Katherine Gregory – Free West Papua protestors have demonstrated outside the Indonesian consulate in Darwin as the Northern Territory's Indonesian community went to the polls.

The group, Territorians for a Free West Papua, says it was protesting in support of Papuans fighting for their independence from 51 years of Indonesian rule.

Activists say the protest was about more than supporting the Papuans' right for independence from Indonesian rule. They say there are reports of the Indonesian military threatening Papuans who boycott the presidential election.

"The ramifications already have been four killed two days ago and 42 arrests," activist Cindy Watson said.

The Darwin spokesman for Australians for a Free West Papua, Rob Wesley- Smith, says the concerns of protesters need to be raised. "People voting today, they should bear in mind what's going on in West Papua and the role that has been played by one of the presidential candidates, Prabowo," he said.

The activists say neither presidential hopeful will deliver self- determination for the Papua region. "West Papua is like East Timor a few years ago, they haven't got their freedom, they're being slaughtered," Mr Wesley-Smith said.

The Indonesian Consulate's election chairperson, Ferdi Mauboy, has rejected the comments. "Learn that Indonesia is Papua, West Papua is part of Indonesia, I don't know of any struggle."

For the Indonesians in Darwin, the election and the chance to vote from Australia is significant. Voters were unfazed by the presence of the protesters, as they walked through the gates of the Indonesian consulate in Darwin to cast their vote.

The protesters say they're not trying to influence voters and cast no blame whatsoever on the Indonesian people. The votes of about seven hundred Indonesians in Darwin will be counted with the 188 million votes expected in Wednesday's election.

Source: http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/2014-07-07/west-papua-activists-protest-in-darwin-ahead-of-indonesian-presidential-election/1338736

Papua on 'full alert' ahead of presidential election

Jakarta Post - July 6, 2014

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura – With just three days left before the presidential election, the Regional Military Command (Kodam) XVII/Cendrawasih in Papua has raised the province's security level to "Siaga Satu" (full alert) as an armed civilian group has urged a boycott of the upcoming election.

The election boycott threats have been spreading via short message service, leaflets distributed on streets and a video recording from an armed civilian group led by Erimbo Enden Wanimbo, who claimed to be the commander of the Free Papua Movement's (OPM) Seventh Division in the La Pago area. He threatened to attack vital infrastructure and security officers, especially those in the province's central territory, known locally as 'Pegunungan Tengah'.

"Today, the Kodam XVII/Cendrawasih is declaring 'full alert' for Papua, which takes effect as of today until the July 9 presidential election and days afterwards. The 'full alert' status will take effect without time limit, as it depends on developments in the situation," Kodam XVII/Cendrawasih chief Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua said in Jayapura on Sunday.

He was speaking after a video conference with Army Chief of Staff Gen. Budiman on the province's readiness ahead of the election.

Christian said the military command did not want to see any more violence and bloodshed occurring in Papua, therefore, it urged all parties in the region to refrain from carrying out violent acts or attacking security posts.

"Actually, I'd be really sad if there was an OPM member killed in an armed incident; but, if they dare to take up arms against us, I won't hesitate to eradicate them. I'm not kidding so they should not commit any violent acts," said Christian.

Six regions considered tense ahead of the presidential election are Jayapura, Keerom, Lanny Jaya, Puncak Jaya and Yapen regencies and the Indonesia-Papua New Guinea border areas in Skouw Wutung. "For those areas, we have deployed military personnel to help the police provide security," said Christian.

As many as 2,300 personnel have been readied to work with the police to provide security for the upcoming presidential election.

Papua General Elections Commission (KPUD) chairman Adam Arisoi said Papua was prepared to stage the presidential election, saying that all election materials were ready in distribution points in each regency's capital.

"The Kodam XVII/Cendrawasih is ready to provide assistance and has prepared three helicopters to distribute election materials to polling stations," he said. (gda/ebf)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/06/papua-full-alert-ahead-presidential-election.html-0

More reports of arrests, torture in West Papua

Radio New Zealand International - July 5, 2014

The National Committee for West Papua, the KNPB, is saying that another seven of its activists were captured by the Indonesian military on Friday.

This follows the arrest of six KNPB activists on Thursday, who were detained in the provincial capital, Jayapura for distributing leaflets calling on West Papuans to boycott the Indonesian presidential election on the 9th of July.

According to reports, the seven activists were captured by soldiers in the Timika region and tortured and beaten before being handed over to police. The KNPB says their whereabouts remain unknown.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/249001/more-reports-of-arrests,-torture-in-west-papua

NZers win West Papua advocacy award

Radio New Zealand International - July 4, 2014

Two New Zealanders have been awarded the 2014 John Rumbiak Human Rights Defenders Award for their work pushing for improved human rights in Indonesia's Papua region.

The West Papua Advocacy Team says the Green Party's Catherine Delahunty has challenged the New Zealand government's community policing project in Papua and sought to provide a platform for Papuan rights advocates in the New Zealand Parliament.

The Advocacy Team says the second recipient, activist Maire Leadbeater, has worked tirelessly to inform New Zealand about the human rights crisis in West Papua.

Ms Delahunty says she is honoured to be considered. "There are many people working all around the world and the Pacific to support the campaign for human rights and independence in West Papua. I'm one of the small players, have got the privilege of working in Parliament with the Green Party fully supporting my work. So yes, it's an incredible honour, I was most surprised to receive it and very, very humbled."

Catherine Delahunty says much more work still needs to be done. John Rumbiak had worked in Papua for many years, raising concerns on human rights issues.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/248956/nzers-win-west-papua-advocacy-award

Reports of 6 Papuan activists arrested and beaten

Radio New Zealand International - July 4, 2014

The Papua separatist group, the National Committee for West Papua, or the KNPB, has reported that six of its members were arrested, beaten and taken to the Jayapura Police Station onn Thursday.

The KNPB claims the six were arrested because they were distributing leaflets calling on West Papuans to boycott next week's presidential election.

A spokesperson for the Australia West Papua Association Joe Collins says the security forces appear to be targeting any civil society groups who are calling for a boycott of the election and have deployed over 300 police and soldiers for security in the region during the election.

The Puncak Jaya Police chief, has confirmed security forces have been called up to ensure there is no disruption during the election. Another 3 members of the KNPB were arrested on June the 30th.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/248975/reports-of-6-papuan-activists-arrested-and-beaten

Vanuatu states its commitment to liberation of West Papua

Tabloid JUBI - July 3, 2014

Port Moresby – The Government of Vanuatu will continue raising the issue on West Papua to the UN.

After the meeting of Melanesia Spearhead Group (MSG) leaders at Port Moresby on last 26 June, the Vanuatu Prime Minister Vanuatu Joe Natuman reconfirmed the commitment to raise the issue on West Papua liberation. Natuman said the Government of Vanuatu continues to seek the opportunity to raise the West Papua issue to the UN level.

Towards the reporters, Natuman told the Government of Vanuatu is considering to propose the International Court's opinion. "We consider seeking an opinion on the legal process held by the UN when handed over West Papua to Indonesia," Natuman said in Port Villa, Vanuatu (30/6).

Earlier, the Vanuatu Prime Minister has been said the similar statement in Port Moresby.

"This process (to the UN) is still open for us. But now we have to deal with such a problem like this. We talked with Indonesia, held a dialogue with Indonesia and all Melanesian representatives about tendencies, in particular the political tendency in provinces of Papua and Papua Barat," said Natuman in Port Moresby on 27 June.

Natuman also respected the MSG's decision to seek more proactive approach with Indonesia to find a solution to deal with the development issues in Papua. Under the administration of Prime Minister Moana Kalosil, Natuman was the representative of Vanuatu in the MSG mission to West Papua, but then Vanuatu withdrew its participation in the mission.

Since becoming the independent state, Vanuatu has shown its commitment towards West Papua's issue. Some former prime ministers of Vanuatu including Walter Lini and Barack Sope were actively raising the West Papua issue to the UN and then Moana Kalosil and Natuman continued to support. Even Kalosil pointed the MSG countries has denied Papuans as part of Melanesian entity.

"Vanuatu is the only country in the world who is not fear to stand up and speak for the liberation rights of Papuans whether in the United Nation or in other world's forum," Moana Karkas Kalosis said in his speech in front of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva in last March. (Jubi/Victor Mambor/rom)

Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=2821

Police look for people who call for election boycott

Tabloid JUBI - July 3, 2014

Timika – Police are searching for people who distributed leaflets urging voters to boycott the July 9 presidential election and demand a referendum.

"A group led by Teni Kwalik is behind it because he made a statement calling for the boycott of the presidential election," Mimika Police Deputy Chief Commissioner Wirasto Adi Nugroho said on Tuesday (1/7) in Timika, Papua.

He said so far police have only found some writings and leaflets. "We have advised the local people to report to the police when they have any information, so we can arrest the perpetrators," he said.

He further said police had erase the grafitti and destroyed the leaflets to avoid public unrest. Nugroho said the situation of Mimika Regency is relatively still favorable.

Mimika Police Chief, the Adjunct Commissionaire Senior Police Jermias Rontini Tuesday (1/7) attributed the peaceful atmosphere in Mimika, in particular Timika City to the participation of local community.

A Timika City resident Abdullah confirmed about rumors of possible unrest but the people were not provoked.

Meanwhile some residents reportedly held a prayer gathering to mark the Free Papua Movement's anniversary at Jalan Sosial Gorong-Gorong. (Jubi/Eveerth/rom)

Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=2815

Vanuatu wants West Papua at UN level

Radio New Zealand International - July 3, 2014

The Vanuatu Prime Minister Joe Natuman says the government is still looking at pushing the West Papua issue at the United Nations level.

His comment comes as the Melanesian Spearhead Group resolved to seek a more proactive approach alongside Indonesia to help address the development needs of West Papuans.

MSG leaders have brushed off a formal MSG membership application by the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, telling the group to reapply as a more inclusive, united bid.

Meanwhile, Mr Natuman says the Vanuatu government is considering seeking an International Court of Justice opinion on the legality of the UN-sanctioned process under which the former Dutch New Guinea was ceded to Indonesia.

"That process is still open to us. Right now we have to deal with the issue as it is. We talk with the Indonesians and have dialogue with the Indonesians and dialogue with all the Melanesians of various inclinations, political inclinations, in Papua and West Papua."

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/248809/vanuatu-wants-west-papua-at-un-level

West Papua rally small and peaceful

Radio New Zealand International - July 2, 2014

The Australia West Papua Association says a rally of independence supporters in Jayapura yesterday was peaceful and not attended by Indonesian security forces.

July the 1st marks the day in 1971 when Papuan leaders proclaimed the region's independence from Jakarta. The Antara News had reported Major General Christian Zebua saying Indonesian soldiers would shoot any independence supporters who attended.

A spokesperson for the AWPA, Joe Collins, says the rally was small, consisting of two families, but significant.

"I think threats of intimidation did have an effect on the West Papuan people, some people decided to stay at home. So although they were small, it does not go unnoticed. The West Papuan people they really really do want self-determination and any chance they get they will raise the issue."

Joe Collins says the international media and community watching what was happening yesterday would have influenced the military to step back.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/248757/west-papua-rally-small-and-peaceful

MSG call for free expression for Papuans

Radio New Zealand International - July 2, 2014

The Vanuatu Prime Minister Joe Natuman says the onus is on Indonesia to allow West Papuan groups to partake in a more inclusive application to join the Melanesian Spearhead Group.

At last week's MSG summit in Port Moresby MSG leaders resolved to seek a more proactive approach alongside Indonesia to help address the development needs of West Papuans.

However the group has brushed off a formal MSG membership application by the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation.

While Vanuatu had been satisfied with the wide level of West Papuan support the coalition had garnered, other MSG members have called for a bid by a more "inclusive and united" group.

Mr Natuman says it is integral that various groups in Indonesia's Papua region be allowed to be included.

"That's why it's important to hold dialogue with Indonesia. Indonesia is an observer of MSG, we have issued this invitation. It's therefore the obligation of Indonesia to allow these groups to express themselves."

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/248774/msg-call-for-free-expression-for-papuans

Aceh

Aceh shariah police prohibit daytime food sales, even for non-Muslims

Jakarta Globe - July 3, 2014

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – The Aceh Shariah Police have banned any sales of food at daytime during Ramadan, and that rule also applies to non- Muslims so as not to offend Muslims who are fasting.

Food traders may resume their business from 4 p.m. to 8 p.m. and they can stay open after tarawih, or nighttime prayers, until dawn, Hardy Karmy, the operational head of the Aceh Shariah police, or Wilayatul Hisbah, told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday. "They have to respect Muslims who are fasting," Hardy explained.

The Shariah police have been conducting a crackdown in the past three days to ensure nobody was selling food in the afternoon. Non-Muslims, though, protested the ban.

"Since today they [the food sellers] are not allowed to sell food even if they had sold food to non-Muslims," said Kho Khie Siong, head of the Aceh Hakka Foundation, an organization of people of Chinese descent.

He spoke while pointing to an alley, long known as a food center, in Penayong, Banda Aceh, where dozens of Shariah police officers were standing by to clear up the area. Each stall had a signboard that said only non- Muslims would be served.

"We respect those who are fasting, and we also respect the Islamic Shariah in Aceh because we have been living here for generations," Kho said. "We were born and raised in Aceh. We are also Aceh people," he added.

Kho said the local government should relax the regulation so that food traders can maintain their business, since it was their livelihood. "If they are forced to close down the business for the entire month, how are they going to eat?" Kho said.

Kho said the government did not prohibit the food traders from operating their business as usual in previous years, especially in the Chinese community area. "I don't know why they have the ban this year," Kho said, adding that the Chinese community would meet with Banda Aceh Mayor Illiza Sa'aduddin Djamal to discuss the issue.

Erwin, a local resident who lives in the alley, said he hoped the government would remove the policy. "We're all non-Muslims here, so I hope the government will give us a little exemption," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/aceh-shariah-police-prohibit-daytime-food-sales-even-non-muslims/

Human rights & justice

Protesters again warn people against voting for human rights violator

Berita Satu - July 7, 2014

Jakarta – Scores of demonstrators calling themselves Indonesia without Militarism held another demonstration in front of the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Jl. Imam Bonjol in the Central Jakarta district of Menteng on Monday July 7.

The group said that the KPU, as the organiser of the 2014 elections, was negligent in declaring Prabowo Subianto as a presidential candidate because the KPU failed to take into account allegations of his involvement in the abduction of activists in 1997-98. "The KPU must be held accountable for this", asserted action coordinator Surya.

During breaks in the action, the demonstrators also held up posters with the message, "Presidential candidate Prabowo: Return our friends to us (Mawar tragedy 08)".

According to the group, the 2014 elections should be a milestone for the continued consolidation of democracy that will see Indonesia become a country that is prosperous, just and dignified in accordance with the 1945 Constitution. Indonesia as a country has had enough of the experience of living in darkness under the shadow of former President Suharto's New Order and militarism.

"Thirty-two years of New Order and militarism created a hegemony over the entire political and legal system resulting in Indonesia languishing in an abyss of cultural desolation. Just look at how easy it was for a person like Prabowo Subianto to establish a [political] party and nominate himself as a presidential candidate pairing up with Hatta Rajasa", he Surya.

According to Surya, to this day Prabowo is still dogged by a past record linking him to allegations of human rights violations that have yet to be fully resolved. He also cited the presence of Prabowo's agents inside the KPU resulting in the incident in Hong Kong [on July 5] when the KPU sided with one of the candidates, namely Prabowo. "If you're not voting for No. 1 [Prabowo] don't bother to enter the polling booth", said Surya, mimicking the words of one of the rouge KPU commissioners in Hong Kong.

An activist from the Indonesian Cultural Society Union (SeBumi) meanwhile asserted that the 2014 presidential elections represent the consolidation of problematic generals from the New Order. He said that the sins of presidential candidate Prabowo do not need to be mentioned, because his sins are so many. "Who abducted the activists, yes it was Prabowo", they said.

The activists added that Prabowo's electoral coalition is a coalition of the New Order. Golkar Party chairperson Aburizal Bakrie is part of the New Order forces. And this demonstrates that fascism is already on the rise. "Do you want to be led by a thug and a gangster".

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Source: http://www.beritaasatu.com/nasional/pilpres-kurang-2-hari-lagi-demonstran-kembali-ingatkan-masyarakat-untuk-tidak-pilih-capres-pelanggar-ham

Kidnapped activists pin hopes on Jokowi-Kalla

Jakarta Post - July 5, 2014

Sita W. Dewi and Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta/Bekasi – Former pro- democracy activists who were kidnapped at the tail end of the New Order regime in 1998 are looking to Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate pair Joko "Jokowi" Widodo-Jusuf Kalla to bring closure to unresolved human rights abuse cases, including the involuntary disappearance of 13 other activists, whose whereabouts remain unknown.

In a press conference on Friday, three kidnapped activists who were eventually released, Raharja Waluya Jati, Faisol Reza and Aan Rusdianto, former members of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), called on Jokowi and Kalla to find their missing colleagues.

"Jusuf Kalla has a good track record in resolving various complicated and prolonged conflicts such as those in Poso [Central Sulawesi] and in Aceh. The conflicts were off-limits for more than 15 years but Jusuf Kalla was able to resolve the Aceh conflict within half a year and the result has been extraordinary for the Acehnese people and for all of us. Meanwhile, Jokowi is able to unite people from different backgrounds. They are both solidarity makers," Faisol said.

Faisol said resolving the involuntary disappearance cases should not be difficult. "All witnesses are still alive, the trails and evidence are still out there."

At least 13 people were abducted between 1997 and 1998 due to their political stance, including poet Wiji Thukul and activists of the PRD; Suyat, Herman Hendrawan, Petrus Bima Anugerah, M. Yusuf, Ucok Munandar Siahaan, Yadin Muhidin and Hendra Hambali.

Some of those kidnapped during the period were released from captivity shortly before the resignation of former president Soeharto, namely then chairman of the PRD, Budiman Sudjatmiko, now a lawmaker from the PDI-P, student activist Andi Arief, now a special staffer to outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and lawyer Desmond Mahesa, now a politician with the Gerindra Party.

Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, who founded Gerindra, was allegedly involved in orchestrating the kidnappings, an infraction which resulted in his dismissal from the Indonesian Military (TNI).

Raharja said that three activists would write an open letter, demanding Jokowi and Kalla to solve the involuntary disappearance cases. "We have been struggling to keep this case alive and not forgotten. It is impossible for us to speak our minds to Prabowo," he said.

The press briefing, however, was interrupted when Wilson, an activist with the Families of Missing Persons Association (Ikohi), blasted Aan over his recent decision to join Gerindra.

"You must explain yourself. How can you declare your support for Jokowi-JK now while awhile ago you joined Gerindra. You disappointed me and all the families of the victims," he said. Aan shot back by saying, "Because it was the most realistic option at the time. Prabowo was the only person who had publicly declared his intention to run for president."

Wilson pressed further, asking Aan if he had received money from Gerindra, to which Aan answered "yes". Wilson then asked if the money came from Prabowo. "It was from my friends'."

Aan stopped responding to Wilson's questions, and when asked by The Jakarta Post outside of the press conference, Aan said he had resigned from Gerindra. "I was nobody in Gerindra and I never supported Prabowo in any of his campaigns," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/05/kidnapped-activists-pin-hopes-jokowi-kalla.html

As election brings 1998 activists to the fore, a push for true justice

Jakarta Post - July 4, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta – The audience applauded after a young girl finished reading her poem to the accompaniment of a young male guitarist on Wednesday night.

The girl, Diva Suukyi Larasati, was the daughter of murdered human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, and the male guitarist, Fajar Merah, was the son of dissident poet Wiji Thukul, who went missing in 1998.

"I don't remember anything about my father. But I want to know about him," said the girl, who will start junior high school this month.

The next night, a group of intellectuals and activists held a discussion on human rights issues in an effort to push the government to resolve past human rights cases, including Munir's death in 2004 and Wiji's disappearance amid the 1998 riots.

Philosopher and lecturer at the Driyakara School of Philosophy, Karlina Supelli, said the government should resolve the cases and bring the perpetrators to trial, instead of just using the cases as political fodder for this year's presidential election.

"The discussion related to past human rights violations will create suspicions of politicizing human rights. Politics often makes us miss the real goal of revealing the truth," she said.

Suciwati, Munir's wife, said that many people in the younger generation did not know about the nation's past human rights violations. "We see that many younger people do not know about the cases of human rights violations. For us as activists, this becomes a huge piece of homework," Suciwati said.

The fierce presidential race between on-leave Jakarta governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and former general Prabowo Subianto, who has acknowledged his involvement in the kidnapping of several rights activists in 1998, has brought human rights violations that occurred amid the tumultuous fall of Soeharto into the spotlight.

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has reported that 13 kidnapped activists were still missing until today. They are presumed dead. Several witnesses have stepped forward to make confessions regarding the cases.

Retired Army generals who witnessed the 1998 events have been divided in their opinions. Some have said Prabowo was part of the team responsible for kidnapping the activists but was not involved in their death. Others have said he was complicit in murder.

Despite the public bickering between the generals, few clues exist about the missing activists.

Komnas HAM commissioner Manager Nasution said on Thursday that the commission would send a request to the Central Jakarta District Court to summon Maj. Gen. (ret) Kivlan Zen, who has claimed to know where the bodies of the 13 activists were buried. "We believe that there is new information [from Kivlan] that we have to pursue," he told The Jakarta Post.

Kivlan is a politician with the United Development Party (PPP) and a member of Prabowo's national campaign team. After years of deadlock, discussions over the fate of the missing activists came to the fore again last month after Kivlan told an interviewer on news channel TVOne, "All of those people are dead. I know their whereabouts and I know who executed them and where their graves are."

Komnas HAM is also currently studying new information related to the case, such as the recent controversial statements of presidential special staff Andi Arief, who has claimed Wiji was not kidnapped during the fall of Soeharto in 1998, as presumed.

According to Andi, who was an activist with the People's Democratic Party (PRD) along with Wiji, the poet is still alive based on the fact that no one witnessed his abduction. "Of course we will consider whether this information is significant or not," Manager said. (put)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/04/as-election-brings-1998-activists-fore-a-push-true-justice.html

Nation's human rights commission endorses No. 2

Jakarta Post - July 4, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has answered public criticism of its failure to take a stand on the human rights record of presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto by officially endorsing Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

According to Komnas HAM's official assessment announced on Thursday, the vision, mission and programs of Jokowi were more dedicated to human rights protection than those of Prabowo, a former general who was dismissed from the military in 1998 for his involvement in kidnapping pro-democracy activists amid the fall of his former father-in-law Soeharto in May 1998.

"In regards to the vision and mission of the pairing of Prabowo Subianto and Hatta Rajasa, Komnas HAM concluded the background of the country's problems identified by them was too general and prone to multiple interpretations," Komnas HAM chairman Hafid Abbas said at the commission's headquarters in Menteng, Central Jakarta.

Therefore, it would be difficult to measure their achievements in fulfilling basic human rights in the country, said Hafid.

On the other hand, Jokowi and his running mate Jusuf Kalla's vision and mission had identified in detail the country's human rights problems and how to uphold universal values, Hafid added.

He went on to criticize Prabowo for failing to commit to guaranteeing the right to assembly and freedom of speech in his platform.

Last year, the House of Representatives passed the controversial mass organization bill into law, despite intense debate over the bill's impact on democracy. Many activists had said the bill would limit the right to assembly and become an instrument for suppressing organizations critical of the government.

Hafid said Jokowi's vision and mission were "clearer in terms of what the presidential candidate would do to ensure people's political rights and civil rights, such as by reforming the police and regional administrations and intensifying the central government's monitoring of them."

According to him, the police and the regional administrations, along with corporations, were the three institutions most often reported to Komnas HAM for human rights violations. "Every year [the number of reports from the public on those institutions] keeps increasing and last year it reached 7,500 reports," Hafid said.

Additionally, Prabowo has, according to Hafid, failed to provide a detailed stance on religious freedom, a critical issue in the country amid a recent rise in religious intolerance. "Prabowo-Hatta has a platform on tolerance but it is not enough to guarantee religious freedom," he said.

Meanwhile, Komnas HAM commissioner Maneger Nasution said the word "tolerance" needed to be specifically translated into religious freedom. "And that freedom should not be limited," he said.

Maneger also pointed out that Prabowo had made no commitment to settling past human rights cases, which have been haunting the former three-star general. "[Meanwhile], they [Jokowi-Kalla] are committed to settling past human rights cases," Maneger said

National Mandate Party (PAN) politician Bara Hasibuan, a spokesperson for the Prabowo-Hatta campaign team, said time constraints had made the pair unable to elaborate on some of their programs, including those on human rights, in their vision and mission document submitted to the General Elections Commission (KPU) before the kick-off of the campaign season.

"Even though we did not include our human rights programs in the document, it doesn't mean that we are not going to do anything. We will most likely set up a truth and reconciliation [body] to deal with past [human rights] abuses," Bara said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/04/nation-s-human-rights-commission-endorses-no-2.html

ETAN calls for Indonesia to address abuses

Radio New Zealand International - July 1, 2014

A human rights advocacy group is calling for a new Indonesian government to end human rights abuses by previous governments, and bring those responsible to account.

The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network says the government in power following next week's election in Indonesia should rein in military activity in West Papua.

ETAN's American co-ordinator John Miller told Christopher Gilbert the timing is right for Indonesia to address its human rights record.

John Miller: It's time that Indonesia continue on path we see has stalled for respect for human rights, and justice and accountability for past human right violations: such as those that have taken place in Timor-Leste, the May events in Jakarta in 1998 which are being debated in the presidential campaign, and violations both past and ongoing in West Papua.

Christopher Gilbert: You're asking for the Indonesian government, or a new Indonesian government, to provide meaningful reparations for victims, survivors, and families of human rights crimes. What would you expect those reparations to be?

JM: Well, I think some of it needs to be monetary. Many families of those who were killed and many survivors torture and other human rights crimes have suffered and deserve some compensation for that. We also think it's important to give those people some closure and make clear that kind of behaviour is no longer acceptable in Indonesia. Some of those that were responsible for ordering or carrying out those violations be brought to justice. That they be tried either by Indonesia, and by that we mean credibly tried. Indonesia has some trials but they've certainly not been credible. Or, particularly in the case of Timor-Leste where it was an international invasion and occupation, an international tribunal is needed.

CG: You've mentioned Timor-Leste a couple of times but we're also talking about Papua aren't we, because you'd like to see the [Indonesian] military brought under civilian control, and the rule of law. Do you think if that was to happen it would improve circumstances in Papua?

JM: Uh, yes. It's been on the Indonesian various government agendas to put the Indonesian military, when it commits crimes against civilians, be brought into civilian courts, rather than just be tried within the military system. That has yet to happen. If Indonesian leaders are serious about that, they have to deliver. They can't just say 'we'll get to it eventually' and that certainly would have an immediate affect I think in West Papua.

CG: So, pretty much this is a call for full accountability, in retrospect as well.

JM: Yes, and if you look at what's going on with the current presidential campaign in Indonesia, one presidential candidate has bragged about willing to carry out a coup. And the other candidate, whose personal record may be untainted, has a number of former generals as his leading advisors, who are also quite credibly accused of serious human rights violations. In the case of one, General Wiranto, was actually indicted in East Timor for his role as a commander.

Source: http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/programmes/datelinepacific/audio/2601729/etan-calls-for-indonesia-to-address-abuses

Indonesia's foreign minister speaks out against US envoy

Jakarta Globe - July 1, 2014

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa spoke out against the US ambassador to Indonesia on Monday for urging investigations into presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's human rights records – calling the timing of his comments wrong and the perceived meddling unacceptable.

Ambassador Robert O. Blake Jr. wrote in an e-mail to The Wall Street Journal more than a week ago that whereas his country did not have a position on Indonesia's upcoming presidential election on July 9, "we do, however, take seriously allegations of human rights abuses, and urge the Indonesian government to fully investigate the claims."

To this, Marty said in a text message to the Jakarta Globe, "while the statement may be a reiteration of US' long-held and general view on addressing accusations of past human rights abuses, in Indonesia and elsewhere; however given the current context, its timing and nature reflect a lapse of judgement that is difficult to accept."

"I have thus raised the matter with the ambassador of the US," the minister added, without elaborating further.

Blake's statement is widely understood to concern Prabowo – former commander of Kopassus, the Indonesian Army's Special Forces Command – who is now facing off with Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo in the country's presidential race.

Prabowo has been accused of involvement in human rights abuses in East Timor during the early 1990s as well as the kidnapping of pro-democracy activists in Jakarta in 1998.

Wiranto, commander of the Indonesian Military (TNI) at the time, recently confirmed that Prabowo had been discharged from the force for ordering the abduction of the activists, 13 of who remain missing to this date.

Still, Blake's statement is perceived as an attempt by the United States to meddle in Indonesia's domestic affairs. Teuku Rezasyah of the Indonesian Center for Democracy, Diplomacy and Defense called Blake's remarks a "fatal mistake," "unethical" and "disrespectful" to the nation's democratic process.

Aleksius Jemadu, another foreign-policy observer, said in an opinion piece published by the Jakarta Globe on Monday that Blake's statement may indicate the United States' preference of Joko over Prabowo.

Joko is considered more accommodating toward US regional interests, which include disputed territory in the South China Sea and an objective for Jakarta to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership free-trade pact.

"Despite the fact that both presidential hopefuls emphasize the importance of economic independence in their platforms, over the last few days, Prabowo has spoken in a tone that can be interpreted as unfriendly toward major foreign corporations in Indonesia," said Aleksius, who is dean of the School of Government and Global Affairs at Pelita Harapan University.

Meanwhile, Joko, despite his own brand of economic nationalism, has a "trouble-free" background, making him "more likely to revitalize Indonesia's democracy by adding the most desired element of good governance," offering better legal certainty to foreign investigators, Aleksius added.

Aleksius said Blake's words may be perceived as the United States' "indirect rejection of Prabowo" and "a tacit endorsement of Joko" – which both he and Rezasyah said could possibly have the contrary effect, costing Joko votes and helping Prabowo win, given a nationalist current running through many Indonesian voters.

Former Indonesian ambassador to the United States Dino Patti Djalal, however, said earlier on Sunday that Indonesians should learn to ignore the commentary of foreigners on Indonesia's domestic affairs – which is common in any country's political process.

"Don't give outsiders room to make guerrilla maneuvers in our domestic politics," Dino said. "Overreacting may suggest we lack self-confidence and patriotism."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesias-foreign-minister-speaks-us-envoy/

Labour & migrant workers

Migrant worker moratorium tabled by Hatta not feasible, critics say

Jakarta Globe - July 1, 2014

Vita A.D. Busyra, Jakarta – Migrant worker rights activists have cast doubt on vice presidential candidate Hatta Rajasa's proposed moratorium on sending unskilled Indonesian workers abroad, saying similar policies have been undertaken before to little effect.

"Indonesia has a long history of placing a moratorium on sending migrant workers to several countries, from Saudi Arabia and Malaysia, to Jordan and Kuwait, but no concrete actions have been made [by the government] to enforce the bans," Anis Hidayah, the executive director of Migrant Care, a nongovernmental organization, told the Jakarta Globe on Monday.

She said the prospect of earning more money abroad, combined with a lack of job opportunities at home would always ensure that a high number of unskilled Indonesians would try to go overseas for work.

With a moratorium in place, she said, these workers would be going illegally and thus would not be assured of the legal protection afforded to workers in their host country.

Anis said that rather than call for moratoriums on sending workers overseas, the government should boost the measures it already had in place to protect the workers. "But the idea of a moratorium is just more appealing to voters," she added.

She blasted the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for what she called its timid approach to beefing up migrant worker protection, accusing it of instead resorting to the politically expedient stop-gap measure of imposing moratoriums on a country-by-country basis.

Anis warned that if that policy was expanded to a blanket moratorium on sending unskilled workers abroad, it would result in a massive increase in the ranks of the unemployed at home.

"What's certain is that such a moratorium will never be effective because it's been proven from past cases that the chances of success are extremely small," she said.

Andrinof Chaniago, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia, agreed that Indonesia was far from ready to impose a moratorium on sending unskilled workers abroad, and attributed this largely to the lack of vocational and entrepreneurial training afforded to local communities to empower people and keep them from having to seek a living overseas.

"I'm not optimistic about the proposed moratorium," he said. "The most important action for now is to strengthen our protection of migrant workers, and at the same improve and monitor migrant worker placement agencies."

Andrinof said that in the long term, the government should endeavor to create more jobs for its citizens at home.

"We're still struggling to provide enough decent jobs for Indonesians. We're still focusing on how to deal with human rights and labor outsourcing issues," he said. "If we're still unable to provide sufficient employment or to empower small and medium entrepreneurs, how can the moratorium be executed with any chance of success?"

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/migrant-worker-moratorium-tabled-hatta-feasible-option-critics-say/

Political parties & elections

Indonesians in Hong Kong protest after being denied right to vote

Jakarta Globe - July 7, 2014

Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Anastasia Winanti Riesardhy, Jakarta – Hundreds of angry migrant workers in Hong Kong staged a protest against Indonesia's Overseas Election Committee at the weekend after they were denied their right to vote.

Arista Devi, an Indonesian living in Hong Kong, said the trouble started after a crowd of voters were shut out of a polling station in the city on Sunday.

"There were still many people queuing but suddenly they closed the gate to the polling station and the voters, who were mostly supporters of Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla, started to yell 'Jokowi, Jokowi!'" Arista told Tribunnews.

The protesters got even angrier, Arista said, when a member of the organizing committee commented that the polling station would be reopened only for those voting for Prabowo Subianto and Hatta Rajasa.

"During the demonstration the organizing committee commented, 'Please come in, but only those who vote for number 1.'" She said she could not identify the person who made the comment.

Arista said the Overseas Election Committee (PPLN) in Hong Kong also failed to anticipate voter turnout, which had tripled since the April legislative election.

"This election was different because the committee set the deadline until 5 p.m., but it turned out the number of voters was overwhelmingly high," she said "The queue stretched 500 meters."

The protest in Hong Kong quickly spread on social media. Indonesian internet users took to Facebook and Twitter to spread footage of the protest, as well as footage of the ensuing debate between voters and the organizing committee.

A member of the Joko-Kalla campaign team, Eva Kusuma Sundari, alleged the voters in Hong Kong were denied their right to vote intentionally, by people who wanted to prevent Joko's victory in the election.

Eva pledged that her party, the Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), would take action against the alleged election violation. "We will take action and protest to the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu)," she said.

Another PDI-P politician, Charles Honoris, said that the organizing committee in Hong Kong acted unfairly by denying the Indonesians in Hong Kong the right to vote.

"We want Bawaslu and KPU to immediately investigate the possibility that the organizing committee was not neutral, and we want them to immediately return the voting rights for those voters," he said.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs' spokesman Michael Tene said voting was the responsibility of PPLN and the ministry had nothing to do with the incident. "Our job is only to support and provide facilities for PPLN, but the venue and everything else were decided by KPU and PPLN."

Chalief Akbar, the Indonesian consulate general in Hong Kong, said the the polling station was closed based on the permit issued by authorities in Hong Kong. He said the invitation for the voters clearly stated that the voting started at 9 a.m. and ended at 5 p.m.

"At around 5:30 p.m. some 200 Indonesians who claimed they hadn't cast their vote staged a protest, they demanded the PPLN reopen the polling station," he told Detik.com.

KPU commissioner, Ferry Kurnia Rizkiyansyah, denied his organisation acted unfairly or had favored one presidential candidate.

"I don't have enough information about what happened there [in Hong Kong]," he said. "I am afraid of giving the wrong statement, but I want to emphasize that the committee was not favoring any candidate and we also believe that the committee was not preventing the voters' constitutional right to vote."

Ferry said the fact that hundreds of people were unable to vote should not immediately be translated as an injustice. "I believe the committee was obeying the rules," Ferry said. "I assume they were following the agreement that the voting should end at 6 p.m, and those who were not registered should have voted between 5 to 6 p.m," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/hundreds-indonesians-hong-kong-protest-denied-right-vote/

State palace denies feud between Prabowo and Yudhoyono in military academy

Jakarta Globe - July 7, 2014

Novy Lumanauw, Jakarta – The State Place has denied rumors that Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto once assaulted outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during their time at the military academy.

"[Based on] what I know and what I heard directly from the president, it [the rumor] is not true," presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said on Monday.

The story was first mentioned by Hermawan Sulistyo, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), who served as a member of the fact finding team for the May 1998 riot.

In a 22-minute-long footage uploaded on Youtube on July 3, Hermawan is seen questioning SBY's decision to support Prabowo, instead of Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) candidate Joko Widodo.

The description on the video says Hermawan was speaking at an event held by human rights group Imparsial on the same day. "The question is why does SBY not support Joko Widodo? Did you know that SBY was beaten by Prabowo when they were in the military academy?" he said.

According to Hermawan, the act of violence took place over suspicions that Yudhoyono had reported Prabowo and two other students to governor of the military academy Sarwo Edhie Wibowo after escaping the military school to attend an event in Jakarta. "The governor is the father of Ani Yudhoyono," Hermawan said, referring to SBY's wife.

"Why is it that no one has ever questioned why Prabowo only graduated [from the military academy] in 1974, when he was supposed to graduate in 1973? If he is indeed smart, how could he have been left behind by a year? Then there's clearly something else, which is the beating case," he said.

Last May, SBY, who is also chairman of the Democratic Party, announced that his party has decided not to throw their support for any of the presidential candidates and would remain neutral in the election.

On June 30, however, Gerindra chairman Syarif Hasan told a press conference that the Democratic Party had instructed all its members, supporters and associated organizations to support Prabowo and his running mate Hatta Rajasa. Senior officials from the Democratic Party were also present at the press conference.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/state-palace-denies-feud-prabowo-yudhoyono-military-academy/

Fadli Zon reports online media to police over 'vote-buying' stories

Jakarta Globe - July 7, 2014

Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta – The deputy chairman of Prabowo Subianto's Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) party, Fadli Zon, reported a popular online newspaper for defamation on Monday.

"I, with [my lawyer] Mahendradatta will report the libelous story me which was written by Tribunnews.com on Jul. 2 twice, which was also placed in an advertorial," Fadli said. "That's a malevolent libel. I never gave away money."

On Jul. 2, Tribunnews.com published an article that said Fadli gave Rp 50,00 to Rp 250,000 to people during a campaign visit to three markets in Semarang, Central Java. On Jul. 5, the same portal published an advertorial with the title "Giving Money at the Market, Fadli Zon Might Face Two-Year Jail Sentence."

The advertorial said that he was reported by a civil organization called the Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism Investigation and Eradication Committee (KP2KKN) to the Semarang election supervision agency (Panwaslu Semarang) for handing out cash.

In addition to Tribunnews, Liputan6.com also published the same advertorial. News portal Tempo.co did, however, report in a news item that Fadli has handed out money to poor people while also giving them stickers promoting presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto and his running mate, Hatta Rajasa.

"I did not give money [to many people] as written by Tribunnews, which stated I gave Rp 250,000," Fadli said on Monday. "But I did indeed give Rp 150,000 to a woman who cried because her child could not buy [school] books and Rp 100,000 to a beggar. We did not ask them to vote for us."

Mahendradatta said it was Fadli's right to report the case to the National Police, instead of to the Press Council. "If only the press complied with the code, we would also play in the ethical arena," he said. "But as the press did not, it means they rejected press ethics and it's the right of Fadli to report it to police."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/fadli-zon-reports-online-media-police-vote-buying-stories/

Workers rally after being denied vote in HK

Jakarta Post - July 7, 2014

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – Thousands of eligible voters were unable to cast their votes in Hong Kong on Sunday after the local organizer closed down the polling station while many aspiring voters were still lining up to vote.

In its press statement, Migrant Care said that migrant workers were staging a rally at the polling station in Victoria Park, a popular hang out for low-skilled Indonesian workers.

"Most of them were not registered and the station had to close early because its rented time had already expired," said the NGO in the statement.

A video posted online appeared to show that the denied voters were mainly suppporters of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo. "Migrant Care demand the local organizer in Hong Kong and the General Elections Commission [KPU] facilitate the rights of the migrant workers to vote."

According to Migrant Care, the number of registered voters in Hong Kong has surged to 23,863 from 6,973.

As the country entered the cooling-off period on Sunday following a monthlong presidential campaign, voters overseas began casting their ballots in more than 130 cities around the world.

In Washington DC, 850 Indonesians residing around the US capital cast their votes for the 2014 presidential election at the polling station located at the Wisma Indonesia, the Indonesian Embassy in US said in a press release.

Indonesian citizens in the US cast their votes at polling stations on Saturday, except those living around Chicago, Illinois, where the polling stations were open for voters on Sunday. "Many Indonesian voters in DC came with their family members because it was the US Independence Day holiday," said the release.

Among prominent figures coming to cast their votes was former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who is now World Bank managing director.

Indonesians who were unable to directly cast their votes at polling stations could send their ballots by mail or via drop boxes, by July 14, the embassy said.

The Indonesian Ambassador to the US, Budi Bowoleksono, officially opened the voting in Washington. Observers from nine independent organizations, including the Cape Organization for the Rights of the Disabled (CORD), the McCain Institute for International Leadership, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems and the International Republican Institute, came to the polling station, which was open from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m. local time on Saturday.

The Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur said in a prepared statement on Sunday that 8,900 Indonesians had cast their ballots in around 60 polling stations.

The voter turnout was relatively small compared to the total number of eligible voters, registered at 420,643, the embassy said. The embassy added that 68,962 people were expected to cast their ballots at polling stations, 106,374 via drop boxes and 246,626 via the mail.

"Balloting via the mail and drop box are possible for voters who reside outside Kuala Lumpur such as in Selangor, Putrajaya, Perak and Terengganu. We expect that voters will send back the ballot papers by July 14," a statement from the embassy said.

The Indonesian Embassy in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, said that as of Saturday evening, the deadline for voting, 7,746 voters had cast their ballots at polling stations provided throughout Jeddah, up from the previous 6,427 voters in the April 9 legislative election.

Even though overseas balloting is being held ahead of the July 9 polling day in Indonesia, the vote counting at polling stations will only be conducted after the nationwide election is finished.

The KPU has registered 188.26 million domestic voters and 2.03 million overseas voters for the 2014 presidential election.

On Sunday, Jokowi left the country to perform umrah (minor haj pilgrimage) in Mecca, while his rival the Gerindra Party's Prabowo Subianto opted for an iftar (breaking the fast) dinner at a hotel in Central Jakarta.

Jokowi traveled to Mecca with his wife Iriana, son Gibran Rakabuming and his daughter, his spokesman Usama Hisyam said. "The entourage consists of 14 people in total including the former chairman of Indonesia's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama [NU], Hasyim Muzadi. They flew by commercial airline," Usama said.

Separately in Jakarta, after holding the iftar dinner with Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie and his running mate Hatta Rajasa, as well as a number of other prominent figures, Prabowo joined a mass prayer with a number of Muslim clerics, senior members of coalition political parties as well as scores of young orphans on Sunday evening.

Other Prabowo-Hatta coalition party executives attending the iftar dinner festive were Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Anis Matta, Fahri Hamzah of PKS and Golkar deputy chairman Fadel Muhammad.

During the cooling-off period from July 6 to 8, the presidential and vice- presidential candidates are prohibited from conducting any form of activities deemed to be political campaigning. Any activities encouraging people to vote for a candidate is considered a violation of election regulations.

Meanwhile, Jokowi's running mate Jusuf Kalla is expected to spend the next two days in his hometown of Makassar, South Sulawesi. "After a long campaign period, it is time to take a rest. Pak Jokowi will perform the umrah, while I will be off to Makassar to spend the cooling-off period," Kalla said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/07/workers-rally-after-being-denied-vote-hk.html

Confident Joko shows true colors in final presidential debate

Jakarta Globe - July 6, 2014

Erwida Maulia & Josua Gantan, Jakarta – Joko Widodo showed more confidence, eloquently explaining his food, energy and environment platforms in generally well-structured statements while effectively throwing jabs here and there at the rival ticket during the final televised debate ahead of Wednesday's presidential election.

Joko had generally been considered a rather ineffective speaker during the series of debates – he had made good, practical points based on his campaign platform during three out of four previous sessions where he had made an appearance, but had been criticized for lacking the ability to present his views convincingly. His running mate Jusuf Kalla and rival, former Army general Prabowo Subianto, have been dubbed better speakers.

On Saturday night, however, Joko showed he had improved – as the two presidential candidates and their running mates appeared for the last time in a televised debate, just four days before Indonesians go to poll stations on Wednesday. It was also the first time that Joko wore his trademark checkered shirt, giving up the batik shirt and suit and tie in three previous outings.

Asked how to improve the management of Indonesia's oil and gas sector, for example, Joko elaborated on his strategies in four concise points: oil-to- gas conversion; development of gas infrastructure; reducing energy consumption through improvement of public transport in big cities; and use of degraded lands and offer of incentives to support the growth of the biofuel industry.

"Energy issues are also related to traffic jams," the Jakarta governor said, connecting Indonesia's subsidy problems to massive use of private cars, which contribute to Jakarta's traffic woes. "It is thus important to do our best to improve public transport in big cities across Indonesia. This is very crucial to ensure efficient energy use."

Joko also proved that he had learned how to attack his rivals' track records and campaign platform effectively – he maintained a calm look and tone as he smoothly inserted praise for his running mate, Kalla, and criticism of the rival ticket – such as when he asked Prabowo's running mate, former chief economic minister Hatta Rajasa, about Indonesia's rising rice imports during the latter's term in office, while attacking Prabowo himself.

"We reached self-sufficiency in rice production in 2008-09," Joko said – the period happens to coincide with Kalla's last two years in office as the vice president. "But in 2012 we imported up to 2.7 million tons of rice. That's enormous. Pak Hatta, you were the coordinating minister for the economy, what went wrong? And Pak Prabowo, as the chairman of the HKTI [Indonesian Farmers Association], what have you done?" he added.

Hatta argued imports had only been done with an eye to extreme weather conditions, while Prabowo hit back, saying Kalla once criticized him for his firm stance against rice imports.

On the offense

While the first half of the two-hour debate – starting around 9 p.m. on Saturday – was rather monotone, with both tickets presenting their views and planned programs in response to the moderator's inquiries, the second half took a more lively turn when Joko immediately used the chance to attack his rivals with questions.

Aside from the aforementioned attacks, he also threw a jab at the Prabowo- Hatta camp's campaign platform – deemed too full of big promises, many people, especially their opponents, have questioned how they would ever turn those plans into reality.

"What matters is implementation. Many people talk big about platforms, discourses and plans, but it's easy to want this and that. However, can those plans be implemented, can they be decided? How's the management and supervision to ensure real benefits for people?" Joko said.

Kalla, who was lauded for his direct attack on Prabowo's questionable human rights records in the first debate, followed suit with his own jabs at especially Hatta, criticizing some economic policies of the current government – which Hatta has been a part of until earlier this year, when he joined Prabowo's presidential bid.

"[Indonesia's] oil productivity has continued to decline, the energy subsidy is continually up – we recorded the biggest subsidy and deficits in our history during the past few years," Kalla said, obviously attacking Hatta and also President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who recently threw his support behind Prabowo through the president's Democratic Party.

Both Hatta and Prabowo hit back – such as when Hatta said Indonesia's oil production had been declining from 1 million barrels per day to 900,000 barrels per day near the end of Kalla's term in office in 2009 – but either was lacking Joko and Kalla's calmness and effective, eloquently delivered jabs.

Kalla also managed to insert a slur on corruption charges implicating a string of politicians from party members of the coalition supporting the Prabowo-Hatta camp in the middle of his speech.

"[Your camp] has your own oil, cattle, hajj and Koran at the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission]," Kalla said, referring to last year's conviction of Luthfi Hasaan Ishaq, the former president of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), over a beef graft scandal, and the naming of United Development Party (PPP) chairman Suryadharma Ali as a suspect in a hajj graft case a few months ago – among other cases.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/confident-joko-shows-true-colors-final-presidential-debate/

Prabowo at loss, Jokowi in command

Jakarta Post - July 6, 2014

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta – Presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo on Saturday evening spoke like a man who was prepared to lead the nation should he come out victorious in the July 9 presidential election.

His running mate, Jusuf Kalla, also demonstrated his role as an effective deputy to assist the leader in executing his vision and facing the public.

Meanwhile, Prabowo Subianto was often at a loss and it was very clear that he was struggling to control his temper, especially when he was cornered with questions from Jokowi and Kalla. His running mate, Hatta Rajasa, even posed a question with the intent of embarrassing Jokowi that backfired on him.

"We have so many ideas, visions and missions, but they were not implemented. We have made so many promises, but there was no realization. Do not just focus on making plans, think of implementation," Jokowi answered when Prabowo pressured him to answer his question on the need to massively expand rice fields.

In response to a question from the moderator on environmental protection, the non-active Jakarta governor emphasized that people were waiting for a government that took action, not one that only issued normative and development programs.

"We can no longer just spout theories. Do not just be bombastic, our shortcoming now is in realization, we already made so many plans. The important thing is to implement [the plans and programs]," said Jokowi.

The fifth and final round of live TV debates saw participation from both presidential candidate pairs and was moderated by Sudharto P. Hadi, rector of the Semarang-based Diponegoro University.

Prabowo reiterated his ambitious plan to develop 2 million hectares of land to ensure a sustainable rice supply for the country.

Prabowo said the biggest farming problem Indonesia faced was that it was losing 60,000 hectares of farmland a year to real estate and factories. Citing data from the Agriculture Ministry, he said that for next year alone, the country needed at least 730,000 hectares of additional land to cover the loss.

The retired three-star general then explained that his government would introduce new types of fertilizers to boost agriculture production. He believed that new fertilizer introduction alone would be able to increase rice production by 40 percent. "We are using outdated fertilizers," said Prabowo.

When asked about his plan to boost oil and gas production and explore renewable energy sources, both Prabowo and Hatta emphasized the importance of the upstream industry.

Hatta said that Prabowo would honor the existing oil and gas contracts but would try to renegotiate the contracts. "We need to boost oil exploration... It is important for us to exploit old oil wells [...] Save energy," said the former coordinating economic minister.

Jokowi said the country had abundant energy resources, but needed strong commitment and political will to explore new energy resources. He said he would prioritize the massive conversion to natural gas, including for transportation and household needs in cities across the country.

"Our energy supply is abundant. Fuel oils should be converted to gas to reduce dependency on fuel oil," said Jokowi. Kalla then added, "We must change our energy [strategy]. We must improve the system. We already converted to gas in the kitchen and then in transportation."

Hatta made a big blunder when he tried to embarrass Jokowi on his achievements as the mayor of Surakarta and governor of Jakarta. But he wrongly asked Jokowi why the two cities failed to win the Kalpataru Environment Award under his leadership. He should have referred to the Adipura Environmental Awards.

"We will not answer the question because you asked the wrong question," Kalla rebuked Hatta.

Both Jokowi and Kalla teased the coalition members of Prabowo, because many of them were implicated in various graft cases centering on the haj fund,Koran procurement, oil imports and beef imports. "None of our coalition members were involved such corruption," said Kalla. (tjs, dyl)

Key points of the debate

Prabowo Subianto – Hatta Rajasa

Food resilience: Food is a basic need. The government needs to ensure the availability of food by providing affordable and diversified foods.
Energy sovereignty: We must improve gas and oil production while at the same time, reduce imports. Also, we need to develop renewable energy. We should respect the existing contracts while renegotiations take place. We also need to improve the proven reserve and develop the old oil wells
Environment: Environmental damage is partly due to the huge population. We are seeing 5 million babies born every year. They need food. We need to raise environmental awareness. Sustainable development is a priority for us.
Meat prices: Food-price increases during Ramadhan, including the price of meat, are a national problem. Indonesia produces lots of cattle, but transporting cattle from West Nusa Tenggara to Jakarta is more expensive than bringing cattle from Australia.
Kleptocracy: We know about vote-buying practices. But we let the law enforcers deal with the thieves. As a nation, we have weaknesses. If there is a government that signs a contract that disadvantages the people, I think we need to do some self-contemplation.
Forest degradation: We must engage people in conservation efforts. We need to also improve the monitoring of illegal logging and illegal mining. Severe punishments should be handed down to those who violate the law.

Joko "Jokowi" Widodo – Jusuf Kalla

Food resilience: We need to survey the market before production begins. Farmers are told to grow papayas, but where is the market? We also need to develop the so-called post-harvest industry. The key to solving this problem is having good intentions and good will.
Energy sovereignty: We have enormous sources of energy, such as gas, oil and geothermal energy. We must continue to convert oil into gas. We need to develop infrastructure for gas distribution.
Food imports: Energy is very crucial. We are in a crisis because of the huge volume of imports. We must improve productivity by developing quality seeds, good irrigation infrastructure.
Development: We must strike a balance between economic development, people's welfare and environmental conservation. They must be developed simultaneously.
Green environment: The Kalpataru Award given by the government is good. I think the award should be given in another form. The people must be given incentives to encourage their participation in conservation.
Farmland: We need additional farmland. But, we must first find the water for irrigation. We cannot repeat the mistakes of the past.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/06/prabowo-loss-jokowi-command.html

Contrasting claims on human rights, democracy

Jakarta Globe - July 6, 2014

Jakarta – The extent to which human rights and democracy are upheld in Indonesia is a fine yardstick to measure how far the nation has progressed as a whole.

Yet, the presidential candidates' view on the merits of direct elections – and by extension their commitment to uphold democracy – is one of the differing factors between the two.

Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto had openly questioned the merits of direct elections, even though he later backtracked from those comments. Meanwhile, his rival Joko Widodo has expressed his willingness to uphold direct elections in the country.

"That [indirect election] is not democracy, that is a decline," Joko was quoted as saying on July 1 by Jawa Pos in Cilegon at a campaign stop. Joko's statement came as an Australian journalist asked him whether he disfavors direct elections, as suggested by Prabowo.

Joko – who has been directly elected by the people, first as mayor of Solo, then as governor of Jakarta – then said that direct elections are something that the people want as it enables them to better deliver their aspirations to their leaders.

Prabowo had indicated that, if elected, he would begin the process of winding back the electoral system in favor of a "consultative" approach he says is more in keeping with Indonesian cultural traditions.

Speaking at a "Cultural Dialog with Presidential Candidates" event at Jakarta's Taman Ismail Marzuki on June 28, Prabowo said that Indonesians had a tendency to be overly influenced by Western ideas such as democracy.

"Consciously or not, our elites were all Western-educated – Bung Karno, Bung Hatta, Bung Sjahrir, and including myself. We're products of the West," Prabowo said, rhetorically placing himself among the founders of the modern Indonesian state – Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta and Sutan Sjahrir.

Prabowo said the elites have long presumed that Western ideas such as 'one man, one vote' and direct elections for provincial and national leaders are the best on offer.

"Even though they're not appropriate for us. Like direct elections – we've already gone down that path. But it's like someone addicted to smoking; if we ask them to stop, the process will be difficult," Prabowo said. "I believe much of our current political and economic systems go against our nation's fundamental philosophy, laws and traditions, and against the 1945 Constitution," he said.

Prabowo returned to a phrase he has often used in campaign speeches across the country – "a return to the 1945 Constitution" – but it is a slogan that few ordinary Indonesians really understand. The Constitution, unamended, concentrates authority in the position of the president.

Article 37 of the Indonesian constitution allows the Constitution to be amended by approval of two-thirds of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). This avenue was used to introduce checks and balances against sweeping presidential power during the reform period beginning in 1998.

Prabowo said that in order to move away again from direct elections, what would be required is a "consensus of the political elite," which would include cultural, religious and labor leaders.

On the other hand, such a change would seem a far stretch from what Indonesia is today. The country has successfully positioned itself as the most democratic nation in Southeast Asia. The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index published in 2012 showed that Indonesia, overall, fared better than its neighbors in holding free and fair national elections as well as in ensuring the security of voters and civil liberties.

Furthermore, Prabowo's remarks were made in the wake of the release of comments in a 2001 off-the-record interview with US journalist Allan Nairn. Nairn, who was recounting comments from his notes – quoted Prabowo as saying that "Indonesia is not ready for democracy," because "we still have cannibals, there are violent mobs."

Nairn also wrote that Prabowo is looking to establish an "authoritarian regime" in Indonesia.

However, on June 2, Prabowo told a meeting of ambassadors that he would never try to undermine Indonesia's democratic process. "I am not proposing going back to any form of undemocratic system. It's way past us," Prabowo said. "Please be assured, I am a democrat. I believe in democracy."

Yet, Prabowo's track record has not shown him to be a pro-democracy leader. Earlier in May, 41-year-old Mugiyanto, a pro-democracy activist during the 1998 reform struggle, told Agence France-Presse about his three-day long interrogation and detainment at the hands of Prabowo's Special Forces.

"The most painful part was when I heard my friend being tortured," Mugiyanto told AFP.

On June 19, Prabowo responded to requests by Reuters for an interview, saying that they "may not challenge him on his human rights record."

In the first presidential debate – when the two tickets got a chance to ask each other questions – Prabowo seemed to lose his cool when Joko's running mate, Jusuf Kalla, tagged him over his role in the abductions and alleged involvement in the shooting deaths of student activists during the heady days of 1998, when he served as commander of the Army Strategic Reserves (Kostrad).

"I know the direction [of your question]. You're [accusing me] of not protecting human rights," Prabowo said, his tone audibly higher and his usually mellow voice straining at a higher pitch.

"You don't understand, we [military members] were stationed in difficult places, and we often had to take actions to protect the Indonesian people at large. As a soldier, we did our duties as best as we could; it was our supervisors who appraised us. I'm the staunchest defender of human rights in this country!" Prabowo flared up as he ended his speech.

Meanwhile, Joko has expressed his desire to settle the human rights abuses of 1998 should he be elected president.

Indonesia should not be burdened by its dark history, and it should be able to close the gloomy chapter in order to move on, Joko said, regarding the disappearance of prominent poet and political activist Wiji Thukul in 1998.

Joko said that cases of missing persons should be solved immediately so that the country can look to a better future. "I knew Wiji Thukul very well. He was from Solo. I know his wife and children, and that's why Wiji Thukul has to be found in whatever condition," said Joko on June 9.

Joko said that certainty is needed regarding the 13 activists who went missing in 1998 amid protests for democracy. "Yes, they have to be found. They can be found alive, they can be found dead, but certainty is needed. Whether reconciliation takes place later doesn't matter. Most importantly there should be certainty. Why is the disappearance of the 13 people still not clear after so long?" said Joko.

[This article is part of a special coverage on Indonesia's presidential election.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/contrasting-claims-human-rights-democracy/

Exit polls show Jokowi victory overseas

Jakarta Post - July 6, 2014

Jakarta – Exit polls at voting stations abroad are showing the Joko "Jokowi" Widodo-Jusuf Kalla presidential ticket is ahead in the overseas vote.

"I hope it is indicative of what the result will be in the domestic voting," Jokowi was quoted as saying by Antara after the fifth and final presidential debate at Bidakara Hotel in Jakarta, early on Sunday.

Jokowi-Kalla campaign spokesman Anies Baswedan said volunteers had conducted exit polling at each voting station all over the world.

"We got the result from our volunteers monitoring the election. I'm happy and Insya Allah [God willing] I will forward this message to all Indonesians, so that those who watched the balloting and vote-counting processes can carefully examine the results," said Anies.

He expressed hope the result would be a bellwether for domestic voting on July 9. "People living abroad usually can see through everything calmly. Results of the overseas election have proven that those who see through everything calmly and rationally will choose Pak Jokowi. Hopefully, this will also happen here," said Anies.

Separately, the General Elections Commission (KPU) could not verify Jokowi-Kalla's victory in overseas voting, saying the Overseas Elections Committee (PPLN) had yet to count the votes. The overseas vote-counting will be conducted at the same time as the domestic vote is counted. The KPU said, however, that the exit polls were likely accurate.

A Constitutional Court ruling allows results of surveys, quick counts or exit polls to be released at any time. (ebf)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/06/exit-polls-show-jokowi-victory-overseas.html

No SBY blessing for Prabowo

Jakarta Post - July 5, 2014

Ina Parlina and Margareth Aritonang, Jakarta – Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto paid a visit to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his fellow former cadet, late on Friday as a last-minute maneuver to obtain the latter's endorsement ahead of the July 9 poll.

Prabowo and running mate Hatta Rajasa met with Yudhoyono at the latter's private residence in Cikeas, West Java. After the meeting, which lasted less than 20 minutes, Yudhoyono reminded Prabowo that should he be elected, he must keep working hard despite public criticism.

Yudhoyono said Prabowo should avoid stirring up tensions, which would only bring misery to the people. He also suggested to Prabowo that he embrace everyone, including those who did not support him, and put the people's interests above personal, group and family interests.

"May Allah bestow his will on you [Prabowo and Hatta] as He surely listens to the intentions of good people," said Yudhoyono, who allowed the press to witness the meeting.

Prabowo said he and Hatta perceived Yudhoyono's statement as a reminder and a mandate coming from a statesman. This is the third time Prabowo has visited Yudhoyono since the legislative election in early May.

Prior to the meeting, YouTube footage showed a discussion in which noted political researcher Hermawan Sulistyo of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) told an audience that Prabowo had beaten up Yudhoyono when the two were still cadets in the early 1970s.

Hermawan said Prabowo was furious after learning that Yudhoyono had told of him sneaking out of the academy to meet his then girlfriend Titiek Soeharto. The incident could be the reason why Yudhoyono has held back from publicly endorsing Prabowo, according to Hermawan in the footage, which was uploaded on Thursday.

While Yudhoyono's Democratic Party officially endorsed Prabowo's candidacy on Monday, Yudhoyono has not conveyed his support, a blessing desperately needed by Prabowo due to Yudhoyono's popularity, which remains high among the grassroots.

"SBY has not openly declared his support. It's a matter of self-esteem. He was once beaten up by Prabowo, so why should he now support him?" said Hermawan.

He said the incident delayed Prabowo's graduation as a punishment slapped on him by the academy governor Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, whose daughter Ani was dating Yudhoyono at the time. Prabowo's Gerindra Party denied Hermawan's statement.

Meanwhile, the management of television station tvOne apologized to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) over news coverage that allegedly connected the party to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), according to the Press Council.

The coverage triggered different groups of PDI-P supporters to raid tvOne office buildings in Pulogadung, East Jakarta, and in Yogyakarta, late on Wednesday. The TV station is owned Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, whose party supports Prabowo.

Earlier in the day, the National Police named the founder of the controversial tabloid Obor Rakyat, Setiyardi Boediono, and its editor, Darmawan Sepriyossa, suspects in a case concerning fraudulent journalism.

The National Police began their investigation after the campaign team of presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo filed a police report in June, accusing the two men of publishing hate speech and defamation against the candidate, including falsely reporting that Jokowi was a Christian of Chinese descent.

Setiyardi is known as an assistant to the special presidential staff in Yudhoyono's administration.

Meanwhile, Jokowi continued his campaign in West Java by conducting Friday prayers at a local mosque in Bogor and shopping for shoes and koko (Islamic shirts) at different shopping malls in Depok and Bekasi, two areas known as strongholds of the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

When asked for the reason for his shopping mall visits, Jokowi said he aimed to reach out to eligible middle-class voters, who according to him could be found in shopping malls.

"I have visited traditional markets many times. It's time to reach those from the middle class who like to go to malls," Jokowi said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/05/no-sby-blessing-prabowo.html

Kopassus, intelligence, in covert operation to influence election

Allan Nairn - July 5, 2014

Jakarta – Indonesia's army special forces (Kopassus) and the state intelligence agency (BIN) are involved in a covert operation to influence the presidential election.

According to documented accounts of recent meetings at Kopassus headquarters, the operation is designed to ensure that the July 9 vote count will be won by General Prabowo Subianto, the former Kopassus commander who was a longtime protege of the Pentagon and US intelligence.

Polls suggest that General Prabowo is currently running neck-and-neck with his civilian opponent, Joko Widodo, popularly known as Jokowi, the governor of Jakarta.

Prabowo and Jokowi are scheduled to face off in their final televised debate this evening.

The vote across the archipelago and the Indonesian global diaspora is expected to be the second-largest in the world this year. The largest was completed last May in India.

Prabowo has been implicated in killing civilians and in torture. Though currently running as an ardent nationalist, he spent his army career in collaboration with the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and with top US leadership, as well as with US Special Forces whom he brought, armed, into Indonesia.

Prabowo has called for rolling back Indonesians' right to vote in direct elections. He has suggested that this be done after consultation with " the political elite."

In two off-the-record 2001 discussions with me Prabowo said Indonesia " is not ready for democracy." He said that the country's then-president, the popular civilian Muslim cleric Gus Dur, was an "embarrass[ment]" to Indonesia because Gus Dur was legally blind. Prabowo lamented that the army obeyed Gus Dur, and mused about his own political future. "Do I have the guts," Prabowo asked himself, "am I ready to be called a fascist dictator?"

My reporting and commentary about General Prabowo has become an issue in this election.

The Prabowo campaign denounced me as " an enemy of the nation" and suggested the army should capture me. The armed forces stated I have " become an operational target." General Prabowo himself gave a speech on Thursday in which he implored Indonesia's poor to discount my reporting about him because I am a foreigner.

The accounts below come from individuals who are involved in the Kopassus/BIN operation. They spoke to me on condition of anonymity.

The accounts of meetings at Kopassus headquarters in Cijantung come from sources who were present. A July 4 call for comment to General Prabowo went unanswered. The call was made to a private cell phone number through which I have contacted Prabowo previously.

The Kopassus headquarters in Cijantung, East Jakarta, is a famous venue in Indonesia.

It is the site where pro-democracy activists who were kidnapped by Prabowo's Kopassus were tortured and, apparently, executed, in 1997-'98. This was during uprising against General Prabowo's father-in-law, the US- backed dictator, General Suharto.

Thirteen of those abductees are still missing, presumed dead. One of Prabowo's top campaigners (Gen. Kivlan Zein) says he knows where the bodies are buried.

Cijantung is also one of the sites of US training of Kopassus, and of numerous visits to Kopassus by US dignitaries. Under Prabowo these included generals, Commanders in Chief Pacific(CINCPACs), and Secretaries of Defense.

On a date this week which the sources involved have asked that I not specify, senior Kopassus operatives held a nighttime meeting at Cijantung.

The topic was a covert operation to make Prabowo president. Among those present were veterans of covert ops in Aceh and West Papua.

The lead commander started the session by saying "You just relax. We've all worked, friends have worked, and we've won – Kopassus and Prabowo's people, we've won." ("Kamu nyantai aja, kita udah kerja, teman-teman udah kerja semua dan kita menang – Kopassus dan orangnya Prabowo, kita menang").

They referred to it as a "special operation" ("operas khusus") by "this special force" ("pasukan khusus ini").

Although it is extraordinary – stealing a civilian election for one of the candidates, the commander referred to it as an extension of normal special forces tactics "an operation 'a la Kopassus.'" ("operasi 'a la Kopassus').

According to a participant, the operation started after Indonesia's legislative elections in April when Prabowo and Jokowi emerged as the two presidential candidates.

Under Indonesian law, the armed forces and intelligence agencies must be neutral. Active members of the armed forces, the TNI, do not even have the right to vote.

The current president of Indonesia is another retired general, Prabowo's former superior, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Susilo has been technically neutral in the election, though he has sent recent public signals that he is backing Prabowo.

According to the contents of this and other meetings and to those directly involved, the operation involves ballot tampering, street violence, and threats against Jokowi supporters, and could involve, in extremis, "the elimination of people" ("habisi orang") if need be.

It also involves lesser actions, including those necessitated by – in their view – the fact that my article quoting Prabowo insulting Gus Dur has become a grassroots issue.

Last week, after I released the article, banners began appearing on the streets juxtaposing a photo of the well-remembered Gus Dur alongside the Prabowo quotation:

"The military even obeys a blind president! Imagine! Look at him, he's embarrassing! Look at Tony Blair, Bush, Putin. Young, ganteng [handsome] – and we have a blind man!"

According to one operative, the Gus Dur banner matter, "really frightened, really hurt" ("soal spanduk itu sangat takuti di dalam, sangat buat mereka ini merugikan...") the Kopassus/BIN team leadership.

So street men with Kopassus motorcycles have been assigned to go out and yank down those Gus Dur banners. The issue, nonetheless, still stands.

This past Thursday, at their request, I met in Jakarta with the Gus Dur family. (See "Regarding the Late Gus Dur," "Terkait Almarhum Gus Dur").

The ballot tampering part of the Kopassus/BIN operation – at least as discussed at the level my sources know of, does not involve the national central vote tabulation, but rather the count in key local precincts.

It involves the ongoing deployment of covert money, "money that is not seen, money from the side of the road" ("uang itu tidak kelihatan, uang di pinggir jalan").

The purpose of that money, almost all in cash, is to "play with the ballot papers" ("main dengan kertas suara") by placing agents inside counting rooms or paying off state employees who guard the ballot boxes.

This effort is particularly concentrated in Central, West, and East Java, but is said to involve parts of all provinces.

According to participants, the money is being distributed via Kopassus and BIN, but the ultimate source of the funds is a secret,"very closed" matter ("sangat tertutup sumbernya dari mana").

According to those involved, the operation is being run by senior commanders. In the case of Kopassus, they are actually unsure of the role of top Kopassus commander, General Agus Sutomo, but it was claimed at one Cijantung meeting that approval had come from the President, General Susilo, as "a direct order" ("perintah langsung") in recent weeks, and that operational coordination was coming – outside the chain of command – from Prabowo.

(Prabowo was actually fired from the army after he lost a '98 power struggle. Gen. Susilo was one of the generals who signed the order that removed him).

In the case of BIN, though, the current BIN commander, ex army general Marciano Norman, is said to fully on board with the operation. Marciano is close to Aburizal Bakrie, the oligarch and Prabowo supporter.

BIN has a relationship with the CIA. But it is not clear how, if at all, the CIA relates to this.

Many Indonesians have stated their worry that this election could involve violence. The Kopassus/BIN operation has quietly started deploying it on Prabowo's side.

Among those in the room at some Cijantung meetings were organizers of civilian agents whose task from Kopassus is to "ribut di bawah," make trouble from below

Some participants spoke of personally leading paid crowds that attacked and broke up pro-Jokowi or other gatherings. They have worked with private Prabowo street militias that have gotten training in Bogor. Some such units are described as "having been trained, and frequently rob/plunder wherever" ("..sudah berlatih, [dan] sering merampok ke mana mana").

This often-used Kopassus/BIN tactic has supplemented another standard approach: anonymous calls and text messages threatening the target or their loved ones with death, or worse. An old leaked Kopassus training manual actually refers to this formally, saying that Kopassus men must be trained "in the tactic and technique of terror."

As to carrying through on those threats, Kopassus political murder has a long history. BIN is known for its elaborate technique, like the arsenic used to kill Munir.

But assassination in a national election is a sensitive matter. At one of the Cijantung meetings it was stated that if worse came to worse they might have to "take people, finish people off" ("ambil orang, habisi orang"), as General Prabowo's Kopassus did during the '97-'98 crisis.

But today it is a different world. Covert operators must be politically sensitive. One made the comment regarding some targets, "one can wound them," ("bisa melukai"), perhaps not kill them.

But more to the point, it was stated at one session, regarding killing: "under current conditions, people from the [Jokowi] top ranks, don't" ("paling tidak, dalam kondisi ini, dari kubu [Jokowi], jangan." But as to "small [Jokowi] employees – who knows? It's nothing to worry about." ("karyawan kecil – entah, nggak apa-apa.").

This policy closely parallels what Prabowo told me about massacre, in 2001: don't do it in a capital, in front of witnesses, but "in villages where no one will ever know." (See: " Do I have the guts," Prabowo asked, "am I ready to be called a fascist dictator?").

Referring to planning for these possible upcoming killings/woundings, one of the Kopassus Cijantung commanders said: "orang sipil tidak bisa, hanya Kopassus yang bisa" – civilians will not be handling them, "only Kopassus."

This is a reference to the fact that much of the operational work on the ground is being done by civilians who covertly work as full or part-time Kopassus agents.

On November 9, 2010 I released secret Kopassus documents that, among other things, included a list of activists targeted by Kopassus, but which also detailed the network of Kopassus civilian agents, in that case in West Papua.

Based on Kopassus personnel files I reported at that time that the web of agents included: politicians, "reporters for a local newspaper and for a national TV news channel, students, hotel staff, a court employee, a senior civil servant who works on art and culture, a 14 year old child...farmer[s]... worker[s]... a motorcycle taxi driver, [and] a cellphone kiosk clerk who watches people who buy SIM card numbers, and a driver for a car rental company..."

With networks such as this, Kopassus is in good position to watch – and act against – people of interest to them in this upcoming election and its aftermath.

Links

Source: http://www.allannairn.org/2014/07/breaking-news-indonesian-special-forces.html

Jokowi lashes out at TVOne's PKI sympathizer label

Jakarta Globe - July 4, 2014

ID/Novy Lumanauw, SP/Hotman Siregar & Vita A.D. Busyra, Bandung/Jakarta – Presidential candidate Joko Widodo has lambasted suggestions that he is a communist sympathizer, made on a television station owned by an ally of rival candidate Prabowo Subianto.

"This is a very serious insult for me personally, for my parents and my family," Joko said at a press conference in Bandung on Thursday.

Joko, who has been a target of mounting smear campaigns and false accusations about his political views, his religious beliefs and even his ethnicity in days leading up to the July 9 election, said he had been trying hard remain patient and practice self-restraint throughout the campaign.

"We have ignore [the accusations], but then they only became bigger. The last one had to do with the PKI," he said, referring to the long-banished Indonesian Communist Party. "They also [at one point] touched on the subject of my parents. I think I have been too kind and patient," he said.

He emphasized that he had been transparent and honest about his family background and his political stance. "The media knows my family, my house, who my parents are – what is there to explain? I have been very open, I hope the media will not provoke anyone," Joko said.

Jakarta-based broadcaster TVOne aired a news package on Wednesday in which one of its sources accused Joko's party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), of comprising of former members of the PKI, as well as being a party disliked by the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police.

TVOne is owned by the family of the Bakrie family, led Aburizal Bakrie, the chairman of the Golkar Party – one of the seven parties in Prabowo's coalition.

Shortly after midnight on Thursday, a PDI-P-affiliated organization called the Volunteers for Democratic Struggle (Repdem) rallied outside TVOne's headquarter in Pulogadung, East Jakarta, in protest at the station's report. Another group vandalized the station's Yogyakarta bureau.

Repdem chairman and PDI-P member Masinton Pasaribu, who said the Jakarta protest was initiated by the organization and not the PDI-P, demanded that the TV station clarify the accusation.

"How TVOne put it [the report] on a news program is libel against the PDI- P. We are very offended and disappointed with the defamation. It's the same as the stigma spread during the New Order era," he said, referring to the tactic practiced by the regime of the late strongman Suharto of labeling anyone who was critical of the government a communist sympathizer.

Masinton also accused TVOne of being biased in its coverage, and said it had no right to "abuse" the public broadcasting frequency to "spread lies."

Repdem said it would report TVOne to the Press Council, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) and the Elections Supervisory Board (Bawaslu). "Let the Press Council and the KPI hand down the punishment," Masinton said.

Megawati Soekarnoputri, the PDI-P chairwoman, whose own father, former president Sukarno, was deposed by Suharto on accusations that he was too soft on the PKI, lamented what she called a smear campaign and urged restraint by all sides with less than a week to go before the election.

"To all members of the press, we encourage collaboration so that the press can really be fair and speak the truth to the people," she said on Thursday. "The one-sided reports attacking Joko and linking him to communism are a cruel accusation."

She also called on all PDI-P members and supporters of Joko not to rise to the bait and to keep the peace. "We should keep our dignity throughout, yet keep pushing for the enforcement of the law through the police, prosecutors, Bawaslu, KPI and the Press Council," she said.

Meanwhile, TVOne public relations managed Raldi Roy said the company had taken duly noted the protests and conveyed the complaints to the station's editorial team.

"The aspiration from our PDI-P friends is critical and I have taken note of this," Raldi said. "We have corresponded with the PDI-P and we have clarified the news report. We will not air [the package in question] any more."

However, Fadli Zon, a deputy chairman of Prabowo's Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), said the fact that the PDI-P supporters had vandalized TVOne's Yogyakarta office was in itself "a communist strategy."

"The act of protesting at TVOne headquarters as instructed by PDI-P secretary general Tjahjo Kumolo is a communist strategy. This ruins democracy," he tweeted on Thursday.

"Tjahjo's strategy is a panicked reaction. The press is an integral pillar of this nation's democracy. To intimidate the press is to go against democracy."

Djayadi Hanan, the research director at Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting, a pollster, agreed that the action of the Joko supporters in Yogyakarta should be condemned.

"Vandalizing the offices of a television station is never the right thing to do," he told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday. "The group should have resorted to a more civil process for redress, by asking for clarification directly rather than taking the law into their own hands."

Djayadi warned that the attack could hurt Joko's poll ratings, especially given how fast Prabowo was catching up, with most pollsters putting the gap between the two candidates in the single digits.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jokowi-lashes-tvones-pki-sympathizer-label/

Constitutional Court: Whatever happens, no run-off this year

Jakarta Globe - July 3, 2014

SP/Erwin Cristianson Sihombing & Anastasia Winanti, Jakarta – The Constitutional Court ruled on Thursday that this year's presidential election will only be conducted in one round even if a presidential candidate fails to win a fifth of the vote in at least 17 provinces in the country.

An article in the election law states that only a candidate who has secured a simple majority, with at least 20 percent of the vote in each of more than half of Indonesia's provinces, can be declared president.

"Granting all of the plaintiffs' requests," Constitutional Court Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva said, in his verdict on a request for judicial review on the election law. The verdict had dissenting opinions from justices Wahiduddin Adams and Patrialis Akbar.

The plaintiffs were the Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem), and advocates Sunggul Hamonangan Sirait and Haposan Situmorang, who filed a judicial review of the specific article in the law. They requested the Constitutional Court to provide legal certainty that this year's presidential election can be held in only one round, arguing that the regulation should only be applied if more than two candidates were participating in the presidential race.

This year's presidential election is only contested by the pairs Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa and Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla. Justice Hamdan said the article did not apply when there were only two candidates running for the presidency.

"The Indonesian president of gets legitimation from the people. In this case there are only two pairs [of candidates] and the Constitutional Court considers that the nomination of the presidential candidates already represents all regions in Indonesia because the candidates are part of coalitions of political parties that represent all citizens in Indonesia. This means if there are only two pairs of candidates, the winner is the pair with the most votes," Justice Hamdan said.

In response to the verdict, the General Elections Commission (KPU) will hold a plenary meeting to revise its regulation on vote recapitulation and in deciding the winner.

"We have received a [copy] of the Court's ruling and we will hold a plenary meeting to decide which articles will be revised and which ones will be adjusted and which articles need to be emphasized," KPU commissioner Arief Budiman said in his office on Thursday.

Arief said the KPU will submit the revised draft to the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights to be passed into law. The plenary meeting will be held if it meets the quorum in which at least five KPU commissioners must attend.

The Joko-Kalla camp welcomed the Constitutional Court's ruling and said they were convinced that they will be able to win the race in one round.

"We are confident we can win in one round," said Ahmad Basarah, a member of the Joko-Kalla campaign team. He denied that he only welcomed the ruling because he was confident that Joko-Kalla would win in one round.

"You can't translate the Constitutional Court's ruling based only on the interests of individuals. The ruling should be based on all efforts to enforce the constitution," Basarah said.

Yusril Ihza Mahendra, a former justice minister, previously warned that the articles would cause major problems if they were not revised.

"That means that even if a candidate gets the majority of votes, but those votes come from just a few big provinces and he doesn't fare as well in the rest of the provinces, then a another round of voting is required," he said previously.

"Obviously that's going to be a huge cost, but that's what the Constitution says. And if either of the candidates protest, there might be the potential for violence by their supporters," he said recently.

The 20 percent requirement in half of all provinces, introduced as part of a set of amendments in 2001, is there for a good reason, constitutional law expert Irman Putra Sidin said. It gives the president greater legitimacy by ensuring that he or she gets votes from across the country, and not only from the cluster of provinces in Java, which account for around 40 percent of all registered voters.

"What we're looking for is a president for Indonesia – for the whole of Indonesia, who has strong support from the majority of provinces across the country," Irman said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/constitutional-court-whatever-happens-run-year/

Prabowo campaign calls Nairn's comments 'inappropriate', 'not credible'

Jakarta Globe - July 3, 2014

Jakarta – The campaign team of Indonesian presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto and his running mate Hatta Rajasa on Thursday refuted recent comments by US journalist Allan Nairn describing Prabowo as likely to be subservient to the United States should he be elected president, saying it was "inappropriate" and "not credible" to meddle in domestic affairs.

Nairn, a freelance journalist, has published comments from an off-the- record interview in 2001 with Prabowo, who at the time was nascent in his political career. Nairn, in a meeting with local media in Jakarta on Tuesday, claimed that Prabowo would serve the interests of the United States should he be elected president of Indonesia. He also wrote on his blog, of which Prabowo told him at the time, that Indonesia wasn't ready for democracy. Nairn covered Suharto during his New Order era, and he was witness to killings in East Timor in the early 1990s.

Nairn admitted that the one-on-one interview wasn't recorded, but he said he relied on his notes for Prabowo's comments. He said he felt compelled to release the contents of the discussion as the presidential election neared.

"Allan Nairn is a foreign journalist, a foreign correspondent who, from the time of the New Order, has always attempted to corner the Indonesian government," Maj. Gen. Sudrajat, a member of the Prabowo-Hatta campaign team, told the Jakarta Globe. He is also a spokesman for the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), of which Prabowo is a founder and patron.

"Secondly, being a foreign correspondent, it is really inappropriate, really not credible, for a foreigner to interfere in the domestic affairs of Indonesia," Sudrajat said. "He is among those foreigners who always seek to pit Indonesians against each other. There is no evidence, or concrete facts, it is merely the ramblings of a foreigner who wants to discredit others."

Nairn's comments followed a statement by US Ambassador to Indonesia Robert O. Blake, who last month called for the Indonesian government to investigate Prabowo on allegations of human rights abuses. Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, commenting on Blake's statement, has said "its timing and nature reflect a lapse of judgement that is difficult to accept."

Prabowo faces Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo in the July 9 presidential election. Joko has been the subject of smear campaigns, with a tabloid accusing him, a Muslim, of being a Christian of Chinese descent.

"We see that the Indonesian nation should be more alert and not be used by foreign elements," Sudrajat said. "They always seek the opportunity to discredit Indonesia, and this should be anticipated. I call on all Indonesians to be careful and not listen to the ramblings of foreigners about Indonesia and Indonesians."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/prabowo-campaign-calls-us-journalists-comments-inappropriate-credible/

Former commanding officer says Prabowo not suitable to lead Indonesia

ABC Radio Australia - July 3, 2014

Karon Snowdon – A former high-ranking member of Indonesia's military says presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's human rights record makes him unsuitable for the job of running the country.

During his career, retired Lieutenant-General Agus Widjojo was the Commander of the Defence Force Staff College and Chief of Staff for Territorial Affairs. Before his retirement in 2003, he was the deputy speaker of Indonesia's National Assembly.

He believes presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto has a case to answer for human rights abuses in Indonesia in 1998.

"I think he has because it's very highly likely to believe that he was involved in the various actions which were not admirable to come from a military officer," he said. Those actions included the kidnapping and alleged torture of nine student activists during the turmoil of 1998 surrounding the fall of Suharto.

A military tribunal – whose members included then-General and now president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono – found Prabowo "misinterpreted" military orders. He was discharged from the army although no criminal charges were laid.

Fall from grace for ambitious Prabowo

It was a huge fall from grace for a man who thought he was destined to be the next head of the army and possibly the successor to his father-in-law President Suharto. In effect, he's been campaigning for the presidency for the past decade.

The Democratic Party of President Yudhoyono has this week endorsed Mr Subianto's campaign to take the nation's top job in October.

When he was in the military, Agus Widjojo was Mr Subianto's commanding officer more than once and he has joined other former senior military officers in publicly criticising Mr Subianto's record and his style.

Mr Widjojo says his inclination towards an authoritarian leadership style is evident in his election campaign speeches and his unwillingness to seek or accept advice. "In my opinion, he [Mr Subianto] is not a democrat, secondly he is not a manager, thirdly he is not a leader," he said.

Mr Widjojo has warned of the danger to the nation's governance if Mr Subianto, who also has a reputation for an explosive temper, wins on July 9. "Because of that ambition and of that background, sometimes he can move out from the norms of authority that he has," he said.

"It's as though that, we get the impression, he has been presenting himself as a political figure, rather than a military officer, even during that time, when he was an active duty military officer.

"We also, in the media, how his seniors tried to remind the public what he has done, during his active duty years.

"And it would be a great concern if those negative characteristics would be brought up at the national level, where the destruction can be wider in scope and more intense for the nation."

The latest opinion polls suggest the race to the Presidential Palace is too close to call, with early front-runner, Joko Widodo maintaining at best a four percentage point lead on his rival. There could be as many as 20 per cent of eligible voters still undecided.

Although voting isn't compulsory in Indonesia, the participation rate of around 70 per cent is good by international standards. Bu it has fallen since the high levels at the time of the first popular vote for President in 2010.

Associate Professor Greg Fealey, from the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, says female voters appear to be put off by Mr Subianto.

"In some of his speeches he's actually shouting, for some voters this gives an impression of strength, but for women it seems to be a turn-off,' he says. "I think about 65 per cent of women were planning to vote for Jokowi in those surveys that have done a breakdown (of gender preferences)."

Much of Mr Subianto's rhetoric can be seen for what it is – bluster on the campaign trail. And both candidates have not surprisingly used nationalistic sentiment along with the usual pledges to reduce poverty and regional economic inequality.

Yet as Indonesians contemplate who will be best to lead the country into the next decade, Agus Widjojo says neither candidate is as sophisticated as Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was when he took office in 2010.

He says SBY was better prepared for international diplomacy and for securing Indonesia's regional role as an evolving middle power. "Both are below the par of SBY and we have to live with that. What is encouraging is that Jokowi believes in team work and can listen."

Former Lieutenant-General Widjojo retired from the military in 2003 after being instrumental in reforming the armed forces and reducing their political role.

He is convinced former Kopassus Commander Subianto is not the right man for President. "Well, it's just logical to come to a conclusion based on the track record that we know about him, of his past," he said.

He says the inadequacy of the Indonesian military tribunal in 1998 which, he says, was designed simply to get rid of trouble-makers, means an independent inquiry is needed.

"There has been no clarification. It has all been made as the subject of only political debates and it just cannot end in political debates," he said. "I think it can only end, maybe, into some independent inquiry, leading to anything that is required, coming out from that".

Source: http://www.radioaustralia.net.au/international/2014-07-03/prabowos-former-commanding-officer-believes-hes-not-suitable-to-lead-indonesia-as-president/1337692

Indonesian candidates at loggerheads over constitution

Sydney Morning Herald - July 3, 2014

Michael Bachelard, Bandung – The two leading contenders for next week's Indonesian presidential elections are in sharp disagreement about the future of the young democracy's constitution.

In a speech on Thursday where Joko Widodo outlined his "nine-point plan" for Indonesia, the governor of Jakarta said that if Indonesia abandoned the direct election of the president it would be a "setback", a direct attack on a suggestion by his main opponent, former army strongman Prabowo Subianto.

Mr Joko, who has until now resisted attacking any aspect of Mr Prabowo's program, said he respected the constitution, as amended in 2002. "Our reference is the constitution, nothing else," Mr Joko said. "If one wants to go back there [to parliamentary appointment of the president] I think it would be a setback."

Former dictator Suharto showed that the "consensus" system and parliamentary appointment was open to abuse and cronyism. The constitution was changed in 2002 to mandate direct election. Next Wednesday's election is the third under that system.

But earlier this week, Mr Prabowo implicitly attacked the new constitution as a Western import that was out of keeping with Indonesian values, open to corruption and too expensive. His policy is to return to the 1945 constitution, under which both Sukarno and Suharto ruled Indonesia.

While claiming he was a democrat, he said: "Indonesian leaders must gather together and look for a new consensus, how to devise a system that is still democratic, that still represents the will of the people, but that is affordable".

Mr Joko's response came in a press conference as he outlined a populist nine-point plan for Indonesia just two days before the official shutdown of election campaigning.

The plan involves spending on health, education, villages, farmers and poverty alleviation. He singled out his desire to improve the quality of the country's burgeoning number of Islamic boarding schools, pesantren, at which students often receive a little, poor quality general education and a lot of hardline Islam.

Mr Joko has been criticised for his diffident campaigning style and for refusing to outline his program or criticise his opponents. The double- digit lead he once enjoyed in the polls has now all-but evaporated under the onslaught of Mr Prabowo's strong rhetoric. Next Wednesday's election is now likely to be neck-and-neck.

On the polls, Mr Joko said: "I see many surveys and they are all different. For me, whether the gap is just 1 or 2 or 3 per cent, the most important is that we can win."

At the press conference, held in Bandung, campaign manager Anies Baswedan, egged on by Mr Joko, explained that they were "conducting the press conference today and announcing our programs in order to make it easier for voters to decide".

"The election is six days away. Jokowi and [running mate] Jusuf Kalla offer change," Mr Anies said, then went on to list a series of corruption scandals linked to members of Mr Prabowo's coalition: "Those who want the status quo, who want to continue [the existence of] the beef mafia, the haj mafia, the mud mafia, the oil mafia, Hambalang mafia etc, the choice is clear."

Asked why he was not talking about corruption – the number one drain on the Indonesian economy and society – Mr Joko insisted it was "obvious" that he would fight it. As president he would "immediately issue a presidential decree on fighting corruption, to speed it up, that's our commitment".

In Indonesia, a presidential decree has almost the status of a law passed by parliament. He has also vowed to massively boost the power and number of investigators in the country's powerful anti-corruption commission.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/indonesian-candidates-at-loggerheads-over-constitution-20140703-zsuvw.html

Allan Nairn nervous about Prabowo election victory

Tempo.co - July 2, 2014

Atmi Pertiwi, Jakarta – US investigative journalist Allen Nairn has spoken out about Indonesia's two presidential candidates. Although he has a negative opinion of presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, his views about presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo are not necessarily positive either.

"Jokowi is surrounded by killers, Wiranto and Hendro. But Prabowo himself is a killer", he said during a visit to the Tempo offices on Wednesday July 2. According to Nairn, if Jokowi wins there is no guarantee that human rights will be upheld in Indonesia. "The situation is open. Many things could happen if Jokowi wins, it could be worse or it could be better".

However ceratin that if Prabowo is election, there will be a gloomy outlook for human rights. "With Prabowo that's impossible. Little chance".

Both Jokowi and Prabowo are backed by retired TNI (Indonesian military) officers. Among Jokowi's ranks are people like Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief in 2001-2004. Hendro[priyono] is close to the chairperson of the party backing Jokowi, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Megawati Sukarnoputri. Wiranto meanwhile, the TNI commander in 1998-1999 is backing Jokowi through his party the People's Conscience Party (Hanura).

Hendropriyono is considered to be the mastermind behind the murder of renowned human rights activist Munir in 2004 and the Lampung massacre in 1989. Wiranto meanwhile has been accused of being responsible for the Santa Cruz massacre in Dili, East Timor in 1991 and violations of human rights during the 1998 reformasi protests.

With regard to Nairn's statement that he once interviewed Prabowo, Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) deputy chairperson Fadli Zon says he has never met Nairn.

The member of the Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa campaign team is not convinced of the reports posted by Nairn on is blog. "We don't know if what was written in the interview is true or not. I think they're untrue", said Zon when contacted on Friday June 27.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Source: http://pemilu.tempo.co/read/news/2014/07/02/269589927/Allan-Nairn-Jokowi-Dikelilingi-Pembunuh?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter

Nairn: Prabowo is a pawn of the United States

Jakarta Globe - July 2, 2014

Rebecca Lake, Jakarta – Speaking to a select group of Indonesian press at an undisclosed Jakarta location on Tuesday, controversial American journalist Allan Nairn emphasized that a Prabowo Subianto win, come election day, will "absolutely" serve the interests of America in all of the wrong ways.

The secret meeting was scheduled to coincide with the release of Nairn's second article based on an off-the-record conversation he had with Prabowo in 2001.

Speaking of the article – which details Prabowo's links to the highest echelons of American government, big business and military including a handful of presidents, the Central Intelligence Agency as well as the Pentagon – Nairn deemed Prabowo's nationalist campaign as a "scam" and "a 180-degree inversion of the truth."

Asked why Prabowo's so-called connections with the United States is of concern for Indonesians heading to the polls, Nairn told the Jakarta Globe that the web of economic interest, old intelligence associations and military cooperation that bind Prabowo and his family to US corporations and the Pentagon is so tight that one-sided American business interests as well as the US military will flourish with a Prabowo presidency.

"He should stop claiming that he is the hero who is going to stand up to America, that he is going to stand up to the foreign corporations and stop their exploitation because they become empty words," said Nairn, who last week challenged the former lieutenant general to a day in court in an attempt to validate his claims.

Having been declared by the Indonesian Military "as a threat to national security" during his time reporting in East Timor's fight for independence, Nairn is clearly no stranger to the country and of provoking those in power. He avoided a 10-year prison sentence in 1999 for defying a government ban on reporting in Dili.

It is not clear exactly how long Nairn has been here, or how he entered the country. However, judging by the unusual circumstances surrounding the press conference, the numerous cell phones he was juggling and the reported safe houses organized for him throughout the capital, he is an unwelcome visitor.

Nairn is currently preparing a third installment to his series, focusing on Prabowo's links to the National Security Agency and his involvement in militia terror.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/nairn-prabowo-pawn-united-states/

Hard-line leaders greet Prabowo in Yogyakarta

Jakarta Post - July 2, 2014

Bambang Muryanto and Slamet Susanto, Jakarta – About 1,000 people gathered at Grand Mosque in Yogyakarta on Tuesday at the invitation of a group of Islamic organizations that intended to declare presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto as the "war commander of Muslims".

Prabowo's entourage performed their Maghrib evening prayers at the mosque, which is located in the Yogyakarta Palace compound, before visiting Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengkubuwono X at his private residence.

When Prabowo arrived, the United Development Party (PPP) youth wing Gerakan Pemuda Kabah (GPK) greeted Prabowo with yells of "Freedom!" and "Allahu Akbar [God is great]!" while preacher Haidar Waluyo criticized pluralism in his speech.

GPK Yogyakarta branch supervisory body chairman Muhammad Fuad said Muslim mass organizations in Yogyakarta had agreed to confer the title of "war commander" on Prabowo.

They regarded the retired lieutenant general, who was dismissed from military service for his involvement in the kidnapping of pro-democracy activists, as the only hope to prevent Indonesia becoming a secular country.

"This means we want him to protect Islam from the dangers of communists, Shiites and Ahmadis," Fuad said. Fuad expressed the hope that if elected, Prabowo would issue pro-Islam regulations. "As president he will be the highest commander, so he will be able to [issue such regulations] to protect Islam," Fuad said.

The invitation to meet with Prabowo was signed by several groups, including Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), Hisbullah, the GPK, and the former commander of the now defunct Laskar Jihad paramilitary group, Ja'far Umar Thalib.

Ja'far was involved in bloody conflict between Muslims and Christians in Maluku. In a high profile sermon at the same mosque last month, he called on Muslims to wage jihad on infidels and pluralism, because pluralism tolerated the views of all religions.

Ja'far also pointed out that Islam was "a religion of war", that Muslims "had to love war" and that if they did not, they needed to question why they were Muslims.

However, during Monday's gathering, the groups were unable to confer the title of "war commander" on Prabowo. His close aides played down the title and put its meaning down to Prabowo being the former son-in-law of former president Soeharto. "It means Pak Prabowo was trusted," said Lt. Gen. (ret) Johanes Suryo Prabowo, one of Prabowo's staunch supporters.

He also added that Prabowo would welcome any individual or group that wanted to support him in the July 9 presidential race. "This is just a friendship visit. There was no special talks," Hamengkubuwono said after breaking the fast with Prabowo and his entourage.

Prabowo's rival Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and the latter's running mate Jusuf Kalla have already met with Hamengkubuwono and held a closed-door meeting with him for about an hour.

Separately in Semarang, Central Java, the Mijen district branch of the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) reportedly seized letters allegedly sent by Prabowo's campaign team to the teachers of state senior high schools SMA 16 Ngadirgo and SMA 13 Wonolopo asking for support.

Junarto of Bawaslu Mijen said the committee had found 16 of the letters at SMA 16 and 25 others at SMA 13 on Friday. "They were delivered by a postman and were addressed directly to the teachers using the addresses of the schools," Junarto said in Semarang on Tuesday.

Bawaslu Mijen chairperson Sri Wahyu Ananingsih said the letters were discovered when the teachers were not at school due to school holidays. "All [of the letters] have been given to the Semarang election monitoring committee," Sri Wahyu said. "We will report the result of the clarification to Bawaslu for follow up according to the prevailing regulations."

[Ainur Rohmah in Semarang contributed to this story.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/02/hard-line-leaders-greet-prabowo-yogyakarta.html

Wealth of Prabowo's business empire dwarfs Jokowi's, Kalla's

Jakarta Post - July 2, 2014

Hans Nicholas Jong and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – The wealth of the Gerindra Party's presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto totals Rp 1.67 trillion (US$140.46 million) and $7.5 million, as disclosed by the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Tuesday.

In the report, verified recently by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the former Army lieutenant-general provided a glimpse into his wealth, which is mostly derived from securities assets in 26 companies worth Rp 1.52 trillion and $7.5 million.

The KPU did not disclose in detail the name of the companies involved, but Prabowo and his younger brother Hashim Djojohadikusumo are known to control the Nusantara Group business empire. While relatively unknown, the group engages in the energy, plantation, mining and forestry businesses.

Prabowo's other assets include Rp 105.8 billion worth of properties, including four plots of land. His wealth also comes in the form of non- fixed assets, such as eight vehicles amounting to Rp 1.43 billion, three agriculture and mining business assets worth Rp 12.19 billion, collectible antiques valued at Rp 3 billion and other assets worth Rp 1.22 billion.

Prabowo also has Rp 20.49 billion in four bank accounts and $3,134 in another bank account, as well as Rp 28.99 million in debt.

During his vice presidential candidacy alongside then-presidential candidate Megawati Soekarnoputri, Prabowo's wealth was reported to be valued at Rp 1.57 trillion and $7.5 million, around Rp 1.5 trillion of which was derived from securities trading.

Gerindra secretary-general Ahmad Muzani attributed the leap in Prabowo's asset value to the increase in his amount of properties. "There is the addition of one property in Ragunan, South Jakarta, which is now used as Gerindra's headquarters," he told The Jakarta Post.

Muzani said that Prabowo's wealth also increased due to the rising taxable value of property (NJOP), while his other assets did not experience a dramatic increase.

Based on the KPU report, the wealth of rival presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, a furniture businessman and former mayor of Surakarta in Central Java, equated to a tiny fraction of Prabowo's wealth.

The non-active Jakarta governor reported wealth of Rp 29.89 billion, mostly derived from the valuation of his property in the form of 24 plots of land.

His other assets include non-fixed assets, such as 12 vehicles worth Rp 954.5 million, one agriculture and mining business asset worth Rp 572.44 million, 16 precious metal pieces worth Rp 27.2 million, four precious stones worth Rp 15 million and other assets worth Rp 319.15 million.

Jokowi did not report any securities, but he reported Rp 488.14 million worth of cash in 16 bank accounts and $27,633 in three other accounts as well as Rp 1.93 billion in debt.

Both vice presidential candidates edged out Jokowi's wealth, with Hatta and Kalla, eastern Indonesia's first tycoon with his flagship business the Hadji Kalla Group, reporting Rp 30.23 billion and Rp 465.61 billion in total wealth, respectively.

However, Hatta refused to declare vehicle assets, saying that he did not own any vehicles at the point when he submitted his wealth report, as he had no need to own one. "I used official vehicles from my office [when serving as coordinating economic minister] so I did not need [to own one]. But I just bought one recently," Hatta said.

Abdullah Dahlan of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) said the KPU and the KPK must consider asking future candidates to also report assets belonging to their spouses and children to probe any indications of money laundering.

"This is necessary as many public officials are allegedly hiding their illegal assets by registering them under the names of family members or business partners," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/02/wealth-prabowo-s-business-empire-dwarfs-jokowi-s-kalla-s.html

Most election violations during counting, Constitutional Court says

Jakarta Globe - July 2, 2014

Jakarta – The Constitutional Court has warned that based on recent legislative election cases it has handled, most election violations were committed during the vote counting process.

"Our evaluation shows that violations mostly occurred during vote counting, or the recapitulation process at the village, ward and subdistrict level. That's where opportunities for violations are high. The MK [Constitutional Court] trial did not find many violations committed at the district level," Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva said in Jakarta on Tuesday.

Although he did not provide statistics, Hamdan maintained that few violations were committed during the voting process as opposed to the vote counting process.

Hamdan expressed his hope that the General Elections Commission (KPU) and Elections Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) would take note of the problems especially now that the presidential election is near.

"Surely the polling committees need to take note of this," Hamdan said.

Jerry Sumampouw, coordinator of the Indonesian Voters Committee (TEPI), said presidential candidates treated surveys as benchmarks for their campaigns and if the surveys showed their electability declining, they could manipulate the election process to rig the vote.

"The potential for violations is big by paying or bribing election committee members. This is very likely given the lack of supervision on this matter," Jerry said.

He said violations were committed mostly by poll committee members (PPS) on the ward level and poll committee members at the subdistrict level (PPK). "That's because the risks are very small on these two levels," Jerry explained.

He said that aside from lower risks, the violations were also encouraged by a lack of strict sanctions, adding that criminal sanction should be imposed to serve as a deterrent to violators. "All this time there had only been administrative sanctions but they failed to serve as a deterrent," Jerry lamented.

Multiple security layers

Emrus Sihombing, director of pollster Emrus Corner, said violations can still be prevented with multiple security layers.

"Violations can be overcome with the introduction of multiple security layers. First of all, by compiling written reports on the results of vote counts at polling stations, with officials and witnesses taking photos of it with smartphones and immediately sending it to the KPU in the district or city, provincial or central level through MMS," Emrus said.

Afterwards the ballot boxes that were transported to districts should be under constant police supervision. He also suggested that every ballot box should be equipped with at least three padlocks.

"There should be at least three padlocks on every electoral box, one from the KPU, and one each from the witnesses of both presidential candidates, with each of them having a different password," Emrus suggested.

Volunteers for the Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla camp said they have found several kinds of violations.

Aside from the smear campaign through the distribution of Obor Rakyat tabloid, which was published by Setiyardi Budiono, a member of the presidential office, Joko's camp had also been on the receiving end of intimidation and violence, to prevent them from winning, said Sinnal Blegur, head of the National Committee for the Victory of Joko-Kalla.

Sinnal said volunteers have also found money politics committed by their rival in order to win voters' sympathy. In Pemalang, Central Java, ballot papers were discovered with the picture of the Prabowo-Hatta camp already punctured, which suggests a vote for the pair.

Hendrik Sirait, secretary general of the Alliance of Civilians for Great Indonesia (Almisbat), said he had difficulties to obtain a permit to hold a gathering to declare his organization's support for Joko-Kalla in Garut, West Java, on Saturday. Hendrik said Almisbat was also banned from putting up banners for security reasons.

"Various Jokowi-JK campaign items weren't allowed to be placed at strategic places. This is contradictory to Prabowo-Hatta campaign items that were allowed to be placed in every part of the city," Hendrik said. He said the wards in West Java were also not neutral. "This made villagers afraid to wear or use T-shirts bearing Jokowi's picture," the Almisbat secretary general said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/election-violations-counting-constitutional-court-says/

Nairn releases more on 'the Americans' fair-haired boy' Prabowo

Jakarta Globe - July 1, 2014

Jakarta – Award-winning US journalist Allan Nairn continued on Tuesday to shake up Indonesia's presidential campaignby publishing another article on his off-the-record interview with candidate Prabowo Subianto conducted in 2001.

Nairn published articles on June 21 and June 26, detailing Prabowo's 2001 comments on his involvement in human rights abuses in East Timor. The article published on July 1, however, moves away from revelations on Prabowo's actions – "he killed civilians," Nairn wrote – and documents the former Army Special Forces (Kopassus) commander's links to the United States' intelligence establishment.

"I was the Americans' fair-haired boy," Nairn said Prabowo told him, characterizing the relationship as that of "good friends."

Nairn writes that this relationship changed, however, after Prabowo was dumped out of power with the fall of Suharto, his father-in-law at the time, in 1998. The US switched loyalties to military commander Wiranto – "Prabowo's most-hated rival" – and began criticizing Prabowo for the abuses he had perpetrated with US backing. According to Nairn, Prabowo was chastened by this experience, which was compounded by Washington denying him entry to visit the United States for his son's university graduation.

The issue of Prabowo's relationship with the United States was exhumed in diplomatic circles as recently as last week, when US Ambassador Robert O. Blake Jr. took the controversial step of e-mailing the Wall Street Journal in what was perceived by some in Prabowo's camp as being tantamount to meddling in Indonesia's election process.

The ambassador expressed no position on either presidential candidate but, the letter read, "We do, however, take seriously allegations of human rights abuses, and urge the Indonesian government to fully investigate the claims."

"Washington's man in Indonesia," and "our fair-haired boy," has not been fully investigated, despite his commanding officer in 1998, Wiranto, going on the record last month to say that Prabowo was thrown out of the military for ordering the abduction of Indonesian pro-democracy protesters – 13 of whom remain missing, presumed dead.

Nairn also recounts a quotation by Robert S. Gelbard – the US ambassador to Indonesia from 1999 to 2001 – in which he calls Prabowo "perhaps the greatest violator of human rights in contemporary times among the Indonesian Military. His deeds in the late 1990s before democracy took hold were shocking, even by TNI standards."

Nairn notes, however, that Gelbard's predecessor, Stapleton Roy, praised Prabowo in diplomatic cables for "maintaining discipline and restraint."

This took place at a time and in an environment where schisms in the TNI conferred a sense of unpredictability for the United States, Nairn writes, and Prabowo was a useful character for Washington to cool the nationalist elements in the TNI.

"Within Indonesia," one US cable said, "especially in the armed forces, an internal debate pits two factions against each other. One faction is progressive, educated, and enlightened... The other is introverted, ethnocentric, anti-Western. It believes that foreign education and training is a polluting influence. We have an opportunity to influence that debate and the future in support of our long-term interests."

The bulk of Nairn's latest article concerns the details of Prabowo's on- again off-again relationship with the United States, including Prabowo facilitating the presence of US special forces on Indonesian soil and him being handled by the highest levels of US power – including the secretaries of defense and special operations commanders.

The original interview was conducted under the condition of anonymity. There were no recordings of the exchange. The statements that Nairn attributed to Prabowo were sourced from his notes.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/nairn-releases-americans-fair-haired-boy-prabowo/

Direct elections are un-Indonesian: Prabowo

Jakarta Globe - July 1, 2014

Josua Gantan, Jakarta – Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto has indicated that, if elected, he would begin the process of winding back the electoral system in favor of a "consultative" approach he says is more in keeping with Indonesian cultural traditions.

Speaking at a "Cultural Dialog with Presidential Candidates" event at Jakarta's Taman Ismail Marzuki on Saturday, Prabowo began by saying that Indonesians had a tendency to be overly influenced by Western ideas such as democracy.

As such, said Prabowo, elites presume that Western ideas such as one man, one vote and direct elections for provincial and national leaders are the best on offer.

"I believe much of our current political and economic systems go against our nation's fundamental philosophy, laws and traditions, and against the 1945 Constitution," he said. "Many of these ideas that we have applied are disadvantageous to us, they do not suit our culture," Prabowo said.

Ikrar Nusa Bakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said that Prabowo's remarks raised a sinister question. "Is he going to change our system if elected? What does he mean by saying that free elections do not suit us?" Ikrar said. "His behavior worries me."

On Saturday Prabowo returned to a phrase he has often used during campaign speeches around the country – "a return to the 1945 Constitution" – but it is a slogan which few ordinary Indonesians really understand. The Constitution, unamended, concentrates authority in the position of the president.

Prabowo said that in order to move away again from direct elections, what would be required is a "consensus of the political elite," which would include cultural, religious and labor leaders.

Arbi Sanit, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia, said that, "If Prabowo is elected, that shows he has the popular backing for such a change."

On the other hand, such a change would seem a far stretch from what Indonesia is today. The country has successfully positioned itself as the most democratic nation in South East Asia. The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index published in 2012 showed that Indonesia, overall, fared better than its neighbors in holding free and fair national elections as well as in ensuring the security of voters and civil liberties.

Prabowo's remarks were made in the wake of a recent disclosure by American journalist, Allan Nairn, of quotes from his off-the-record interview with Prabowo conducted in Jakarta in June and July 2001. Nairn recounted that Prabowo "ranted about Gus Dur and democracy," saying that "Indonesia is not ready for democracy," because "we still have cannibals, there are violent mobs." Allan also wrote that Prabowo is looking to establish an "authoritarian regime" in Indonesia.

'Regressive'

"Going back to pre-98 is not a solution to the country's problems," Aleksius Jemadu, political analyst from Pelita Harapan University, said, referring to the authoritarian New Order era.

"Are we going back to square one?" he said. "I think today we are already at a point of no return, he cannot use a strongman approach, look at the dispersion of power today, there are many parties. He cannot do that."

Siti Zuhro, a political researcher from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), was equally critical of Prabowo's regressive rhetoric.

"If he is going to turn back time on our democratic system, that is not how it should be," she said. "There should have been a social contract for him to pledge to defend this system that we have tried so hard to establish for 16 years," she added.

Arbi was more scathing in his criticism of Prabowo's anti-democratic remarks. "Someone who is anti-democratic like him is not fit to lead Indonesia," Arbi Sanit said.

"It is open now. He has a bad track record on democracy. Now he also has negative thoughts about democracy," Arbi said. "The world has embraced democracy. Indonesia is also better off for it. Indonesia is democratic now, but [Prabowo] does not approve," he said.

Arbi added that without a democratic system of governance, there is no assurance of human rights, freedom of the press and freedom of speech. "We need democracy, but a democracy where there is the strength of the majority and one that is supervised by opposition. That will ensure our nation's stability," Arbi said.

Trojan horse?

Ikrar Nusa Bakti said that Prabowo's anti-democratic remarks showed "his true self."

"He does not believe in democracy, but he wants to be elected through democratic means, this is the laughable part," Ikrar said. "He does not believe in democracy. That was why he kidnapped pro-democracy activists in the past," Ikrar said.

Earlier in May, 41-year-old Mugiyanto, a pro-democracy activist during the 1998 reform struggle, told the AFP about his three-day long interrogation and detainment at the hands of Prabowo's special forces. "The most painful part was when I heard my friend being tortured," Mugiyanto told the AFP.

More recently on June 19, Prabowo responded to requests by Reuters to interview him by warning that they "may not challenge him on his human rights record."

Experts on Indonesian politics, Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner from the Australian National University remarked that Prabowo's blatant disrespect of democracy and free elections was worrying and echoed the rise of fascism in Europe in the early 20th century.

"It is very rare in the modern world for would-be autocrats to openly state that they want to destroy the electoral system through which they seek to achieve power," the political analysts said on an Australian National University official website.

"They mostly mask such intentions before they are elected. We probably need to go back to the fascist movement of 1930s Europe to find such explicitly authoritarian sentiments expressed by electoral movements that end up winning elections."

'Do not misinterpret Prabowo'

Viva Yoga Mauladi, Prabowo's campaign spokesperson, said that Prabowo's comments have been misinterpreted. Viva said that what Prabowo referred to in his speech at Taman Ismail Marzuki was the "excess of democracy."

"Excess meaning the negative impacts of direct elections. For example, things that undermine democracy itself, such as money politics and the lowering of social cohesiveness," Viva said. "That is what Prabowo really means. So do not misinterpret Prabowo as anti-democratic and intolerant."

With respect to Allan Nairn's quoting of Prabowo's comments in 2001, Viva questioned the journalist's credibility.

"I don't know about Allan Nairn, what sort of journalist is he? What does he represent, the Washington Post? It is not clear at all," he said with a laugh. "Prabowo is very committed to Indonesia's democratic progress," Viva said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/direct-elections-un-indonesian-prabowo/

Indonesian presidential candidate Prabowo worth $160 million

Sydney Morning Herald - July 1, 2014

Michael Bachelard, Jakarta – Everybody involved in the Indonesian presidential election is a multimillionaire, but ex-military strongman Prabowo Subianto is by far the richest.

Figures released in Jakarta yesterday show that Prabowo has amassed a fortune worth $160 million from international business dealings since he was ejected from the military in 1998.

In a ceremony at the General Elections Commission yesterday, Prabowo said he had shares in 26 companies, three farms, eight cars worth $130,000 plus arts and antiques worth about $290,000. In his 2009 wealth report, officials reported he also owned 90 horses.

His opponent, Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo, a furniture manufacturer before entering politics, is worth a fraction of that amount, at about $2.5 million. He admitted to 24 pieces of land or buildings, 12 cars, and $35,000 worth of jewellery.

The release of wealth reports on candidates prior to an election is an attempt to provide a baseline of information, both to increase transparency and reduce the temptation for corruption in a country where serving in office can be a reliable way of stealing money from the public.

The vice-presidential candidates also read out reports confirming that they too were very well heeled. Jokowi's running mate, businessman and politician Jusuf Kalla, is worth $42 million and has shares in in 12 companies. Prabowo's deputy, Hatta Rajasa, is worth about $2.7 million.

The figures show Prabowo's wealth has not taken an appreciable hit despite more than a decade of constant campaigning for the presidency. This is his third and most prospective tilt for the top job, which is being vacated in October by incumbent Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. In 2009 he admitted to the virtually identical figure for his total wealth.

The election will be held next Wednesday. Polls agree that the gap between the two candidates – which was in double figures three months ago – is now virtually zero, and the election too close to call.

Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/indonesian-presidential-candidate-prabowo-worth-160m-20140701-zssl2.html

It's official: SBY backs Prabowo

Jakarta Post - July 1, 2014

Margareth Aritonang, Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party officially declared its support for the Prabowo Subianto- Hatta Rajasa presidential ticket on Monday, instructing all its supporters in the regions to ensure victory for the pair.

The decision came after Yudhoyono had repeatedly declared his neutrality and after weeks of allowing his party officials to freely determine their own stance in the election.

"You can see the Democratic Party's elite is a full team here. We in part made the decision according to one clear structural direction from the chairman [Yudhoyono]," the party's executive chairman Syariefuddin "Syarief" Hasan said in a press conference at the party's headquarters.

Syarief, who is also the cooperatives and small and medium enterprises minister, announced the party's stance in the presence of Yudhoyono's youngest son Edhie "Ibas" Baskoro, who is married to Hatta's eldest daughter Aliya.

Also in attendance were Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik, Law and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsuddin and Transportation Minister EE Mangindaan.

Yudhoyono, who like Prabowo, is a former general, was on the officers council that discharged Prabowo for ordering the kidnapping of the activists in 1998.

The Democratic Party will join Prabowo's camp, supported by the Gerindra Party, the Golkar Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP) and the Crescent Star Party (PBB). The coalition accounts for 59.12 percent of the legislative vote.

Presidential front-runner Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, meanwhile, is supported by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the NasDem Party, the Hanura Party and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI). The camp accounts for 40.88 percent of the legislative vote.

Although Prabowo received wider support from political parties, political observers believe it will not guarantee an easy victory for the dismissed Army general on July 9.

"The decision by the Democratic Party to support Prabowo was not directly announced by Yudhoyono, thus it will have less influence on voters," said Arya Budi of the Pol-Tracking Institute. "Yudhoyono is still very popular and he can influence many swing voters. If he decided to openly declare his support for Prabowo, it would be a great blow to Jokowi," he said.

Senior researcher from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) Syamsuddin Haris said the additional members in Prabowo's camp would be a burden, not an opportunity for Prabowo. According to Syamsyuddin, who heads LIPI's center for political research, an alliance with the Democratic Party would not bring a significant impact in wooing voters due to the party's sinking popularity.

He said both Prabowo and Jokowi both had their own loyalists who would not easily shift sides regardless of the campaigns launched. "Another additional burden is that Prabowo, if elected, will have to allocate additional ministerial posts to the Democratic Party," Syamsuddin said.

Earlier on Monday, the PDI-P's camp was rocked by the decision of its highly popular politician and former Central Java deputy governor Rustriningsih to jump ship to Prabowo's camp.

While the PDI-P's top politician Puan Maharani, the daughter of the party's chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, had yet to openly declare any sanction for Rustriningsih, the former Kebumen regent is likely to be dismissed. "The decision will not be a problem for us. It's a decision from an individual who holds a grudge against us," said Puan in Magelang, Central Java.

Gerindra secretary-general Fadli Zon said on the sidelines of a fast- breaking ceremony in Jakarta that his camp welcomed Rustriningsih due to her prominent role in Central Java. He also said the party was expecting a final say from her in a few days.

"Central Java is a battleground that we must win [or] we must at least secure a balanced vote to confidently compete at the national level," Fadli said. Central Java, the third-most populous province after West Java and East Java, is a PDI-P traditional stronghold.

In the second day of the fasting month, both Jokowi and Prabowo focused on greeting their supporters around the capital. Jokowi's running mate, Jusuf Kalla, however, was rushed to the Abdi Waluyo hospital in Central Jakarta on Sunday morning due to fatigue. The 73-year-old politician was released from hospital on Monday evening after receiving vitamin injections.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/01/it-s-official-sby-backs-prabowo.html

Labor unions, businesses throw weight behind Jokowi

Jakarta Post - July 1, 2014

Election Watch – In a rare occasion of labor and management uniting behind a single cause, labor unions and businesspeople have jointly declared support for the presidential bid of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.

One of the unions, the Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union (SBSI), said that Jokowi deserved support from laborers because of his good character. "Jokowi encourages people to be more civilized, not only people who are close to him but regular folks like parking attendants or becak [pedicab] drivers," Andi said.

Members of the SBSI gathered at the Proclamation of Independence Monument in Jakarta on Sunday night to declare their support. Also joining the declaration were leaders and members of the Indonesian Workers Union (KSPI).

Speaking after the unions' declaration, Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) chairman Sofjan Wanandi said that the public's support for Jokowi could be considered the people's power, which could translate into change.

"I've felt that we have been searching for this kind of leader," Sofjan said in his speech. "Jokowi would drive change."

Sofjan said that Jokowi and his running mate Jusuf Kalla had shown a commitment to improving social security for both employment and health. "They have also committed to building cheaper housing for workers. I believe that workers could spend 40 percent of their expenses for other needs and arrange their healthcare plan," he said.

Also present at the event was Democratic Party lawmaker Ruhut Sitompul. Ruhut said that he had already won the blessing of Democratic Party chairman President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to give his support for Jokowi.

"The Democratic Party's stance is neutral. It's funny, because my colleagues lean toward the [Prabowo] camp, but my heart is only for Jokowi," Ruhut said in his speech during the event.

He also said that former adviser to the Golkar Party Luhut Binsar Panjaitan, who has been campaigning for Jokowi, had encouraged him to back the non-active Jakarta governor.

Ruhut also claimed that Jokowi had accepted his support, ignoring that he had often been harshly criticized by the Democratic Party politician.

Ruhut expressed his conviction that Jokowi would win the election. "Public support for Jokowi is snowballing," he said, adding that he had just returned from campaigning for Jokowi in eight provinces across the country. (put)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/01/labor-unions-businesses-throw-weight-behind-jokowi.html

Surveys & opinion polls

Democracy flourishes in spite of setbacks: Survey

Jakarta Post - July 5, 2014

Jakarta – Five days before the July 9 presidential election, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) published on Friday what it called Indonesia's Democracy Index (IDI), showing that the country is making a transition toward a robust and stable democracy.

The survey was conducted for the fifth time by the BPS in collaboration with the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister, the Home Ministry, the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP).

The index shows that Indonesia's democracy is in a state of transition, scoring 63.68 points on a 0-100 scale, a 1.05 point improvement from 62.63 in 2012.

Figures in the index are based on three aspects measured in the survey: civil liberties, democratic institutions and political rights. They are then cross-referenced using 11 variables and 28 indicators that allow democracy to be categorized as good (between 80 and 100), medium (between 60 and 80) or poor (less than 60).

BPS chief Suryamin said that the country's score in civil liberties was the highest at 79 points, followed by the development of democratic institutions at 72.11 points. The score for political rights was a meager 46.25 points.

"We have excelled in the development of our civil liberties and democratic institutions, while falling behind on the issue of political rights," Suryamin said in a press briefing on Friday.

Suryamin also highlighted several variables that needed improving, such as the right to vote and be voted, and political participation in decision- making and oversight.

He also said that the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) and political parties should be given more roles. The index showed that each of these variables scored 54 or less.

The BPS also found that several "chronic" problems remained, including the tendency to resort to violence in suppressing freedom of speech (47.27), the accountability of the voter list (30.0), as well as regional councils' initiative in drafting of regulations (20.6).

Since the first release of the IDI in 2009, Indonesia's democratic performance as a whole has shown fluctuating patterns of decline. In 2013, the country scored 3.62 points less than 2009's IDI of 67.3 points.

"This indicates a lack of mature behavior and attitude in the public, including that of its political players," Suryamin said.

However, Suryamin said that the conclusion was tentative given that 2013 was less of a political year than 2009. In the composite index charting democracy scores at the provincial level, the 2013 results showed that 15 provinces experienced growth, while the remaining 18 experienced declines.

The BPS said the results were measured year-on-year using the median score of each province against its population rate.

Among those with the highest growth was Aceh with 9.53 points, West Java with 8.13 and Gorontalo. On the opposite side, Jakarta, West Sumatra and Lampung experienced a total decline of 6.54, 6.71 and 9.14 points, respectively.

"In this case, the IDI score serves as an early warning system that is informed by various indicators, influenced by various elements of society and government," Suryamin said.

Meanwhile, the UNDP's head of democratic governance and poverty reduction unit, Nurina Widagdo, said that Indonesia had garnered praise for using the IDI to measure democratic progress. "Indonesia is one of the best examples of how data can be implemented in real situations," Nurina said on Friday.

Nurina said that Indonesia was the only country in Asia Pacific to measure democratic progress using the method, and that several countries, such as Vietnam or China, had shown interest on the back of Indonesia's success.

"Countries should be appreciated for showing the willingness to assess themselves. The Indonesian government has been very positive in this regard," she told The Jakarta Post on Friday. (tjs)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/05/democracy-flourishes-spite-setbacks-survey.html

Poll 'too close to call' as Prabowo surges

Jakarta Globe - July 4, 2014

Jakarta – In early April, one of the most credible pollsters following the Indonesian presidential race gave Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo a 30-point lead over his rival, Prabowo Subianto – a significant advantage that led it to declare that the race appeared "well and truly over, even before it's begun."

Fast-forward three months to today, and that same pollster, Roy Morgan, is now saying the race is "too close to call," in a nod to Prabowo's astounding surge over the past several weeks.

Roy Morgan's latest monthly survey, involving 3,117 respondents above the age of 17 across Indonesia, showed 52 percent saying they would vote for Joko, and 48 percent for Prabowo. The figures show a significant improvement for the latter, who polled at just 24 percent in Roy Morgan's previous survey, in May, and at 15 percent in April. Joko, meanwhile, has only improved marginally, from 45 percent in April – when he held a massive 30-point lead over Prabowo – followed by a dip in May to 42 percent.

The pollster noted that Prabowo "clearly gained support from those who were previously supporting other candidates, to a far greater extent than did Joko." "While Joko is still ahead, Prabowo could win if the swing to Prabowo continues in the time that remains before voting day on July 9," it said in a statement.

Debnath Guharoy, the Asia-Pacific regional director at Roy Morgan Research, said factors like Prabowo and his running mate Hatta Rajasa's performances in the presidential and vice presidential debates had managed to sway voters.

"The Prabowo-Hatta camp have worked hard at closing the gap. Today's media scene in Indonesia is markedly different from the election that brought SBY to office," he said, referring to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"Just about everybody watches TV regularly and Prabowo and [...] Hatta fared well in the debates. Today, nine out of 10 [voters] have a mobile phone, one in three have a smartphone. Those phones must have been very busy, with voters exchanging views and shaping public opinion. A single event in the next seven days – positive or negative – could tip the scales."

Several other pollsters also have Prabowo three to four percentage points behind Joko, while others put his in the lead.

The results of a survey published on Thursday by the Political Communication Institute, or Polcomm, gave Prabowo 46.8 percent and Joko 45.3 percent, from a field of 1,200 respondents from across the country.

"It's difficult to predict who will win," said Polcomm director Heri Budianto, calling the closeness of the race unprecedented in Indonesian politics. "The tension is getting higher. We hope the presidential election will run well and smoothly," he added.

Fadli Zon, a deputy chairman of Prabowo's Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), said the results were in line with the figures from the party's own surveys. He added he was confident that Prabowo's slight lead on Joko would be more apparent at the July 9 ballot.

He also denied that Prabowo had been able to catch up so fast because of a relentless smear campaign against Joko. "If Joko says the increase [in Prabowo's popularity] is due to smear campaigns, we want to emphasize that we have nothing to do with those campaigns," Fadli said.

He did, however, say that his camp had conducted what he called "negative campaigning" against their rival. "We convey that based on facts. For instance, when I say Joko lies a lot. I can't be sued for that because there are facts and data to support that statement," he said.

Akbar Faisal, a member of Joko's campaign team, questioned Polcomm's polling methods, saying that while "it's true the numbers are getting closer," the results themselves were "confused."

Ira Soekirman, the Roy Morgan Research Indonesia director, said that while her organization's survey still had Joko leading, it also highlighted that up to 9 percent of eligible voters were still undecided – a significant figure, given the tight margin.

She said Joko was very popular but his campaigns relied mostly on a largely disorganized army of volunteers, while Prabowo's campaigns were better organized and better funded.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/poll-close-call-prabowo-surges/

Environment & natural disasters

Primary forest is vanishing

Jakarta Post - July 7, 2014

Jakarta – A new study has shown that between the years of 2000 and 2012, the country lost 38 percent of its primary forest, with adverse effects on the nation's biodiversity.

"Indonesia's deforestation rate is increasing, with significant consequences for the country's greenhouse gas emissions and biodiversity," the World Resources Institute (WRI) said.

WRI researcher Ariana Alisjahbana said that the most notable aspect of deforestation was that it occurred within official areas that are supposed to restrict forest clearing, such as national parks and protected forests.

The new data showed that the problem was worsening, with the country's primary forest loss increasing by an average of 47,600 hectares (ha) each year, with an increasing proportion occurring in wetlands, triggering massive greenhouse gas emissions from peat soils.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a moratorium on deforestation in 2011 with the intention of synchronizing economic, social and cultural development with environmental development.

In 2013, however, with another presidential instruction, Yudhoyono began directing efforts aimed at improving the management of forest and peat soils.

Both presidential instructions were issued with the express purpose of reducing gas emissions from deforestation and forest degradation.

However, a researcher from the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), Daniel Mudiyarso, said the government had never been serious about stopping deforestation.

He said that the first moratorium relating to forestry, which was issued in 2011, was actually intended to set up better forestry management and delay the issuance of new permits.

Daniel said that there was no relation between the moratorium issuance in 2011 and attempts to decrease deforestation.

In the attempt to protect forests and peat soils, the government has established a moratorium map, which would be updated every six months, according to an agency.

Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation plus (REDD+) management agency spokesperson Sari Soegondo said the moratorium map provided a complete picture of forests with licensing to be exploited and areas covered by the moratorium.

Sari said more than 72 million ha – consisting of 55 million ha of primary forests and 17 million ha of peat soil – would be covered by the moratorium map, according to the first policy issuance in May 2011.

Sari, however, said that more than 2.8 million ha of forest and peat soil had disappeared between May and December 2011.

Furthermore, within the period between December 2011 and June 2012, the country lost 3.769 million ha of forests and peat soil.

The deforestation occurred in spite of the issuance of a forest moratorium map in December 2011.

Between June 2012 and June 2014, the country lost 1.2 milllion ha of forest and peat soil, with the biggest loss of 575,809 million ha happening between December 2013 and June 2014.

"Currently we have 64.12 million ha of forests recorded in the sixth version of the moratorium map, which shows the distribution of primary forest and peat soil related to ownership and licensing," Sari said in a written statement made available to The Jakarta Post. (put)

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/07/primary-forest-vanishing.html

Health & education

Concrete plan needed to improve Indonesia's education system

Jakarta Globe - July 7, 2014

Jakarta – Joko Widodo's central plan for developing education in Indonesia lies in his conception of a "mental revolution."

Joko has argued that what Indonesian children need the most is the right way of thinking, a way of thinking that fosters resilience and moral strength. This honing of the right mentality, he argued, will, in turn, boost the nation's productivity and its economy.

Included in his proposed mental revolution is the thorough teaching of ethics and citizenship to students. And in one of the presidential debates, Joko said that should he be elected president, he will roll out his mental revolution promise by revamping the nation's education system.

Joko said that the primary school curriculum should consist of 20 percent science and 80 percent character education. The ratio would subsequently be raised to 40:60 for middle school students and to 80:20 for high school and vocational school students.

Another key promise on education that Joko has made is the distribution of "Indonesia Pintar" cards. The card will ensure that children across Indonesia will have free access to education, until they finish high school.

Prabowo Subianto's key plan to develop Indonesia's education system is by improving the salary of teachers and by ensuring the status of some teachers who currently work only as a contract employers.

Another key promise that has been delivered by Prabowo is that he will improve research and development in the nation by strengthening the ties between research institutions and the private sector as well as by increasing the allocated state budget for research purposes.

"We will develop innovative centers using a triple-helix approach," Prabowo's running mate Hatta Rajasa said during the fourth presidential debate, referring to his and presidential candidate Prabowo's program for increasing funding for innovation by engaging the private sector.

"First, the government will increase its own research budget. Second, the government will provide incentives for companies involved in research development. And third, the government will issue a regulation to accelerate entrepreneurship programs."

Education and corruption

Education remains one of the most serious problems that needs to be tackled in Indonesia. While improving the quality of education in the nation should be a priority, ensuring that there is no corruption in the system is of equal importance. According to investigations done by nongovernmental organization Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), corruption is rampant in Indonesia's education system.

Banten province, located west of Jakarta, is an example of how corrupt Indonesia's education system can be. In 2013, according to activists, Banten's education system suffered more from corruption than that of any other province in Indonesia.

"I think it is clear: In Banten, education is hardly the priority of the regional government," Indonesia Corruption Watch researcher Ade Irawan says. "Education is used by the [ruling] dynasty for profiteering. If you look at the corruption cases in Banten, education is one of their main targets. There are many government projects related to education in Banten. They are fertile ground for corruption."

When corruption watchdogs refer to "the dynasty" in Banten, they are talking about detained corruption suspect Ratu Atut, who is still the governor, and her family. Nearly a dozen of her direct relatives hold political office in the province. Her brother, Tubagus "Wawan" Chaeri Wardana, has been convicted of graft.

While poverty fell in Indonesia between September 2012 and March 2013, it rose in Banten, and was especially high for a region so close to the capital.

Eko Endang Koswara, the head of the provincial education office, was arrested for corruption in 2010, and the education chief in Pandeglang district was detained for alleged corruption last year.

Still, problems in Indonesia's education system extend far beyond Banten. In the most recent Program for International Student Assessment rankings from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, which looked at student aptitude in 65 countries, Indonesia placed 64th, ahead of only Peru. In the Britain-based Pearson rankings, which looked at 40 countries in 2013, Indonesia came in dead last.

As it is, there is a real need to reform not only the education system but also the bureaucracy governing it in order to ensure that system is free from corruption.

"In the southern regions of Banten, such as Lebak and Pandeglang, the availability of teachers and decent school buildings is a problem," ICW's Ade says.

"If you look at the corruption pattern in Banten, there are a few layers," he explained in an earlier interview. "The first layer involves teachers. Here, teachers place illegal fees on school children. The excuses may include book purchases or exam fees."

"The second layer involves school principals. Here, the school operational fund [BOS] might be embezzled. It is not seldom that school budget funds are embezzled by the school principal. The third layer involves government officials at the education agency."

"The fourth layer involves high-level government officials. Funds related to school infrastructure and teaching facilities have been stolen. The primary consequence of that is that it lowers the accessibility of education to the public, especially to the poor. It makes it hard to be well-educated if you are born [in Banten]."

Although corruption can be found at nearly every link in the chain between the regional administration and its constituents, Ade says that corruption at the top causes the most harm.

"If the district leaders are clean and not corrupt, chances are the school principals and the rest will not be corrupt as well," he says. "Government officials are often hard-pressed to embezzle money for their bosses above them. Their jobs and positions are at stake should they fail to fulfill their bosses' corrupt demands."

"If you look closely at the regional elections, you might find that the money meant for education purposes is being spent for political purposes," Ade says.

[This article is part of a special coverage on Indonesia's presidential election.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/concrete-plan-needed-improve-indonesias-education-system/

Graft & corruption

Long way to go to rid Indonesia of corruption

Jakarta Globe - July 7, 2014

Jakarta – Regardless of who gets elected on Wednesday, the winner has to realize that there is much that needs to be done to ensure that the rule of law is upheld in Indonesia.

The Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court sentenced Akil Mochtar, former chief justice of the Constitutional Court, to life in prison recently. He was found guilty of having sold off Indonesia's powerful local government seats to corrupt politicians.

In one sense, the sentencing proved that justice can prevail in Indonesia. But in another sense, one cannot help but wonder how the chief justice of the nation's highest court could end up on trial for corruption. How did we get there? How could the nation's embodiment of justice be found guilty of breaking the law?

As it is, upholding the rule of law remains a serious challenge in Indonesia. The Rule of Law Index Report released this year by the World Justice Project indicates that corruption is still rife among the nation's judiciary and law enforcers. The report also shows that civil justice is not effectively enforced in the archipelago.

Hikmahanto Juwana, a law professor from the University of Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe that although inadequate law enforcement has long been a serious problem, reform has proved elusive.

In this respect, it is especially important that the next elected president is one who is committed to not only improve the nation's legal system but also clean it from corruption. "Back in [former president] Suharto's time, the law was just an ornament," Hikmahanto said.

The 32 years of Suharto's authoritarian rule have left a deep mark on the nation's legal system.

Hikmahanto pointed out that little had changed even after Suharto's New Order era came to an end with the brief presidency of B. J. Habibie in 1998-99. "Since Habibie's term, each president had always wanted to improve law enforcement here. But always to little avail. Nothing changed."

The WJP's effective enforcement index measures the effectiveness and timeliness of the enforcement of civil justice decisions and judgments in practice.

Indonesia received a score of 0.29 on the effective enforcement index, below nations such as Serbia, which scored 0.31. By contrast, Singapore, one of Indonesia's nearest neighbors, scored 0.85.

Corruption in the legal system

On top of problematic law enforcement, corruption is also prevalent in the nation's legal system, according to the report.

The WJP reported that Indonesia ranked 80 out of 99 countries in terms of freedom from corruption in the country's legal system. "Problems related with bribery are everywhere, whether it be with judges, prosecutors, or lawyers. This is a real problem," Hikmahanto said.

On the judiciary corruption index, Indonesia scored 0.34, lower than Ethiopia, which scored 0.35. Singapore scored 0.84.

The WJP's judiciary corruption index measures whether judges and judicial officials refrain from soliciting and accepting bribes. It also measures whether the judiciary and judicial rulings are free of improper influence from government, private interests and criminal organizations.

Subsequently, with respect to the level of corruption in the police or the military, Indonesia scored 0.37, alongside Afghanistan, which received the same rating.

The WJP's police/military corruption index measures whether police officers and criminal investigators refrain from soliciting and accepting bribes to perform basic police services such as investigating crimes. It also measures whether government officials in the police and the military are free from improper influence by private interests or criminal organizations.

Serious consequences

Serious social and economic consequences await Indonesia should it fail to improve the rule of law. Without the rule of law, public order is difficult to maintain. Consequently, without order, a nation can hardly progress at all. Additionally, the extent to which rule of law is upheld in a country is often a yardstick that businessmen and investors use when considering where to operate.

"It causes dismay to investors, people who want to do business," Hikmahanto said. "Were it not for that, Indonesia, I believe, would have been five times as developed."

Besides economic impacts, the failure of the rule of law is felt in enforcement of Indonesia's environmental and human rights legal framework.

The World Justice Project is an independent, non-profit organization based in the United States. Among its honorary chairs are a former US secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, former US president Jimmy Carter, and South African activist Desmond Tutu.

The WJP claimed that the Rule of Law Index Report 2014 captured the experiences and perceptions of ordinary citizens as well as in-country professionals. The WJP claims to have identified, on average, more than 300 potential local experts per country. The report's data was compiled by the WJP with the assistance of an Indonesian polling company, MRI-Marketing Research Indonesia. The poll was conducted by meas of face-to-face interviews, with as many as 1,067 samples collected in 2013.

[This article is part of a special coverage on Indonesia's presidential election.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/long-way-go-rid-indonesia-corruption/

Behind Prabowo's campaign to become president, a questionable crew

Reuters - July 6, 2014

Jabbing his finger repeatedly in the air, presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto shouted to supporters in a packed Jakarta stadium that the corrupt had no place in Indonesia.

"You who disgrace Indonesia, you who buy Indonesia... we must answer 'No! Not this time! Indonesia wants to stand with dignity,'" the pugnacious former special forces general said to a roar of applause in a speech ahead of this week's election.

Behind him, applauding, sat one of the most senior Indonesian officials ever to be investigated in a government probe into graft, who is also the head of a major Islamic party supporting Prabowo's July 7 presidential bid.

Suryadharma Ali quit as the religious affairs minister in May after being named by Coruption Eradication Commission (KPK) of being involved in embezzling from the $5 billion state fund allocated for the pilgrimage to Mecca. Indonesia, the biggest economy in southeast Asia, has the world's biggest population of Muslims.

Suryadharma has maintained his innocence. "Being made a suspect is not the final say on the matter," he told local media.

But the presence of Suryadharma and others being investigated for corruption in his coalition raises the question of how effective Prabowo may be if he beats front-runner Joko Widodo to lead the world's third- largest democracy for the next five years.

His other allies include the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), whose chairman was jailed over a beef import scandal, and the Golkar party of business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, several of whose members are facing corruption charges. Most of the allies are in the coalition of current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"The spirit of democracy is being damaged by various practices," Prabowo said in a debate with his rival on Saturday. "I'm not saying there are no thieves in my party. But what I meant was this is a phenomenon in our country, who knows you might have them on your side."

Prabowo's brother Hashim Djojohadikusumo, a central figure in his campaign, said earlier: "We have to make a few unintentional, unwanted compromises. The Indonesian judicial system presumes, innocence before proven guilty, so I don't want to comment on the recent cases. But we will not compromise on our basic thesis."

Insiders say all of Prabowo's coalition partners have been promised seats in the cabinet, including a special, senior position for Bakrie, the head of the Bakrie Group, a prominent resources-to-telecommunications conglomerate that has struggled with environmental and debt problems.

"Prabowo says 'welcome' to every political party. 'Welcome what do you want? One, two, three positions?" said Fahmi Idris, a senior official with Golkar.

However, Bakrie spokesman Lalu Mara Satri Wangsa, who is also vice secretary general of Golkar, denied any deals had been agreed.

Prabowo has declined comment when asked about deal-making with coalition allies. Three officials from his Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) did not return e-mailed requests for comment.

Close race

Opinion polls still have the popular and unassuming Joko in the lead, but the combative Prabowo, running on a platform of strong and effective government, is close behind. A crucial number of voters are undecided.

Transparency International ranks Indonesia 114th out of 177 countries it surveys on perception of corruption. The World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report has said corruption remained "the most problematic factor for doing business" in Indonesia.

One of the world's fastest growing countries just a few years ago, the economy is projected to be at its weakest in four years in 2014 because of falling prices of its commodity exports, a weak rupiah currency and patchy policy.

Despite Prabowo's reputation as a strongman and his vow to reverse the indecisiveness of Yudhoyono's outgoing government, markets are more likely to cheer a Jokowi win in the hope that he represents a change from Indonesia's old-style horse-trading in politics.

"Jokowi represents a break with that kind of past. There is a lot of hope invested in political change of the kind that Jokowi represents," said Tim Condon, ING Asia's chief economist.

The rupiah has fallen around five percent over the past three months, accompanying a steady narrowing in the lead Jokowi had in opinion polls over Prabowo. The stock market, Asia's worst performer in 2013 in dollar terms, has fallen almost 3 percent since mid-May, when Joko's lead started slipping.

The strongman

Prabowo was once married to a daughter of former iron ruler Suharto, and was a favored member of his inner circle at the time.

He has been dogged by persistent allegations of past human rights abuses, in particular during the economic crisis that led to Suharto's downfall in 1998. Shortly thereafter, Prabowo was discharged from the army for breaking the chain of command and ordering troops to arrest activists.

But he was never investigated on any criminal charge and has consistently denied any wrongdoing. Now 62, this is his third shot at the presidency.

Prabowo also caused a flutter last week with comments that suggested to some analysts that he may try to turn the clock back on Indonesia's transition to a full democracy after Suharto's three decades of autocratic rule.

"There are many things (from the West) that we implement, that we imitate, out of our own simplicity," he said at a seminar in Jakarta. "It turns out that these things aren't appropriate for our culture. But it's already a fact. For example, direct [presidential] elections."

But he was quick to retract. "I believe in democracy. I was a soldier, a professional soldier. And I swore an oath to defend the Indonesian constitution... This is already my third general election. So I do it the hard way. I don't go and assemble tanks and take over parliament house," he told a later meeting.

Firman Noor, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said even if Prabowo was so inclined, there was very little likelihood that Indonesians would allow a move away from full democracy. "It will be a step to political suicide for Prabowo to pursue this when he knows there will be almost no support for it," he said.

Prabowo did not speak to Reuters for this article. But in an interview two years ago, he said what Indonesia needed was a strong government.

"There are always leaders and people who will look for reasons not to try anything new. But the Indonesian leadership must have the will, the toughness, the character, the courage, to think and try to look for creative solutions," he said. "I was brought up with the motto 'who dares, wins' and I think it is time for the Indonesian elite to dare."

[Additional reporting by Fransiska Nangoy in Jakarta and Aubrey Belford in Bangkok.]

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/behind-prabowos-campaign-become-indonesias-president-questionable-crew/

KPK urged to continue probe into train graft case implicating Hatta

Jakarta Post - July 2, 2014

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – Activists have urged the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to reopen the graft case surrounding the 2006 procurement of used trains from Japan, which implicated then transportation minister Hatta Rajasa, who is now the running mate of presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto. The case caused state losses of Rp 22.8 billion (US$1.90 million).

The KPK began investigating the case in 2009 and successfully prosecuted Soemino Eko Saputro, a former ministry director-general for railways. He has so far been the only official brought to justice in the case.

"The KPK should not be half-hearted in probing the case. It should completely finish any investigation until all actors in the case have been brought to justice," Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) analyst Emerson Yuntho said on Monday.

Emerson also said that the ICW had conducted a comprehensive examination of the case's legal proceedings and found strong indications that Hatta should also be held responsible. Hatta was only questioned by the KPK once, in June 2011. Hatta's role was extensively exposed in Soemino's indictment, a copy of which was obtained by The Jakarta Post recently.

The document reveals several other figures indicated to have been actively involved in smoothing the project. One of them was Jon Erizal, a former head treasurer of the National Mandate Party (PAN), which is chaired by Hatta. Jon now serves as a treasurer for the Prabowo-Hatta campaign team.

The roles of Jon and Hatta were mentioned during Soemino's trial in 2011. Soemino was eventually sentenced to three years in prison for the crime. Like Hatta, Jon also escaped prosecution.

According to Soemino's indictment, Hatta facilitated a meeting at his office in October, 2005. Besides Soemino and Hatta, also attending the meeting were Dicky Tjokrosaputro, Agung Tobing, and Jon, who, according to the document, represented PT Power Telecom (PowerTel).

PowerTel had once listed Hartanto Edhie Wibowo, the youngest sibling of First Lady Ani Yudhoyono, as its president commissioner. The company was said to have numerous links to the ministry. In the meeting, Hatta requested Soemino begin looking for used trains from Japan.

In November 2006, according to the document, Hatta issued an official note to Soemino and the ministry's secretariat general telling them that he had approved a proposal from Japan's Sumitomo to ship the trains from Japan to Indonesia. The approval included the cost of shipment. Hatta also approved directly appointing Sumitomo without opening a bidding process.

As many as 60 used train cars, manufactured between the 1960s and the 1980s, were shipped to Indonesia, but the KPK found that the costs incurred in the shipping of the trains had been marked up.

The agency had also stated that the ministry's appointment of Sumitomo to transport the cars was also illegal because it was made without going through the proper tender process.

Hatta, whose daughter married President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's son Edhie "Ibas" Baskhoro Yudhoyono, was later to become Yudhoyono's most trusted aide, landing him the job as coordinating economic minister. In May, Hatta resigned from the position to focus on his vice-presidential bid.

The KPK has denied that it discontinued the investigation into the case. "The KPK has never stated that Hatta was not involved," KPK spokesman Johan Budi said.

Hatta, however, has repeatedly denied any role in the case. "That was Soemino's mistake. He told his people that I had agreed while I had yet to release my disposition," he once said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/02/kpk-urged-continue-probe-train-graft-case-implicating-hatta.html

Historic sentence for Akil

Jakarta Post - July 1, 2014

Haeril Halim, Jakarta – The Jakarta Corruption Court handed down a historic sentence on Monday evening by sentencing 53-year-old former Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar to life imprisonment, the most severe sentence in the court's history.

The former Golkar Party politician, who showed no sign of remorse for his wrongdoings, was found guilty of accepting Rp 57 billion (US$4.7 million) in bribes from a number of regional heads to influence decisions on election disputes during his tenure at the court.

The life sentence for Akil marks the first time the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has successfully convinced the court to sentence a graft defendant facing graft or money-laundering charges to life in prison since its establishment in 2003.

The panel of judges at the Jakarta Corruption Court found that Akil, who was formerly a member of the House of Representatives, had laundered Rp 160 billion during his term at the court and Rp 20 billion when he was at the House.

"Our examination has found the defendant guilty of corruption," presiding judge Suwidya said as he read the verdict at the court on Monday night.

During the approximately eight hours it took to read the verdict, Akil, who had frequently displayed a degree of arrogance during his almost four-month trial, listened impassively to the judges' explanation of their verdict, occasionally closing his eyes. However, he appeared somewhat taken aback after hearing the judge say the words "life sentence".

If Akil accepts the verdict, or if a higher court upholds his life sentence should he appeal against the verdict, then he will spend the remainder of his life behind bars.

Suwidya said that KPK prosecutors' demands to strip Akil of his political rights and for him to reimburse the state with Rp 10 billion would not apply to Akil as he would spend the rest of his life in jail should the verdict later be found to be legal and binding.

Responding to the verdict and sentence, Akil said that he would appeal against them. "I will file an appeal," Akil said after hearing the verdict.

KPK deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto said that Akil's conviction was a strong impetus for the antigraft body to charge the regional heads who used a number of go-betweens, varying from businessmen to lawyers, to bribe Akil. "We will study the verdict in the first place then we will make moves to charge the bribe payers," Bambang told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

With regard to the bribe payers, the court has so far sentenced former Gunung Mas regent Hambit Bintih, go-betweens businessman Cornelis Nalau Antun and Golkar lawmaker Chairun Nisa to four years, three years and four years in prison respectively in relation to the Gunung Mas election dispute.

Meanwhile, in relation to the Lebak regency and Banten gubernatorial election disputes being tried at the Jakarta Corruption Court, the court has handed down its verdicts on politically wired Banten businessman Tubagus Chaeri "Wawan" Wardana, who is the younger brother of suspended Banten governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah, and go-between lawyer Susi Tur Andayani, with five years behind bars for each.

The KPK is still completing Atut's dossier in the case. Recently the KPK also named Palembang Mayor Romi Herton along with his wife Masyitoh graft suspects for allegedly bribing Akil. Other regional leaders who allegedly bribed Akil but remain at liberty are former Lebak deputy regent Amir Hamzah, Empat Lawang Regent Budi Antoni Aljufri, South Lampung Regent Rycko Menoza, Buton Regent Samsu Umar Abdul Samiun, Morotai Island Regent Rusli Sibua and Central Tapanuli Regent Raja Bonaran Situmeang.

Bambang added that the KPK would also ensure that the verdicts on perpetrators handed down by the Jakarta Corruption Court would be upheld in higher courts.

"After the verdict the KPK will also focus more on revealing other graft cases plaguing the political dynasty in Banten," Bambang said, referring to the political dynasty of Atut.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/01/historic-sentence-akil.html

Antigraft activists applaud Akil's life sentence

Jakarta Globe - July 1, 2014

Dessy Sagita & Rizky Amelia, Jakarta – A leading antigraft watchdog has applauded the Anti-Corruption Court's decision to sentence former Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar to life in prison.

"This verdict will not only give a deterrent effect but also send a message to other law enforcers not to commit corruption or take bribes," said Emerson Yuntho, the legal monitoring coordinator of the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), on Tuesday.

Emerson said the life sentence handed to Akil was a glimpse of the country's serious efforts in the fight against corruption. "Let's hope this kind of sentence will not be the last. An extraordinary crime deserves an extraordinary punishment as well," he said.

The Anti-Corruption Court on Monday night sentenced Akil to a life of imprisonment for taking bribes and gifts worth up to Rp 60 billion ($5 million) from 15 regional election disputes handled by the Constitutional Court. The court also said Akil has been proven guilty of laundering hundreds of billions of rupiah since 2002.

Antigraft activist Zainal Arifin Muchtar from Gadjah Mada University's anti-corruption research center (Pukat UGM) said the harsh sentence for Akil was called for, as the case has resulted in a magnitude of problems.

"This case has caused extensive damages, the whole country was affected and the president was forced to issue a new regulation," Zainal said referring to the regulation in lieu of law, or perppu, which was issued by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Oct. 17, shortly after Akil's arrest on Oct. 1.

The perppu, when first issued, made two primary amendments with regard to the appointment of Constitutional Court justices.

The first amendment stipulates that candidates for the post must not have been a member of a political party within seven years prior to admittance, while the second introduced the establishment of a seven-member panel of experts by the Judicial Commission, to screen and shortlist candidates.

However, with Akil on Monday evening vowing to file an appeal and seek to change the verdict, Zainal said the sentence could change at a higher court level.

He emphasized that the deterrent effect would be effective if the court applied additional sentences for Akil, such as by ordering him to compensate the state losses caused by his deeds and have his political rights revoked.

"If it's only a prison sentence, people will think that it might not be so bad because he still gets to enjoy his immense wealth, it won't stop others from committing corruption," Zainal said.

Zainal, however, commended the judges' move to hand Akil the life sentence – the first ever handed to a person guilty of corruption since the stablishment of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

"The harshest sentence before this was probably 20 years in prison for prosecutor Urip," he said referring to Urip Tri Gunawan who was found guilty of taking bribes from businesswoman Artalyta Suryani in 2008, in the Bank Indonesia Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) case.

"We need to constantly remind people about this [case] because Indonesians suffer from amnesia – we forget and forgive things very quickly," he said.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/antigraft-activists-applaud-akils-life-sentence/

Terrorism & religious extremism

Local communities stand up against radical preachers

Jakarta Post - July 2, 2014

Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta – A handful of local communities and officials across the country have expelled extremist preachers from their mosques despite the absence of support from the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT), the latest study of the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) has found.

Titled "Countering Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Need for a Rethink", the study explored the cases of local communities, local government officials and police officers in Bekasi, on the outskirts of Jakarta, and Central Java's Klaten who worked hand in hand to reclaim their mosques from the influence of radicalism.

In Bekasi, local residents organized a movement to remove Muhammad Nanang, the head of the mosque welfare council (DKM) of Muhammad Ramadhan Mosque, after he held discussions and events promoting jihad, including a fund- raiser for the Islamic State of Iraq and and the Levant (ISIL).

When Nanang refused to leave, the residents turned to the subdistrict head, Abi Hurairah, and the South Bekasi Police chief, Comr. Susilo Edy, for help.

Abi, Susilo and local religious leaders joined forces to reclaim the mosque. The first step was to show community resistance against Nanang's supporters. The second strategy was to use the government's ownership of the land on which the mosque stood to wrest legal control from the DKM. Backed by 200 police officers, the Bekasi administration formally took over the mosque and dismissed Nanang in April last year.

"The Bekasi mosque takeover was not an isolated case [...] In many cases, mosque authorities act before extremist control becomes entrenched, simply by telling radical preachers that their activities are unacceptable," the report says.

Such was the case with the Jami Mosque in Krapyak, Klaten, when Musab Abdul Ghaffar, alias Darwo, who had close ties to militant group Jemaah Islamiyah, introduced jihad values during discussions and Koran recitals for the community in 2008.

Darwo and his followers left the mosque after the head of the mosque's board, Agus Sukarno, disbanded a Koran recital led by Darwo.

Indonesia has been a hotbed of terrorist activities since the early 2000s, with groups of hard-liners receiving military-style training from global terrorist groups and engaging in bomb attacks in Java and Bali.

The National Police have gone the extra mile by setting up counterterrorism squad Detachment 88 and the BNPT. IPAC director, Sidney Jones, has suggested that the BNPT should use the cases of local communities fighting radicalism to improve its prevention programs.

"The trick is to understand when, why and how individuals and communities decide to resist extremism and then to design interventions that can replicate the process," Jones said in a press statement on Tuesday.

She urged the BNPT to study the case dossiers of convicted terrorists, which provided information on the mosque where they became radicalized, to create a list of mosques to be targeted in its prevention programs.

The IPAC also suggested the next government consider radically restructuring the BNPT to ensure that the people involved in collecting intelligence on terrorist networks – including police and prison officials – were also involved in the planning of deradicalization and counter- radicalization programs.

Terrorism expert Noor Huda Ismail, whose foundation Yayasan Prasasti Perdamaian facilitates rehabilitation efforts for terrorist-linked inmates, said recently that restructuring of the BNPT was needed to significantly improve the nation's terrorism prevention efforts.

"Many of BNPT's staff are not that experience in the subject. They are there partly because of nepotism, not because of their deep understanding and creative thinking to tackle the issue," said Noor Huda.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/02/local-communities-stand-against-radical-preachers.html

Freedom of religion & worship

Muslims break the fast in the churches of Bandung

Jakarta Post - July 5, 2014

Arya Dipa, Bandung – Hundreds of Muslims from grassroots and marginalized communities joined breaking of the fast events held recently at two separate churches in Bandung, West Java, as a part of efforts to create a forum for interfaith dialogue.

Running for 14 years, the program was initiated by the Puan Amal Hayati Foundation. Led by former first lady Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid, the foundation cooperated with various churches, mass organizations as well as cultural and humanitarian networks as part of the annual Ramadhan safari program in Java.

"The objective is to help ease the burden of the poor, so they can fast, and most importantly, create harmony and a sense of togetherness among Indonesians," Sinta said at the start of the program at the Hati Tak Bernoda Santa Perawan Maria church's multi-purpose building earlier this week.

Around 250 people joined the events. They included pedicab drivers, street children, parking attendances, children with special needs and factory workers.

The event also featured an interfaith dialogue and art performances presented by reading movement group Lentera Nusantara, Percik Insani, which is concerned with children with special needs, Rumah Autis, which provides free therapy for children with autism and the Al Alfifiyah learning group.

Church leader Fabianus Muktiyarsa said he was happy participating in the program "I didn't think twice to say yes when we were offered to host the event," he said, adding that the event gave an opportunity to everybody to embrace differences.

Fabianus said differences should not be an excuse to make enemies. "There are no employers and employees. All are the same in front of God," he said.

Sinta said people could learn about togetherness and harmony when they performed fasting. She said fasting taught human beings to control their thirst and hunger. This, she said, would create empathy as they experienced the suffering of disadvantaged families who had to struggle to make ends meet. "Empathy causes love to grow. It will further nurture the sense of brotherhood among Indonesians," Sinta said.

On the following morning, Shinta participated in the pre-dawn meal reception held at the multipurpose hall of Santo Michael Church, which was located close to Andir traditional market. She also visited the market to greet traders who could not join the reception.

The event, which took the theme of "Fasting develops the nation's magnanimity", was expected to call for a reflection of real problems faced by the community.

"We hope the dialogue can become a national dialogue, especially as during this fasting month, Indonesians will have to choose their future leader who will determine the fate of this nation for the next five years," said Yunanto, a member of the Bandung Diocese organizing committee.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/05/muslims-break-fast-churches-bandung.html

Ahmadis reopen sealed mosque for Ramadhan

Jakarta Post - July 5, 2014

Arya Dipa, Bandung – The Indonesian Ahmadi Congregation (JAI) on Friday unsealed Nur Khilafat Mosque in Ciamis, West Java, which was had been closed by the regency's Public Order Agency (Satpol PP).

JAI leader Syaeful Uyun said that they had sent a letter to Ciamis Regent Iing Syam Arifin on Thursday informing him of their intention to regain access.

"We performed the Friday mass prayer immediately after unsealing our mosque. Around 40 followers were present," Syaeful said over the phone on Friday, adding that they had worshiped in peace.

The Ciamis regent did not respond a number of calls and text messages from The Jakarta Post.

Syaeful said his community wanted to use the mosque to perform its tarawih (extra prayer during Ramadhan) for the rest of the fasting month.

JAI also hung a huge nationalistic banner on the mosque's terrace, which featured the Garuda Pancasila, the national emblem, against a backdrop of the Red-and-White. A statement on the banner read: "Indonesia is a Pancasila state and a safe home for all followers of different religions." It also quoted articles 28 and 29 of the 1945 Constitution, which guarantee freedom of religion.

"The banner is to remind people that Indonesia is a safe place for all followers of every religion or sect," Syaeful said.

He said after the prayer on Friday, JAI leaders went to the office of the Ciamis' regency secretary where they met the assistant to the regency secretary overseeing administration, Endang Sutrisna, and head of Satpol PP, Yusuf SA.

"We went there to inform them we had unsealed the mosque. The assistant to the regency secretary said the mosque had been sealed to protect Ahmadis because of pressure from certain groups," Syaeful said.

He said JAI also received help from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras). "Kontras sent a notice [to the police] asking for protection," Syaeful said.

On June 26, officers from Satpol PP sealed the mosque and banned any religious activities in the house of worship. Banners plastered across the doors said the ban was based on a joint ministerial decree signed by the religious affairs minister, the attorney general and the home minister.

The ban also mentioned West Java Gubernatorial Decree No. 12/2011 on the prohibition of JAI activities in West Java and a Ciamis gubernatorial circular dated March 18, 2011 that was based on the gubernatorial decree. The posters also warned local JAI to stop disseminating their heretic teachings, otherwise they would face criminal charges.

Coordinator of the advocacy division at Bandung Legal Aid Institute (LBH) Willy Hanafi said a local consultative forum (Muspida), which was not recognized in the state administration system, had ordered the sealing of the mosque. "We are giving JAI assistance because the joint ministerial decree did not regulate the banning of worshiping," he said.

He said a number of officers from Satpol PP and dozens of police officers were present when JAI unsealed the mosque. "Some Satpol PP officers talked to JAI leaders and threatened them with legal action. But we believe there is no reason to do such a thing," Willy said.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/05/ahmadis-reopen-sealed-mosque-ramadhan.html

Armed forces & defense

Indonesia's poll security fears grow as TNI's role questioned

Jakarta Globe - July 6, 2014

Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta – Five points. That's the margin in Wednesday's presidential election that the military has determined could be the difference between a peaceful post-election period or an outbreak of clashes, amid ominous warnings of a plot to rig the ballot.

The latest opinion poll from Roy Morgan puts Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo at 52 percent, just four points ahead of Prabowo Subianto, a former military general, setting up what is expected to be the tightest presidential race in Indonesian history.

But with the stakes so high, the final margin of victory needs to be sufficiently wide to stave off the possibility of violent protests by supporters of the losing candidate, says Gen. Budiman, the Army chief of staff.

"If the difference is slim, we have to watch out," he told reporters at Army headquarters in Central Jakarta on Sunday. "If it's less than five percentage points, then we have to be careful. But if it's more than that, then it's safe," he added.

Budiman said the potential for poll-related violence was particularly high this year given how polarized the campaign had become, but said he hoped that the series of five presidential debates, which concluded on Saturday night, had served to ease some of the tensions between supporters of the rival candidates.

He said the Army had drawn up a map of conflict "hot spots" – regions with a history of violence in the aftermath of local elections – and would be on heightened alert in those areas immediately before, during and after election day. Most of the areas identified as conflict-prone are in Java and Sumatra.

"The military needs to be on alert the entire time, right up until the KPU" – the General Elections Commission – "issues the final results of the vote count. The situation should go back to normal once the results are out," Budiman said.

The Army chief also vowed to maintain the neutrality of the armed forces – active service personnel are prohibited under electoral law from voting – but speculation is rife of a concerted effort to tamper with the balloting in favor of Prabowo.

"There's a big plot being prepared to prevent Joko from becoming president," Karyono Wibowo, the director of the Indonesia Public Institute, a pollster and think tank, said on Friday.

He claimed a "sense of solidarity" behind the military's support for Prabowo – "the only military candidate" – and warned that it was "extremely dangerous" for the military to take sides. "That's why the people must demand that the military remains committed to being neutral," Karyono said.

He did not elaborate on the "big plot," but said that the publication of recent surveys showing Prabowo pulling level with Joko, and even overtaking him, pointed to a concerted and underhanded campaign to sway public opinion in Prabowo's favor.

"We're talking about a huge leap in poll numbers over a very short period of time. How could Prabowo boost his numbers in so drastically and even surpass Joko? It's impossible. It's inconceivable," he said.

Karyono was speaking just a day before award-winning US investigative journalist Allan Nairn, who in recent weeks has published damning excerpts from a 2001 off-the-record interview that he conducted with Prabowo, alleged a conspiracy by the Army Special Forces (Kopassus) – a unit that the candidate once commanded – and the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to rig the ballot.

Nairn, writing on his blog, cited sources who discussed the matter at Kopassus headquarters as telling him that "the operation is designed to ensure that the July 9 vote count will be won by" Prabowo.

"The topic was a covert operation to make Prabowo president. Among those present were veterans of covert ops in Aceh and West Papua," Nairn wrote. "Although it is extraordinary – stealing a civilian election for one of the candidates – the commander referred to it as an extension of normal special forces tactics, 'an operation a la Kopassus."

Nairn cited his sources as describing the operation as involving "ballot tampering, street violence, and threats against Jokowi supporters, and could involve, in extremis, 'the elimination of people.'"

"The ballot tampering part of the Kopassus/BIN operation – at least as discussed at the level my sources know of – does not involve the national central vote tabulation, but rather the count in key local precincts," he wrote.

"It involves the ongoing deployment of covert money [...] The purpose of that money, almost all in cash, is to 'play with the ballot papers' by placing agents inside counting rooms or paying off state employees who guard the ballot boxes.

"This effort is particularly concentrated in Central, West, and East Java" – dovetailing with Army chief Budiman's conflict hot spot map – "but is said to involve parts of all provinces."

Nairn said his sources would not identify who was bankrolling the effort, but that it was being overseen by senior commanders – with the direct approval of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, whose Democratic Party last week endorsed Prabowo.

The BIN is also in on the conspiracy, Nairn claimed. "The current BIN commander, ex-Army general Marciano Norman, is said to fully on board with the operation. Marciano is close to Aburizal Bakrie, the oligarch and Prabowo supporter," he wrote.

Prabowo's campaign team has previously written off Nairn's allegations as "merely the ramblings of a foreigner who wants to discredit others."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesias-poll-security-fears-grow-tnis-role-questioned/

Analysis & opinion

(Un)fair play

Jakarta Post Editorial - July 7, 2014

We would agree that the April 9 legislative election was hardly free of violations, which ranged from vote-buying to the denial of the right to vote. Many would even deem the election three months ago as the worst polls Indonesia has ever held due to reportedly rampant offenses.

After the elections, some of those involved in election fraud appeared on TV talk shows, not to give them publicity but to prove the violations had happenned and, as expected, went unpunished. Rarely did we hear about police investigating fraudsters and bringing them to justice.

Looking at the course of the campaign season ahead of the presidential election next week, we have many reasons to worry about whether fair play prevailed.

The circulation of publications spreading lies that discredit presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has shown no signs of cessation despite a police investigation. But perhaps because of the police's foot-dragging in response to the case, a book accusing Jokowi's rival Prabowo Subianto of playing the Islamic card just to fulfill his presidential bid has begun to circulate.

Foul tricks, as in the most recent attempt to link Jokowi with communism, just after the smear campaign to prevent Muslims from voting for him, have been widespread, not to mention the one-sided coverage in mainstream media, particularly television, and the use of social media by people who attack the rival of their preferred candidate.

The Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) announced on Monday that Prabowo had violated election rules by sending private letters to teachers in Jakarta to solicit their support and that Jokowi conducted an illegal campaign at the National Monument (Monas) Park and Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on June 22.

Learning from the fraud-ridden legislative election, the reported violations of the presidential election rules are likely to be just the tip of the iceberg. There could be many more violations that remain unreported.

Bawaslu has released a list of 10 regencies/municipalities and 10 provinces considered the most vulnerable to foul play, stemming from an unclear final voter list, lack of supervision due to difficult terrain, the absence of facilities and vote-buying. Most of the regions are in densely populated Java. Bawaslu has ordered all of its branches across the country to keep an eye out for any potential violations, but their limited budget will prevent them from thoroughly carrying out their oversight duties.

It is therefore understandable that the Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla ticket plans to recruit 3.5 million witnesses to ensure that the election on July 9 is conducted fairly. The Prabowo-Hatta Rajasa side will also take any possible avenue to prevent violations from occurring.

But as evinced in the legislative election, violations are likely to be commonplace regardless of any preventive measures. The problem here is that violations, if any, are difficult to prove. The Constitutional Court turned down most cases of alleged violations filed by losing legislative candidates merely because of a lack of evidence. It will be the voters themselves who decide whether fair play can prevail if they choose conscience over payment.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/07/editorial-unfair-play.html

16 years after Biak bloody tragedy, impunity remains

Tabloid JUBI - July 7, 2014

Jayapura – Two months after the fall of the New Order regime in 1998, a massacre occurred over the Papua on the island of Biak, Papua. Many have forgotten the tragedy but the victims still remember it vividly.

The Advocacy and Human Rights Studies (Elsham), Kontras Papua, KPKC of GKI Synod and United for Truth (BUK) in Papua commemorated the tragic events triggered by the raising of the Morning Star flag in the Water Tower in Biak,16 years ago.

"Leaders after leaders in Indonesia but no one spoke about justice for the victims of human rights violations in Papua. The state may forget and be indifferent but we can not forget," Thineke Rumkambu said in his testimony at the office of Elsham Papua in Padangbulan, Jayapura on Sunday (6/7).

The Bloody Biak Tragedy on July 6, 1998 has been engraved in the hearts of Papuans. It is a human tragedy in which the local people were the victims simply for peacefully unfurling the Morning Star Flag at the top of a 35 meter water tower near the Biak Harbour. This peaceful actions in which between 500 to 1000 people took part ended in arbitrary arrest, maltreatment, torture and other dreadful things.

Morning Star flag-raising action is considered as an act of unlawful violence to be dealt with by military/police. Hundreds of unarmed civilian demonstrators who lingered around the water tower were surrounded and shot at dawn on July 6, 1998.

The civilians from Pna, Waupnor, and Saramom villages at Biak city district were escorted by officers to Biak seaport and persecuted.

"Some victims were transported by Mobile Brigade truck and also a container car to Biak Public Hospital and Naval Hospital but they did not get serious medical service," she explained

She continued, there were about 6 people dead which were transported to the Naval Hospital, yet the bodies have not been returned to the hands of the family yet.

Some time after the incident, dozens of bodies were found in Biak waters (coastal). Ironically, without an investigation, officials stated that the bodies were victims of the Tsunami disaster in Aitape, PNG on July 17, 1998, although among the corpses, there were bodies wrapped in scout uniform and Golkar costumes.

"From this incident, recorded 230 casualties of whom eight people were killed, three disappeared and many seriously injured casualties were taken to Makassar for treatment, while 33 people were taken into custody, 150 people were maltreated and 32 mysterious bodies were found, " Sandra Mambrasar, the Women's division of Elsham Papua said.

For a variety of human rights abuses worsened in Papua, the components of the civil society urged the Republic of Indonesia to be responsible for all cases of human rights violations in Papua. The government must investigate and prosecute perpetrators of human rights violations on the incident of Bloody Biak 1998 via Ad-hoc Human Rights Court by reopening the report of Joint Fact Finding Team that coordinated by the National Commission on Human Rights.

"In the framework of a legal settlement, the state must provide protection and security of the victims and their families, as well as provide rehabilitation and restitution to the victims," she said. (Jubi/Aprila/Tina)

Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=2851

The TNI must stay out of politics

Jakarta Globe Editorial - July 6, 2014

Indonesia's military has come a long way in the 16 years since the collapse of Suharto's New Order regime, undergoing reforms to become a more professional institution.

Previously, active military officers could engage in almost every aspect of political life. Officers could run for mayor, district head, or governor. Suharto, for instance, became Indonesian president while still an Army general. Many people at that time believed that such involvement was normal or even necessary.

Territorial commands – at village, subdistrict, district and provincial levels – were established to enable pervasive military surveillance of citizen's activities.

Thanks to several civilian presidents who followed Suharto, and a number of reform-minded serving military leaders, the Indonesian Military (TNI) has accepted reforms which are bringing them under increasing civilian rule, and easing them from their socio-political position.

However, reform of the TNI is far from complete. Territorial commands are still there, the military is still partially self-funded, soldiers are still free from prosecution in civilian courts, and generals still seek political and economic power.

Retired generals, who are permitted to be active in politics, maintain connections with their serving juniors, allowing them to garner voting support from military families and issue veiled threats with implied backing by the armed forces.

TNI chiefs have provided public assurances that the institution remains neutral, and we should feel secure. But concerns remain that a partisan TNI could create conflict and even foment civil war, especially if the election result is close.

We call on the TNI to stay out of politics and put their whole energy into securing the nation from external threats.

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/editorial-tni-must-stay-politics/

Indonesia risks Suharto-era rerun as Prabowo rises

Bloomberg - July 5, 2014

Sharon Chen & Jason Scott – Sixteen years after the overthrow of the dictator Suharto, Indonesia is turning back toward that regime as his former son-in-law pulls level in the race to run the world's third-largest democracy.

Prabowo Subianto, one of Suharto's youngest generals, who was fired from his post in the army in 1998 for his role in the abduction and torture of pro-democracy activists, has overtaken Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo in opinion polls less than a week before the July 9 election.

Joko, known as Jokowi, has squandered a lead of more than 30 points with a disorganized campaign that raised Prabowo's appeal as a potential strong leader.

"Prabowo represents, at the very least, the turning of the tide and the beginning of what might be a serious authoritarian reversal," said Edward Aspinall, a professor of politics at the Australian National University in Canberra. "He emerged from the very heart of the old authoritarian system."

Bankrolled by his tycoon brother, and with the support of various allies, including Suharto's old party, Prabowo, 62, has made no bones about his desire to roll back democratization and reinstate the supremacy of the president.

After a decade of stagnation and widespread corruption, voters in the world's largest Muslim majority nation are listening.

Pollster Roy Morgan said on Monday the election is now too close to call after its latest survey showed Joko's lead has shrunk to four points, from 18 in May.

Among the 17-30 age group, who mostly reached voting age after Suharto's overthrow, Prabowo is ahead, according to the poll. Late last year, a survey put Joko's lead as high as 33 points.

Outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono failed to meet his target of 7 percent annual economic growth during a 10-year rule even as Chinese demand sparked a commodities boom for his resource-rich country.

While mining magnates piled up wealth, a failure to build roads and ports or curb bureaucratic corruption stifled development elsewhere in the economy.

Prabowo has capitalized on the sense of drift with a "get-things-done" message backed by better funding. With about $150 million in assets, Prabowo is almost 60 times wealthier than his rival, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) said on Tuesday.

His brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, has interests from mining to paper and was worth $700 million in November, Forbes estimated. "He's got powerful backing and he's got a message that resonates with a lot of Indonesians and he's able to get in front of them and spread the word," said Tim Condon, Singapore-based head of Asia research at ING, who worked for the World Bank in Jakarta from 1992 to 1996.

Political throwback

Spreading that word means reaching a population of about 250 million people across a 5,200-kilometer-long archipelago of more than 900 inhabited islands.

Prabowo's platform of a firm grip over the nation offers a throwback to an era before political pluralism, when cartels, many run by Suharto relatives, dominated the economy.

Prabowo has made repeated references during his campaign to a return to the 1945 constitution, before post-Suharto reforms reduced the power of the president. In a debate on June 28 in the capital, he questioned whether the country even needs direct elections.

"How do we turn back the clock of history?" Prabowo said, likening direct elections to someone addicted to cigarettes. "It's been felt so good for so long, then asking him to stop [smoking], the process will be very difficult."

Ramson Siagian, a campaign manager for Prabowo, said his remarks in the debate had created a "misperception" and that Prabowo supported democracy. Joko said on Thursday a return to indirect elections would be a "setback" for the country.

Territorial disputes

The winner of Wednesday's vote will need to steer Asia's fifth-biggest economy through major shifts in the region's trade patterns and geopolitics.

Chinese factories that drove Indonesia's mining boom are moving abroad, sparking a race to gain a bigger slice of manufacturing.

Territorial disputes are brewing in the South China Sea. And Indonesia's rising population is straining the nation's ability to provide enough education and jobs amid a weak global recovery.

A victory for Prabowo would make him the sixth leader linked to Suharto, or the previous dictator he overthrew, Sukarno. After student protests culminated in Suharto's ouster in May 1998, the country was briefly run by B.J. Habibie, who served under the former dictator for 20 years.

Then came a 21-month stint from religious leader Abdurrahman Wahid, a former Suharto ally, followed by Megawati Soekarnoputri – the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia's founding father.

Joko, 53, a former furniture salesman, has cultivated a public image of his poor roots that is distinct from the nation's previous leaders. As governor of Jakarta, he built a reputation for attacking corruption, expanding free health care and tackling the city's transport problems.

The choice between a return to authoritarianism or further democratization comes after a decade of uneven economic gains under former general Yudhoyono, who is barred from running again after his second term in office.

Since 2004, the economy has grown an average 5.8 percent a year, state debt has declined, foreign investment has risen to a record and the country has gained an investment grade.

Much of that achievement was due to a boom in commodities, driven by Chinese demand. Resources such as oil, gas, gold and coal make up 65 percent of the country's exports, according to Finance Minister M. Chatib Basri.

"What we have achieved so far, at least for the greater part, is maybe by luck," said Adrianus Mooy, 78, a central bank governor for five years during Suharto's rule. "Indonesia is blessed with a lot of natural resources. But manufacturing is not growing, agriculture is not growing, or is growing below average."

Indonesia's oil production, which began in the 1880s, led to another legacy of the dictatorship days: subsidized fuel – a popular institution that this year may cost the government Rp 246.5 trillion ($20.7 billion).

"SBY's leadership put the country in a holding pattern," said David Hill, a professor of Southeast Asian Studies at Perth's Murdoch University, referring to Yudhoyono by his initials.

A Prabowo victory could return Indonesia to a more closed society with a stronger military, while Joko may encourage an inclusive and open style of government and leadership, he added.

Prabowo is "beating the economic nationalist drum," said John McCarthy, Australia's ambassador to Indonesia from 1997 to 2000. "The Indonesian people are tired of foreign investors coming [into the country] and taking a lot of money out, particularly in the mining sector."

Both candidates have pledged to boost growth and spend on infrastructure. Joko said he'll improve regulations to attract investment and cut red tape. Prabowo wants to raise more money from capital markets and tax, as well as spur economic expansion by doubling the rate of borrowing.

"Jokowi's proposed changes are not so much in terms of economic reform, but in bureaucratic reform and improved service delivery," said Jeffrey Neilson, Indonesia coordinator at the Sydney Southeast Asia Centre at the University of Sydney.

"A Prabowo victory would likely reinvigorate the inner circles of power that held sway under Suharto, and that would not be good for the economy." Prabowo was fostered throughout his military career by Suharto, who ultimately appointed him head of the army's crack Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) in Jakarta, the garrison Suharto himself commanded when he overthrew Sukarno.

At a recent campaign debate, Prabowo's former wife Siti Hediati Hariyadi, known as Titiek Soeharto, was in the front row of the audience, fueling local media speculation that the two may get back together. Prabowo's father was an architect of the economic programs in the late 1960s after Suharto took power.

A Prabowo win could weaken the local currency on "concern that Prabowo may enforce nationalistic policies that may discourage foreign investment," Morgan Stanley analysts Geoffrey Kendrick and Kewei Yang wrote in a note on June 26.

That's been reflected in the market as Prabowo closed the gap on his rival. The rupiah has dropped 4.7 percent since March 31, the worst performance among 24 emerging-market currencies tracked by Bloomberg.

Stocks and the rupiah declined after Prabowo announced in May that Golkar, the country's second-biggest party, would ally with his Gerindra party. Golkar kept Suharto in power for 32 years, during which Indonesia was often praised by the World Bank and other lenders for rapid economic growth and poverty eradication.

The regime was also regularly voted among the most corrupt in Asia, which enriched Suharto's relatives and cronies and muzzled the press.

Stolen loans

Government officials may have helped themselves to 20 percent of the total World Bank loans intended for the country from 1967 to 1997, an internal report showed.

While Joko's campaign has bolstered his image as a self-made man, he has his own political ties to the past. His party is that of Megawati.

"There are big questions about what role Megawati is playing in his rise," said Jemma Purdey, a Melbourne-based research fellow at Deakin University and author of "Anti- Chinese Violence in Indonesia, 1996-1999. "She's clearly the kingmaker and you can't imagine that her role would stop once the election is over."

Many of the country's biggest investors will be watching for changes in the resources industry, which has attracted companies such as BHP Billiton, Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold and Newmont Mining.

In the past three years, the government has moved to decrease foreign-owned stakes in some mines and banned the export of ores to encourage more refining in the country.

"Indonesia is at a pivot point here, a real crossroads," said Murdoch University's Hill, and author of "Journalism and Politics in Indonesia. "Regardless of who wins, Indonesia will probably become a different country."

Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesia-risks-suharto-era-rerun-prabowo-rises/

Endorsing Jokowi

Jakarta Post Editorial - July 4, 2014

There is no such thing as being neutral when the stakes are so high. While endeavoring as best we can to remain objective in our news reporting, our journalism has always stood on the belief of the right moral ground when grave choices must be made.

We were not silent during reformasi. Neither have we been shy when power is abused or civil rights trespassed.

Good men and women cannot stay idle and do nothing. Speak out when persecution occurs, stand firm in rejecting the tide of sinister forces.

At certain junctures in a nation's life, its people are called upon to make stark choices. No longer is it a mere ballot cast for one candidate over another, but rather a moral choice on the fate of the nation.

Russia faced such a choice in 1996, during a runoff between independent incumbent Boris Yeltsin against Gennady Zyuganov representing the old-guard Communist Party. It was a moral choice for hope versus remnants of the past. They chose hope.

In five days this nation too will make a moral choice. In an election like no other – divisive in its campaigning, precarious in its consequences – Indonesians will be required to determine the future of our body politic with a single piercing of a ballot paper.

The Jakarta Post in its 31-year history has never endorsed a single candidate or party during an election. Even though our standpoint is often clear, the Post has always stood above the political fray.

But in an election like no other, we are morally bound to not stand by and do nothing. We do not expect our endorsement to sway votes. But we cannot idly sit on the fence when the alternative is too ominous to consider.

Each candidate in the presidential election has qualities in his declared platform. They have been dissected at length the past three weeks. And voters will sway one way or another based on it. Yet there is also a sizable part of society who are undecided in their preference.

In such a case, perhaps one can consider who not to vote for as their reasoning for that moral choice.

Our deliberations are dictated on the values by which the Post has always stood firmly for: pluralism, human rights, civil society and reformasi.

We are encouraged that one candidate has displayed a factual record of rejecting faith-based politics. At the same time we are horrified that the other affiliates himself with hard-line Islamic groups who would tear the secular nature of the country apart. Religious thugs who forward an intolerant agenda, running a campaign highlighting polarizing issues for short-term gain.

We are further perplexed at the nation's fleeting memory of past human rights crimes. A man who has admitted to abducting rights activists – be it carrying out orders or of his own volition – has no place at the helm of the world's third-largest democracy.

Our democracy will not consolidate if people's mind-set remains wedged in a security approach in which militarism is an ideal. A sense that one candidate tends to regard civilian supremacy as subordinate to military efficacy.

This nation should be proud of its military, but only if those in uniform acknowledge themselves as servants of the democratic, civilian governance.

As one candidate offers a break from the past, the other romanticizes the Soeharto era.

One is determined to reject the collusion of power and business, while the other is embedded in a New Order-style of transactional politics that betrays the spirit of reformasi.

Rarely in an election has the choice been so definitive. Never before has a candidate ticked all the boxes on our negative checklist. And for that we cannot do nothing.

Therefore the Post feels obliged to openly declare its endorsement of the candidacy of Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Jusuf Kalla as president and vice president in the July 9 election.

It is an endorsement we do not take lightly. But it is an endorsement we believe to be morally right.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/07/04/editorial-endorsing-jokowi.html

Time for Jakarta to afford Papuans the dignity they deserve

Melbourne Age - July 4, 2014

Bobby Anderson – Papuans have the lowest life expectancies in Indonesia, the highest maternal and child mortality rates, the lowest educational levels and the highest rates of tuberculosis.

The late Indonesian foreign minister Ali Alatas once described the distant and rebellious Indonesian province of East Timor as a "stone in Indonesia's shoe".

Papua is also a stone in Indonesia's shoe. It is a stone the size of California, with the last great remaining tracts of virgin forest in south-east Asia. Its wealth in coal, gold, copper, oil, gas and fisheries is colossal. A single mine there is Indonesia's largest taxpayer.

Migrants from across the archipelago flock to Papua, which hosts the highest economic growth rate in Indonesia. They fill unplanned cities like Jayapura and Timika to bursting; they drive the machinery, staff the hotels and shops, and work the plantations that are transforming once-virgin land into deceitfully green circuit boards.

Papua's wealth does not, however, accrue in the lives of its daughters and sons. The indigenous population generally lacks access to health and education services. Papuans have the lowest life expectancies in Indonesia, the highest maternal and child mortality rates, the lowest educational levels, the highest rates of tuberculosis, and an HIV infection rate that is 10 times the national average and climbing. They are the poorest, the sickest, and the quickest to die.

After Indonesia's independence in 1949, Papua was withheld because of the possible need for a land to settle Dutch Nazi collaborators. Altruism was only articulated later. To disarm the Indonesian Communist Party of a popular cause, the Kennedy administration forced the Dutch to hand over the territory to the UN in 1961 before an Indonesian administrative takeover and an engineered referendum. Papua's experience in Indonesia under the dictator Suharto was a pendulum that swung between neglect and overwhelming violence directed at the slightest hint of rebellion. An anti-government insurgency has waxed and waned since incorporation, but has never died: it is the last active insurgency in Indonesia.

Since the departure of Suharto administrative reforms haven't improved Papua. Decentralisation passed state responsibilities to districts that lack the capacity to provide them. Decentralisation's handmaiden is pemekaran, administrative osmosis that creates new structures at a viral rate. Such structures are theoretically supposed to be more responsive to citizens. But in Papua newly empowered indigenous elites agitate for their own administrative entities in order to award no-show jobs to supporters and access national subsidies directly. Decentralisation weakens services, while pemekaran kills them.

The Indonesian government has sought to resolve Papua's myriad issues. But the policy responses have failed. The last great opportunity to improve the lives of Papuans and reconcile Papua to its place within Indonesia occurred under President Abdurrahman Wahid, who began a period wistfully referred to as the Papuan Spring. Papua's special autonomy law, created in consultation with Papuans, returned the majority of Papua's extracted wealth to the area, in order to improve health, education, and other services. A special Papuan body with broad powers, the Papuan People's Council, was established.

After Wahid's impeachment, president Megawati Sukarnoputri, current leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, emasculated special autonomy and the council, outlawed independence symbols, and cut the area into two provinces in direct violation of the law. The nascent trust that Wahid helped develop was eradicated. Special autonomy devolved into a slush fund, with much of the wealth absorbed by administrative costs or otherwise "lost". Affirmative action policies that were intended to create a cadre of Papuan technocrats instead led to even more no-show jobs: in the midst of governance failures, Papua has double the national average of civil servants.

The current Yudhoyono presidency has only issued toothless directives: a 2007 presidential instruction and the creation of a powerless development body. The state has no relevance in most Papuan lives. In the hinterlands where much of the indigenous population lives, it is distinguished by shuttered schools and empty clinics. Its most visible presence is usually in the form of security actors: roadside checkpoints levying fines for imagined infractions.

The impunity of state security actors has been reduced, but abuses continue nonetheless. Any imagined manifestation of treason is punished: the government's aversion to separatist symbols has led to heavy sentences for flag-raisers in Papua and Maluku. The government simultaneously denies that such prisoners are political: more ammunition provided to independence advocates, courtesy of Jakarta.

Despite all this, Papuans have great affection for the candidate Megawati chose to run for president on her party's ticket: Joko Widodo or 'Jokowi', the hugely popular governor of Jakarta. Papuans have less affection for the other candidate, ex-special forces commander Prabowo Subianto, but not as little as many imagine. The excesses from Prabowo's past are found in East Timor: a stone since removed from Indonesia's shoe.

Papua's indigenous population is perhaps 2 million: 1.25 per cent of the population of Indonesia. The next president may have a hard time diverting attention to Papua. But he needs to. A ministerial-level government development body that assumes responsibility for myriad national, provincial, and district-level services is needed in order to centralise health, education, and other services at provincial levels. This entity would play a co-ordinating role in leading other urgent reforms: curbs on migration are urgently needed, and some migrants may need to be sent back. A moratorium on pemekaran is required. The religious foundations providing health and education services need to be legitimised and funded. The corporate social responsibility portfolios of companies involved in extractive industries require oversight from and synchronisation with such an entity, in order that Papua's wealth may accrue palpably in Papuan lives.

This entity must also issue sensitive policy recommendations: on the legality of separatist symbols, on the Papuanisation of the police, on lifting unofficial curbs on Papuan military enrolments, and on changing the military's territorial command structure, which is completely inappropriate for Indonesia's modern defence environment. The insurgency is so small that it is a law-and-order issue.

Such an entity would report to the governors of Papua and Papua Barat, as well as to the president. It would be staffed by technocrats, and driven by Papuans. My experience shows that for every few no-show civil servants, there exists a responsible one. Papua's rural schools may be absent of teachers, but they also host unpaid volunteers. Such people not only need inclusion, they need authority.

This entity would also play a role in reconciliation. The Indonesian Institute of Sciences proposed this years ago, in the form of a dialogue, but their recommendations were dismissed. Dialogue has since been reinterpreted by many an independence supporter as a hybrid tribunal where Indonesia will be forced to argue its case. This is a fantasy. Papua's incorporation into Indonesia may have been coerced, but this does not mean that it can be undone. Papua's independence would most likely be an unintentional after affect of the failure of the Indonesian state.

But the dead need naming. Suffering must be acknowledged. For Jakarta, this is the least expensive step, and the most politically costly. In the absence of such a truth-telling exercise, fictitious claims will remain credible, especially given government restrictions on foreign reporters. Many a politician naively hopes that this national wound will heal itself. It will not. Papua's Memoria Passionis compounds over time.

Or the incoming president can ignore the issue. Perhaps the problem will fade; not with a bang, but a whimper. Immigration has already rendered Papuans a minority in their land, and more migrants arrive daily. The longstanding failure of health and education services in indigenous areas will hasten their demise. Many believe that this is policy. Or perhaps Papuan frustration will foment into a new insurgency, and the current amateurs will be sidelined by an entity that can raise funds and access quality weapons: an era of roadside bombs and burning fuel depots.

If the next president is serious about Papua, then he must treat Papuans with both the seriousness they deserve and the dignity that they have been denied. For there exist no military tactics that can defeat insurrections in human hearts: another way is needed.

[Bobby Anderson works on health, education, and governance projects in eastern Indonesia and travels frequently in Papua province.]

Source: http://www.theage.com.au/comment/time-for-jakarta-to-afford-papuans-the-dignity-they-deserve-20140704-zsw1b.html

Inside Indonesia's elections

counterpunch - July 2, 2014

Ruben Rosenberg Colorni – Indonesia, the largest Muslim nation and archipelago on the planet, has climbed the ranks of global neo-liberalism to become the world's 10th largest economy, as many newspapers announced on May 4, 2014.

Within a few decades, the nation managed to increase its gross domestic product (GDP) at a fast and steady rate, primarily by exploiting and extracting its natural resources: timber, oil, coal, gold, and a myriad of other riches. The owners and managers of the country, however, have not succeeded in making substantive improvements in the standards of living of the population.

As the gap in wealth inequality continues to increase across Indonesia, the government lauds itself for allowing the destruction of the forests of Borneo, the mass palm monoculture in Sumatra, the strip-mining of the occupied territories of Papua, and the overfishing of the waters around Sulawesi. They pat themselves on the back while wrapped in the flag to justify their exploitation of people and resources for the sake of the progress of the Nation. On July 9, 2014, the country will choose a new president, but despite this change, the situation does not bode significant improvement.

Indonesia's economic policies are strongly influenced by a small group of rich, powerful families, and its foreign policy is either directed or tacitly approved by Washington. Politicians switch party allegiances based on political opportunism and are, one way or the other, related to each other. The two leading contenders for President of the Republic of Indonesia are Joko Widodo (Jokowi) of the Democratic Party of Indonesia and Prabowo Subianto, of the Gerindra Party. Prabowo, for example, was head of the special forces (Kopassus), and he was married to the daughter of the former dictator Suharto who deposed President Soekarno.

On the other hand Prabowo was the running mate of Soekarno's daughter (Megawati, PDI, now Jokowi's party) in the previous elections. Prabowo's vice-president nominee is Hatta Rajasa (National Mandate Party – PAN), whose daughter is married to President Yudhoyono's (Democratic Party – PD) son. In this Brobdingnagian web of familial connection and political alliances it is difficult to discern the ideological stances and nuances of the candidates. Both presidential candidates will almost surely continue the policy of environmental destruction and indigenous oppression to further their interests and those of their circle of friends.

Nevertheless, the ascent of Lt. General (ret.) Prabowo Subianto should sound alarm bells for the future of Indonesia. Much of the country has never addressed the atrocities during Suharto's regime that resulted in the deaths of over half a million alleged communist sympathizers, the US and British backed invasion of East Timor, and the continuing bloody occupation in West Papua that has resulted in an estimated 500,000 deaths so far. Nor has the country dealt with its accepted militaristic and authoritarian tendencies, which favor the image of a strong patriarch with a military background and flirts, with symbolism and sympathy, with many of the past's most fascist regimes.

This tendency has manifested itself in its presidents, the brutal occupation of West Papua, and the recent military build up and provocative moves against Papua New Guinea. Of all the Indonesian presidents, the only one who has not held a military title has been the only woman, Megawati Soekarnoputri: the daughter of the military general who secured Indonesia's independence from the Dutch. Lt. General Prabowo is directly and strongly connected to the former Suharto dictatorship and its so-called New Order, a reign of terror that was financially and politically supported by the United States.

During that particularly dark chapter of Indonesia's history, which lasted from 1967 to 1998, Prabowo was a lieutenant general in the Indonesian army and head of the Indonesian Special Forces, Kopassus, which protected Suharto's regime and advanced the dictator's policies of political persecution and assassination against leftist movements or dissenting voices. It was also during that period that Indonesia's military grip over West Papua was tightened, and its resources began to be sold off to the highest bidders. At least nine democracy activists seeking the fall of Suharto are confirmed to have been tortured and kidnapped while Kopassus was commanded by Prabowo; he is suspected of having been in charge of the kidnappings of many student activists who sought the overthrow of the dictatorship in 1997, 13 of whom were never found, and he has been identified by United Nations interviews as the leader of the operation that resulted in the Kraras Massacre of 1977 and that earned him the nickname "The Butcher of Timor." Prabowo has pledged that, as president, he will manage the country with "military efficiency."

During the economic turmoil that plagued Indonesia and much of Asia in the late 1990s, Prabowo fueled ethnic tensions and openly called for the Muslim Indonesian population to join him in annihilating the "traitors to the nation," referring to the Chinese who were viewed as the source of the economic troubles. Not surprisingly, much of the economic devastation then could easily be linked to Suharto's embezzlement of billions of dollars from the country's development and industry – an arrangement that would likely have benefited an in-law of the First Family, like Prabowo. His massive conglomerate of oil, coal, paper pulping, palm oil, and timber industries, incorporated under the "Nusantara Group," have made him one of the richest men in Indonesia, with a net worth, as of 2009, of $127 million (Rp 1.5 trillion).

The people of West Papua know that a switch of presidents will result in no significant development in their cause for self-determination, and Benny Wenda, the nation's tribal leader in exile, has thus called for a boycott of the vote. The environmental destruction, which has brought Indonesia to the echelons of the fastest deforesting zones in the world, is likely to continue, to justify the capitalist "progress" while mostly benefiting the country's corrupt elite. Leftist resistance movements will live in fear of the shadow of persecution from the country's uncomfortable authoritarian legacy.

Given all these dark aspects of the potential president's past, it is pertinent to ask what kind of government Prabowo would lead, whether the occupation of West Papua will escalate, and if the level of impunity enjoyed by Prabowo's troops in Timor in 1977, and Jakarta in 1998, will be reinforced and applied all across Indonesia to silence dissenting voices.

Sadly, a vote for Jokowi will also maintain the status quo of social and natural devastation. The people of Indonesia are the victims of a cruel joke, stuck between a rock and a hard place and forced to vote for the "lesser of two evils."

[Ruben Rosenberg Colorni writes for News Junkie Post, where this article first appeared.]

Source: http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/07/02/inside-indonesias-elections/