.

This is a story that we know all too well. This happened before to a young lady in Depok who complained about having to give up her precious seat on a train to pregnant women, and to that British banker who referred to affluent Singaporean commuters as "the poor". Florence Sihombing is not alone, and Yogyakarta is not the only city to have indicted a person in the court of social media.

Our typical reaction would be to face-palm and remind ourselves again and again that the Internet is just such a terrible, terrible place. It's pretty much like high school, but with millions of inconsiderate jerks.

We were all hoping that Florence's apology would be an end to her bad day on the Internet and we all could go back to our lives, until we heard the news that she was detained by the Yogyakarta Police – for doing what each one of us has been doing online long before Facebook, Twitter and Path were invented.

Her story then went from the ridiculous to the disturbing. There is no question that what Florence did – calling Yogyakarta "poor", "stupid" and "uncultured" – is not at all pretty. She should have been more considerate. But what she did is not a crime and should not be criminalized. For the sake of democracy, we must stand up to defend her.

This is no longer about the people of Yogyakarta being over-sensitive (come on, folks, Jakarta has been the object of really nasty curses for decades). This is no longer about the cancer of online bullying. Her case has brought to light a serious flaw in our legal system, which threatens each and every one of us.

The Gadjah Mada University student is the latest netizen to fall victim to the draconian Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law. According to Florence's lawyer, she has been charged under Article 27 of the 2008 law, which carries a maximum punishment of six years in prison and a Rp 1 billion (US$85,351) fine.

Human rights activists and journalists have repeatedly called on the government to repeal this controversial law, arguing that it hinders freedom of speech and leads to human rights violations. The wording of the articles in the law, they argue, is open to interpretation and can, therefore, easily be abused.

The law basically criminalizes "anyone who deliberately distributes or transmits electronic information or documents that contain slanderous and defamatory language". While it is important to protect the public from slander and defamation, it is often unclear what constitutes slander and defamation on the web, and it is equally difficult to determine whether someone expressing his or her opinion on social media really intended to slander or defame others.

In Florence's case, it is totally preposterous that you can actually charge someone for hating a city and calling it "stupid" and "uncultured".

According to the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), at least 37 people were charged with criminal offenses under the law between 2008 and 2013. Many of them were people criticizing the powers that be or just expressing their personal opinions.

Under the ITE regime, Prita Mulyasari, now an elected legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), was sued by the Omni International Hospital in 2009 for defamation after she complained about the hospital's services via an online mailing list.

In 2012, Alexander Aan was accused of insulting Islam and jailed after writing on his Facebook page that God did not exist.

More than anyone else, president-elect Joko "Jokowi" Widowo should be deeply concerned about Florence's arrest and begin thinking of ways to reform our Internet law. This is because the success of his administration will very likely depend on how free and effective social media is in rallying public support for his policies. In other words, Internet freedom is required for his political survival.

Jokowi already owes his ascendancy to national leadership to the millions of tweets and articles shared online endorsing his election bid. And now with most of the political parties at the House of Representatives standing against him and one of his coalition partners apparently threatening to leave should it obtain no ministerial posts in his Cabinet, Jokowi will need far greater public support to fend off the onslaughts of a hostile and more powerful legislative body.

The 2014 presidential race was a bitter fight for supporters of losing candidate Prabowo Subianto and they are anxiously waiting for payback.

The biggest problem is that any revocation of or revisions to the ITE Law lay in the hands of those lawmakers. But Jokowi should not be afraid, as an army of online volunteers will stand behind him for this.

We cannot afford to retain the law; not because we want greater freedom to whine about our disappointing lives but because our new democracy – which relies heavily on the participation of online citizens – is at stake.

[The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/02/why-jokowi-must-repeal-ite-law.html

Book & film reviews

Oppenheimer back with 'The Look of Silence'

Jakarta Post - September 7, 2014

Andreas D. Arditya, Jakarta – If The Act of Killing brought Indonesian viewers the surreal and stomach-turning admissions of communist-purge executioners, The Look of Silence provides the painful and powerfully arresting reality of mass-murder survivors.

As he promised, director Joshua Oppenheimer has returned with another documentary about the pitch-black section of Indonesian history surrounding the widespread killings in the country in 1965 and 1966.

The Look of Silence premiered at the 71st Venice Film Festival in Italy on Aug. 28. On the same day, a limited screening of the film was held for journalists in Jakarta. The documentary will also be screened at the Toronto International Film Festival in Canada and the Telluride Film Festival in Colorado, the US.

Oppenheimer said that The Act of Killing was haunted by the absent victims, which created an empty ruined landscape, inhabited by a lost and lonely figure.

"The Look of Silence is the movie where we step into those haunted spaces and feel viscerally what it is like for the survivors forced to live there, forced to build lives under the watchful eyes of the men who murdered their loved ones, and remain powerful," the Copenhagen-based director said in a statement.

In the new documentary, the audience follows Adi, an optician whose older brother Ramli was brutally and inhumanly murdered during the purge in Deli Serdang regency, North Sumatra.

Adi and his family – his proud and stern mother Rohani as well as his very old but playful father Rukun who, because of his health, is reliant on his wife – discover how Ramli was murdered and the identity of his killers through Oppenheimer's work for The Act of Killing.

Rohani thinks of Adi, who was born two years after the killing, as a replacement for Ramli. She attributes her sanity and her ability to live on after Ramli's death to Adi. He has lived with that burden his whole life.

Adi, determined to step out of the blanketing fear and break the silence of victims, steels himself to meet and confront the men responsible for his brother's gruesome death.

The father of two bravely and calmly puts himself in front of the people involved in Ramli's killing, among whom are a well-known legislator, a respected elder and a close relative of the family.

Adi faces his own fear and the fear of his family, who become more distressed after knowing that he set out to meet the people involved in the purge.

Oppenheimer said that he began the filming project upon his return to North Sumatra in 2003 after visiting the province for the first time in 2001 to help oil-palm plantation workers make a film documenting and dramatizing their struggle to organize a union. He then learned of stories of the 1965 killings and of the fear terrorizing the villagers.

He began investigating one murder that was discussed frequently by the plantation workers, about a victim whose name was Ramli, and was considered representative of the massive killings in the area.

Ramli's death was public, with witnesses giving accounts of his final moments and explaining that his body was left in the plantation, a few kilometers from his parents' home.

Like on The Act of Killing, Oppenheimer worked with Indonesian collaborators, who remain anonymous, for the 98-minute-long documentary. Quoted by euronews.com during the documentary premiere in Venice, Oppenheimer said the project had been a frightening film to shoot.

"It meant that Adi's family had to move thousands of kilometers to another part of Indonesia. We tried to get them out of the isolation of North Sumatra and away from the men who did this to their family," he said.

Up close

The anonymous crew is planning to screen the documentary in cities across Indonesia on Dec. 10, to observe the international Human Rights Day. The team is inviting Indonesian communities and groups to hold independent screenings of the documentary on the same day by contacting the crew through its website, www.filmsenyap.com.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/07/oppenheimer-back-with-the-look-silence.html