Ina Parlina, Jakarta Indonesia's first presidential aircraft finally arrived at Halim Perdanakusuma Air Force Base in Jakarta on Thursday after years of controversy and delays since its procurement in 2009.
The Boeing Business Jet 2 (BBJ2), based on the Boeing 737-800 narrowbody airliner, traveled for four days from Delaware, where US aircraft manufacturer Boeing completed its cabin interior and self-defense system works, with stops in Wellington, Sacramento, Honolulu and Guam before landing in Jakarta.
The new plane is a VVIP aircraft with a US$27 million cabin interior deemed by the State Secretariat as "designed to accommodate the President's needs". According to the State Secretariat, the aircraft has a master bedroom equipped with a bathroom, four VVIP meeting rooms, two VVIP state rooms, 12 executive areas and 44 staff areas.
With a maximum capacity of 67 passengers, the aircraft can accommodate President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his extensive entourage.
The most talked-about feature of the plane, however, is not its luxurious interior but its light blue-white livery, which has been widely criticized by Netizens.
"About the color, it was not the President who made the decision and why is it being questioned anyway?" State Secretary Sudi Silalahi said Thursday during the airplane's welcoming ceremony.
"The camouflage color is for security reasons. Almost half of the participants of a meeting [at his office] chose that color out of 14 options." He also argued that the color was also similar to the uniform of the Air Force. The aircraft will be operated by the 17th VVIP Squadron.
After obtaining certification from the Defense Ministry in the coming days and a test flight set to be held next week, the aircraft will be ready to be utilized by Yudhoyono who has been flying on a jet leased from flag carrier Garuda Indonesia for more than nine years of his presidency for his travels around the country and overseas.
However, Sudi said Yudhoyono would have little time to enjoy the perk. "The focus is for the next president, who will use it more frequently. The current President will probably only be able to use it two or three times," he said.
He later reiterated the same statement his office has frequently repeated since the procurement plan was submitted to the House of Representatives in 2009, saying that buying the aircraft, priced at $91.2 million, or Rp 847 billion at that time, was less costly than renting one every time the President traveled.
"We have calculated the savings; we will save at least Rp 114.2 billion a year in the coming years," Sudi said. "Moreover, we will definitely be proud to have our own presidential plane after 69 years of independence. This is [also] of course due to state finances that we were able to manage [the procurement]."
However, Yudhoyono did not attend Thursday's ceremony, which was held only a day after the legislative election. "Why didn't the President receive the plane at the ceremony? [Well], the procurement of the aircraft and its funds are under the State Secretariat," Sudi said.
The BBJ2 can fly up to 10 hours non-stop. It has a service ceiling of 41,000 feet, a cruising speed of 0.785 Mach and a maximum speed of 0.85 Mach. It can also reach a maximum cruising range of 4,620 nautical miles or 8,556 kilometers.
With its $4.5 million self-defense system, the Air Force could ensure the safety of the President, Air Force chief of staff Air Chief Marshal Ida Bagus Putu Dunia said.
Garuda president director Emirsyah Satar refused to name the leasing rate but said that "having a presidential aircraft will indeed make the President's travels more efficient" and impromptu presidential travels would no longer hinder Garuda's commercial flights.
Emirsyah also revealed Sudi's plan to carry out the aircraft's maintenance work at the Garuda Maintenance Facility.
President of Boeing Southeast Asia, Ralph L. Boyce, said that with its powerful performance and long-range capabilities, the BBJ2 was an "efficient travel connectivity tool" and that its purchase was fitting considering Indonesia was the largest archipelago in the world. Boyce was the US ambassador to Jakarta from 2001 until 2004.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura An armed group in Papua fired on a border post between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, injuring one civilian, Indonesian officials said on Wednesday.
Papua Police spokesman Sr.Cmr. Pujo Sulistyo said the incident took place at around 1 p.m local time. "There was a disturbance from an armed civilian group at the Skouw Wutung Border," Pujo said. "A civilian who was passing was shot."
Indonesian Military (TNI) spokesman Lt.Col. Rikas Hidayatullah said Indonesia and Papua New Guinea opened the border after it was closed for several weeks as a precautionary measure during Indonesia's legislative elections. He said Heri, 20, was shot in the arm while sitting in the passenger seat of a car driving past the border.
Pujo added that police and military officers as well as Papua New Guinea military personnel tried to catch the perpetrators but they escaped into the forest. "Armed groups often conduct operations at the border," Pujo said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/civilian-wounded-papua-border-shooting/
Jayapura Operations by the Indonesian military to capture rebels near the border with Papua New Guinea last week scared residents in Vanimo, said PNG opposition leader BeldeNamah.
"On several occasions, the army came and burned the houses. They threatened people under arms, either those who suspected to protect the members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) or those who were just accused for no reasons. Because of it, the PNG citizens at the border are living in fear all the time. The Government of PNG must be aware and make an open statement," Namah told tabloidjubi.com by phone on Monday (14/4)
He earlier said Indonesian troops had entered some areas of PNG including Vanimo after a suspected rebel attack on the military on April 7. Indonesian armed forces chief General Moeldoko earlier said that he guaranteed his personnel would only pursue the armed group who crossed the border of PNG.
"Of course, our target is the armed people. We will take firm action against anyone who tries to harm the local people or the government of Indonesia," Moeldoko said in Jakarta last week.
Namah also said that PNG has a moral obligation to help end the suffering of the people of West Papua and their struggle for independence. "Indonesia is part of Asia and has no relation with Melanesia. Thus it cannot claim Papuan and West Papua as part of it, regardless the history between Indonesia and the Netherlands," he said.
The Government of Papua New Guinea has officially admitted that West Papua is an internal part of Indonesia, therefore it never interferes the internal affairs of Indonesia.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs and Immigration of PNG, Hon Rimfrink Pato said his government totally supported the sovereignty of Indonesia over West Papua and do not agree with those who want its separation from Indonesia," he said in Ambon during a visit by MSG delegation on 15 January. (Jubi/Victor Mambor/rom)
Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=1985
Ronny Kareni Wednesday 2 April marked a global day of action to call for the immediate and unconditional release of the 77 Papuan and Malukan political prisoners currently being held in Indonesian prisons. Protests were staged simultaneously in Melbourne, London, The Hague, Auckland, Wellington, Edinburgh and Jayapura,
The protest in the West Papuan capital Jayapura, at Cenderawasih University, was interrupted by armed police with four Dalmas trucks (a kind of troop carrier), two mobile brigade trucks and one police van. As reported in NM yesterday, the police forcefully detained Alfares Kapissa, 27, and Yali Wenda, 19, and viciously beat them for 36 hours in police custody.
Kapissa, who was the field coordinator of the event, said via Facebook on 7 April that he was in agony from his injuries. He said that organisers addressed the crowd calmly without any knowledge of the police plan to arbitrarily detain the student leaders.
"I was kicked, forcefully dragged on the road and thrown into a Dalmas vehicle while been strangled, without any negotiations," Kapissa said.
Kapissa added to comments by Wenda in NM yesterday. He said the police kicked and electrocuted him and Wenda, and beat them with the barrel of a gun in the truck for up to half an hour.
Jayapura police chief Alfred Papare, told the students and local media in Papua that it is the standard procedure to detain the student leaders for questioning for 24 hours and then release them if charges were not laid.
But the two student leaders say the police detained them for more than 24 hours. According to Kapissa, Papare sarcastically told the police officers that he had not been beaten enough, saying "This is not enough, we should do harder and more."
Kapissa told NM that "My ribs and chest were repeatedly kicked till blood coated my ribs and now I suffered so much pain."
Yoan Wanbitman, chairperson of Papuan Student Solidarity Care for Political Prisoners, said he tried to peacefully negotiate with the police but they refused to listen and they beat him as well. This created more tension among the crowd of around 150-200 angry students, some of whom threw stones at the police. The police fired warning shots and tear gas to disperse the crowd.
Pilipus Robaha, 25, spokesperson of GEMPAR Papua, a Papuan student youth and civil movement, who also organised a group of approximately 100 students at Cenderawasih University's Abepura campus. Robaha's protest proceeded without incident, despite an armed police presence.
In a phone conversation on Friday 4 April, Robaha said that such brutal action by Indonesian police only motivates Papua's peaceful movement and taints Indonesia's democracy.
"We [students] are not threatened or shaken by such atrocious actions by out-of-control security forces but it only strengthens and motivates us to consolidate and organise a bigger action to tell the world that Indonesia's democracy is valid only in Java, not Papua," Robaha said.
The brutal response to the protests is indicative of the current political situation in Papua and Maluku. After more than 50 years of Indonesian rule Indigenous Papuans have seen little improvement in their material circumstances or political rights - despite Indonesia claiming to be a model democracy.
Indigenous Papuans and Malukans continue to suffer at the hands of Indonesian security forces. Since Indonesia militarily occupied the region in 1 May 1963, dissenters have been punished with arrests, violence, abuse, torture, unfair trials and intimidation. Peaceful protests, including raising the Papuan morning star flag, are met with harsh reprisals.
The Indonesian security forces' brutality shows that the world's third largest democratic country favours a culture of impunity and repressive behaviour over freedom of political expression and self-determination for the Indigenous people of West Papua.
Source: https://newmatilda.com/2014/04/11/how-indonesia-treats-west-papuans
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Indonesian Military (TNI) commander Gen. Moeldoko has given his assurances that his men will only pursue the armed group that fled across the border into Papua New Guinea (PNG) after being involved in a shootout with TNI soldiers at the Indonesia-PNG border a few days ago.
"Off course, we will only target those people who are armed with rifles. We will take firm measures against whoever tries to jeopardize either the local population or the Indonesian authorities," Moeldoko said in recent interview with The Jakarta Post.
He made the statement following the shootout, which left Jayapura Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Albert Papare and a soldier by the name of Chief Sgt. Tugino injured. According to the Papua Police, the assailants were led by Mathias Wenda. This group has gained some notoriety for its guerilla tactics, often targeting Indonesian security forces and locals.
Moeldoko said the TNI was working with the police to find the insurgents in PNG territory. He also said that the TNI had adopted a new strategy to anticipate any disruptions to security in Papua.
He said the military was assisting local civilians in finding ways to overcome their everyday problems. "We want the locals to feel that their livelihoods are more secure because of our presence here," he said.
When asked about the outlook for security in Papua given the latest tensions, Moeldoko said he was optimistic that the security disruptions in the country's easternmost province could be tackled with the new strategy. However, he acknowledged that despite the lower potential for disturbances, the intensity of the Free Papua Movement's (OPM) political wing was worrying.
"They have established a representative office in London [UK] and are continuing to gain support from a number of individuals and countries. This should keep us on the alert," Moeldoko said.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura Gunmen believed to be from a separatist group attacked a border post between Indonesian Papua and Papua New Guinea on Thursday, taking down the Indonesian flag and hoisting a banned separatist flag in its place.
Reports said that the gunmen, suspected to be members of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) fired on the post in the Gunung Pawa area from under the cover of the thick jungle.
No one was hit in the gunfire, but the border officials fled, allowing the gunmen to run down to the post, tear down the Indonesian flag and put up the Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flag a banned symbol of the area's decades-long separatist struggle.
The gunmen also set fire to a number of kiosks around the border post. A joint police-military patrol arrived at the post soon after, but by then the gunmen had fled back into the cover of the forest.
The border had been ordered closed prior to Wednesday's legislative election, in anticipation of attempts by separatist guerrillas to disrupt the vote. At least one shooting incident was reported on the day, with the gunman firing on a border post from the Papua New Guinea side of the border.
Following Thursday's attack, leaders from the Indonesian and Papua New Guinea militaries in the border region met to discuss security measures in response to the shootings.
Col. Herman Asaribab, the head of the military command in Jayapura, the Papua provincial capital, told reporters that he had asked his PNG counterparts to "take all measures deemed necessary" to "flush out" the gunmen.
However, the PNG authorities were reported as saying there was little they could do against the shooters, given that most of the time they were acting within Indonesian territory and not on the PNG side of the border.
In Jakarta, meanwhile, the chief security minister and the Indonesian Military (TNI) chief have pledged to continue cracking down on the armed insurgency in Papua, and vowed to maintain a heavy security presence there beyond the presidential election in July.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/morning-star-flag-raised-papua-border-post/
Marni Cordell and Alex Rayfield Two West Papuan students say they were kicked, called "monkeys" and struck with a cattle-prod style instrument by Indonesian police after being arrested at a rally for West Papuan political prisoners last Wednesday.
Alfares Kapissa, 27, and Yali Wenda, 19, told New Matilda they were severely injured during 36 hours in police custody after being arrested for their involvement in the protest at Cenderawasih University in Jayapura.
Similar rallies were held around the globe, including in Melbourne, last week to call for the release of dozens of West Papuans imprisoned for speaking out against the Indonesian state.
West Papuans regularly receive long jail terms for holding demonstrations, raising the banned morning star flag, and for other acts that are deemed a threat to Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua. According to data from Papuans Behind Bars, political arrests in West Papua are increasing.
Wenda told NM he participated in the protest because "all our leaders are in prison many of my elders are in prison without any good reason". From Jayapura, he described what happened when police arrived to arrest him and Kapissa, who were targeted as organisers of the rally.
"The police grabbed Alfares first, then they grabbed me," he told NM. "They threw me into the truck. Some of my friends tried to stop the police but they weren't able. The police fired their rifles into the air and released tear gas.
"Once in the truck the police beat me. I was hit hard on the ear with a rifle butt then they beat me on the back and on other parts of my body. I tried to protect myself then one of the policemen grabbed a baton made of rattan and stabbed me on the foot. Then they twisted it hard on my foot, piercing my skin. By that stage I was lying on the floor of the truck."
Wenda said that during a 25-minute trip to the police station, he and Kapissa were both struck numerous times in the face and eyes, and that police used a long instrument like a cattle prod or stun gun to deliver what felt like electric shocks. He said he was so badly beaten that "until now I can't even eat rice, only porridge".
"While I was in the truck the police held me down with a shield and electrocuted me. I just tried to hold my head. I screamed but the police yelled 'quiet' then hit me again. When they electrocuted me my arms went out from body. I could not control them and I could not protect myself.
"There were about 10 or so police. They all took turns at beating me. Most of them were from Java, two were Papuan. The police called us 'stupid students', 'monkeys' and 'dogs'. They told us we would die, that we would never get freedom," he said.
When the duo arrived at the police station Wenda told NM they were put in a cell with other prisoners and spent the night sleeping on the floor. The next morning they were questioned by police, without a lawyer.
"[The police] asked us who else was involved in the action, if we knew certain people or where they lived," Wenda said. "The police said there was no need to demonstrate. They asked why we were involved in the action, why we wanted to demonstrate to free political prisoners."
"The police wrote a statement. I saw the police write that we weren't beaten then they forced us to sign it. They also asked us to sign a statement that we would not carry out any other demonstrations. The police accused us of being criminals, of attacking them when in fact it was the police who beat us.
"We complained that what the police wrote was not right but the police just forced us to sign the statement," he said.
The pair said they were released at midnight on Thursday and that they visited a hospital the following day where they were told they had no broken bones. "But they told us that if we wanted [the medical report] we would have to ask the police for permission," Wenda said.
Kapissa told NM, "The doctor took photos [of the injuries] and I asked for a copy but then the police intelligence arrived. That's when the doctor said to me and the police that there's nothing wrong with me, I'm fine. But I feel really different. I feel really hurt," he said.
Since being released, Wenda said he had twice been visited by police intelligence officers, who asked him if he was afraid after being beaten. "I am determined to keep doing what I can for the [West Papuan] people," he said.
"Some of my family have been imprisoned. Some have been killed. Indonesian soldiers tied up my nana then they shot her dead in front in my eyes. In 2003 my uncle was shot dead by the army. Another time when I was in high school, I was also almost shot. Instead my friend, Agus Wenda, was shot. He died instantly," Wenda said.
"I signed the police statement but I told the police I would still demonstrate. The longer we wait the more Papuans disappear. The Indonesian system is used to destroy us as Papuans. That is why I want to resist. The system has to be changed."
Source: https://newmatilda.com/2014/04/10/indonesian-system-used-destroy-papuans
The Free West Papua Campaign says West Papuan refugees living in Vanimo in Papua New Guinea fear they will be killed in revenge for the armed clashes on the Wutung border post.
A number of separatist rebels from Papua's OPM have reportedly crossed from Indonesia since the clash.
The Campaign's founder Benny Wenda says the refugees believe if PNG police fail to find the rebels then Indonesia will force them to arrest West Papuan refugees near the border. He says the refugees have told him they live in fear.
"Because they have experienced when the Indonesian military couldn't find the freedom fighters because they run to the bush. And then they use Papua New Guinea police to look into Papua New Guinea. (if) they couldn't find them sometimes they also burn their houses because they're angry. The refugees who contacted me, they told me if they couldn't find these freedom fighters, they will turn to us."
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Gerindra Party chief patron and presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto said that if he was elected as a president, he would open Papua, the country's easternmost province, to foreign journalists.
The former commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) emphasized that any foreigner could come to Indonesia as long as they adhered to the country's regulations.
"We'll see about the regulations later, but, [I think] it shouldn't be a problem. This is a free country," Prabowo said, responding to journalists' questions on the matter after he cast his vote at a polling station near his mansion in Hambalang, West Java.
Several presidential hopefuls have apparently focused on Papua one of the country's most-conflict prone areas to win the support from the electorate.
Other than Prabowo, who has been nominated by the Gerindra Party to represent the party in the July election, Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, who has also been named a presidential candidate by the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P) also voiced similar support for Papua during a visit to the house of prominent singer Iwan Fals earlier this month.
"There is no reason foreign journalists should be banned from Papua if there are no existing laws that support it," Prabowo said.
In 2012, a human rights session at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHCR) recommended the government to allow foreign journalists to enter the country's resource rich land. The recommendation was included in a list of another recommendations provided for Indonesia in order to fulfill its commitment to protect and uphold human rights in the country. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/09/tni-separatists-clash-election-day.html
Jakarta A clash between Army soldiers and armed separatists erupted in Mulia, the capital of Puncak Jaya regency, on Wednesday when people in other parts of Papua province flocked to polling stations for the legislative election.
Antara news agency reported that based on military sources in Jayapura, the Cendrawasih Military Command's Battalion 751 personnel confiscated an AR-15 rifle from the separatists.
The security situation in the easternmost province of Indonesia remains fragile. On April 5, 2014, an exchange of fire between military personnel and armed rebels also occurred in the Indonesia-Papua New Guinea border area. A soldier named Tugino and Jayapura Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Alfred Papare sustained injuries after being hit by by stray bullets.
The incident occurred when Indonesian security personnel were monitoring the security situation around the border area after armed civilians hoisted the outlawed Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flag at a lighthouse there.
Following the clash on April 5, Indonesia closed the border between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea (PNG) in Skouw-Wutung.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/09/prabowo-allow-foreign-journalists-enter-papua.html
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura The Papua Police are working with the Papua New Guinea (PNG) police in a manhunt for armed assailants who fled to PNG after a shootout on Saturday with security forces in Skouw Wutung, on the border of Indonesia and PNG.
"The police have investigated and have identified the armed civilian group as being from the Mathias Wenda gang, based on field evidence," said Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian in Jayapura on Tuesday. Mathias Wenda is a leader of the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM).
The evidence came in the form of an identity card under the name of a person with the rank of major, signed by Mathias. "The finding leads to the Mathias Wenda gang," Tito confirmed.
Based on police information, the gang usually operates along the Indonesia-PNG border in Skouw Wutung and is based in Victoria village, PNG. "We will take advantage of our good relations and cooperation, which is well-established with PNG, and take legal action against these armed criminals," he said.
The armed gang carried out an attack on Saturday morning on the Indonesia- PNG border when around 20 armed men took down an Indonesian flag and raising the Morning Star separatist flag. The flag has long been seen by the Indonesian government as a symbol of rebellion.
The armed men set fire to a banner, damaged a car wash and piled wood on the streets, blocking traffic in the process. The gang members also fired at security personnel who were conducting surveillance on them.
In the incident, Jayapura City Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Alfred Papare and Indonesian Military (TNI) Sgt. Major Tugino were injured. During the gunfire, security personnel were able to shoot and hit three of the gang members, but they immediately fled into the jungle of the neighboring country.
"We've tightened security on the border to prevent a similar incident from recurring," said Tito. In regard to the legislative election, Tito urged residents not to be provoked by misleading rumors.
"Rumor has it that two people were killed in Nafri, whereas in fact both of them were killed in a traffic accident," he went on. "The driver of the car involved in the accident has been held, so the rumor of the killing is untrue."
Tito emphasized the police and the TNI would beef up security ahead of the election as part of an effort to maintain peace and security.
Meanwhile, the Indonesia-PNG border area will be closed to the public from April 6 until April 12 due to the election in Indonesia.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/09/opm-linked-gang-behind-attack-police.html
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh The Aceh administration's approval of the Qanun Hukum Acara Jinayat (criminal code procedure) bylaw authorizes sharia police in the province to detain any person suspected of violating sharia for a maximum of 20 days, if initial counseling of the offender proves ineffective.
"This is in accordance with the bylaw, which stipulates that we have the authority to detain sharia offenders," Aceh Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) and Wilayatul Hisbah (WH) sharia police law enforcement unit chief Samsuddin said on Tuesday.
Samsuddin said detention would be aimed at enabling the sharia police to conduct investigations into alleged offenses.
In preparation for the enforcement of the Jinayat procedural law, the sharia police have set up a special detention house at their headquarters.
Citizens suspected of breaking sharia will be held temporarily at the detention center while the investigation process is carried out and dossiers are submitted to the prosecutor's office and later to the Sharia Court.
Aside from detaining suspects, the sharia police are also authorized to seize evidence and arrest suspects involved in alleged sharia violations, in line with existing laws.
However, Samsuddin said the power to detain suspects would only be applied if the offender could not be counseled or advised, in which case the sharia police would hold the suspect while they waited to bring the case to the prosecutor's office and the Sharia Court for trial.
"We have never detained a person for violating sharia. The majority of sharia violations can be resolved at the counseling level," said Samsuddin. "At the moment, we have submitted three cases of sharia violations to the prosecutor's office, which will then be submitted to the Sharia Court," he added.
Edict No. 7/2013 of the Jinayat procedural law stipulates that an offender who has been named a suspect can be arrested and detained by the sharia police for 20 days at most. However, the period of detention can be extended by the Sharia Court, which can issue detention extension orders to prevent suspects escaping from the legal process at the Sharia Court.
To uphold the enforcement of sharia, especially the Jinayat procedural law edict, the sharia police have intensified raids on public areas. They target public transportation users who are caught not wearing jilbab (Islamic headscarves). The sharia police also typically target women wearing tight clothing, including tight jeans.
A visitor from Medan, North Sumatra, who wished to be known only by her first name of Dewi, protested against sharia police officers who arrested her in Banda Aceh on Tuesday. When arrested, Dewi was not wearing a jilbab, as required by sharia. She was brought in to the WH office by force for further questioning.
"I was just in Aceh for three days. I did not realize I would be arrested by the sharia police for not wearing a jilbab, as in fact I am not too familiar with the regulations," said Dewi.
In response to the protest, Samsuddin said that sharia was applicable to everyone in Aceh, including tourists visiting the province, especially Muslims.
"We have put up signs at the border between Aceh and North Sumatra requiring everyone entering Aceh to abide by sharia. So, there is no excuse for any visitors not to comply with the local regulations in Aceh," said Samsuddin.
On Dec. 13, 2013, the Aceh provincial administration officially implemented the Acara Jinayat procedural bylaw, which requires everyone in Aceh to abide by sharia. The edict also applies to non-Muslims, whether they reside in Aceh or are visiting the province.
However, Aceh Governor Zaini Abdullah said the implementation of sharia, as stipulated by bylaw No. 11/2002, was only for Muslims, as reported by tribunnews.com in February.
The Aceh administration has also submitted the Qanun Hukum Acara Jinayat to the Home Ministry for verification. According to draft bylaw guidelines, the Home Ministry has the right to verify a bylaw or edict for 60 days after it is approved by a province, including Aceh.
If the central government fails to give any clarification within 60 days, the bylaw will automatically be enforced.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/16/sharia-offenders-be-counseled-detained.html
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh Although the legislative election in Aceh on Wednesday was regarded as a success due to a lack of serious security issues, it was still marred by violence, intimidation and vote-buying, activists say.
The irregularities were recorded during observations carried out by the Aceh Election Network (JPA), which consists of Achenese civil society organizations including the Aceh Civil Society Task Force (ACSTF), Aceh Institute, Aceh NGO Forum, Banda Aceh Legal Aid Institute, MaTa Aceh and Aceh Female Solidarity.
"Based on data received by our SMS center, various reports indicated that a lot of fraud, intimidation and vote-buying took place during the election in various regions of Aceh," said ACSTF representative Ilham Syahputra on Friday.
According to Ilham, public complaints received by the SMS center indicated that polling in Aceh had yet to run peacefully and democratically. Groups affiliated with the JPA lamented that the election in Aceh, post the peace treaty, was yet be free of intimidation and vote-buying.
They cited an example of intimidation from Gampong Pulo Mangat, North Aceh, at the TPS 27 polling station, committed by a campaign team member from the Aceh Party (PA) who entered and guarded polling booths and forced people to vote for the party.
Based on preliminary data gathered by the JPA, intimidation and violence was committed by local parties, such as the Aceh Party, while vote-buying was carried out by virtually all parties via their legislative candidates and campaign teams in order to obtain seats in the House of Representatives and municipal councils.
"A candidate from a national political party was caught red-handed distributing cash door-to-door to residents between 10 p.m. and 11 p.m. [on the night] prior to voting," said Ilham.
Another instance of fraud occurred when ballot papers, which had been marked by other people, were handed to voters to be placed in ballot boxes.
"In addition to intimidation and vote-buying, we also observed the misuse of state and public facilities for campaigning by a particular party," said MaTa representative Hafidh.
According to Hafidh, the Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu), one of the stakeholders in the organization of the election, had yet to follow up on the findings although they had been reported especially those related to intimidation and vote-buying carried out by local and national political parties.
"The problem is that community members are unwilling to become witnesses, as well as a lack of evidence, which is hindering Panwaslu in conducting further investigations," said Hafidh.
Meanwhile, Aceh Female Solidarity, a women's group, found fraudulent practices carried out at the expense of women.
This included party representatives giving women gifts in the form of sarongs, prayer mats and head scarves during religious sermons at village mosques.
"However, the contributions were usually aimed at asking voters to vote for their candidates," said Aceh Female Solidarity representative Rosmidar.
The JPA has asked the election organizers, in this case the Independent Elections Commission, as well as Panwaslu and the Elections Monitoring Agency (Bawaslu) to follow up on its findings and take legal action against the offenders.
Security was a concern in Aceh leading up to the legislative election, following a surge in violence, the majority of which involved two local parties the PA and the Aceh National Party (PNA).
According to the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), there were 48 cases of election-related violence in Aceh from January to March.
The most recent incident took place in early April when three people were killed after the minibus they were traveling in, which was decorated with the image of a PA legislative candidate, was hit by bullets in Bireuen.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/12/intimidation-violence-tainted-election-activists.html
Arya Dipa, Bandung An association of human rights abuse victims' families said it hoped voters would take presidential hopefuls' background of human rights violations into serious consideration before choosing their presidential candidate.
"We choose to not forget [the human rights violations]. The upcoming administration won't be able to set a higher standard if they are haunted by the ghosts of past violations," Maria Catarina Sumiarsih, from the Network of the Solidarity of Victims' Family, told a discussion at Padjajaran University in Bandung on Tuesday.
Maria was the mother of Bernardinus Realino Norma Irawan alias Wawan, a student of Atmajaya University who killed during a rally in 1998. "If the future president's hands are tainted by blood then what chance is there that he will solve problems with violence," she said.
Al Araf of Imparsial said the country was indebted to the victims of 1998 violence. "Their deaths are a faithful remainder that we have work to do; finding those responsible for the deaths of our comrades," he said.
Two presidential hopefuls, former TNI chief Gen (ret) Wiranto and former Army Strategic Reserve's Command Commander (Pangkostrad) Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto have pasts blighted by time human rights violations.
Both ex generals, were deemed responsible by the Human Rights National Commission (Komnas HAM) for the abduction of 1998 activists. (dic)
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo has been criticized for losing focus on running Southeast Asia's largest city because the of the amount of time he has been forced to spend hashing out coalition terms with other political parties in his bid to become president.
Joko spent time campaigning for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) leading up to the April 9 legislative elections, and will inevitably have to take time away from City Hall to campaign ahead of the presidential election on July 9.
A public-policy analyst at the University of Indonesia said Joko no longer attended some meetings with City officials. "[Joko] is now busy with political consolidation involving his party and other parties activities outside City Hall," Roy Valiant Salomo said on Tuesday.
Roy said Joko's campaigning was to blame for slow disbursement of the Jakarta budget, although a City employee said the accusation was baseless.
Jakarta's 2014 budget was set at Rp 72 trillion ($6.3 billion), but only 8 percent had been spent some three months after the Jakarta Legislative Council signed off on appropriation, Roy said. "[Political campaigning] has surely impacted on the slow allocation of the Jakarta budget," he said.
Jakarta's Financial Management Board (BPKD) chief Endang Widjajanti said the slow uptake was down to a wholesale change to the procurements system.
Prior to last year, tenders were handled by the relevant city government units. From 2014, all procurement contracts go through a centralized agency the Jakarta Goods and Services Procurement Unit (ULP Jakarta), which was formed last month.
"All of these contracts depend on the preparedness of the ULP," Endang said. Approximately 7,000 contracts will be tendered through 2014.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta/joko-takes-flak-losing-jakarta-focus/
SP/Carlos Paath, Jakarta The Democratic Party's much-hyped presidential candidate convention, underway since September, has ended, following the party's drubbing at the recent legislative elections.
"The convention is over. Participants of the convention have also returned to their own [tasks]. Everything now depends on the chairman [Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono]," the chairwoman of the Democratic Party in the House of Representatives, Nurhayati Ali Assegaf, said on Monday.
She also suggested that if invited to nominate a presidential candidate through a coalition, the party may not necessarily select from the pool of convention participants.
Nurhayati explained that the so-called convention process was begun last year on the understanding that the Democratic Party would repeat its 2009 electoral showing and earn at least 20 percent of the popular vote. That would enable it to nominate its own presidential candidate without forming a coalition with other parties.
Initial count results, however, showed that the party had lost half its support, earning only around 9 percent, which made it impossible for convention participants to be directly nominated in the presidential race. "There's that 20 percent regulation. If it isn't fulfilled, then it can't happen," she said.
Nurhayati said, however, she remained optimistic that the party will be able to nominate a presidential candidate through a coalition, citing its previous experience during its first run at legislative election.
"In 2004, we earned only 7 percent, but by forming a coalition [with the Crescent Star Party, PBB] we could nominate a presidential candidate. Why can't we do that now? Why are people saying that the Democratic Party will not be able to nominate a presidential candidate?" she said.
Nurhayati confirmed that any nomination was up to Yudhoyono because despite its name, the Democratic Party is not driven by party members voting on candidates, nor policy.
Nurhayati said that she felt the convention had failed to help the Democratic Party which over the past few years has seen a startling number of its officials charged or found guilty in corruption cases earn public votes.
"I'm not blaming anyone, but this is a fact. Many of those who participated in the convention, except for Pramono Edhie Wibowo, held visits to other regions without promoting the Democratic Party," Nurhayati said. "The convention did not contribute any votes for the Democratic Party."
In a report in news outlet Republika last week, secretary of the party's convention committee Suaedy Marasabessy admitted he was unsure where the nomination process stood. "The schedule [of the announcement] is May, but whether or not it will be postponed, we don't know yet," he said.
Frontrunner nomination hopeful Pramono, who is the brother of first lady Ani Yudhoyono, has done little to shake off complaints of nepotism and dynastic tendencies in the party. On Monday, however, he claimed he was just as much in the dark as those outside Yudhoyono's family, and emphasized that he would accept any decision made by the Democratic Party's inner circle.
"About the convention, the only people who have a say on whether or not it should be continued are the members of the convention committee. I'm just a participant, everything depends on the committee and the Democratic Party," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/democratic-party-admits-convention-now-moot/
SP/Yoseph Kelen, Kupang Failure to secure seats in the recent election has begun to impact some legislative candidates who spent exorbitant amounts of money to buy votes, to the extent of selling property.
Jambir (not his real name), is a legislative candidate from Alak Kota Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), who sold most of his valuables, including his house, to buy votes from the people in his constituency.
Jambir was confident the sacrifice would win him a seat. The day before the election his wife was heard bragging about his surefire victory clinched by the sweet promises his made to the locals.
Reality, as they say, bites. Jambir was given a painful reminder of that when he discovered he failed to garner enough votes to make him a councilor. Left with almost nothing, Jambir then faced the added blow of his wife demanding a divorce.
"We heard that they sold off their house and other valuables, such as motorcycles, for the campaign. They had a huge fight last night," said Marthen, one of Jambir's neighbors.
In an interview with reporters Jambir confessed he felt embarrassed and disappointed by the election results, but was even more humiliated by the measures he took to convince people to vote for him. "I am confused by the results because I had high expectations," said Jambir.
He confirmed that his wife now wants to end their marriage. "We both agreed to sell the house. Now that I've failed, she wants a divorce, arguing that we no longer have a place to live," said Jambir.
A legislative candidate from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) in Nagekeo, East Nusa Tenggara, damaged water pipes, disrupting the water supply to the village of Sawu after he failed to clinch a seat.
"Hanura members should not have committed such an act. We vote based on their conscience without hoping for something in return," Hanura NTT chairman Jimmy Sianto said, adding that the party is still trying to get in touch with the legislative candidate to find out what happened.
Disappointment, anger and frustration are only a few of the emotions felt by legislative candidates who failed to secure a seat on April 9.
Unable to face such a massive disappointment, these failed candidates resorted to desperate measures, such as trying to steal ballot boxes, creating a blockade to deny access to a housing complex and, in a debilitating bout of depression, committing suicide, according to Antara News.
Muhammad Taufiq, a legislative candidate from Sampang, East Java, with the help of his friend Asmad stormed two polling stations and attempted to take ballot boxes by force after discovering his low vote count.
"Both stole the ballot boxes and brought them to Taufik's house," said National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Ronny F. Sompie, adding that both were later apprehended by the Tambelangan general election supervisory committee.
While some disgruntled candidates tried to confiscate ballot boxes, others made attempts to take back gifts and donations they made during their campaigns.
The Tulungagung regency of East Java saw candidates bitterly remove building materials they donated to local mosques, while one barred people from entering the place of worship.
Miftahul Huda, a legislative candidate from Hanura, took back the 2,000 bricks, 10 sacks of cement and a truck-load of sand he gave to a mosque.
Meanwhile, a village head in Kolaka, Southeast Sulawesi, closed a kindergarten by force and threatened to dismiss its teachers and principal after two legislative candidates he supported, and who made donations to the school, failed to secure seats in parliament.
While many legislative hopefuls gave in to acts of violence in the wake of their political and financial loss, others psychologically collapsed under waves of grief.
Witarsa from the Sinarancang village, of Cirebon, West Java, was taken to a padepokan, a complex of houses owned by a Muslim cleric offering spiritual guidance, the day following the elections after suffering a nervous breakdown.
Witarsa, a legislative candidate from the Democratic Party, fell into a state of severe depression upon realizing the extent of the financial debt. Flanked by an ustad, a religious teacher, Witarsa told reporters didn't know how to repay the Rp 300 million ($26,100) debt he accumulated for his campaign.
Meanwhile, Anselmus Petrus Youw, a legislative candidate from the National Mandate Party (PAN), blocked the entrance of his housing complex with logs because local residents didn't vote for him in the election.
"It's true, Anselmus blocked [access] to the area because the residents didn't vote for him," said Micky, a member of the election monitoring committee in the Nabire district in Papua. Mickey said Anselmus, a former Nabire district head, felt betrayed by the locals to whom he had given the plot of land on which the housing complex was built.
In an extreme case of emotional distress caused by this year's political race, a young woman, only identified as S. from Banjar, West Java, committed suicide after learning of her failure to win a seat.
In Banda Aceh, legislative hopefuls were held captive by their own fear when, too frightened to go home, they hid in the house of their party's local chairman in an attempt to evade witnesses demanding their fees. Junaidi, a failed candidate, said he was barraged daily by telephone calls and text messages from witnesses who have not yet been paid for their services. "I don't dare leave the chairman's house," he said.
Hanura Banda Aceh chairman Abdul Jabar said he was unable to pay witness fees because the party's central executive board had failed to send funds. Abdul said he was still trying to find a solution to the problem and hoped his party would soon provide him with the money.
Law No. 8 of 2012, Article 5 (1), states that legislative candidates will bear the cost of most of their campaign funds, which is why every election year the archipelago is besieged by legislative candidates falling into fits of rage or depression.
However, Poempida Hidayatulloh, a member of House of Representatives Commission IX said Health Law No. 36 of 2009 declares the state will pay for the medical expenses of candidates suffering from emotional distress.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/election-leaves-trail-broken-hopefuls/
Jakarta Islamic-based political parties have remained key players in politics but never as prime movers, as indicated by their ability to garner a significant share of the legislative vote based on the results of quick counts.
Syamsuddin Haris, a senior researcher with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the staying power of Islamic-based parties was due to the continued support of the majority of Muslims in the country.
"The greater Muslim population is not necessarily aligned to any Islamic party, but they choose to fly the Muslim flag due to the poor performances of nationalist parties. Voters still remember Megawati's rather unmemorable term and the Golkar Party's mediocre achievements," Syamsudin said.
Defying predictions, Islamic-based parties posted impressive results in the legislative election according to quick counts, with the National Awakening Party (PKB) experiencing the most gain.
Quick-count results show that the PKB got 9.20 percent of the vote, coming in fifth position behind the ruling Democratic Party with 9.70 percent. The National Mandate Party (PAN) also posted an impressive gain of 7.5 percent of the vote.
The performances of Islamic-based parties defied the predictions of a number of pollsters that incorrectly foretold of their demise in the 2014 general election.
The Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) found in a 2012 survey that major Islamic-based political parties, including the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), PKB, PAN and the United Development Party (PPP), would each get less than 5 percent of the vote and collectively would only garner 21.1 percent of the popular vote.
Around the same time, the Saiful Mujani Research & Consulting (SMRC) found in a survey that three Islamic-based political parties, the PKS, PKB and PPP, would only get 3 percent of the vote. PAN was predicted to come in fourth with a meager 2 percent of the vote.
Political analyst Komaruddin Hidayat said that in spite of significant gains, it would be unlikely that the Islamic-based parties would set up a coalition among themselves.
"Even if there is a Islamic-base party coalition, it doesn't mean that it will be the sole political vehicle for Muslim politicians. There are quite a number Muslim intellectuals in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle [PDI-P] and Golkar as well," Komaruddin told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
Komaruddin, who is the rector of State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, said that the lines between nationalist and Islamic parties had been blurred, and that it was wrong to think that Muslim intellectuals only rallied behind Islamic-based parties.
"Indonesia has the world's largest Muslim population, yet there is no clear demarcation between what constitutes nationalist and Islamist politics," said Komaruddin.
Arie Sudjito, a political observer from the Gadjah Mada University, said the only problem dogging Islamic-based parties was that they lacked prominent figures that voters could rally around.
"Compared to Jusuf Kalla and Mahfud MD, the electability of Muhaimin is far lower. If the PKB decides to nominate Muhaimin, then the PKB will only be criticized by the public," Arie said, referring to PKB chairman Muhaimin Iskandar.
The PKB had previously pushed three figures from outside the party former vice president Jusuf Kalla, former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud MD, and self-styled king of dangdut Rhoma Irama as presidential and vice presidential candidates.
"In the beginning, the PKB relied on the three figures from outside the party," Arie continued, "but due to a significant boost in votes, the PKB is trying to push for one of its own, Muhaimin Iskandar." (tjs/put)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/15/too-early-write-islamic-based-parties.html
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The 15 percent of the popular vote garnered by the Golkar Party in the April 9 legislative election quick count appears to have failed to stop clashes between the party's rival factions.
The conflict appears to have worsened, with the party's current chairman Aburizal Bakrie and his camp bracing for a step-up in attacks from other party members in the upcoming national meeting.
One of Golkar's most experienced politicians, Akbar Tandjung, said on Sunday that he would use the party's next national executive meeting, scheduled for early next month, to file a motion of non-confidence against Aburizal, who he accuses of failing to secure the target of 30 percent of the vote.
"I think the motivation to hold the meeting shortly after the legislative election and prior to the presidential vote is to evaluate our performance in the April 9 poll and address some problems, so that we can improve our performance ahead of the July 9 presidential election," he said during a press conference at his residence in South Jakarta.
"Why was our legislative vote so low only about half of our target? Something must have gone wrong. I believe our members in the regions share my concerns," Akbar said.
Akbar, a former party chairman, also slammed Aburizal for failing to utilize the party's "political machinery" to garner more votes.
"Under Aburizal's leadership, party consolidation is not good. We have failed to focus on the party's interests. Aburizal, when he visited the country's regions, was more about campaigning for his presidential candidacy, rather than working for the party's interests, yet he is the party chairman," Akbar said.
Akbar, who currently serves as chairman of Golkar's advisory council, is known as the leader of a splinter faction against Aburizal's camp. Akbar was Golkar chairman from 1998 to 2004 and is believed to continue to hold support among regional Golkar members.
Amid speculation that Aburizal could soon lose his grip on the party, Akbar said the May meeting would not have the authority to replace Aburizal, based on the party statute. "The forum in which it is possible to name a new chairman is the national congress, which is scheduled to be held next year," Akbar said.
But Akbar was quick to add that the May meeting could see Golkar members calling for an early leadership change, given their disappointment over the performance of the party's central executive board.
Golkar deputy chairman Fadel Muhammad, however, claimed the plan to hold the national executive meeting next month was not final. "I have just checked with the party secretary-general [Idrus Marham] and he said there was no decision about the meeting yet," Fadel told The Jakarta Post.
Fadel, however, shared Akbar's concerns about Golkar's performance in the legislative election. "I agree that Aburizal, in his capacity as the leader of the central executive board, is responsible for the result," he said. "Indeed we failed to reach the target, but at least our electability this year was around 1 percent higher than in 2009."
Fadel said that Golkar managed to garner more votes from the eastern part of the country, while losing votes from Central Java and its stronghold in Banten, West Java.
Speculation is rife that the intention behind Akbar's move within Golkar was to present himself for vice presidential positions in a coalition with another political party ahead of the presidential race.
During the conference, Akbar claimed he had been named a running mate of a presidential candidate, either for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) Joko "Jokowi" Widodo or the Gerindra Party's Prabowo Subianto.
"Today, among all of the potential vice presidential candidates discussed in the media, such as [former vice president] Jusuf Kalla and [former Constitutional Court chief justice] Mahfud MD, I heard it was me who was favored by either Jokowi or Prabowo," he said.
Over the weekend, meanwhile, Democratic Party executive chairman Syariefuddin Hasan said the party would run an evaluation for its ongoing presidential convention.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/14/golkar-s-stagnant-result-poll-leads-worsening-row.html
Jakarta Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo said on Saturday that reports of a rift within the party were untrue and that suggestions that he had been asked to leave a party meeting were false.
PDI-P legislator and media team member Eva Kusuma Sundari said in a statement that The Jakarta Post's article published Saturday was untrue and misleading as the incident, in which Puan Maharani, the party's general election head and daughter of party leader Megawati Soekarnoputri, reportedly dismissed Jokowi when he visited Megawati's home on Jl. Teuku Umar in Central Jakarta on Wednesday evening, never happened.
Jokowi said the meeting, which was held the evening after the legislative poll, was not even attended by Puan. "I have not met with Puan since the election," Jokowi was quoted as saying by Eva.
The PDI-P insisted that there was no rift between Puan and Jokowi and that it was now focusing on monitoring the regional vote counting, while Megawati and Jokowi would be preparing for the upcoming presidential election in July.
Rumors of an internal rift emerged after the PDI-P failed to make a strong showing in the legislative election, securing only around 19 percent of the popular vote, far below its 27 percent target.
On Saturday, the Post quoted a source within the PDI-P's central board as saying that a heated debate had ensued inside Megawati's house between rival supporters of Jokowi on the one hand and Puan on the other.
PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristianto, who was present at the meeting, also said the incident never took place. He said the PDI-P politicians attending Wednesday's meeting were all pleased with the party's achievement as suggested by many quick counts.
"In the PDI-P, we are taught to run our politics in a civilized manner, according to which we uphold political ethics, good conscience and honesty," he said on Saturday. "That's the reason why such a despicable scene has never taken place [in the party], let alone Pak Jokowi's alleged expulsion [from the meeting]," Hasto added.
Eriko Sotarduga, another PDI-P politician who attended the meeting, confirmed that Puan was not present. "Mbak Puan stayed in Kebagusan [South Jakarta, where Megawati has another house] after Ibu Megawati left for Teuku Umar," he told the Post.
Apart from Hasto and Jokowi, Eriko said Gadjah Mada University (UGM) political scientist Cornelis Lay; Megawati's son, Prananda Prabowo; University of Indonesia (UI) defense expert Andi Widjajanto; and Puan's husband, Happy Hapsoro, had also been among Megawati's guests at Wednesday's meeting.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/13/pdi-p-nixes-jokowipuan-rift-claims.html
Jakarta Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo and his Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P; former general Prabowo Subianto and his Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra; and business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie and his Golkar Party continued on Sunday to search for coalition partners ahead of the July 9 presidential election.
Based on the "quick counts" the final result will not be announced until May 9 the April 9 legislative election failed to produce a dominant winner; the PDI-P, Golkar and Gerindra received 19 percent, 15 percent and 12 percent of the vote, respectively.
By law, each presidential candidate must be nominated by a political party or coalition of parties that has won at least 25 percent of the vote or 20 percent of parliamentary seats in the legislative election. However negotiations over the weekend have produced several results that could shape political alliances in the months ahead.
Media mogul Surya Paloh's National Democrat Party (NasDem) announced on Saturday that it had thrown its support behind Joko and the PDI-P. Announcing the move at a press conference at the party's office on Saturday, Surya said "We want Indonesia to be great."
The press conference was attended by Joko and senior members of NasDem and the PDI-P. NasDem received over 6 percent of votes, according to quick counts. Surya said NasDem would continue to hold talks with the PDI-P about forming common policy ground.
"We still have to discuss whether NasDem will endorse any vice president. Further discussions will be held in the next two or three days with PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri," Surya said.
Joko responded positively to the announcement, praising Surya for not seeking any guarantees regarding cabinet positions. "We have put aside the idea of political transactions," Joko said.
"We have agreed to avoid it. I respect Surya's magnanimity by not putting forward a discussion about the vice presidency or the cabinet at this stage. It shows the magnanimity of a statesman."
Surya, who owns Metro TV and Media Indonesia newspaper, said he would contribute resources to a strategy that would pave the way for a Joko presidency. "We'll do land, sea and aerial attacks to win the hearts and trust of the people," Surya said.
Former vice president and Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla said the tie-up between NasDem and the PDI-P was predictable, given the talks that had taken place for some time between the party leaders.
"It fits," Kalla said. "When Surya was with me at Golkar as head of the advisory board, he always communicated with the PDI-P. He was the one that bridged Golkar and the PDI-P." Kalla has previously indicated that he would be prepared to run for vice president under Joko.
After meeting Surya, Joko met with Golkar chairman Aburizal but no agreement was reached and Aburizal continued to say that he would not form a coalition with the PDI-P. "The PDI-P has its own candidate and Golkar has its own candidate," Joko said.
Joko did not, however, want to rule out a Golkar-PDI-P alliance after the election. "We will meet later after the presidential election," he said.
Aburizal said he would not stand in the way of Kalla running alongside Joko, but stressed that the support of the Golkar Party would not be available to him during the campaign.
"It is fine, as long as he follows the party's regulations," Aburizal said on Saturday after meeting Joko. He said he had yet to decide on his running mate. "If the person is a man, he should be handsome," he joked. "If the person is a woman, she should be pretty."
While the votes accumulated for the PDI-P and NasDem are enough to nominate Joko for president, the presumptive candidate also met with Muhaimin Iskandar, chairman of the National Awakening Party (PKB), later on Saturday to invite the latter to join the coalition.
The Islamic-based PKB was the surprise package in the polls, winning 9 percent, according to quick counts. However, the talks failed to produce instant results as the PKB wanted to know if Muhaimin would be Jokowi's running mate, and how many ministers it would get in the next cabinet.
Marwan Jafar, an executive from the PKB's central board, indicated that the party prioritized power sharing as a precondition for talks. "It's a good thing that cooperation is not solely about power sharing," Marwan said. "But there should be power sharing in cooperation."
Marwan said that the party's board wanted Muhaimin to be made Joko's vice presidential candidate. Besides Muhaimin, other names have floated for the post, including Kalla; Mahfud M.D., the former chief justice of the Constitutional Court; Hatta Rajasa of the National Mandate Party (PAN); and former Army chief Ryamizard Ryacudu.
Ryamizard and Joko met on Sunday and held a brief discussion. Joko said the PDI-P would continue meeting with other parties and would decide on his running mate next week.
The PDI-P looks unlikely to form a coalition with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party because of the past acrimony between Yudhoyono and PDI-P chief Megawati, in whose administration Yudhoyono once served.
"SBY has been trying to communicate with Megawati, but there is no response from the latter. I think they are unlikely to form a coalition," said Achmad Mubarok, a member of the Democrats' board of advisers. In 2004, Megawati was angered by her then minister Yudhoyono, when he decided to run for president after vowing he would not seek the presidency.
The PKB, meanwhile, is considering forming an alliance of Islamic parties. Besides the PKB, such a bloc would possibly comprise the PAN, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and United Development Party (PPP). The four parties together commanded more than 30 percent of the legislative vote last week.
However such a coalition would be difficult to construct as each party has different interests, and would still lack a strong figure as a presidential candidate.
For its part, the PKS proposed on Sunday to form a coalition first, and then offer itself to Prabowo and Gerindra in exchange for a vice presidential nomination and ministerial posts.
"If all Islamic parties were united, we would have 31 percent of the vote. This coalition would have a strong enough bargaining position before we proposed something to a nationalist party, such as Gerindra," said Refrizal, a senior PKS politician. Refrizal said that Gerindra was the perfect choice because it was committed to rejecting all foreign intervention.
Communications Minister Tifatul Sembiring supported the idea, arguing that if Islamic parties failed to capitalize on their current momentum, they would miss the boat entirely. "If we form a coalition with the nationalist parties we will be strong. Otherwise, we will get nothing," he said.
Meanwhile, Prabowo said he planned to form a coalition he styled as a "big tent," comprising nationalist and Islamic parties. "We are open for a coalition with any parties," he said.
Prabowo has held talks with leaders of Golkar and the Democratic Party, as well as with the Islamic four of the PKB, PKS, PAN and PPP. So far, Suryadharma Ali, the chairman of the of PPP, which gained 6 percent of the vote last week, has expressed support for a Prabowo presidency.
Experts, however, expressed concerns that Prabowo's plan could repeat the blunder made by Yudhoyono in rendering his administration ineffective by inviting too many parties into his governing coalition. "He wants to continue Yudhoyono's obsession with the politics of harmony," said Siti Zuhro, a political expert with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
She said that while Gerindra needed to collect plenty of votes from other parties to be able to nominate Prabowo, Yudhoyono's error should not be repeated.
Beside risking losing to Kalla, Aburizal faces other enemies from within Golkar. On Sunday, former Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung dealt a blow to Aburizal Bakrie's presidential nomination.
Akbar, Golkar's chief patron, has laid the blame for the party's poor showing in the legislative election squarely at Aburizal, who he says was too busy promoting himself as a presidential candidate instead of working on consolidating the party's voter base.
Interim results suggest Golkar received around 15 percent, less than its target of 20 percent. With that result, Golkar will gain around 90 to 95 seats in the House compared to the 2009 elections which saw it take 106.
Akbar said Golkar would soon hold a national leaders' meeting to evaluate the election result.
"It needs explanation why did we not achieve the goal, with the result that we are not able to nominate our own presidential candidate?" he said. "We must discuss if we need to continue having our own presidential candidate or whether to form a coalition. If the probability is small, do we need to force it?" he added.
At the press conference, Akbar declared that he was ready to run as a vice president in the upcoming election.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/coalition-time-indonesia-let-horse-trading-commence/
Hasyim Widhiarto and Ina Parlina, Jakarta United Development Party (PPP) chairman Suryadharma Ali is on the verge of losing the top job in the country's oldest Islamic-based party following his presence at a recent Gerindra Party rally.
PPP deputy chairman Emron Pangkapi said on Friday he had received support from leaders of the party's local branches, including those in West Java and South Sulawesi, to hold a party plenary meeting soon to officially remove Suryadharma from his position.
"The party chairman has violated several party rules, including that which prohibits party leaders campaigning in other parties' rallies. His attendance at the Gerindra rally also challenged the party's recent decision not to include [Gerindra presidential candidate] Prabowo Subianto as a potential PPP presidential candidate," Emron told The Jakarta Post.
Suryadharma, accompanied by two PPP figures Djan Faridz, who is also the public housing minister, and cleric Nur Iskandar made a surprise appearance at a Gerindra rally last moth at Bung Karno Stadium in Jakarta. Suryadharma also made a short speech to Gerindra supporters, during which he applauded Prabowo's vision for the country.
The PPP has not yet announced a coalition partner for the upcoming presidential election. Suryadharma's appearance at the event, however, has raised speculation that the two parties would ally to pave the way for Prabowo's presidential bid.
Emron said Suryadharma's uncoordinated political approach to Gerindra undermined many party members' confidence in him.
"The chairman never consulted with party executives about his political approach [to Gerindra]. Many party executives, meanwhile, have chosen to remian silent, but there is no doubt that there is growing disillusionment among the party's 27 branches in the leadership of the party chairman," he said.
Established in 1973 as a result of the merger of four Islamic political parties, the PPP used to be the country's only Islamic-based party until 1999. The party had hoped to garner 12 percent of the vote in the April 9 legislative election, but quick counts have revealed that the PPP only secured some 6 percent of the vote, a slight increase from its 5.3 percent in 2009.
Gerindra, meanwhile, has garnered just under 12 percent of the vote, according to the majority of early returns.
The Presidential Election Law requires a political party or a coalition of parties to obtain a minimum 25 percent of the popular vote or 20 percent of seats in the House of Representatives to be entitled to nominate a presidential candidate.
Suryadharma, however, considered the attempt to unseat him as a minor threat. "Like a corporation, the PPP has become a go-public party that has many stakeholders who have the right to speak out. So, just let them speak out," he said on Thursday.
He added that the only way to dismiss him was through a party congress or an extraordinary congress. "I received the leadership mandate from the party's muktamar [congress] and can only be dismissed through another muktamar," he said.
PPP lawmaker and politician Okky Asokawati confirmed the ongoing discontent in many PPP branches about Suryadharma's public appearance with Prabowo. "But only party elites [are upset], not the grass roots," she told the Post.
PPP executives, including Okky, were scheduled to meet on Friday night to discuss the party's performance in the legislative election. The meeting, however, was cancelled at the last minute after PPP secretary-general Romahurmuziy asked his colleagues to postpone the meeting until next week.
The PPP had initially professed its support for Gerindra in the 2009 election, but the party made an about-face at the eleventh hour and backed the Democratic Party, which then built a ruling coalition with the Golkar Party, the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN).
As a result of the defection, Gerindra teamed up with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to nominate chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri as presidential candidate with Prabowo as running mate. The Hanura Party led by Wiranto also joined the coalition.
Head of the political science department at Tasikmalaya-based Siliwangi University, Akhmad Satori, however, believed the PPP internal conflict would not influence loyal party supporters at grassroots level. "Suryadharma's only mistake is that his political move [to Gerindra] took place at the wrong place and at the wrong time," he said.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Unmoved by friction within his party, Jakarta Governor and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo said it made no sense to look back, adding that he and his party needed to prepare for the future.
"The [presidential] election is only three months away [...] We have entered an electoral race for which we must be ready," Jokowi told dozens of his supporters, members of the pro-Jokowi movement, Projo, in South Jakarta on Friday.
On Thursday, a number of PDI-P officials, led by secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo, visited the headquarters of the Nasdem Party and met chairman Surya Paloh in a move believed to be part of preliminary talks for a coalition ahead of the July 9 presidential election. Party executives had hinted that the PDI-P would form a coalition with a maximum of five political parties.
Earlier on Wednesday, news about PDI-P infighting broke a few hours after the quick-count results of the legislative election were revealed. Jokowi visited PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri's home on Jl. Teuku Umar in Central Jakarta on Wednesday evening.
He said, upon arriving at Megawati's home, that his visit was to participate in an internal evaluation of the PDI-P's disappointing performance in the election. It only secured around 19 percent of the vote, according to the quick counts, far lower than its targeted 27.02 percent.
Before joining the meeting, Jokowi told reporters that he was of course "disappointed" over the results and blamed the PDI-P's political marketing strategy, which he believed had not been maximized.
Around 15 minutes later, however, Jokowi reappeared from the meeting and toned down his previous statements. He said, before leaving, that all elements within the PDI-P were thankful that the party had won the most votes during the election.
Whatever happened inside Megawati's house resulted in Jokowi changing his tone, at least for the public, regarding the election results.
A source within the PDI-P, who wished to remain anonymous, said a heated debate had ensued inside the house between rival supporters of Jokowi on the one hand and Megawati's daughter, Puan Maharani, who is head of the party's general election division, on the other.
Both camps, according to the source, started pointing fingers and played the blame game. "Puan then told Jokowi to leave. She was very disappointed, as she had expected Jokowi's popularity to help the PDI-P win at least 30 percent of the vote, paving the way for her to become the party's vice presidential candidate later on," the source said, adding that Megawati had broken down in tears during the debate.
"Megawati cried, not because she was sad to see Jokowi ousted from her home by her own daughter, but because she was witnessing a growing gap between Puan and her second son, Prananda Prabowo, who backs Jokowi."
Prananda is the son of Megawati from her first husband the late Surindro Supjarso while Puan is the daughter of her third husband, the late Taufiq Kiemas.
Asked about the conflict between Prananda and his half sister Puan, PDI-P politician Aria Bima said the claims were untrue. "I know both Prananda and Puan very well. Puan clearly supports Jokowi wholeheartedly. Outsiders are the ones who like to stir things up by spreading stories about rifts within our party," Aria told The Jakarta Post by phone on Friday.
The PDI-P's deputy secretary-general, Ahmad Basarah, stressed that whatever happened during the internal evaluation following the legislative election was part of the dynamic within the party and did not necessarily suggest a growing conflict between different factions.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/12/jokowi-shrugs-infighting.html
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta Media mogul Surya Paloh's National Democratic Party (Nasdem) has announced that it has thrown its support behind Joko Widodo and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P), as Indonesia's political parties continue to hold talks to build alliances after last week's legislative election failed to produce a clear winner.
"We have agreed to join forces to support the presidential candidate of the PDI-P Nasdem will give its full support," Surya Paloh, chairman of Nasdem, said in a press conference at the party's office on Saturday. "We want Indonesia to be great."
The press conference was attended by Joko and senior members of both Nasdem and the PDI-P. Nasdem received over 6 percent on Wednesday, according to quick counts, the PDI-P finished with just under 20 percent.
Surya said Nasdem would continue to hold dialogue with the PDI-P about forming common policy ground. "We still have to discuss whether Nasdem will endorse any vice president, further discussion will be held in the next two or three days with PDI-P chairman Megawati Soekarnoputri," Surya said.
Joko responded positively to the announcement, praising Surya for not seeking any guarantees regarding cabinet positions.
"We have put aside the idea of political transactions," Joko said. "We have agreed to avoid it. I respect Surya's magnanimity by not putting forward a discussion about the vice presidency or the cabinet at this stage. It shows the magnanimity of a statesman."
Surya, who owns MetroTV and Media Indonesia newspaper, said he would contribute resources to a strategy that would pave the way for a Joko presidency. "We'll do land, sea and aerial attacks to win the hearts and trust of the people," Surya said.
Former Golkar Party chairman Jusuf Kalla said the axis between Nasdem and PDI-P was predictable given the dialogue that had existed for years between the party chairs.
"It fits," Kalla said. "When Surya was with me at Golkar as head of the advisory board, he always communicated with the PDI-P. He was the one that bridged Golkar and PDI-P."
Kalla has previously indicated that he would be prepared to run for vice president under Joko.
After meeting Surya Paloh, Joko met with Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie but no agreement was reached and Bakrie continues to say that he will not form a coalition with the PDI-P. "PDI-P has its own candidate," Joko said. "Golkar has its own candidate."
Joko did not, however, want to rule out a Golkar-PDI-P alliance after the election. "We will meet later after the presidential election," he said.
Bakrie said he would not stand in the way of Kalla running alongside Joko, but that the resources of the Golkar Party would be off limits to him during the campaign. "It is fine, as long as he follows the party's regulations," Bakrie said on Saturday after meeting Joko.
Bakrie said he had yet to decide on his running mate. "If the person is a man, he should be handsome," he said. "If the person is a woman, she should be pretty."
Marwan Jafar, the head of PKB's central board, indicated that the party prioritized power sharing as a precondition for talks. "It's a good thing that cooperation is not solely about power sharing," Marwan said. "But there should be power sharing in cooperation."
Marwan said that the party's board wanted chairman Muhaimin Iskandar to be made a vice-presidential candidate.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/nasdem-announces-pdi-p-support-golkar-pkb-refuse/
Josua Gantan & Kennial Caroline Laia, Jakarta Negative campaigning directed against the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, and the limited ability of the party, better known as the PDI-P, to market itself, are the main reasons for it having failed to meet its target of 27 percent of the votes in Wednesday's legislative election, Joko Widodo, the party's presidential candidate, said on Thursday.
"In the last few weeks, we were in a good position. But at the last moment, roughly three days before [the election], the attacks were tremendous," Joko said, referring to the negative campaigns he encountered.
Among the negative campaigning Joko referred to, was the accusation that he was a mere puppet controlled by party leader Megawati Soekarnoputri.
Prabowo Subianto, the presidential hopeful of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) who is also the party's chief patron, is seen as the person who popularized the accusation. According to most polls results, Prabowo would be Joko's main rival in the upcoming presidential election.
"To those who make that allegation, let me just say, Megawati as party chairman, was big-hearted enough to nominate someone else [to be the party's presidential candidate]. Are any other party leaders willing to do that?" Joko said in response to the accusation.
There was also an accusation of Joko's son being involved in corruption related to the procurement of TransJakarta buses. The allegation of corruption stems from the fact that some of the newly procured buses were found to be rusty and in poor condition.
In response to the TransJakarta bus corruption accusation, Joko replied, "you know, we procured the buses by means of competitive bidding. It was beyond our control who won the bid. As the governor, I could not determine that, for instance, Mercedes or Volvo [would win the bid]. My son has never been to Jakarta. My son is in Solo [Central Java] running his own small catering business."
While Joko emphasized that the timing of his nomination as the party's presidential candidate was just right, he admitted that the PDI-P's insufficient presence in the media also played a role in its less-than- satisfactory performance.
"I think the time of the announcement [of my candidacy] was appropriate. But we did not follow it up with constant political marketing," Joko said, during a visit to BeritaSatu Media Holdings, following a TV interview. "We had limitations. After the announcement, there should have been intensive marketing over the following weeks. However, it was only done during the last three days. It should have been done over three weeks."
Indeed, as a consequence, the impact of Joko's presidential candidacy the so-called Jokowi effect was diminished. "When we checked reports in the field, many people said they did not know that the PDI-P nominated Jokowi. Surveys also showed the same," Joko added.
Meanwhile, Ikrar Nusa Bakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, noted that Megawati's move to form an alliance with Surya Paloh and the NasDem party would improve the PDI-P's lack of media presence.
"Megawati finally realizes that if you don't have a television [station], then you have to cooperate with somebody who does own one," Ikrar told the Jakarta Globe.
Joko was also quick to deny rumors that disunity in the PDI-P contributed to the party's poor showing. However, analysts contend that discord within the party was the main reason for the PDI-P having only attracted 19 percent of the votes.
Ikrar explained that dissension within the PDI-P was the party's main obstacle. "The biggest challenge that the PDI-P faces comes from within. They are still blaming each other. Some still take credit for themselves. There are those who blame Jokowi," Ikrar said.
"Puan [Maharani] is the one who always attempts to diminish someone prospective in the PDI-P," Ikrar told the Jakarta Globe, referring to the daughter of party leader Megawati. Puan, who acted as chairman of the party's campaign team, was seen by analysts as a stumbling block to Joko's chances.
Yunarto Wijaya, executive director of Charta Politika, went as far as claiming that Puan had been responsible for the PDI-P's poor performance.
"The figure of Jokowi was not showcased in its advertisements; the focus was on Puan," Yunarto pointed out. "The PDI-P misplaced its focus on its 'Indonesia Hebat' ['Indonesia is Great'] advertising campaign. It looked as if Jokowi was campaigning by himself. This shows that the party is not solid."
Yunarto went on to claim that while the party's poor results in the election would not be detrimental to Joko's presidential bid, the current Jakarta governor should not expect much help from his party.
"While Jokowi was not weakened by the results of the legislative election, it left him with a clear message: don't expect too much from your own political party," Yunarto said. "The PDI-P is divided and what is needed now is internal consolidation."
While the PDI-P did not achieve the results that it expected in Wednesday's election, most analysts believe it would be fallacious to conclude that Joko's chances in the July 9 presidential election had been dented. The presidential election would be an entirely different ball game, most political analysts say.
"Results of the legislative election will not necessarily influence the presidential election results. It's a completely different thing," Yunarto told the Jakarta Globe.
"The presidential election depends on an individual figure's electability. Although in the legislative election the PDI-P didn't meet its target, Jokowi still has a high chance given his electability according to most polls. It is possible that voters who preferred to vote for other parties will vote for Jokowi in the presidential election."
Hamdi Muluk, an expert in politics and psychology at the University of Indonesia, holds a similar view. "It is very well possible that those who did not vote and those who voted for other parties will turn to Joko in the presidential election," Hamdi said.
Meanwhile, Joko himself banked his hopes on the fact that the presidential election is wholly different from the legislative election.
"The presidential election will differ from the legislative election," Joko said. "In the legislative election... competition was incredibly fierce, and presidential candidates were ignored [for the time being]. "In the presidential election, those who are contesting it are far fewer in number. There will probably be a maximum of three candidates. So I am optimistic about the presidential election."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/joko-attacks-poor-marketing-hurt-pdi-p/
Yeremia Sukoyo, Jakarta An analyst attributed the significant vote increase for the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) to party founder and presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto's openness to the media.
Agung Suprio, a political expert, said on Thursday that Gerindra's success at the polls, where it garnered 12 percent of votes, according to quick counts, from 4.5 percent in 2009, was influenced by the former Army general presenting himself successfully in various forums and being accessible to the media, both conventional, such as print, and online.
"Prabowo appears to come across as more media-friendly than in previous years," he said. "Not only that, Prabowo's accounts on social media like Twitter and Facebook, where he can convey his ideas without time restrictions, are followed and liked by millions."
Agung said that the negative publicity against Gerindra by political rivals ahead of the election had proved to be ineffective.
"It's true that there was a lot of negativity directed toward Prabowo, in part because of alleged involvement in human rights abuses," he said. "But Gerindra had a very slick, polished media team that was able to respond well to the negativity."
In fact, Agung added, the attacks against Prabowo seemed to have had the reverse effect, with his position and support base strengthening and his opponents taking a hit at the polls.
"It was Prabowo who gained all the sympathy and those who persisted in the negative comments lost votes," Agung said. "For that, credit must be given to Gerindra's team. This is because the media team were able to field the smear campaigns and even responded in kind at times."
He added that Gerindra's PR team had worked tirelessly at getting the party's message out to the voters by publicizing the party leader's statements and campaign activities.
One message that seems to have resonated with voters was Prabowo's suggestion that he would support the fight against corruption and that he would strengthen the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), empower village economies and promote Gerindra as a party of change territory that the National Democrat Party (NasDem) hoped to make its own with its slogan "Movement for Change."
"It's proven that Gerindra benefited from those who left the Democratic Party and other parties," Agung said. He added that Gerindra's political machine was working optimally and productively to boost Prabowo's and Gerindra's electability in the regions and it was also able to effectively convey all of Prabowo's messages to the constituents.
Arya Fernandes, an analyst from Charta Politika, said that Wednesday's quick count results, yet to be officially confirmed, showed the Gerindra message resonated with the voters and that the party had been very effective in encouraging supporters to get out and vote.
Arya said that a candidate's experience, energy and party credentials played bigger roles as the determining factors than the individual's personality.
He added that the effect of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko Widodo's popularity had not been as significant as many analysts and experts had predicted, suggesting many of his supporters had their eye on more local candidates from other parties for the legislative election.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/prabowos-message-supported-slick-pr-team-organization/
Hasyim Widhiarto, Margareth S. Aritonang and Ina Parlina, Jakarta Speaking in a post-election press conference Thursday, National Awakening Party (PKB) chairman and Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar could not hide his delight when talking about the results of many quick counts, which placed his party in the April 9 legislative election's "big five".
The majority of pollsters have, so far, predicted that the Islamic-based party would secure at least 9 percent of the vote in the election, a significant increase from the 4.95 percent it garnered in 2009. "We're very sure that the KPU's [General Elections Commission] real count will be even better than that," Muhaimin said.
Established in 1998 by a group of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) clerics, the PKB rose to become the largest party in the 1999 general election, garnering 12.61 percent of the vote. At that time it usurped the power of the dominant United Development Party (PPP), the country's oldest Islamic party.
Supported by a coalition of several Islamic parties, the PKB also endorsed party cofounder and prominent NU cleric Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and supported him as he secured the presidential seat the same year.
The party, however, lost significant public support in the following election due to a long-standing conflict over the party's leadership between Gus Dur and Muhaimin, his own nephew, who has led the party since 2008.
Muhaimin attributed the party's successful ascension to being the country's largest Islamic-based party to the support from NU chairman Said Aqil Siradj and an army of celebrity lawmaker candidates.
"Pak Said was committed to guiding, watching and supervising the PKB," Muhaimin said. "The popularity of our celebrity-turned-lawmaker candidates also helped us create cheap but effective election campaigns."
The PKB nominated at least a dozen celebrities in the legislative election, including actor Tommy Kurniawan, model Arzeti Bilbina and singer Theodora Meilani "Tia" Setyawati.
The party also surprised the public with its decision earlier this year to endorse controversial singer and self-styled king of dangdut Rhoma Irama as its presidential candidate. "It turned out that Pak Rhoma helped the party establish new voters' bases in areas where he has many loyal fans," Muhaimin said.
Many quick counts agree that the PPP secured more than 6 percent of the vote, a slight increase from 5.3 percent in 2009. Pollsters also said that the National Mandate Party (PAN), a party cofounded by Amien Rais, the former chairman of Islamic organization Muhammadiyah, has clinched at least 7 percent of the vote after securing 6 percent last time around.
PPP chairman Suryadharma Ali, however, said he was disappointed with his party's performance as it was expecting to secure 12 percent. "There are a lot of reasons [for the failure]. One of them is that the party's structure did not work well while other parties' successfully improved their performance," he said.
Most early returns have also found that the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which many surveys said would be lucky to secure more than 5 percent of the vote after the involvement of its former chairman in a high-profile graft case secured just below 7 percent.
In 2009, the party secured 7.9 percent to become the country's fourth- biggest party behind three nationalist parties: the Democratic Party, the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The Crescent Star Party (PBB), meanwhile, emerged as the most underperforming Islamic party with many quick counts finding it to have only garnered around 1.5 percent of the vote, far below the legislative threshold of 3.5 percent.
Jakarta-based pollster Pol-Tracking executive director Hanta Yuda said the majority of public support for the PKB had come from East Java, which has become the party's core stronghold.
"In the 2009 election, many East Java supporters voted for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party since they saw him as a unifying figure among Islamic-based parties.
The PKB's strategy to promote prominent figures such as [former vice president] Jusuf Kalla, [former Constitutional Court chief] Mahfud MD and Rhoma Irama has partly motivated supporters to vote for the party again," Hanta said.
Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI) political observer Firman Noor also praised Muhaimin's efforts to reestablish ties with NU leaders.
"This shows that the PKB has chosen to focus on securing support from NU followers, which have become its traditional voter base. It has also chosen to not highlight issues like pluralism in its campaign, which to some extent, confuses their traditional Muslim supporters," he said.
Angela Dewan, Jakarta Indonesia's Muslim parties enjoyed a surprise jump in support at legislative elections this week, but analysts put it more down to anger with a corrupt ruling party than the growing popularity of political Islam.
Surveys had predicted that the five Islamic parties running at the polls in the world's most populous Muslim-majority country would see their support slip further after years of decline.
While there have been increasing signs of Islam in Indonesian public life since the 1998 downfall of dictator Soeharto such as more women wearing the headscarf Islamic-based parties saw their support wane.
But this picture unexpectedly changed at Wednesday's polls. Combined support for the parties rose to 32 percent from 26 percent in 2009, according to an unofficial tally by the CSIS think-tank.
Some of the parties, such as the National Awakening Party (PKB) with more than nine percent, may now play important roles in forming a coalition after July presidential polls.
Analysts said much of the shift was due to the repeated failures of the secular parties to tackle endemic graft while in power, in particular the Democratic Party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"The failure to deliver clean government really does open the door to a pious message," professor Jeffrey Winters, an Indonesia expert from Northwestern University in the United States, told AFP. Secular governments have failed in the country "round after round", he added.
This failure has been painfully clear in recent years as the party of Yudhoyono, who stormed to a second term in 2009 on a corruption-fighting platform, has been hit by repeated graft scandals.
The party saw its popularity halve to around 10 percent at the elections, and analysts believe many of its votes went to Islamic parties. The Democrats were only a fraction above the PKB, the best-performing Islamic party.
"The support for Islamic parties reflects the collapse of confidence in the ruling party," said Jajat Burhanudin, an analyst at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society.
The unexpected success of Islamic parties was also helped by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which led in opinion polls in the run-up to the vote, failing to do as well as predicted, analysts said.
The party came first with 19-20 percent, according to early results, but this was below expectations of around 25 percent. Some said the PDI-P had failed to capitalise on the popularity of its presidential candidate, Jakarta governor Joko Widodo.
Although the PKB did well, doubling its vote, analysts said this was as much to do with clever strategy as Islamic appeal. The party attracted huge publicity by naming a popular singer, Rhoma Irama, as its candidate for president. While he is unlikely to be Indonesia's next head of state, his star appeal nevertheless drew huge crowds to rallies.
The party also gained the coveted support of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's biggest Muslim organisation with some 40 million members, and had the financial backing of Rusdi Kirana, the founder of fast-growing carrier Lion Air, who joined the PKB as its deputy chairman.
Even the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which was expected to suffer due to a scandal that saw its ex-president jailed, won 6.92 percent of the vote, not even one percent less than its peak in 2009.
Despite all the attention focused on the fortunes of the country's Islamic parties, some analysts said that nowadays they were not that different from the other parties, referred to as "secular nationalist".
Secular parties also try to win Muslim votes the PDI-P for instance has a religious wing and vice versa, with some Islamic parties in recent years having sought to focus less publicly on religion and more on everyday concerns.
In his first week as an official presidential candidate last month, Widodo visited leaders from NU and Muhammadiyah, the second-largest Islamic organisation with some 30 million members.
"The lines have been blurred," Noorhaidi Hasan, a lecturer on Islam and politics at Sunan Kalijaga Islamic University. "Islamic parties know how to play up nationalism and nationalist parties also try to show they have religious interests. So people basically choose any party they like."
And Muslim voters were looking for a party that could deliver more than just religion, said Greg Fealy, an Indonesia expert from Australian National University. "Most Muslims are looking for good economic management, a stable government," he said.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Internal rifts within the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the wake of the party's poorer-than-expected results in Wednesday's legislative election could jeopardize Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo's chances in the July 9 presidential election.
Jokowi, who is the PDI-P's presidential candidate, could not hide his disappointment upon learning of the party's electoral results based on quick counts. The PDI-P, despite being ahead in the counts, appears to have garnered only 18 to 19 percent of the vote. Numerous surveys and analysts had predicted the PDI-P would garner 27 percent of the vote with Jokowi as its front man.
Jokowi said late on Wednesday that the PDI-P's showing could have been better if the party's political machinery had worked harder.
"The political marketing was not pushed to its limit," criticized Jokowi, referring to the party's minimal campaign ads that positioned him as an icon. "So if you asked me if I am disappointed, then clearly I am," he added.
The responsibility for winning the legislative election was that of PDI-P chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri's daughter, Puan Maharani, who headed the party's campaign team. Puan acknowledged on Wednesday that the quick count results were far below the party's expectations and an internal evaluation would be conducted immediately.
Since the legislative campaign period last month, both Jokowi and Puan mostly went separate ways. Someone from Jokowi's inner-circle said that the party almost did not provide any funds for Jokowi to campaign, leaving the governor to use his personal savings.
Jokowi also could not freely use the two rented aircraft provided by the party as they were always reserved by Megawati and Puan.
Several of the PDI-P's top brass gathered at Megawati's residence on Jl. Teuku Umar in Central Jakarta late on Wednesday to evaluate the party's electoral performance. A source said that during the meeting, rifts started to surface as most of Jokowi's supporters blamed Puan for the party's disappointing performance.
Commenting on the issue, PDI-P deputy secretary-general Ahmad Basarah said no rifts had emerged after the quick counts. "There were dynamics within our internal evaluation, but this is common in any political party or institution. Dynamics are not the same as conflict," Ahmad said at the PDI-P headquarters in Lenteng Agung, South Jakarta, on Thursday.
He said the PDI-P also felt that the quick count results could not be used as a basis to judge whether the party's political machinery had done its job or not.
"The most important vote calculation is the real count results from the General Elections Commission [KPU]. We believe [it will be revealed] we garnered more than 20 percent of the vote in the real count," he said.
Based on the Presidential Election Law, a political party can only nominate a presidential candidate if it garners at least 20 percent of the 560 seats at the House of Representatives or 25 percent of the popular vote. If a party cannot achieve one of the targets, it must build a coalition with other parties to meet the required percentage.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political analyst Ikrar Nusa Bhakti said that Jokowi's disappointment needed to be taken seriously by the PDI-P because it could lead to growing internal rifts that could stymie the party's goal of ruling the country in the 2014-2019 period.
"It seems that there are elements within the PDI-P that do not want to see Jokowi become president. What the PDI-P as a whole must realize, however, is that Jokowi is the best figure the party can offer right now to win the presidency. Without him, the quick count results could have been a lot lower for the PDI-P," Ikrar said.
"So, the potential for internal conflict caused by the disappointing quick count results must be resolved immediately. This is probably the only chance the PDI-P has to win the elections after 10 years of being outside of the government. It must seize the moment or it will probably never get another chance," he said.
Besides settling any internal conflict, the PDI-P should also carefully consider and prepare political deals to make with other parties to form coalitions and the government as its next move ahead of the presidential election, Ikrar added.
However, further infighting between Jokowi's and Puan's camps may still loom as Jokowi is already out of the loop in determining the party's alliance course.
Megawati has appointed Puan and PDI-P secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo to act on the party's behalf to negotiate terms with other parties' top officials for the coalition, according to PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristianto.
Jokowi has previously warned the party about repeating the mistake of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration, in which it was forced to give away ministerial posts and other concessions in exchange for coalition support.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/11/infighting-could-ruin-jokowi-s-bid.html
Josua Gantan & Kennial Caroline Laia, Jakarta With the election results more or less settled, political parties officials have embarked on their quest to cement alliances with other parties. For Joko Widodo, nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and other political leaders, the fight is not over just yet as the presidential election looms.
"There will be three axes: the Joko Widodo axis, Prabowo Subianto axis, and Aburizal Bakrie axis," said political analyst Muhammad Qodari from Indo Barometer, a pollster.
Given the presidential threshold which stipulates a minimum of 25% of popular votes for those who want to join the presidential election, all the axes will have to form alliances with other parties. All other political parties will revolve around and join one of these three axes.
The PDI-P, which secured about 19 percent of the vote, as the clear winner of the legislative election stands as the first axis in the coming presidential election. The National Democrat Party (NasDem) and the National Awakening Party (PKB) appear to be the PDI-P's likeliest coalition mates by far.
"PDI-P has a good relationship with Surya Paloh," Qodari said, referring to Surya, the chairman of NasDem Party and owner of news channel Metro TV.
Should a coalition be formed between the two, Joko will receive an unprecedented publicity boost thanks to Surya's media holdings. This will help Joko to stand against Golkar's Aburizal, who also owns a news channel, TV One.
Qodari also said it was likely the PDI-P would form a coalition with the PKB. "The PDI-P has met with the PKB, which represents Nahdlatul Ulama [the country's biggest Islamic organization]," Qodari said.
Meanwhile, Golkar, which came second in the legislative election, is unlikely to form a coalition with the PDI-P. Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), dismisses the possibility that the PDI-P might form an alliance with Golkar.
"That guy from Lampung [Aburizal] is adamant on becoming the next president," Ikrar told the Globe. "The guy himself said that while Golkar is interested in forming a coalition with the PDI-P in the House of Representatives, Golkar will not take the PDI-P as its ally in the coming presidential election. He wants to be the president."
Golkar stands as the second axis in the coming presidential election and, it appears, is likely to form a coalition with the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura).
Qodari told the Globe that it was foreseeable that Golkar would form a coalition with PKS, with leading members of Golkar having already met with the PKS. He noted that given the PKS's strong infrastructure such coalition would be formidable.
"The PKS has a solid political machine that can withstand the corruption committed by Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq [in a beef import scandal]," Qodari said.
The PKS's ability to maintain strong support at the polls exceeded analysts' expectations. Most surveys and analysts predicted it would lose a lot of support given the bad publicity it suffered after a number of party leaders were implicated in corruption cases. The party, however, managed to stay afloat with only a slight fall in support from the 2009 election.
Meanwhile, there is the real possibility that Golkar might find an ally in Hanura, whose chief patron, Wiranto, was its own presidential candidate in 2004.
Should such scenario take place, Golkar will enjoy the media support that Hanura has with Hary Tanoesoedibjo, the owner of the MNC Group, Indonesia's largest integrated media group, backing the party. Ikrar noted, however, that should Aburizal continue to insist on his presidential candidacy, given his low electability now, he would not make it too far in the presidential election.
Ikrar also pointed out that there was a real chance that Jusuf Kalla Golkar's candidate in 2009 might be Joko's running mate, which could divide Golkar. "If that happens, the 2004 scenario will repeat itself. Back then, Golkar nominated Wiranto as its presidential candidate, but J.K. ran with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono," he said.
On the Prabowo axis, analysts reported that the United Development Party (PPP) and the Democratic Party were Gerindra's likeliest allies. "Suryadharma Ali [the leader of the PPP] has openly stated his support [for Prabowo]," Qodari said.
However, it appears that the planned coalition will not proceed so smoothly, as Suryadharma faces opposition from within his party. "There is still some internal tension within the PPP," Qodari told the Globe.
With respect to the possibility of Prabowo's Gerindra allying with the ruling Democratic Party, Qodari affirmed that the scenario was a real possibility.
"Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Prabowo have met in the [presidential] palace and it is possible that Pramono Edhie Wibowo or Gita Wirjawan" two of 11 men currently vying for the Democrats' presidential nomination "will be the vice presidential hopeful on Prabowo's ticket," Qodari said.
Joko, meanwhile, told the Globe that the PDI-P had already made contact with officials from other parties in its quest to form a coalition.
"We have been in touch with all the parties but we are keeping things low key. We'll just see what happens in the future," he said. With respect to his potential running mate, Joko stated that the number of possible candidates had been narrowed down to three, but he refused to say who they might be. Joko added that the ultimate decision of who would run with him was down to him and not the party.
"The party first narrowed down the list of potential vice presidential candidates to 10, then to five, and finally to three [candidates]. I will personally choose the one among those three," he said.
Asked whether he would consider taking on Kalla as his running mate, Joko only flashed his trademark enigmatic smile. While he affirmed that it was Kalla who had brought him from Solo in Central Java, where he served as mayor, to the broader political stage in Jakarta, Joko refused to confirm that Kalla would be his running mate.
In the midst of the questioning about possible future coalitions, Joko said it was regrettable that the legislative election had divided Indonesia. "Our fight is not within. We have to unite," he said.
He went on to acknowledge the importance of Indonesia being a significant global economic player. "We should not be bickering among ourselves. Global, international competition is what we are facing now," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesian-parties-jockey-position-influence/
Haeril Halim, Jakarta Top politicians detained by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) went to the polls Wednesday, with many alluding they had supported their own parties.
Among the detainees are two former party leaders: Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Anas Urbaningrum of the Democratic Party (PD).
Other high-profile detainees include former youth and sports minister Andi Mallarangeng, who was a Dems' member; former Constitutional Court (MK) chief justice Akil Mochtar, who is a former Golkar Party patron; and Ahmad Fathanah, who is affiliated with the PKS given that he was Luthfi's aide.
The "exclusive" polling station did not release its results afterward like regular polling stations, but some of the detainees seemed more than happy to tell reporters they were proud of their former parties, expressing themselves through verbal signals or even direct implication.
"What are you doing here? Go home and vote for number five," Akil said to reporters, referring to Golkar's number.
After Akil came Andi, who openly stated that he was still loyal to the Dems, which has been badly tainted by graft scandals. Andi was one of the party's anticorruption icons in its 2009 media campaign for the legislative election, during which it won by a landslide. "Of course, Democrats," Andi wove his hands showing the number seven, the party's number.
The homegrown party member acknowledged Monday that his recent attacks against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono were part of a personal vendetta to avenge the ill-treatment he had apparently received from Yudhoyono.
He said that he would file a report with the KPK accusing his former boss of amassing money from the bailout of Bank Century to fund his' reelection campaign in 2009. He said that he had an audit report for Yudhoyono's campaign, which contained bogus donors an allegation that would have severe implications should the information be proven correct by KPK investigators.
Meanwhile, Fathanah broke his silence at the poll by shouting to reporters: "I will only coblos [perforate] my wife." After voting, Fathanah asked reporters: "How many ballot boxes are here [pointing at the ballot boxes]? It's three right? That's what I've voted for," referring to the PKS' number.
Luthfi also did not want to miss the chance to express pride in his former party by boasting that he was a hard-line loyalist: "I am sure that the PKS can win the big three in this 2014 legislative election."
The PKS came fourth with 7 percent in the previous election after a huge campaign focusing on it being a "clean" party. However, after Luthfi's graft case, surrounding beef procurement at the Agriculture Ministry, the party's electability plunged with recent surveys predicting it would only grab around 2 percent in the 2014 election. "My life and death are for the PKS only," Luthfi said when leaving the poll.
Meanwhile, Anas, who claims to have been framed by Yudhoyono, launched another attack. "If SBY's picture is on the ballot, I will vote for him. Unfortunately, his is not, so I won't," Anas said, referring to the outgoing President.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/10/jailed-politicians-remain-loyal-their-parties.html
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta More Indonesians headed to the polling stations to cast their votes in this year's election compared to the previous election, in what analysts said was a positive trend for the nation's democracy.
A quick count jointly conducted by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Cyrus Network, showed that voter turnout reached 75.3 percent. The figure was 70.99 percent in 2009.
Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem) executive director Titi Anggraini said the number signaled a turning point and a ray of hope for future elections in the country.
"This is positive because we all know that increasing voter turnout, which has been declining, is not an easy task," she told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
This year's voter turnout was especially remarkable considering the number of eligible voters also increased, according to Titi. "More eligible voters means the workload [of election organizers] has also increased," she said.
"We have to laud the General Elections Commission [KPU] as the election organizer as well as election participants who have been pushing for greater voter turnout."
Moreover, the trend also refuted the predictions of many analysts. "Voter turnout increased amid many predictions from experts who said it would decline to 60 percent," Titi said.
Such predictions were based on the belief that the public distrusted the government due to the failure of law enforcers to root out endemic corruption that had long plagued the country.
The number of individuals choosing not to vote has risen consistently from one election to another in the post-reformation era. Based on KPU data, in the 1999 election about 10.4 percent of eligible voters did not vote.
In 2004 the figure rose dramatically to 23.3 percent in the legislative election and 22.4 percent in the presidential election. In 2009, the number of non-voters increased further to 29.01 percent in the legislative election and 27.8 percent in the presidential election.
In 2004 and 2009, non-voters outnumbered the amount of votes garnered by both winning political parties and presidential candidates. Given how this year's voter turnout reversed that trend, Titi hoped voter turnout in future elections would continue to rise.
"My hope is for this year's voter turnout to serve as a turning point in terms of participation and the quality of the election. Not to mention that we will enter a new era of government without the rule of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono," she said.
KPU commissioner Sigit Pamungkas said it was an outstanding feat for the commission. "The main thing we have worked is how to stop voter turnout declining further," he told the Post. "There had been a strong notion that voter participation would decline again this year."
Sigit said this year's increase was a result of the efforts of all elements of society, which needed to be appreciated.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/10/kpu-lauded-strong-voter-turnout.html
Kanupriya Kapoor & Rieka Rahadiana, Jakarta Indonesia's likely next leader may have a bumpier-than-expected route to the presidential palace after early counting in Wednesday's parliamentary vote suggested his party will have to cut a deal with other parties to get him there in a July poll.
Early counts by pollsters show that the Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle (PDI-P) failed to win enough votes to nominate on its own the hugely popular Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo for the powerful presidency.
News that PDI-P did not fare as well as opinion polls predicted, even though it was still in front, put pressure on the rupiah in late offshore trading. The prospect of a Jokowi presidency has helped lift both the currency, Asia's best performer this year, and shares.
In another surprise, Islamic parties looked to have picked up more support than expected. Though Indonesia is home to the world's largest Muslim population, many analysts thought Islamic parties were on the wane because of graft scandals and the greater popularity of more pluralist parties.
"Parliament is likely to be very fragmented because many parties have gotten a relatively big share of votes, and their bargaining power will be pretty much the same," said Philips Vermonte, political analyst at Jakarta-based think-tank CSIS.
"This will have a big influence on the new president because he'll have to pay attention to the situation in parliament and the many political players there."
A party needs 25 percent of the national vote, or 20 percent of seats in parliament, to nominate a presidential candidate on its own. Less than that and the PDI-P will need to form a coalition with one or more of the other 11 parties in Wednesday's election to nominate Jokowi.
After 80 percent of vote results were compiled by CSIS from 2,000 polling booths across the world's third largest democracy, PDI-P had just 19 percent of the vote.
The election commission has not released any vote counts. The way seats are apportioned means PDI-P could still end up with enough seats to nominate a presidential candidate without being forced into trade-offs with other parties. "Now [PDI-P] will have to think harder about building a coalition," said Douglas Ramage, political analyst at Bower Group Asia consultancy.
"The disappointing thing for observers and investors who are looking for more certainty is that an unwieldy coalition might not give them that."
But he added: "Far and away Jokowi still the most popular candidate. Some polls still saying he has 40 percent support. So it's definitely still his [presidential] election to lose."
Party officials put on a brave face. "Hopefully... PDI-P will able to meet target of above 20 percent, so we can nominate Joko Widodo as presidential candidate," said Puan Maharani, daughter of party chief Megawati Sukarnoputri.
The quick count also showed that the five Islamic parties in the race had won 32 percent of the vote, up from 29 percent for the eight such parties that contested the 2009 election.
Indonesia, Southeast Asia's biggest economy, has about 500,000 polling stations and more than 186 million registered voters.
Indonesia's embrace of democracy since the downfall of former authoritarian leader Suharto 16 years ago has seen four different presidents and repeated change of the leading party.
Campaigning has been notable for its lack of policy initiatives to give the economy a boost. Growth is expected to be a little more than 5 percent this year, but has weakened partly on the fall in prices for commodities that still form a backbone for the resource-rich economy.
Jokowi has offered little clue to his policies but his popularity rests heavily on his no-nonsense style in running the capital, demanding his bureaucrats perform their jobs properly and by focusing many policies on improving the lives of ordinary Jakartans.
The two main parties behind PDI-P were Golkar, one-time parliamentary vehicle of the long-serving Suharto, and Gerindra, which is led by ex- general Prabowo Subianto.
Early results suggest both will struggle to meet the threshold to contest the presidency, suggesting there will be intense horse-trading to form coalitions.
Backing for the ruling Democratic Party of outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has fallen to single digits after it was hit by a series of graft cases last year. Yudhoyono is limited by the constitution to two terms. Yudhoyono is Indonesia's first leader to be chosen by direct election.
"Even though we are still fixing and perfecting the system of holding these [elections], once again Indonesia can be grateful because our democratic journey is going the right way," he told reporters.
Voters, nearly a third of them under 30, chose between 6,600 candidates vying for national parliament seats. Elections were also held for 19,007 provincial and district legislative assembly seats.
Most Indonesians view parliament as among their country's most corrupt institutions, according to a 2013 Transparency International survey. Under the presidential system, however, the executive branch has the authority to overrule it.
Michael Bachelard, Indonesia Joko Widodo, the man most likely to stride the world stage as Indonesia's next president, had no sooner made his way onto Metro TV's live election night set on Wednesday than he was confronted by a beauty parade of potential presidential running mates.
The Jakarta Governor, known as "Jokowi", looked surprised. But the network's stunt reflected a new reality after Wednesday's parliamentary election that he may no longer be able to set Indonesia's political agenda just by turning up.
The popularity of the man who leads every poll for July's presidential election had been expected to lift his party, PDI-P, to a parliamentary election vote of about 30 per cent and clear pre-eminence in a likely 10- party lower house. The actual result (on early counts) of just 19 per cent was a serious disappointment.
Now, even if Jokowi wins the presidency in July, parliament will be harder for him to manage. He may even need to forge a coalition to get over the 20 per cent threshold to nominate as president, meaning his running mate may be picked by another party.
So the TV station (which played Metallica's Enter Sandman as he arrived) presented him, complete with matching theme tunes, with some alternatives. First, Jusuf Kalla, the 71-year-old Golkar party patriarch, marched on to a fanfare; then came the Democratic Party's Dahlan Iskan to Gangnam Style; then Jokowi's own straight-talking deputy governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (aka Ahok), a member of Gerindra, to music from Pulp Fiction.
Media reports suggest Jokowi has already had discussions with several parties but he insists there will be no coalition, merely agreements to work together to run the country. Incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made "coalition" a dirty word by prioritising inter-party harmony over the ability to actually make a decision.
Jokowi also insists he will pick his own running mate someone, he says, who will "counteract my weaknesses".
Party sources say he wants someone with economic experience, international experience and the ability to speak English. The man who wants to run the world's third-largest democracy, but whose track record is limited to municipal affairs, lacks all three. But, given the divided state of parliament, he might now be better served by a political hard man who can engineer outcomes.
Of the disappointing showing, most explain it away as the unpopularity or ineptitude of his party. Few yet bring themselves to suggest that Jokowi's personal pulling power may have been overstated.
On the ground, though, some people say he should stay and finish the job as Jakarta Governor, that his ambition outweighs his ability to deliver, or that he is just the "toy puppet" of political scion and leader of his party Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Whatever the reason for the relatively weak showing, it means compromise politics may continue to be Indonesia's theme tune for the next five years.
Michael Bachelard, Indonesia Indonesia's most popular politician, Joko Widodo, has failed to propel his party to the heights expected of him in Wednesday's parliamentary election.
Mr Joko's party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, PDI-P will attract more votes than any of the other 11 parties, with about 19 per cent of the popular vote, according to quick count analysis, which has in the past been accurate. Final results will not be announced for another month.
But the result in the five-yearly parliamentary election has disappointed Mr Joko, PDI-P and the party's patron, political scion Megawati Sukarnoputri.
In the lead up to the election, some polling had predicted they would win 30 per cent, and the party itself had aimed for 27 per cent, propelled by the so-called "Jokowi effect" referring to the Jakarta governor's nick- name.
These numbers would have given Mr Joko a clear run to the nomination for the presidential election in July, and a relatively supportive parliament to work with if he won.
But faced with external critics rival candidate Prabowo Subianto described Mr Joko as Ms Megawati's "toy puppet" PDI-P failed to capitalise fully on the candidate's runaway personal popularity.
Golkar, the political vehicle of former autocrat Suharto, came second, winning around 15 per cent of the vote in the election, dragged down by the unpopularity of its presidential candidate, businessman Aburizal Bakrie.
Gerindra, the party formed to support the presidential ambitions of former military strongman Prabowo Subianto, won a respectable 12 per cent.
As expected, the Democrat Party of outgoing president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was hit by successive corruption scandals, falling to less than 10 per cent from 21 per cent at the 2009 legislative election, though it was no wiped out as some had expected.
For a party to nominate a presidential candidate, it must win 25 per cent of the popular vote in the parliamentary poll (all parties will fall short) or 20 per cent of the parliamentary seats. Depending where its vote falls geographically, PDI-P is likely to cross this threshold. This means PDI-P is still likely to be able to nominate Mr Joko for president without making a coalition with other parties.
Other parties will need to form coalitions with one or more of the smaller parties to cross the presidential nomination threshold. The presidential election will be held on July 9.
However, analysts say the relatively open result means there may now be four presidential candidates. Until yesterday's result, most expected only three would qualify from PDI-P, Gerindra and Golkar.
Recriminations began late on Wednesday over the muted PDI-P result, with one of its incumbent members of parliament, Budiman Sudjatmiko, saying that it "maybe shows the competence of the candidates is not sufficient.
"Some candidates didn't work hard enough as expected by the party chairperson," he said. He called for an "internal evaluation".
Another PDI-P legislator, Eva Kusuma Sundari, acknowledged the party "did not capitalise on the Jokowi effect to the maximum," failing, to get TV commercials on air in time.
But Mr Joko said his strategy for the presidential poll would be different: "There are only three or two or four candidates [for president]. It means the fight will be different. The one we had today involved 6600 fighters," he said.
A surprise winner was the National Awakening Party, of former president, the late Abdurrahman Wahid, which won about 10 per cent of the vote according to the quick count and exit polls. Other Islamic parties also did better than expected, though are still consigned to minor-party status.
Between them they secured about 30 per cent of the vote, more than the expected 20 per cent.
The election the fourth genuinely democratic parliamentary election since Suharto was ousted in 1998 does not just determine the make up of the two houses of the national parliament, it also picks the members of local and regional parliaments.
Indonesia's 187 million potential voters chose yesterday between 235,637 candidates for 19,699 positions at 545,000 polling stations across three time zones.
Amalia Agus, who is in her 60s, said outside her South Jakarta booth that her primary concern was to elect "an honest parliament, unlike the current one". Indonesia's national parliament is one of the most corrupt institutions the country.
At the other end of the age range, Sulistiani, 18, is one of 14 million voting in her first election, but was equally concerned about corruption, which she says means "the people who are poor will become poorer".
Sulistiani, the daughter of a rice-seller, and currently out of work herself, said her number one hope was that the new government deliver "better conditions for people, because Indonesia still has many poor people".
Kanupriya Kapoor and Fergus Jensen, Jakarta Indonesians voted for a new parliament on Wednesday in a poll expected to be dominated by the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), boosting the chances of its popular candidate in a presidential election three months from now.
Already, the star of the election is Jakarta governor Joko Widodo, widely known as Jokowi, whom opinion polls suggest will almost certainly be the next president of Southeast Asia's biggest economy.
But very early quick counts suggested that PDI-P, while in front, did not yet have the necessary number of votes that would allow it to nominate Jokowi in July's presidential election without forming a coalition with one or more or the 11 other parties contesting Wednesday's vote.
"I'm very confident. My party will do very well," Jokowi said in English after voting with his wife in central Jakarta, according to the Detik.com news website.
His party needs 25 percent of the national vote, or 20 percent of seats in parliament, to nominate him on its own. Based on up to 30 percent of votes counted from a sampling of 2,000 polling stations across the world's third biggest democracy, PDI-P was in front. But it only had some 20 percent of votes.
However, Tobias Basuki, of think-tank CSIS which is organizing a quick count, said he would not be prepared to call a result until at least 80 percent of the sampling had been counted. ndonesia has about 500,000 polling stations and more than 186 million registered voters.
An official with one election observer, who asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak to the media, said turnout appeared to be lower than the about 70 percent in the last general election in 2009.
Indonesia's embrace of democracy since the downfall of former authoritarian leader Suharto 16 years ago has seen four different presidents and repeated change of the leading party.
Predictions of a Jokowi presidency and strong showing by his party have helped lift shares prices and the rupiah, Asia's best performing currency this year, on expectations that it would bring more decisive government. Analysts say if PDI-P does do well, markets will likely rise further.
The stock market, up 15 percent this year, was closed as Wednesday was declared a public holiday for the vote.
Campaigning has been notable for its lack of policy initiatives to give the economy a boost. Growth is expected to be a little more than 5 percent this year, but has weakened partly on the fall in prices for commodities that still form a backbone for the resource-rich economy.
Jokowi has offered little clue to his policies but his popularity rests heavily on his no-nonsense style in running the capital, demanding his bureaucrats perform their jobs properly and by focusing many policies on improving the lives of ordinary Jakartans.
Voting began in distant eastern islands and finished two time zones away in the densely populated west at 0600 GMT. here were no reports of violence.
Much of the political debate has shifted already to who might become the vice-presidential candidate with Jokowi, who has no experience on the national political stage.
The two other main parties likely to perform well are Golkar, one-time parliamentary vehicle of the long-serving Suharto, and Gerindra which is led by ex-general Prabowo Subianto.
Both may struggle to meet the threshold to contest the presidency, suggesting there will be intense horse-trading among smaller parties to form coalitions once results are known.
Backing for the ruling Democratic Party of outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has fallen to single digits after it was hit by a series of high-profile graft cases last year. Yudhoyono is limited by the constitution to two terms.
Yudhoyono is Indonesia's first leader to be chosen by direct election. Even though we are still fixing and perfecting the system of holding these (elections), once again Indonesia can be grateful because our democratic journey is going the right way," he told reporters.
Islamic parties, which became popular after the fall of Suharto, have also seen their fortunes fade in the world's most populous Muslim nation, hit by corruption scandals and a strong focus on pluralism in mainstream politics. Five Islamic parties are running compared with eight in 2009.
However, early counts showed they had risen in popularity but key regions have yet to be counted.
Voters, nearly a third of them under 30, chose between 6,600 candidates vying for national parliament seats. Elections were also held for 19,007 provincial and district legislative assembly seats.
Most Indonesians view parliament as among their country's most corrupt institutions, according to a 2013 Transparency International survey. Under the presidential system, however, the executive branch has the authority to overrule it.
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/indonesians-vote-parliament-stage-set-presidential-poll-030149736.html
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Executive director of the Cyrus Network Hasan Hasbi said the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) was unlikely to garner 30 percent of the vote as promised.
He said the party's legislative hopefuls had failed to leave a lasting impression with potential voters. "Many hopefuls thought that banners picturing them with Jokowi would be enough. Well, it's not," Hasbi told a press conference held at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) building in Jakarta on Wednesday.
Nowadays, he said, the public demanded more: Real work and proven-track records. He then suggested PDI-P evaluate whether the "Jokowi effect" had benefited them or if it had bred complacency in its candidates.
Political researcher Phillips J Vermonte of the CSIS denied the urgency to reevaluate party members. "The more important thing to do is mull the right partner to run the show for the next five years," he said.
The PDI-P have been ranked first, with 19.26 percent of votes, by the CSIS-Cyrus Network joint-exit poll survey. Behind the PDI-P was the Golkar Party, with 12.86 percent; and the Gerindra Party with 10.26 percent. The ruling Democratic Party was in fourth with 7.70 percent.
The exit poll was conducted in 2,000 polling stations in 33 provinces with 8,000 respondents. The survey's confidence level was 95 percent with margin of error +/- 1.1 percent.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/09/jokowi-effect-likely-have-failed-elevate-pdi-p.html
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Free dangdut concerts with sexy singers entertaining the masses and personal insults being flung among the elite are the two most significant highlights of the recent election campaign, making it the worst in the Reform Era.
Indonesians have seen three elections during this time, which started in 1998 after the end of the New Order regime. In each of these elections, there were substantial issues that political parties often brought up during campaigns.
In 1999, the main issue before the public was past human rights violations. The next election in 2004 brought forth the issue of democratic reconciliation to allow the state to function properly for the prosperity of its people and in 2009 the main concern was good governance and corruption eradication.
Democracy in Indonesia, however, seems to have taken a major reversion to the past in the fourth election to be held in the fully democratic era. During the campaign not a single party produced any future policies on such issues as taxation, energy development, food sufficiency, human rights or corruption eradication.
"Campaign events are being used merely as free concerts without any substantial issues being discussed. The situation is made worse by the fact that few political party members have received any proper political education from their respective parties, which eventually renders them incapable of educating the public on major issues," Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political observer Siti Zuhro said in Jakarta on Monday.
Siti added that parties preferred to hold free dangdut concerts rather than delivering substantive issues because they believed those kinds of campaigns would receive a better response from the Indonesian masses, which are mostly from the lower economic and educational segments.
Separately, Charta Politika political analyst Yunarto Wijaya said the legislative election had lost much of its relevance because the political parties and the public were already geared up for the presidential election, a situation which had been triggered by Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) move to nominate Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as its presidential candidate.
"Everyone has been affected by the Jokowi effect, including the political parties," Yunarto told The Jakarta Post. "Therefore, it is not surprising to see a lack of program or policies in the campaigns because everyone is already focusing on the presidential election," he added.
Despite the apparent poor quality of campaigns in the current election, both Siti and Yunarto said that there were some positive notes that could be taken from the civic exercise.
"We are now seeing a trend of volunteerism. This is a new trend in which individuals are volunteering to support legislative and presidential candidates whom they believe have a good track record and commitment to the country," Siti said.
Meanwhile, Yunarto said that the public had also shown signs of becoming more politically aware and smarter in dealing with political parties during campaigns.
"The public are no longer easily fooled by political promises. They have managed to achieve a degree of scepticism about politicians and their promises while at the same time keeping their minds open," Yunarto said. "They may still enjoy the concerts and entertainment but they no longer base their decisions only on those factors any more," he added.
Jakarta Research institute Freedom Foundation predicts the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which nominated Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as its presidential candidate will likely choose Golkar figures, Akbar Tandjung and Jusuf Kalla, as vice presidential candidates.
"The decision on either of the two scenarios will in the hands of PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, however," Freedom Foundation director Darmawan Sinayangsah on Sunday as quoted by Antara news agency.
Citing results of a Freedom Foundation survey, Jokowi-Kalla ticket was supported by 40.6 percent of respondents while the remaining 34.1 percent of respondents preferred the Jokowi-Akbar. The survey, which comprised 1,090 respondents across Indonesia was conducted from March 31 to April 7 with a confidence level of 95 percent.
The survey further revealed that if paired with National Mandate Party chairman Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi would secure 24 percent of the vote but might get only 11.5 percent of vote if he takes former Army chief of staff Gen. (Ret.) Ryamizard Ryacudu as his running mate.
Darmawan said each of the two Golkar members had positive qualities but had their respective weaknesses as well. Kalla, for instance, was quite popular as a businessman and politician, he said.
If nominated as Jokowi's vice presidential candidate, Kalla who is backed by the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) would potentially become a 'twin' of the sun for the presidential candidate. "Pak JK failed in his presidential bid in 2009. Hence, he may feel a sense of demotion if he is to run for vice president," said Darmawan.
Meanwhile, Akbar is a senior political that has pursued careers in various organizations and held several ministerial posts at different times.
"Akbar has a 'Islamic credibility ', which means he would be a valuable asset to Jokowi as a running mate," said Darmawan. He further explained that with his 'Islamic credibility', Akbar could potentially attract widespread support from both nationalists and Islamists. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/13/jokowi-likely-pick-either-kalla-or-akbar-freedom.html
Environment & natural disasters
Jakarta The Eyes on the Forest (EoF) environmental group published their latest investigative report on Tuesday into deforestation in Sumatra, especially Riau, following environmental crime disclosures in high- conservation value forest (HCVF) areas.
"In this edition, we highlight the clearing of natural forests with high- conservation values allegedly perpetrated by PT Triomas Forestry Development Indonesia as one raw-material supplying company for the pulp and paper industry in Indonesia," said Riau Forest Rescue Working Network (Jikalahari) coordinator Muslim Rasyid on Tuesday as quoted by Antara.
He said the investigation had revealed excessive crimes allegedly conducted by PT Triomas, such as clearing HCVF areas it had committed to preserving in 2005.
Muslim said the findings highlighted that the implementation of sustainable forest-management policies conducted by forestry companies in Indonesia was still in doubt.
He said although the EoF investigation did not catch Triomas red-handed carrying out forest-clearing activities in its concession areas in Kampar Peninsula, Jikalahari had new evidence of continuous forest clearing.
The NGO's previous investigation which found evidence about the logging of ramin trees, a species protected by international conservation institutions, had also called the credibility of the company's commitment to environment conservation declared at the end of January into doubt.
"There is still a long way to go for the pulp and paper industry to prove that it is more than merely 'green washing'. It is crucial for Triomas to assert it is serious about its sustainable forest management policy. Therefore, restoring forest areas identified as HCVF in the company's concession areas is a must," said Nursamsu of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) Indonesia. (ebf)
Theresia Sufa and Sita W. Dewi, Bogor/Jakarta The Bogor authorities' plan to apply a zero-immigrant policy in the mountainous resort region of Puncak, a popular destination for asylum seekers and refugees, has no solid legal base, a researcher at New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) said.
"On what law are they basing the eviction on? Indonesia does not have laws on migrants and asylum seekers. The only law they did break was the Immigration Law, which means they should have been taken to an immigration detention center, which are extremely overcrowded by now," researcher Andreas Harsono told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
He pointed out that if the Bogor administration was to go ahead with the eviction; "Indonesia might potentially violate human rights."
Bogor National and Political Unity Office (Kesbangpol) head Rizal Hidayat said recently that the administration would only allow tourists to enter and stay in the regency.
"We are keen to evict refugees and asylum seekers from Puncak. We will only welcome foreigners who will bring profit to Bogor, like tourists," he said recently in Bogor regency, West Java.
Cisarua district head Bayu Rahmawanto, shared his sentiment, saying that the presence of refugees and asylum seekers brought more trouble than advantage to the locals.
Despite admitting that the refugees and asylum seekers contributed to the local economy as they spent money on rent and transportation, some of the immigrants had caused trouble, Bayu said.
The district head said that recently an immigrant stole a pack of cigarettes from a minimart in Cisarua. The immigrant committed a crime because he felt he was protected by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Bayu claimed.
Bayu also encouraged Bogor Kesbangpol to record how many migrants were staying in the area and immediately take action. "I hope the relevant authorities set an operational standard to support field officers. We encourage the authorities to immediately relocate them because we can't monitor them," he said.
Bogor Regent Rachmat Yasin had instructed district and village heads to regularly monitor and report illegal immigrants and undocumented migrants to the authorities. "Their mobility is quite intensive," Bayu said.
The Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister's people-smuggling, refugees and asylum seekers desk secretary Pujo Laksono said that issues regarding immigrants in Cisarua had affected public order and that some of the immigrants had committed various types of crime, including sexual harassment.
Pujo said that, the UNHCR had recorded 10,546 undocumented migrants or illegal immigrants in Indonesia, even though the actual number is believed to exceeded that. Most immigrants are in Indonesia transiting before resuming their journey to their final destination, Australia.
According to the Bogor Immigration Office, 254 refugees are registered in Bogor regency. Over recent years, the administration has sent 257 asylum seekers to detention centers.
On April 14, the Bogor Immigration Office along with the Bogor Kesbangpol, the police and the Law and Human Rights Ministry conducted a campaign to inform local residents, asylum seekers and refugees, of the plan to eject them from Bogor.
As of April, 246 people smugglers have been taken into custody for helping illegal immigrants by providing boats or other means of transportation for them.
Jakarta/Makassar Australia's military-led operation to prevent boats carrying asylum seekers from reaching its shores has been hailed by Prime Minister Tony Abbott as a success, with over 100 days elapsing since the last boat reached its target.
But in Indonesia the country from which most of the boats previously departed Australia's tough new measures have stranded more than 10,000 asylum seekers and refugees who can neither proceed to their desired destination nor, in many cases, return home.
"I thought I'd be here two or three months, but it'll probably be two or three years," said Musa, not his real name, a 17-year-old Afghan asylum seeker who has already spent a year in Indonesia, the past seven months in an immigration detention center in Makassar, in southwest Sulawesi Island.
For several months after Australia launched Operation Sovereign Borders in September 2013, smugglers continued to organize passage for asylum seekers. However, those whose boats made it into Australian waters were invariably intercepted by the Australian Navy and either towed back into Indonesian waters and handed over to the Indonesian Navy or taken to one of Australia's offshore detention centers where conditions have been described by human rights organizations as "inhumane."
Previously Australia and Indonesia cooperated on anti-people smuggling efforts through the Bali Process (a regional 50-member mechanism established in 2002 to combat people smuggling), but the tow-backs have caused a breakdown in relations between the two countries.
Attempts to reach Australia by boat have now largely been abandoned, both by the smugglers and their clients.
"There's no opportunity to go by boat; no one's trying to go now," said Aalim Allahyar, a 44-year-old refugee from Afghanistan who fled his home and business in Helmand Province after narrowly surviving 15 days of interrogation and beatings by Taliban soldiers that left his brother and sister-in-law dead.
"There's no choice. We have to wait," he told IRIN. Allahyar has already been waiting for over two years, 11 months of which were spent in two different detention centers after failed attempts to board smugglers' boats ended in his arrest. He now lives in accommodation provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the capital, Jakarta, along with 125 other refugees who are waiting and hoping they will be accepted for resettlement in Australia or elsewhere.
Word that the prospects of reaching Australia by boat from Indonesia are now virtually zero appears to have reached smugglers and would-be asylum seekers in countries of origin such as Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and Myanmar. The numbers registering with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Indonesia have dropped from about 100 a day during 2013 to about 100 a week now, said UNCHR country representative Manuel Jordao. However, even these lower numbers of new arrivals add to a caseload that stood at 10,567 (7,241 asylum seekers and 3,326 refugees) at the end of February.
Asylum seekers and refugees are barred from working in Indonesia, which is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and does not view local integration (one of the three durable solutions for refugees promoted by UNHCR) as an option. Now that sea routes out of the country have been closed off, the only way to move on from Indonesia is through deportation or voluntary return for those who do not qualify for refugee status, and voluntary repatriation or resettlement for those that do.
In 2013, just under 900 refugees were resettled. So far in 2014, only about 100 have been resettled either to Australia or in a few cases, to the USA.
"When you're resettled, you really get the lottery," said Jordao. "Resettlement benefits less than 1,000 a year and I have more than 3,000 recognized refugees."
Asylum seekers endure long anxious waits before they find out whether they have hit the resettlement jackpot and much of the waiting happens behind bars. There are currently close to 2,000 migrants and asylum seekers (including 364 children) in 13 immigration detention centers (IDCs) around the country.
"Detention is a big problem here; there's an abusive use of that policy," Jordao told IRIN. "The IDCs are not the best in the world they're understaffed, overcrowded, staff lack training and regimes vary enormously from one IDC to another... Length of detention also can be very long."
Hasan Kadad, a refugee from Syria, arrived in Indonesia with 12 of his family members, nearly two years ago. With very little information about the asylum system, he assumed they would have a short stay in Indonesia before proceeding to Australia to join his two sisters. But money to sustain his family soon ran out and other refugees advised him to register with immigration authorities in Jakarta. He did so and was promptly detained, along with his family who included three children under five, his elderly parents and pregnant sister. They spent a total of seven months in detention before his sister gave birth and they were transferred to IOM housing in Jakarta.
"My parents were sick; all my family had stress and the women were always crying," Kadad recalled. "My daughter learned to walk in jail and my son can't forget this time. He's worried they'll send us to another jail."
Until recently, new arrivals with some remaining resources headed straight for places like Cisarua, a popular tourist area about 70 kilometers south of Jakarta, where they could live more cheaply than in the capital, exchange information with one another and connect with smugglers organizing boats to Australia. They could avoid detention providing their boats were not intercepted by the authorities.
Now that boats are no longer departing, asylum seekers are exhausting their savings after a few weeks or months and increasingly making the decision to surrender themselves to Indonesia's immigration authorities knowing that they will be detained for at least six months, but that they will receive food and shelter while they await the outcome of asylum applications.
After nine months in Indonesia, Yahya Abaker Abdallah, from Sudan's Darfur region, has almost reached this point. Abdallah had already spent 10 years as a refugee in a camp in Darfur before he sold all of his family's livestock to pay a smuggler to bring him to Indonesia. Now he and three other Sudanese men are renting a room in Cisarua for Rp 800,000 ($70) a month, but "there's no money left, and no help," Abdallah told IRIN.
Most asylum seekers are detained until their refugee status determination has been completed, a process that takes 12-16 months, according to Jordao who acknowledged that in areas where UNHCR has few or no staff, the wait may be longer. Families, women and children are not exempt and often spend months in detention before space becomes available in shelters and housing for the most vulnerable managed mainly by IOM.
Sheida, 30, paid a smuggler $5,000 to get her out of her home country of Iran after her family refused to accept her conversion to Christianity. Following an abortive attempt to take a boat to Australia, she spent eight and half months in an IDC in Bali where she was the only single woman. After being transferred to an IOM shelter for single women in Makassar a year ago, she was finally interviewed by UNHCR but has yet to receive a refugee status decision. "I'm very stressed whether UNHCR will accept me or not," she told IRIN from her small windowless room at the shelter. "If I go back, my father will kill me. He tried before."
While UNHCR's staffing capacity is stretched in Indonesia, especially outside Jakarta, IOM receives significant funding from the Australian government to support a staff of over 300, about half of which work on refugee-related projects. Coordinating with Indonesia's Immigration Directorate, IOM supplies the IDCs with all of the detainees' basic needs as well as paying for overflow accommodation and housing for vulnerable asylum seekers and refugees awaiting resettlement. The approximately 4,000 asylum seekers and refugees under its care each receive a monthly stipend of Rp 1.25 million, just enough to cover their food and basic health care needs.
For Kadad and his family, the IOM accommodation "was like paradise" compared to detention, but nine months after being granted refugee status and with no news on resettlement, they are becoming increasingly desperate for an end to their long period of limbo. "We eat and sleep. I don't have money to move around," Kadad told IRIN. "I'm not free."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/asylum-seekers-stuck-indonesia-limbo/
Jakarta A top graft buster has urged the country's highest court to end the House of Representatives' monopoly on selecting leaders for the national antigraft body, calling the move unconstitutional.
"There's no article in the Constitution that states explicitly that the House has the power to recruit or choose state officials," Bambang Widjojanto, a deputy chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission, or KPK, said on Tuesday as quoted by Antara.
Bambang, testifying in a motion for a judicial review brought by the Indonesian Islamic University (UII) of Yogyakarta, said the selection for commissioners of the KPK and of the Judicial Commission, the body that oversees the country's judges, was beyond the purview of legislators.
"The House has limited functions as stated in articles of the Constitution, which include the legislative function to draft laws, [approve] the state budget and a supervisory function," he said.
He added that none of those three functions gave the House the power to vet officials for state bodies, which he argued ran the risk of conflicts of interests and political intervention.
Bambang also noted that there was no uniformity in the selection of leaders for the various state institutions, with some, like the House, allowed to choose their own heads, and others, like the KPK and the Judicial Commission, reliant on the House.
"This confirms that there is a discriminatory policy, besides the potential for intervention in KPK during the recruitment of its leaders," he told the court.
Tensions have frequently flared up between the KPK and the House, with the latter often proposing amendments to the KPK law that critics contend would weaken the antigraft commission.
Observers attribute the friction to the high number of legislator, serving and retired, arrested and duly tried, convicted and jailed by the KPK in a litany of corruption cases.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/keep-house-kpk-leaders-selection-process-graft-buster-says/
Jakarta The Jakarta Corruption Court sentenced on Thursday Ahmad Jauhari, a former senior official at the Religious Affairs Ministry, to eight years in prison for his role in rigging the procurement of Korans.
The panel of judges at the court, led by Judge Annas Mustaqim, also ordered Jauhari, former director of sharia guidance at the ministry's directorate general for Islamic guidance, to pay a fine of Rp 200 million (US$17,600) or face an additional six months in prison.
The court also ordered Jauhari to reimburse the state the Rp 100 million and $15,000 that he took as bribes. The sentence was lower than the 13 years demanded by Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) prosecutors.
KPK prosecutors charged Jauhari under Article 2, on self-enrichment, and Article 3, on abuse of authority, of the 2001 Corruption Law.
Last year, the court sentenced Golkar Party lawmaker Zulkarnaen Djabar and his son Dendy Prasetya to 15 and eight years in prison respectively for their role in the same graft case.
In its indictment prosecutors said that Jauhari collaborated with other individuals in the ministry, including Abdul Karim, the secretary-general at Jauhari's directorate, Mashuri, a staffer at the ministry, deputy Religious Affairs Ministry Nasaruddin Umar, Zulkarnaen, Golkar Party politician Fahd El Fouz, directors of PT Adhi Aksara Abadi Indonesia Ali Djufrie and of PT Sinergi Pustaka Indonesia Abdul Kadir Alaydrus.
For the procurement of Korans in 2012, Jauhari chose PT Sinergi Pustaka Indonesia as the winner of the project. For this service, Jauhari received Rp 100 million and $15,000 from Abdul and Ali.
Responding to the verdict, Jauhari called on the KPK to indict his colleagues at the Religious Affairs Ministry. "The corruption eradication campaign will not be successful if the court only sentences me, because it's my colleagues and other players who set me up," he said, before Judge Annas stopped him mid-sentence.
Outside the courtroom, Jauhari said that KPK prosecutors should also prosecute Nasaruddin and Abdul for their key roles in the procurement from 2011 to 2012.
"They were the ones who were actually responsible for the embezzlement scheme. I was only an official who was in charge of making commitments," he said.
Jauhari said that he was made a scapegoat to take the fall for his superiors. "I'm sure that KPK investigators and prosecutors will not stop and I say once again that I never had any intention of stealing money from the project," he said.
The value of the Koran-procurement project was Rp 20 billion in 2011 and Rp 55 billion in 2012. According to an investigative audit by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) the state losses that resulted from the graft-ridden procurements amounted to Rp 27 billion in 2011 and 2012.
Recently, the KPK has launched a preliminary investigation into alleged irregularities in the management of the haj pilgrimage fund during 2012- 2013.
The KPK finally launched a preliminary investigation after reviewing reports from non-governmental groups and an audit report by the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK), which alleged extensive irregularities over the last eight years, involving the savings of prospective pilgrims.
Both reports were submitted to the KPK in January 2013. The KPK also said it had sent investigators to Mecca to observe the implementation of haj programs last year.
Data from the PPATK found the ministry had managed Rp 80 trillion in haj funds, with accrued interest of Rp 2.3 trillion from 2004 to 2012.
According to the KPK, the Religious Affairs Ministry was the most corrupt institution of 22 government agencies it surveyed in 2011.
The ministry received 5.37 points out of a possible 10, below the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, which received 5.44 points, and the Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Ministry, which received 5.52 points. (gda)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/11/official-gets-eight-years-koran-graft.html
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta A hard-line Sunni Islamic group says it will host an anti-Shiite declaration in Bandung on Sunday, to be attended by the West Java governor, in the latest case of religious intolerance in the province.
Tardjono Abu Muas, the head of the Anti-Shia Alliance, told the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday that the group was "concerned about the creed of Islam." "We don't want it to be attacked by heresy," he added.
Tardjono said that the event, to be held at Al Fajar Mosque in the Buah Batu area of Bandung, had been planned since the Indonesian Ulema and Congregation Forum, or FUUI, issued a recommendation in 2012 to build "anti-Shiite posts" to protect the Sunni faithful.
After the declaration, the Anti-Shia Alliance plans to train mosque caretakers to be on the alert for heretic teachings, including Shiite ones.
"We all have to understand that Shia has tainted the true Islamic teaching," Tardjono said. "Our government should be like the Malaysian government, which protects the recognized religions in the country. We have six religions, so the government should protect all religions against heresy."
The event will be attended by officials including West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan and Ahmad Cholil Ridwan, a leader of the Indonesian Council of Ulema, or MUI, the highest Islamic authority in the country. Also expected to attend is Muslim Ibrahim, the head of Aceh Ulema Consultative Assembly, or MPU Aceh.
The governor, from the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, has made no secret of his distaste for Islamic minorities, saying last year that religious intolerance against the Ahmadiyah sect would end if they gave up their beliefs.
Similarly, Cholil has been outspoken in his support for hard-line groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which has a history of attacks against Ahmadiyah, Shiite and Christian communities.
Critics say Sunday's planned declaration is a knee-jerk reaction to the very real possibility that Jalaluddin Rakhmat, a Shiite candidate in last week's legislative election, could win a seat at the House of Representatives and may even be considered for the post of religious affairs minister.
"They're afraid that if Jalaluddin is elected as lawmaker, he will defend the Shiites," said Emilia Renita, the founder of the Ahlulbayt Organization for Social Support and Education, a Shiite women's group.
Jalaluddin, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, is the chief patron of the Association of Jamaah Ahlul Bait Indonesia (IJABI), an umbrella group for Shiite organizations.
Emilia, who is also the IJABI secretary, said that with Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo the strong favorite to win the July 9 presidential election, there was a good possibility that he might appoint party mate Jalaluddin to his cabinet.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/hard-liners-host-anti-shiite-declaration-w-java-governor-attend/
Panca Nugraha and Ainur Rahmah, Semarang/Mataram Halimah, 42, arrived early at the polling station (TPS) with her 6-year-old daughter, Natasha Januari Saputri, near their shelter in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara (NTB), on Wednesday, in the hope her vote would end her plight as a displaced Ahmadi.
"We hope our representatives in the legislature can fight for our future. We've spent eight years in this shelter. We want a better place to live, or to return home," Halimah told The Jakarta Post.
There are 133 displaced Ahmadis sheltered at Wisma Transito in Mataram after they were forced from their village in Lingsar district, West Lombok, in February 2006.
Seventy one of them are eligible voters and they did not waste their right to vote. Most of the Ahmadis had high hopes for the legislative candidates they voted for, but Halimah said she was unfamiliar with the legislative candidates for whom she had voted.
Of those listed on four separate ballot papers, Halimah said she only knew one candidate who was running for a seat in the Mataram City Council because that candidate had once visited the shelter.
Another Ahmadi, Azizuddin, 45, said it was hoped that elected legislative candidates would be more concerned about the fate of the displaced Ahmadis. "We hope elected representatives will embrace all people without differentiating against them based on ethnicity, religion or race," said Azizuddin.
"In the presidential election, we will vote for presidential and vice presidential candidates who really care about the rights of their people, including us. We are Indonesian citizens, but we feel we are not free," he went on.
An election observation team from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) monitored the voting.
In Sidoarjo, East Java, the Sampang Shiites also cast their votes near their displacement camp. A number of police and military personnel were deployed to the location for security reasons.
"Eveything is good. There's no problem," Sidoarjo Police chief Adj. Comr. Marjuki said as quoted by tempo.co. Sixty-seven Shia families were forced to leave their village in Sampang after a conflict with the majority Sunnis peaked on Aug. 27, 2012.
Dozens of homes belonging to Shia followers, whose spiritual leader was Tajul Muluk, were torched by a mob that claimed to represent the majority group. Two people were killed in the rioting, while Tajul was imprisoned for blasphemy.
The Shiites initially sheltered at a sports stadium in Sampang but were eventually moved to the Puspa Agro apartments in Sidoarjo, where they remain.
In Semarang, adherents of non-denominational faiths said they voted because they wanted the government to drop a regulation requiring all citizens to state their religion on their identification cards. The government only recognizes six official religions: Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism.
Non-denominational faiths are not recognized and often fall victim to various kinds of discrimination because of this policy.
Budi Santoso, who believes in the traditional belief of Sedulur Sikep, said he hoped members of his community would be allowed to declare their traditional beliefs in the religion column on their IDs.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration has been criticized for its failure to protect minority groups, with many even accusing it of being complicit in persecuting minorities.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/10/ahmadis-shiites-cast-votes-hope-change.html
Jakarta The Parks and Cemeteries Agency intends to force lovebirds caught in compromising positions in public parks to get married. Agency head Nandar Sunandar urged park visitors to refrain from indecent behavior or they would be arrested and forced to marry.
"Three couples were told to get married because they were caught committing obscene acts. We took them to their parents so they could get married soon," he said as quoted by kompas.com on Tuesday.
Nandar said a number of security officers had been stationed in public parks such as Taman Suropati on Jl. Suropati and Taman Menteng in Menteng, Central Jakarta, and Taman Ayodya in South Jakarta.
He said he expected people living in the vicinity of public parks to keep an eye on the parks to make sure nothing untoward happened between couples.
"All residents are expected to become informants. They can report it [misbehavior] to security officers or directly confront the perpetrators," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/16/city-targets-couples-making-out-parks.html
Syamsul Huda M.Suhari, Gorontalo Gorontalo Governor Rusli Habibie has issued a new policy requiring Muslim civil servants to hold mass prayers and attend Islamic religious lectures every Friday, in an effort to prevent infidelity and adultery among officials.
The policy has come into effect in April at every provincial agency (SKPD) within the Gorontalo provincial administration.
Rusli said he had received reports of infidelity, such as a letter from a husband whose wife was listed as a civil servant in an agency within the provincial administration.
"His wife cheated on him and would often send text messages to another man, who she claimed was her superior. What kind of a superior sends text messages late at night?" asked Rusli.
Aside from personal damage, Rusli said such deviant behavior tarnished the image of the provincial administration. Thus, he regarded spiritual enlightenment as necessary for every civil servant within the provincial administration.
He also urged all civil servants and every Muslim employee to leave their offices temporarily and go to the nearest mosque immediately upon the call for prayer, to perform the dzuhur (noon) and ashar (afternoon) prayers in a congregation. "There are still some civil servants who just hang around in the cafeteria and do not pray," Rusli said.
The new policy has prompted discussion among local civil servants. One male employee of the gubernatorial office welcomed the policy.
"Aren't religious lectures good? Just accept them, as they are spiritually good," said the man, who requested anonymity. He added his office had commenced holding religious lectures early last month.
A female civil servant working in a different agency said that she accepted the policy in principle, especially in terms of broadening her religious views, but that she disagreed if it was aimed at improving the attitude of civil servants.
"Who could measure the level of a person's faith and devotion? Many people pray five times a day, but they still commit corruption," said the woman, who also wished to remain anonymous.
Separately, female activist Kusmawaty Matara, from the Gorontalo branch of the Women's Institute for Research and Empowerment (WIRE-G), criticized the new policy, saying it was irrelevant.
"Religious lectures are apparently good, but they are unsuitable for resolving this issue," said Kusmawaty. She added religion was the domain of individuals, and should not be used to resolve issues such as infidelity among civil servants.
According to Kusmawaty, the governor should have issued a policy that was more relevant to overcoming the issue, such as implementing a system to reward or punish employees based on their achievements and behavior. She said the gubernatorial policy was patriarchal and put women at a disadvantage.
Kusmawaty said that Rusli, who is also a Golkar Party politician, had previously ordered all female personal assistants of officials to be replaced by men, on the grounds that cases of adultery between officials and their female assistants were widespread.
During the early days of his leadership in 2012, Rusli also issued a controversial policy requiring the salaries of married male civil servants to be transferred directly into their wives' bank accounts, to ensure that salaries were used for family needs and not squandered, shortly before requiring all female civil servants to wear Muslim head dress at work, saying such attire could control people's behavior and looked more respectful.
Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta Investors dumped Indonesian assets a day after the country's legislative election resulted in an unexpected weak showing for the political party behind popular presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.
Foreign investors sold Rp 1.45 trillion (US$127.7 million) worth of Indonesian stocks on Thursday, leaving the benchmark Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) plunging 3.16 percent, the steepest in eight months, to 4,765.
The rupiah also weakened 0.6 percent to Rp 11,355 per US dollar, according to prices from local banks as quoted by Bloomberg. Yields on the government's 10-year benchmark bonds climbed three basis points to 7.87 percent.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) appeared to have won the legislative election on Wednesday but failed to get enough votes to nominate Jokowi, who has been considered the frontrunner by several polls, without forming a coalition.
"The market was disappointed because the legislative election did not yield results that could strongly support a [Jokowi] government," Jeffrosenberg Tan, a Jakarta-based fund manager with Sinarmas Asset Management said. "Expectations on PDI-P have been running too high."
The PDI-P topped various quick counts, but it is estimated to have garnered only 19 percent of the popular vote. That was below the minimum 25 percent of the vote required for parties to nominate a presidential candidate without forming coalitions, and way below the party's target of 27 percent.
The Golkar Party came second with 15.02 percent, followed by Gerindra Party with 11.76 percent, based on a Kompas quick count before the final result is officially announced on May 9.
If the electability level of Indonesia's next ruling party falls short of 25 percent of the vote, it could create "uncertainty in the market", as it would be tough for the party to form a small and solid coalition, noted Dini Anggraeni, a fixed-income analyst with Maybank Kim Eng Securities, a sentiment echoed by other analysts.
A coalition could potentially complicate policy-making in the future and affect Indonesia's reform agenda, which had been long awaited by foreign investors, analysts said.
With no single party being able to field its own presidential candidate, Indonesia might be heading into "a volatile political landscape in the run-up to the presidential election", ANZ Bank economist Daniel Wilson said.
A second-round presidential election might lead to a longer election cycle, which could slightly lift domestic consumption, but would lead to a slowdown in investment due to uncertainties, he added.
"In the short term, coalition posturing will be of keen interest and the role of Golkar could be a key swing factor," Wilson said.
Indonesia's democratic legislature is well-known for its about-face politics, in which the government's coalition partners might reject government policies, frequently requesting political concessions at the last minute in return for their legislative approval.
In contrast with Indonesia, most regional markets rose yesterday, with benchmark indexes in the Philippines and Thailand surging 0.78 percent and 0.55 percent, respectively. Stock markets in China, Hong Kong and the US advanced by more than 1 percent.
Bank Indonesia spokesperson Peter Jacobs brushed off concerns about the outflows, saying that pressure on the rupiah and financial market would be temporary.
The outflows were nothing serious and the markets would soon recover, he said, noting that the sell-offs were driven by temporary election-related sentiments, not by concerns of deterioration in Indonesia's economic fundamentals.
"We think the correction will be temporary. It is still a healthy correction for the market to be more rational and to be less sentiment- driven," Bank Danamon economist Anton Hendranata said.
The JCI surged 12 percent in the first three months of this year and the rupiah rallied 7.1 percent as foreign investors poured in funds at a record pace on speculation that Jokowi would win the July 9 presidential election, boosting investment and pushing through reforms. The rally has brought the local stock index's price-to-earnings ratio to its highest level since 2009. (est)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/11/investors-disappointed-with-election-result.html
Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta The generally peaceful election may yield a short-term upside to financial markets but there is growing concern about the effectiveness of future economic policy-making, after quick counts indicated heavily fragmented factions in the House of Representatives.
The quick counts on Wednesday revealed the balance of power in the House may be evenly distributed, presenting a complex situation for the next administration if it wants to push through crucial economic policies.
The election's frontrunner and possibly the next ruling party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), is estimated to have pocketed only around 19 percent of the vote, below the party's 27 percent target.
Countless surveys indicated a landslide victory for the PDI-P, leading to a potentially more stable coalition of the majority. But this is not the case.
The PDI-P's share of the vote, as indicated by the quick counts on Wednesday, was not too far ahead of the Golkar Party and the Gerindra Party, which are estimated to have garnered 15 percent and 12 percent, respectively.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's ruling Democratic Party, which secured 21 percent of the vote in the 2009 legislative election, has frequently encountered difficulties from its House counterparts when seeking to introduce important economic policies, with prolonged negotiations leading to inefficient policy-making.
"A coalition is required if the next government wants to govern effectively," Destry Damayanti, chief economist with state-run Bank Mandiri, said regarding the election's quick-count results. "Big parties such as the PDI-P and Golkar must not compete against each other. They should unite for Indonesia's interests in the long run."
But forming a coalition with too many parties may also be a double-edged sword, as it could pave the way to backdoor political haggling, to acquire concessions, normally in the form of ministerial posts or projects funded by the state budget or state companies. At least 18 of the 34 ministers in the current administration have solid party political backgrounds.
"History may repeat itself if the next Cabinet is once again dominated by politicians rather than professional technocrats, who may be deemed the best for the jobs," said Latif Adam, an economist with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
"The coalition may be an entry point for transactional politics," he said, adding that the diverse political landscape increased the country's need to secure a firm, bold leader, someone equipped with savvy political skills. "We need a president who is not only clever in formulating economic policies, but also has the firmness and better negotiation skills to win over the House."
The markets may also be spooked by the possibility that the PDI-P may put economic issues on the back burner. This is because PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, who is still a powerful figure within the party, is deemed to have poor economic credentials following her stint as president.
When Megawati served as president from 2001 to 2004, also the last time the PDI-P was the ruling party, her economic policy views were "less definitive", and her tenure was marked by slow economic growth and high unemployment, noted Lim Su Sian, an economist with the HSBC Bank in Singapore. "Megawati has never been a noted reformer, neither in office nor as head of the party," she said.
There could also be an unwanted shift in policy that may deter portfolio investors. Indonesia's stance over its fiscal and monetary policies, which focus on stability over growth, may shift to the opposite direction if and when the PDI-P takes over, analysts have warned.
"As the macroeconomic stability-growth trade-off becomes more apparent, Bank Indonesia's [BI] independence in terms of monetary policy could be greatly tested, given that the PDI-P is unlikely to want to see a slowdown in growth," commented Enrico Tanuwidjaja, an economist with Japan-based fund manager Nomura.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/10/new-power-balance-poses-risk-economic-policies.html
Emily Mitchell Last year, during a visit to Kupang, in West Timor, I met a fisherman with a 12 year old daughter and a seven year old son. His two boats were burned by the Australian government as they were said at the time to have breached Australian waters. He was unsuccessfully trying to gain work as crew on another boat. His children no longer attended school, as the family simply could not afford it. His daughter, once the top of her class, struggled to teach herself and her younger brother at home.
The treatment inflicted on this Indonesian family highlights the hypocrisy currently on display by the Australian navy, which was recently made evident by the Senate inquiry report into breaches of Indonesian waters in the Timor Sea. It appears that there's one rule for our navy, and quite another for impoverished fishermen.
In February, the defence and customs review reported on the six recent incursions undertaken by the Australian navy in Indonesian waters, asserting that "on each occasion the incursion was inadvertent... each arose from incorrect calculation of the boundaries of Indonesian waters rather than as a deliberate action or navigational error."
Four of these incursions were committed by the Royal Australian navy, and two by Customs and Border Protection. The joint review found that a lack of training in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) may have contributed to the breaches.
While the navy's actions received no punishment, this strongly contrasts with the Australian government's aggressive crackdown on the boats of our Indonesian neighbours and its ongoing effects on their families, who suffer punitive circumstances.
Of course, few Indonesian fishermen receive training on the UNCLOS, with many not being able to attend schooling past a primary school level. Yet since 1988, an unknown number of boats who venture near or into the Australian Exclusive Economic Zone have been apprehended and burned. Fishermen are thrown into immigration detention, sometimes suffering lengthy delays until trial, where they are then represented by Legal Aid against the Commonwealth Department of Public Prosecutions, or released without charge.
After legal proceedings, even when the fishermen were found to be innocent under Australian law, fishermen have said that people are sometimes deported back to Denpasar in Bali, where they are left to scrounge their way back to their home villages, sometimes more than 1,000 kilometres away on far flung islands.
Boats are occasionally owned outright, but more often are subject to loans, or are the direct asset of another person in the village. The boats' destruction becomes an economic millstone hung about individuals' necks; a debt that they cannot repay.
Others have paid the ultimate price. In 2003, 21 year old fisherman Mansur La Ibu died in detention, onboard his own boat strung up to wharves in Darwin harbour. He had been held without trial for one month. Two years later, 37 year old Mohammed Heri suffered a similar fate.
Until 2005, detained fishermen were treated by the Australian government as being too primitive to require detention on land, with access to bathrooms, steady ground, shelter and away from lingering tropical mosquitoes. Instead, politicians commented that they would "be more comfortable" on board their boats.
While one skipper sat in Australian detention, unscrupulous Indonesian debt collectors visited and burned his home, seriously injuring his wife and infant child. That fisherman was sent home on "compassionate" grounds without charge. We can only imagine the repercussions and personal hardship that flow from the detention of hardworking fishermen in Australia, while their families struggle in ever-present poverty without their breadwinners.
In 2008, a man from West Timor was acquitted of all unlawful fishing charges by the high court of Australia as his boat had been apprehended outside the Australian Fishing Zone. The decision came after almost two years of imprisonment. In his absence, his family would have struggled to make ends meet in one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia. In the same year as his acquittal, 1,217 fishermen were apprehended and detained.
One of these fishermen, Sahring from West Timor, had his boat burned by the Australian navy in 2008, albeit in Indonesian waters. In March 2014, a landmark case handed down by the federal court of Australia in Darwin acknowledged that he was entitled to $44,000 in compensation.
It must be asked: how many of the other 1,216 fishermen also had their property destroyed in their own waters?
Since 2005, approximately 5,394 fishermen have been apprehended by Australian officials on the ocean, and hundreds of boats destroyed. Such antiquated policy in the treatment of our neighbours stands in disproportionate contrast to the "unintended" incursions of naval ships, armed to the teeth with every piece of radar and satellite equipment under the sun, who have suffered no cost or damage as a result of their action.
Ironically, these naval boats have also often destroyed the very fishing boats that have inadvertently crossed into Australian waters. Warships suffer no penalty and the boats supporting thousands of families living in poverty become ash on the water. Imagine the outrage in Australia if Indonesian warships were to apprehend Australian boats, even with a legal basis.
We should all be concerned, as if Australian officials are not aware of their basic obligations under international law, what stops them from being cowboys on the sea?
Dana Hasibuan, Jakarta For the last 10 years, poverty reduction has been considered one of the most pertinent issues in Indonesia's development policies. This is in line with the commitment to fulfill the Millennium Development Goals, which aim to halve the number of people living on less than US$1 a day, according to the UNDP.
In its 2011 report, the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) claimed that this particular goal had been accomplished.
And while such an achievement deserves credit, it is high time to push the boundaries one step further by addressing the issue of inequality. A study published by the Institute for Public Policy Research posits two pivotal reasons why we need to broaden our development agenda through incorporating the notion of inequality. The first is intertwined with inequality in terms of income disparity.
In the last 10 years, Indonesia's economic growth has accelerated to over 4-6 percent, a GlobalEdge study reported. One of the tangible impacts of such growth is a significant increase in gross domestic product (GDP), which in 2012 amounted to approximately $878 billion, the World Bank reported.
This positive trend should not make us complacent because the ugly truth is that our society is becoming more unequal. Based on the latest report, our Gini index which reflects income disparities, with 0 indicating perfect equality and 1 showing perfect inequality has been steadily rising from 0.37 in 2012 to 0.41 in 2013 (The Jakarta Post, Feb. 7, 2014).
A recent study by the International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) in some regions found a sheer gap in income. For example, the monthly minimum wage in Jakarta, which is set at approximately Rp 2.5 million (US$221), is highly incomparable to the salary of a CEO of a state-owned enterprise, who earns Rp 250 million per month.
Such a condition is exacerbated by our tax system, which hurts not only the poor but also the middle class. In 2010, revenue collected from income tax (PPh, Article 21) nationwide was Rp 55.3 trillion. This figure stands in contrast to the revenue collected from the private income of non- employee/entrepreneurs (PPh articles 25/29), which only stood at Rp 3.6 trillion, according to a 2012 study by the Prakarsa research center.
The latter figure certainly raises serious questions considering that the wealth of the top 40 richest people in Indonesia totals Rp 680 trillion, as Prakarsa stated.
The unjust list could go on extensively, but the main message here is clear: while our middle class is upholding its duty in working hard and paying income tax, there is a small group of super elite that has been accumulating enormous wealth and being taxed incredibly low.
The second inequality is related to structural inequality. In this context, structural inequality hampers a person or a group's opportunity or outcome to live a life they consider to be of value (Sen, 2002).
The global audience's attention to structural inequality has been increasing rapidly as empirical evidence indicates that current development programs so far have only been successful in improving the average outcomes around a range of basic needs but leaving further behind groups and individuals that are the poorest and most excluded, such as the disabled, religious minorities and indigenous communities, according to the UNICEF.
In Indonesia, poverty alleviation initiatives clearly demonstrate such an occurrence. The Mandiri National Community Empowerment Program (PNPM Mandiri) has been praised for utilizing a community-based approach in creating more secure and sustainable employment and delivering resources directly to the community to alleviate poverty in rural areas.
Nevertheless, an evaluation study on PNPM Mandiri identifies the program's failure to incorporate marginal groups' aspirations, mainly because entrenched inequalities have not been acknowledged let alone overcome, such as discrimination on the basis of identity, a study by the AKATIGA research center revealed in 2010.
The impact is devastating when we perpetuate discrimination because this means someone is almost predetermined to be impoverished simply because the social or physical traits of a person places them in a subordinate position within society.
This is a disturbing fact also speaking from an economic perspective as we are losing a potential 3 to 7 percent of total GDP when we exclude persons with disabilities from the workforce, according to figures of UNICEF last year.
There is a series of measures that can be taken to improve our current situation. Within the context of income disparity, the tax bracket needs to be expanded.
At present, anyone who earns above Rp 500 million per year is subjected to tax of only 30 percent of total income. With the surge of wealth as highlighted above, two layers need to be added people who make a profit of a minimum Rp 1 billion per year should be taxed 35 percent and those making a profit of Rp 5 billion per year should be taxed 45 percent.
The second measure is advancing data of potential revenue that can be collected from tax. The government should aim to raise the tax ratio the government's real capability to collect revenue from tax of 1 percent every year.
Currently, our tax only accounts for 12 percent of total GDP whereas ideally, as a middle income country, tax should contribute 19 percent to GDP, as reported by INFID.
For structural inequality, policymakers at the local and national levels need to recognize that welfare deprivation cannot be separated from political, economic, cultural and social discrimination as they overlap and intersect.
Yet at the same, discrimination cases are viewed as part of the sheer complexity of this country's past, present and future and have placed different groups along different historical discriminatory relationships.
Therefore, it is the government's duty to ensure that multiple barriers are dismantled so that people's aspirations and hopes can be realized. The upcoming presidential election would be the perfect momentum to push our future leaders to start devising policies to realize equality and justice.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/10/tackling-yawning-income-gap-indonesia.html