Jakarta The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) antigraft group has urged the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) to cease its public relations campaign to promote "the four pillars of nationhood" following the Constitutional Court's decision to drop the term from the Law No. 2/2011 on political parties.
Fitra said that the program, if continued, would result in wasteful spending. "The public education program on the four pillars of nationhood is only a waste of state budget with no clear objectives," said Fitra investigation coordinator Uchok Sky Khadafi on Sunday.
Uchok added that if the MPR insisted on carrying on with its program, it would contradict the Court's decision.
The public education campaign kicked off during the tenure of the late MPR chairman Taufiq Kiemas in 2011. The ideology consists of four pillars: the state's five founding principles of Pancasila; the 1945 Constitution; the concept of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia; and the national motto of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity).
On Friday, the Court issued a verdict to drop the phrase the four pillars of nationhood after conducting a judicial review of Article 34, paragraph 3, of Law No. 2/2011 on political parties.
However, chief justice Hamdan Zoelva said that the MPR was allowed to continue its campaign to promote the four pillars to the general public. "It just means that they are not allowed to use the phrase 'the four pillars of nationhood' in any of their promotional programs. That is what the Court has rendered void," Hamdan said on Friday.
The campaign has not been without controversy in the past, including a lawsuit filed by Rachmawati Soekarnoputri, the daughter of former president Sukarno and also Taufiq's sister-in-law, related to the semantics of the phrase.
Data collected by Fitra shows the MPR spent Rp 483 billion (US$42.68 million) in 2013 on the promotional program. The budget was reduced to Rp 464.7 billion in 2014. Uchok said that the funds were prone to abuse, especially from MPR politicians seeking cash to contribute to their political parties.
Uchok also said that the public education campaign had created confusion among the public. "In spite of the big budget, members of the MPR who promote these four pillars of nationhood do not have enough [of an] understanding of Pancasila. This can create confusion among members of the general public," he added.
Constitutional law expert Refly Harun said that the Court had made the right decision by dropping the term from the Political Parties Law as it devalued Pancasila.
"Pancasila is the foundation that the country is built upon, not a supporting pillar. Furthermore, our country is not only supported by Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, the 1945 Constitution and the concept of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. We can't limit our 'pillars' to just these," he said.
He added that the phrase seemed often to be abused by MPR members who tended to veer toward nonsense during their 'four pillars' awareness- raising campaigns. (fss)
Yogyakarta A book entitled Benturan NU-PKI 1948-1965 (The NU-PKI clash 1948-1965) has been released by the country's biggest Muslim organization the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in its bid to clear its name in relation to the killing of Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) supporters in 1965.
"The book is not meant to be anti-PKI because the incident happened in the past and the PKI no longer exists," NU deputy chairman As'ad Said Ali said during a book discussion in Yogyakarta recently. He said there were still parties that wanted to politicize the conflict between NU and PKI in 1965.
"This [book] could be a reference point because some young NU members accused their fathers of being PKI murderers," the book's author, Abdul Mun'im DZ, said.
"Don't just focus on the 1965 conflict. We have to understand what had happened before it. The NU-PKI conflict was due to ideological differences," Abdul said.
Historian Bambang Purwanto of Gadjah Mada University said that the book could be a new reference, but, he strongly criticized it for placing the NU on a "superhero" pedestal. He also criticized the content of the book for being inconsistent.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/05/book-nu-pki-conflict-released-yogya.html
Jakarta The National Police named PT Coca Cola Bottling Indonesia (CCB) a suspect on Friday, in an alleged illegal groundwater extraction case in Sumedang, West Java.
The police suspect the company of violating Article 94 of Law 7/2004 on water resources, by illegally extracting groundwater in the area for soft drink production without a groundwater resource permit (SIPA).
"If found guilty, the company's directors will be held responsible for the offense," said National Police deputy director for special economic crimes Brig. Gen. Alex Mandalika in a press conference.
According to Alex, CCB's extraction permits for eight locations in Sumedang expired in 2010 and 2011. "The regional government there, through the Natural Resources Conservation Agency [BKSDA], had demanded the company stop the extraction, but it was ignored," Alex said.
In 2011, a CCB manager applied for permit extensions through the Board of Investment Services and Integrated Licensing (BPPMPT), and was told the company would receive it as long as it had a recommendation from the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry, according to the police. However, CCB was unable to fulfill the requirements and gain the ministry's recommendation.
BPPMPT sent a warning letter to CCB in December 2013, demanding it stop extraction until it was able to fulfill the requirements and obtain the permit extension. "According to our investigations, CCB was still extracting groundwater. We have temporarily halted its extraction activities in the eight locations," said Alex. (fss)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/coca-cola-suspect-water-extraction-case.html
Marni Cordell West Papuan independence fighters did a "war dance", raised the banned morning star flag and shot at Indonesian security personnel near the border with Papua New Guinea on Saturday, according to a local journalist, in a provocative action ahead of Wednesday's legislative elections in Indonesia.
An Indonesian police officer and a military officer were injured in the shootout and three independence fighters were hit by police and military fire, said Victor Mambor, the editor of West Papuan online news outlet Jubi, who was tipped off about the incident early on Saturday.
Members of the West Papuan Revolution Army tore down the Indonesian flag and raised the morning star, as well as the flag of the United Nations, near the Skouw-Wutung border post at 5am on Saturday, Mambor told Guardian Australia.
The group "did a war dance" around the flagpole and set a carwash on fire, he said. Police and military monitored the situation from a watchtower but were shot at and the rebels then engaged in a gunfight with soldiers and police on Indonesian territory close to the border before withdrawing to PNG, Mambor said.
A government adviser told Guardian Australia the incident would have little impact on the legislative elections. Franzalbert Joku, an adviser on the Papua desk in the Indonesian ministry of political and security affairs, said: "The incident has no impact at all."
He blamed the shootout on a "security lapse" and said he was surprised it had happened in a busy area where government officials were stationed on both sides of the border. He confirmed that the chief of Jayapura police, Alfred Papare, and a military intelligence officer were injured in the incident.
Joku told Guardian Australia he thought the pre-poll stunt was "intended as a way to disrupt or to say, you're busy preparing to go to the polls, but we're still doing this". "I think that is the only value I see that would have been gained by the perpetrators," he said.
Joku, who is also a Papuan candidate in the elections, said West Papuans needed to work with the Indonesian government, not against it, to improve conditions in the province. "Persevering with a culture of political agitation under whatever guise is counter-productive," he said.
Exiled West Papuan leader Benny Wenda, who is leading a campaign for West Papuans to boycott the Indonesian elections, told Guardian Australia that, while he was touched to see the morning star flag raised in this "very symbolic place", he was concerned the border incident would lead to reprisal attacks against the thousands of West Papuan refugees living in PNG.
"I know this border post very well, and as Papuans, over the last 50 years our observation is that any pro-independence activities taking place close to the border will make the Indonesian government extremely angry and they are very likely to force the PNG government and police [to] look for West Papuan refugees and burn down their houses in revenge or kill them," he said.
Sentani It is mandatory for all religious people in Papua to vote during Wednesdays legislative elections, according to local religious figures.
"Those who claim to be religious and refuse to vote as are irresponsible," Papua Communion of Churches Chairman Reverend Lipius Biniluk stated here on Monday.
Biniluk explained that religious people have responsibility and integrity to vote in the elections without pressures from certain parties. "No pressure, no money politics. Religious people must vote for who ever they think is the right person to lead this nation," he remarked, adding that they should participate in making the election a success.
Meanwhile, Jayapura branch of Indonesian Ulema Council Chairman Faishal Saleh noted that religious people were also recommended to love their nation. "Acting as non-voters in the elections is against the government and therefore religious people are forbidden to do so," Faishal stressed.
According to him, Islam and the nation are one in the form of value system and the governance structure. Therefore the religious figures call on all public elements and religious community in Papua to participate in the elections without acting as non-voters.
Source: http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/93558/religious-people-in-papua-must-vote
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura The Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police are beefing up security in the area bordering Indonesia and Papua New Guinea in Skouw-Wutung following a shootout between TNI-police and dozens of armed civilians on Saturday.
The incident, which took place on Saturday from 9:30 a.m. local time until noon, was sparked when 30 armed civilians hoisted the Morning Star (Bintang Kejora) flag and took down the Indonesian Red-and-White in the neutral area of Skouw-Wutung at around 6 a.m., said Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Sulistyo Pudjo on Saturday.
The flag has long been seen by the Indonesian government as a symbol of rebellion. The armed group also set fire to a banner, damaged a car wash and piled wood on the streets, hampering traffic. Local officers immediately took down the Bintang Kejora flag before chasing the armed group, which had fled to PNG territory.
Jayapura Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Alfred Papare and a member of the 1701 military command (Kodim), Sgt. Major Tugino, sustained injuries after getting hit by glass debris as a result of the armed group firing at the border tower.
Alfred and Tugino were rushed to Bhayangkara Hospital and Marthen Indey Hospital, respectively. "At that time, TNI-police were handling the situation," Sulistyo said, adding the police were still investigating those involved in the incident.
The incident also hampered journalists who were heading to the Indonesian Consulate in Vanimo, PNG, to cover the election in the country.
Police chief Gen. Sutarman had pledged the police would crackdown on separatist groups, including by strictly enforcing a ban on flying the Bintang Kejora flag, which West Papuans often try to raise in a special ceremony every year on Dec. 1.
Meanwhile, the Indonesia-PNG border area will be closed to the public ahead of the legislative election, which will fall on Wednesday.
"The border area will be closed from April 6 until April 12 due to the election in Indonesia. We have informed the Papua New Guinea government," said Papua border head Suzanna Wanggai.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/06/raising-bintang-kejora-flag-leads-shoot-out.html
Jayapura, Papua Presidential candidate of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) Joko Widodo said he would deal with all problems in Papua with "heart."
"I dont like to promise too much. I am confident the Papua problem could be sorted out with heart and hard work not with promises," Jokowi, as he is known, said.
"I see very big potentials here and most of the potentials must be used for the welfare of the people of Papua," he said to the crowd rallying around him in a political campaigns here on Saturday.
Thousands of PDIP supporters and sympathizers took part in the rally in the Karang Trade Center square here in the closing day of political campaign ahead of the April 9 legislative election.
He asked PDIP supporters in Papua to work hard to draw the sympathy of the majority of the people to win the election. Big victory in the legislative election would help the party to win the presidential election on July 9, the Jakartas populist governor said.
Before addressing the crowd at the TC square, Jokowi visited the Youtefa traditional market in Abepura and spoke to the small traders there.
Hundreds of people sought to have a hand shake with Jokowi, who shot to prominence after no less than two years as Jakarta governor. "We want to see how he looks, but it is not easy. Too many people," Arti, one of the traders said.
After buying a rousted tuna fish Jokowi walked to a car waiting for him with police guards, waving and saying, "Thank you all for your support."
At the same time in Central Java, PDIP chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri and a number of other party leaders attended a PDIP last day campaign in Klaten. Also present accompanying Megawati was Central Java deputy governor Heru Sujatmoko, who is chairman of the provincial branch of PDIP.
Megawati's daughter Puan Maharani, who is a party leader, said Klaten was chosen to be the host for the open campaign as that district is a stronghold of the party. "We want to repeat what we achieved in the 2009 legislative election when PDIP won the majority votes in Central Java," Puan said.
From Klaten, the group went on to Sukoharjo in the province seeking to address supporters and draw more sympathizers.
When addressing the crowds both in Klaten and Sukoharjo, Puan reminded the people to vote for Jokowi in the presidential election which will take place on Jul 9.
To the call the crowds responded with the yell calling the name of Jokowi, although he was not in the group. Jokowi, who was former major of the Central Java city of Surakarta, is quite popular in the region.
Meanwhile, the founder of Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Gerindra) Prabowo Subianto said "Jakarta is being hit by a terrible disease of cheaters."
Prabowo, who, according to many surveys is Jokowis closest rival, did no say name but on a number of occasions he had shown his "hatred" toward Jokowi who he helped promote from a Solo mayor to Jakarta governor.
In a number occasion he spoke about a puppet presidential candidate giving no name but apparently referring to Jokowi. Prabowo led over other potential rivals before Jokowi was named as presidential candidate by PDIP.
Addressing a group of supporters in Bandung, West Java, Prabowo said,"The leaders of the Jakarta city administration are sick. They are theatrical players, all cheaters." he said.
It is not clear if he also included Jokowis deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), who is a Gerindra member, among those he accused of being cheaters. "The theatrical players in the city hall should be awarded a Piala Citra (an award given usually to best singer and film artists)," Prabowo said.
He said he is aware that no one in Jakarta would want to hear what he just said. "What I said in Jakarta with those Sengkuni (bootlickers), would not sell. They speak softly and want well mannered people, but here I have listeners. Do you want ones with good manner but dishonest?" he said and quickly added," I apologize if I have spoken too strongly," he said.
Source: http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/93531/jokowi-pledges-to-deal-with-papua-problems-with-heart
Sita W Dewi and Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo is spending the last weekend of the open campaign period visiting the easternmost island of Papua, showing his commitment to native Papuans.
The Jakarta governor first stopped in Sorong, West Papua, to refuel his chartered airplane and visited a traditional market in the city. He later continued onto Jayapura, Papua, and went straight to Youtefa market in Abepura to meet with the locals. As usual, Jokowi was welcomed like a celebrity.
"I saw it with my very own eyes, Jokowi is willing to meet with the people at traditional markets, unlike any other president. Papuans want him," Linda Sanyi, a local resident, said. Another native Papuan shared the sentiment.
"I want him to become president. He goes to traditional markets so he understands people like us," Berlin Wadi, a vendor, said.
Jokowi, who was heavily guarded by dozens of police, took his time talking to the vendors and also brought home vegetables and smoked fish. He later spoke before thousands of PDI-P supporters at the PTC field.
"No presidential candidate has come here before, but I did, because the sun rises in the east, in Papua," said Jokowi, to a cheering audience. He also promised Papuans that he would make Papua his priority once he was elected president.
"I understand that Papua's problems should be solved with heart, with real work. I'm not going to promise you too many things, but Papua's resources should be used for Papuans' own well-being," Jokowi said.
He also expressed his optimism that the PDI-P would seize a landslide victory in Papua.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/05/papuans-welcome-jokowi.html
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura An Indonesian soldier suffered minor injuries during a firefight between police and members of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) on the border of the restive Indonesian province and Papua New Guinea on Saturday, the Indonesian Military (TNI) said.
Spokesman of the Cendrawasih Military Command, which oversees the TNI's operations in Papua and West Papua provinces, Lt.Col. Hikas Hidayatullah, said some 40 members of OPM fired on a watch tower at a military post in Wutung, Jayapura on Saturday morning.
"The separatists also set a billboard on fire and took down the Indonesian flag before they raised the OPM flag," Hikas told the Jakarta Globe on Saturday.
Hikas said the men skipped over the PNG border after the incident. First. Sgt. Tugiono was wounded by shattered glass during the gunfire but would make a full recovery, he added. "He has been treated at Marthen Indey hospital,'" Hikas said.
Papuan police spokesman, Sr. Cmr. Pujo Suslityo, said the armed men had been trying to disupt local economic activity.
During the gunfire, six local journalists heading to Vanimo, Papua New Guinea to cover the April 9 legislative elections were held up inside the military post. "We were stuck there and had to wait until the firefight was over to return to Jayapura," said Aman Hasibuan, a journalist for Elshinta radio station.
Earlier this month two Papuans from the Moni tribe were shot dead by the National Police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) during a clash with police in Jayanti, Timika.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/opm-fires-tni-outpost-png-border-military-says/
Jayapura Two students who were arrested by the Police on Wednesday (2/4) for leading a demonstration demanding the release of Papuan political prisoners said they were mistreated in detention.
"We were beaten like animals. Our bodies were covered with blood. The Police doctor visited us at midnight to clean us and examine the wounds," Alfares Kapissa told Jubi on Thursday night (3/4) at Dian Harapan Hospital.
Kapissa and Yali Wenda were arrested by police for breaking an agreement with the police not to march during the protest. They were released at around 14:00 Papua time.
Jayapura Police Chief Adjunct Commissioner Senior Alfred Papare said on Wednesday the student leaders were detained for questioning. The Police had 24 hours to detain or release if no charges were pressed. The students said kicked them and hit them with rifle butts and rattan canes.
A resident of Jayapura Selatan sub-district who was in Jayapura Police headquarters said he saw the two students injured when he was hauled off the police vehicle.
"I saw their faces and bodies bruised and bleeding. I also saw an officer pointed a riffle butt asking whether they used it to beat the students. It might be a code between the police," he said.
When met Alfares at Dian Harapan Hospital, his face was bruised and swollen. "The doctor forced us to change our clothes to get rid of evidence. We were beaten from head to toe. My head was injured and I thought they broke my ribs," he said while showing his wounds and blood spots on his head.
A Papuan human rights activist, Markus Haluk, said Yali Wenda was also injured on his ear. "Now they have difficulty sitting and eating. Their bodies are still trembling," said Haluk.
The Chairman of Student Executive Board of Cenderawasih University, Yoan Wanbipman said they have sent a letter to the Papua Police Chief to set up a meeting. The meeting between the students, lecturers and the police is set for Friday (4/4). (Jubi/Victor Mambor/rom)
Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=1894
Jakarta At least 100 protesters demanded the immediate release of 76 political prisoners in Papua outside the Indonesian Embassy in London, UK, on Wednesday, in a peaceful rally organized by TAPOL, Survival International and Amnesty International UK.
The protesters called on Indonesia's political parties and candidates to state their support for basic democratic rights in Papua ahead of next week's national legislative election. Similar rallies were held in Scotland, the Netherlands, Australia, New Zealand and also in Jayapura, Papua.
The protesters, who represented each of the Papuan political prisoners currently behind bars, were symbolically handcuffed and taped across the mouth to highlight the silencing of free speech in Indonesia's easternmost province.
Papuan political prisoner Dominikus Surabut sent a message on Wednesday to April 2 protesters around the world from his cell in Abepura prison, Jayapura regency, saying, "Freedom and democracy cannot be killed or imprisoned. Its spirit is absolute. No person or state can defeat it. To all advocates of human rights and democracy: we cannot remain silent. We must join hands and spirits together to achieve democratic freedoms."
Surabut was arrested on Oct. 19, 2011, and is currently serving a three- year prison sentence for his participation in a peaceful political gathering.
Despite widespread international concern about the political and human rights situation in Papua, Indonesian political parties have remained silent on what they can offer for a peaceful Papua. Some demonstrators challenged Indonesia's presidential candidates to take up the issue of Papua and explain their policies.
Protesters held placards reading: "Jokowi: Will you give free speech to Papua?" and "Bakrie: Will you release Papuan political prisoners?", referring to Jakarta Governor and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Golkar Party chairman and presidential candidate Aburizal Bakrie.
In a letter to Indonesian Ambassador to the UK Teuku Mohammad Hamzah Thayeb, delivered on Wednesday, rally organizer TAPOL said 537 political arrests had been made in Papua in 2013, more than double the number of arrests in 2012. The number of reported cases of torture and ill-treatment in detention tripled, while the number of cases denying access to lawyers and unfair trials doubled.
The letter pointed out that the huge increase in arrests "is particularly disturbing in the run-up to the Indonesian national elections next week. The lack of democratic space in Papua means that the elections are largely irrelevant as far as many Papuans are concerned".
Auckland (Pacific Media Watch/Radio Australia/Radio NZ International/Free West Papua Campaign) Protesters have taken to the streets and the gates of Indonesian embassies in West Papua, Australia and New Zealand as part of Global Day of action to free West Papuan prisoners.
At least four protests took place today on the global day. Indigenous Papuans and Malukans continue to be arrested for peaceful activities such as raising the Papuan Morning Star flag or attending demonstrations and public events that express dissent.
Radio Australia reported today that there was "growing community awareness about the human rights abuses by the Indonesian military in West Papua", while Radio New Zealand International said a protest had taken place in Wellington. According to RNZI, Green Party MP Catherine Delahunty, said the New Zealand government must do more to free the prisoners.
"The very least New Zealand could do is call on Indonesia to set these prisoners free, they are not criminals, they are political prisoners who should be set free, and New Zealand should stop funding the training programme for the police in West Papua instead of which, where they should be calling on Indonesia to stop the human rights abuses" Delahunty told RNZI.
West Papua Independence Media reported that a protest had happened in Port Numbay/Jayapura, the capital city of West Papua, while in Melbourne, a demonstration was planned for Tuesday evening, to call for the release of the 77 Papuan and Malukan Political Prisoners held in Indonesian prisons.
Ian Okoka, a Melbourne-based Papuan independence activist, said: "Papuans are losing their right to freely express themselves and many have fled to the jungle for fear of being put in jail.
"Papuans who are seeking independence for Papua through peaceful means are facing threats of arrest and violent intimidation by security forces. Often those arrested, are charged with treason or incitement which can carry lengthy prison sentences."
The West Papuan democratically elected Prime Minister, Edison Waromi, is also in prison. Shortly after the 2011 Third Papuan Congress, Indonesian soldiers stormed the congregation and arrested Waromi along with President Forkorus Yaboisembut.
In March 2012 Waromi, along with four others, known as the "Jayapura 5", were put on trial for treason and are currently serving a three-year sentence.
Waromi today released a message from prison calling on the United Nations to "prioritise West Papua on its agenda and mediate the political status of West Papua between Indonesia and West Papua" and for Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch (HRW) and TAPOL to conduct investigations into human rights violations in West Papua.
Waromi also called for "real action to end the republic of Indonesia's colonial occupation of West Papua".
Maire Leadbeater of West Papua Action Auckland said the number of political arrests in Indonesian-controlled West Papua had more than doubled in 2013 compared with the previous year, and reports of torture and ill-treatment of political detainees had also increased.
Joe Collins of the Australia West Papua Association of Sydney said the Indonesian government must release all West Papuan political prisoners unconditionally as a sign of good faith to the West Papuan people.
"A number of articles in the Indonesian Criminal Code such as article 106 is used to stigmatize West Papuans as separatists when in fact all they are doing is using their democratic right to freedom of expression. We call on the Indonesian government to amend or repeal those articles of the Indonesian Criminal Code that have been used to imprison West Papuans for their legitimate peaceful activities" Collins said.
The solidarity groups reported that other demonstrations would be held in London, The Hague, Edinburgh and West Papua.
Admin MS, Jayapura Today on Wednesday April 2, Papua Student Solidarity with Political Prisoners (SMPTN-Papua), which is made up of students from various universities in the West Papuan provincial capital of Jayapura, held a peaceful demonstration calling for the release of Papuan political prisoners in jails throughout Indonesia.
The group demonstrated at several different locations in the upper and lower parts of the Cendrawasih University (Uncen) campus.
At 11.30am, a fully armed joint police team made up of several different units arrived and attempted to break up the demonstration. A protracted argument broke out between police and a student holding a megaphone.
Police then proceeded to forcibly break up the action by students who were exercising their freedom of expression and right to demonstrate peacefully. Police fired several shots and moved in to silence the students calling for the release of Papuan political prisoners. Fully armed police also occupied the entrance to the university and remained on guard for some time.
The police also used abusive language against the students. "Damned stupid students", shouted one officer as they fired shots. Several students were provoked into anger and pelted the police with stones.
According to Selangkah Magazine's observations, the students became disorientated and panicked. Local people in the vicinity of the State Housing Company also panicked, especially after hearing the shooting.
As of going to print, the situation had still not returned to normal. Students who were forced back into the campus by police with loaded weapons fled. Several were reportedly arrested but this has not been confirmed. The situation remains tense. (HY/BT/MS)
Yermias Degei, Jayapura Jayapura municipal police arrested two West Papuan students, Alfares Kapisa (25) and Yali Wenda (20) at a peaceful demonstration by the Papua Student Solidarity with Political Prisoners (SMPTN-Papua) in front of PT Gapura Angkasa at the Cenderawasih University (Uncen) in Waena, Jayapura, on Wednesday April 2.
The demonstration was organised by students from a number of tertiary education institutions in Jayapura to call for the release of the 76 West Papuan political prisoners incarcerated in jails in the Land of Papua.
Kapisa, a Uncen medical student and his colleague Wenda were arrested at around 10.30am when fully armed police broke up a demonstration in front of PT Gapura Angkasa. The two students were then taken to the Jayapura municipal police station for questioning.
"We're currently at the municipal police. The two (Alfares Kapisa and Yali Wenda Ed) are being interrogated. Alfares has been intimidated and suffered injuries to his left cheek. Likewise Yali Wenda suffered injuries to the head", said Papuan human rights activist Elias Petege when speaking with Selangkah Magazine by phone.
The coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS) Papua, Olga Helena Hamadi and Reverend Dora Balubun went to the municipal police station at around 6.30pm at the request of the two student's colleagues. Their visit was in vain however as they have not been given permission to meet with the two.
In an SMS messages sent to Selangkah Magazine Hamadi said, "The unit head said they weren't there. Then I phoned the municipal police, but they said they were being questioned so they can't be seen yet. I was surprised, because the two are not in a jail, there's a possibility the two students have been assaulted".
"We were not given permission to meet with them, so we went home. Yet we came here at the request of their colleagues and the two student's parents", said Hamadi.
In related to the arrests and denial of access, Selangkah Magazine attempted to contact Papua regional police public relations officer Senior Commissioner Sulistyo Pudjo but his phone was not active. Selangkah also sent a text message seeking confirmation but there has been no response.
As of going to print, Kapisa and Wenda are still being held by the Jayapura municipal police. (Yermias Degei/MS)
Jakarta Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Gen. Moeldoko on Friday offered an apology in light of the shooting of a Nasdem Party campaign post in North Aceh regency on Feb. 16, which involved the use of a TNI-issued weapon.
The two local political party supporters suspected of the crime have since been apprehended, but the results of a ballistics examination revealed that the weapon used belonged to a soldier.
"I would like to be honest about it and apologize for the misconduct of my subordinate," Moeldoko told a media conference at the TNI headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta.
He said that one of his soldiers was under the influence of drugs when he had irresponsibly lent out an M-16 rifle to an acquaintance.
"I regret that the issue has contributed to the current tension in Aceh," he continued, adding that the soldier in question was currently being processed. Moeldoko refused to elaborate.
Two masked men shot at least eight bullets at a campaign post installed by Zubir HT, a Nasdem legislative candidate, and then assaulted two of Zubir's supporters.
The Aceh Police arrested two suspects currently only identified only as UA and Indonesia for their alleged involvement in the shooting.
According to the police's preliminary investigation, political rivalry ahead of the legislative election prompted the attack on the Nasdem post and subsequent assault.
With the 2014 legislative election only days away, Aceh has witnessed a surge in violence, the majority involving two local parties the Aceh Party (PA) and the Aceh National Party (PNA).
At least five incidents involving members of political parties have occurred in the last six months alone, with the latest on Monday: Three people were killed when the minibus in which they were traveling, which was decorated with the image of a PA legislative candidate, was riddled with bullets in Geulanggang village, Teungoh, Bireuen.
The victims, one of them a one-and-a-half-year-old child, were taking a family member to a clinic for medical treatment. However, as they passed through the village, the minibus was shot at by unidentified person(s). The driver survived, fled the scene in the vehicle and raised the alarm.
According to the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), there have been 48 cases of election-related violence in Aceh from January until March.
"The violence has escalated [in the run-up to voting day]," Nanto from Kontras' monitoring bureau said. He said that there had been 33 cases in March, up from 11 cases in February and 4 in January.
Aceh, the only province that adheres to the principles of sharia, endured more than three decades of violence stemming from separatism conflict before a peace accord was sealed in 2005 between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
European Union (EU) Ambassadors in Indonesia have noted the recent violence in Aceh, including the killing of the three people, with concern.
"The EU underlines the importance of maintaining Aceh's political and development achievements since the Helsinki Peace Agreement was signed a decade ago," the EU said in a statement on Thursday.
Moeldoko said the TNI was prepared and would mobilize its force to support the upcoming election, citing a 30,000-strong legion ready for deployment across the archipelago if the police needed assistance. "Others will remain on standby. I have issued an instruction in case more troops are needed," he said.
The TNI chief renewed his commitment that the TNI would stay neutral throughout the elections and not even the political agenda of retired Army generals could challenge his resolve. "They are mere civilians now with no power or command over the troops," he said.
Moeldoko declined to comment on his own ambitions in the forthcoming presidential race.
Asked about the recent visit of presidential hopeful Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, the Jakarta governor, to the TNI headquarters on Thursday, Moeldoko claimed the discussions only focused on the Jakarta administration's plan to widen the entrance to the TNI headquarters, and that he was not being courted by the PDI-P politician. (tjs)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/05/tni-sorry-gun-loan-shooting.html
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Three people, including a one-and-a-half-year- old infant, were killed in Aceh after unidentified gunmen fired on a car decked out with political banners, in what police believe may be another incidence of election-related violence in the province.
Bireun Police chief Adj. Sr. Cmr. Ali Khadafi said the victims were riding in a car covered in pictures associated with the Aceh Party (PA) a party formed by members of the former separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) when attackers suddenly fired shots at the car at an intersection in Geulanggang Tenguh village in the Kota Juang subdistrict on Monday night.
"We believe there were two shooters riding a motorcycle," Ali told the Jakarta Globe. "They followed a Kijang van carrying 12 people, including two toddlers, and they fired multiple shots that hit four people."
Ali said the van was covered with a picture of a legislative candidate for the District Legislative Council (DPRK), as well as a PA flag.
After the car was shot, the driver continued to drive to the nearest health clinic in Kota Juang approximately 500 meters from the scene of the shooting.
Three people in the vehicle were pronounced dead on arrival at the clinic. They were identified as Juwaini, 29; his infant son, Khairil Anwar; and Azirawati, 28. Another victim Fakhrurrazi, 35, was in critical condition following the shooting.
The victims were later transferred to Dr. Fauziah regional hospital in Bireun. A doctor at the emergency unit of the hospital, Nazirah, said the baby received a critical head injury from gunfire while he was sleeping in his mother's arms.
Ali said that police were still unable to confirm whether or not the attack was related to the upcoming legislative elections, which will be held on April 9.
He said police searched the crime scene and found four shells usually used in a high-caliber rifle, adding that 200 officers have been deployed to the area to search for the perpetrators. "We hope we will catch them soon so we can find out the motivation behind this shooting," he said.
At the time of the attack, Ali said the victims were on their way to Buket Tekuh village to visit a traditional healer because one of them was ill. Prior to the shooting incident, Ali added, Bireun was relatively free of the election-related violence that had been more frequent in other districts in Aceh.
"These people may want to terrorize people in Bireun, but we police officers will try our hardest to solve this crime and arrest the perpetrators," he said.
Last month, it was reported that two National Aceh party (PNA) were critically injured and a member of the Aceh Party was hospitalized for non-life threatening injuries in other bouts of election violence.
A PA member Ahmad Syuib, 28, was shot on March 21 on Jalan Banda Aceh Medan at Ulee Reuleueng village, North Aceh district, while taking part in a motor convoy after attending a campaign event.
The following Saturday, a mob of PA supporters converged on the home of Amri, a local official with PNA, in retaliation for the shooting.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/latest-violence-aceh-kills-3-including-infant/
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh The sharia police in Banda Aceh, Aceh Nanggroe Darussalam, have rounded up 15 young women after they were "caught" in a late-night coffee shop.
They have been accused of not wearing appropriate Muslim clothing and for loitering outdoors after midnight, both deemed to violate the Islamic moral code.
The women were arrested on Saturday in a number of late-night cafes and coffee shops in a string of sharia-enforcement patrols conducted by public order officers and sharia police in Aceh.
"The patrols were in connection to the proliferation of sharia violations by minors in Banda Aceh, especially in the city center," said Banda Aceh Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) and Wilayatul Hisbah (WH) Sharia Police chief Rita Pujiastuti.
According to Rita, it was believed that certain teenagers choosing to hang out in coffee shops until the early hours were involved in prostitution. "Apart from the loitering, we believe they are also involved in sex work," said Rita.
Besides detaining the girls, the sharia police in Banda Aceh also arrested a number of youngsters dressed as punks and female beauty-parlor employees who were allegedly caught engaging in immoral acts.
They were detained at the Banda Aceh Public Order Agency and WH headquarters for questioning. They will be released in one day pending the completion of the investigation. They were jailed without being given access to legal advice.
"The investigation will now focus on what sharia violations they committed. If they are proven to have violated sharia, the cases will be brought before the Sharia Court," said Rita.
Rita said the police would further intensify raids in areas deemed "prone to sharia violations". "We will further fight to uphold sharia until Banda Aceh is free from vice and sharia violations," said Rita.
Separately, Gita, a teenager from Jakarta, who has only been in Banda Aceh for three months, was one of the teenagers detained. She said her arrest was without evidence and she strongly protested the inappropriate handling of the incident by the WH officers.
Gita said she and her fellow detainees were in a small crowded cell that lacked sufficient space to lie down. "I'm an employee who was by chance sitting in a coffee shop. I don't know why I was arrested for hanging out in a coffee shop late in the evening," said Gita.
She said the sharia police officers had seized her cell phone, thus, she was unable to call her family to tell them she was being held by the police. "This is too much for me. What's the basis for confiscating my cell phone?" asked Gita.
Despite her anger, she said she stood no chance against the sharia police. "I resign to my fate. It's up to them, they are the ones who hold the law. I'm just the victim," said Gita as she sobbed.
Recently, the Aceh Council approved the Qonun Acara Jinayah (the Criminal Code Procedure), which mandates that everyone in Aceh, regardless of religion, follow sharia. Since the approval, the sharia police have often conducted raids urging women, including non-Muslims, to wear Muslim dress.
On Oct. 3, 2012, a 16-year-old girl committed suicide after certain media outlets reported that she had been arrested by the sharia police for alleged prostitution.
The girl was nabbed the previous evening while watching an organ tunggal performance in her neighborhood in Langsa, Aceh. The sharia police later denied that they had made the statement labeling the girl a sex worker.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/girls-netted-prostitution-loitering-attire.html
Indah Setiawati and Corry Elyda, Jakarta The Jakarta administration plans to establish a memorial site at a mass grave in Pondok Ranggon Cemetery in East Jakarta in remembrance of the victims of the deadly riots of May 1998.
Jakarta Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama said he supported the call by the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) for a location for a memorial site.
"It has been confirmed that the location will be at Pondok Ranggon. They [Komnas Perempuan] also asked us to refurbish their needle monument," Ahok said recently.
He was referring to a needle-shaped monument called Prasasti Jarum Mei 1998 made by victims of the riots, which symbolizes their open wounds. Currently, the monument is on display at Komnas Perempuan's office on Jl. Latuharhari in Central Jakarta.
Commissioner of Komnas Perempuan Neng Dara Affiah said she hoped the city would involve victims of the May riots in determining a more permanent site for the needle monument.
She said Komnas Perempuan had been urging the city to build a memorial at the victims' graves in Pondok Ranggon Cemetery because there was currently no clear indication of their presence.
"We want street directions, signs at the graves and information about the riots in the cemetery compound," she told The Jakarta Post.
The mass grave of the riot victims is currently in a neglected condition. The 300-square-meter grave is overgrown. The gravestone reads "Korban Tragedi 13-15 Mei 1998 Jakarta" (Victims of the May 13-15, 1998 Tragedy in Jakarta), but it is barely legible.
The cemetery entrance also does not give directions or indicators about the presence of the mass grave. "I just haven't got the time to cut the grass. Usually, I do it in early May because the victims' families from Klender in East Jakarta visit the compound in the middle of May," Sarmija, a caretaker, said.
Neng said besides pushing the administration to erect the monument, Komnas Perempuan also requested the integration of key riot sites in the city's list of historical sites.
In May last year, the organization and a number of survivors held a tour of some sites where key events in the riots took place.
Head of the Jakarta Tourism Agency Arie Budiman said the administration would facilitate the request to integrate riot sites in tourism lists, but the selection of the sites should involve historians and other parties related to the May riots such as university students.
"The May riots are not only a part of the history of Jakarta, but also a national event. We will still need historians and other parties to discuss the validity of sites," he told the Post.
Neng said she was optimistic about achieving their goals. "The most important thing is that they've got our message. We hope to see the realization soon and we will keep reminding them about the plans," she said.
The riots that preceded the downfall of the Soeharto regime took place from May 13 to 15, 1998, following the shooting of Trisakti University students on May 12 in Jakarta. At least 1,000 people were killed during the riots, which took place simultaneously in several cities, including Surakarta.
"Many people seem to have forgotten the tragedy. We must never forget the events of our history even the bitter ones. It is important so that we do not repeat the same tragedies in the future," Neng said.
1. Prasasti Jarum Mei 1998 (May 1998 Needle Monument), Komnas Perempuan
office, Central Jakarta
2. Pondok Ranggon Cemetery, East Jakarta
3. Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital, Central Jakarta
4. Shops in Glodok, West Jakarta
5. Former Plaza Yogya Klender, East Jakarta
6. Trisakti University's 12 Mei 1998 Monument and Trisakti Museum, West
Jakarta
7. Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, Central Jakarta
8. The House of Representatives building, Central Jakarta
9. The Presidential Palace, Central Jakarta
10. "13-14 Mei 1998" Building at Komunitas Utan Kayu, East Jakarta
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/03/dead-may-1998-be-memorialized.html
Such voices can't be silenced
Mouths can be shut
But who will be able to stop
Songs of concerns and questions from my soul's tongue
Those voices can't be imprisoned
There lies freedom
If you force silence
I will prepare for you: Rebellion
These two verses, part of a poem called "Sajak Suara" ("Voice Poetry"), were written by Wiji Thukul in 1986, more than a decade before he went missing, allegedly kidnapped by the authorities in 1998.
Wiji was among the more prominent voices in the mass protests that eventually led to the downfall of the strongman Suharto and his New Order regime, but had for years before that historic incident been speaking out against the violent methods employed by the state to silence its critics and stifle freedom of expression.
His poem "Peringatan" ("Warning") ended with the call "Hanya ada satu kata: Lawan!" ("There is only one word: Resist!"), which became the rallying cry of the student protesters who in May 1998 forced Suharto's resignation.
Wiji was part of those tumultuous times, but wasn't around to witness the outcome. He remains missing to this day, having last been seen at a demonstration in Tangerang in April 1998, 16 years ago this month. But despite his great influence as a poet and activist, few Indonesians know of him, and there have been few calls pushing for an investigation into his disappearance.
If anything, the reform-era authorities seem to be trying to erase Wiji's legacy from history, human rights activists and experts argue. But now, voices seeking the truth have emerged.
"His poems are being read again in many places across the country, while his causes and services to the country have been highlighted again," says Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
The Asean Literary Festival in Jakarta last month took one of Wiji's poems as its theme and dedicated a whole session to discuss his works and life story. The festival also honored him with the Asean Literary Award.
Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, in his opening speech at the festival, praised Wiji as a man who fought against injustice. "It is therefore fitting and proper that on this opening night, the Asean Literary Award is presented to the family of the late Wiji Thukul, a poet, musician and man of the theater who brought to the consciousness of his readers and his audiences not only an appreciation of the splendor of art, but also of their inalienable right to social justice," he said.
It marked the first time any official, let alone a minister, had ever mentioned or acknowledged Wiji's contribution to the country in an official speech in front of a national and international audience.
Ikrar said the award showed that Wiji had finally won his due recognition not just in Indonesia but also in the region. Wiji, the son of a pedicab driver, was born on Aug. 24, 1963, in Solo. He grew up in a poor area in Central Java with a limited education. He worked as a day laborer, and his companions were factory workers and street hawkers.
Yet his struggle on behalf of the working class allowed him to produce honest poems. His work reflected the lives of many and became critical observations of life during the New Order era.
Wiji spent a good deal of his life campaigning against poverty and oppression. During the New Order era, he was known as an outspoken pro- democracy poet and activist, best known for the closing line in the poem "Peringatan."
Through his poems, he defended the oppressed and shared their struggle. In December 1995, he almost lost an eye after security forces beat him while he was protesting with textile workers in Solo.
He was also a member of Jaringan Kerja Kesenian Rakyat, or the Working People's Art Network, affiliated with the left-wing People's Democratic Party, or PRD. Then on July 27, 1996, tragedy struck. The truth behind the incident remains unclear even today, but it started with Wiji being accused of being involved in a riot. He went into hiding, remaining in contact with friends until 1998, when he re-emerged again to join the anti-Suharto protests.
Many have expressed hope that the renewed interest in Wiji's life and works will prompt an official investigation into his fate and those of other prominent rights activists such as Munir Said Thalib, who was poisoned in 2004, and Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin, known as Udin, a journalist known for his sharp criticism of Suharto and the military, who was beaten to death in 1996.
The country is also haunted by a string of unresolved rights abuse cases, such as the 1965-66 purge of suspected communist sympathizers, the Talangsari and Lampung massacres of civilians in 1989, and the Tanjung Priok shootings in North Jakarta in 1984, as well as the shootings of student protesters in Jakarta in 1998 all allegedly carried out by the military.
There was also the policy of extra-judicial killings, called Petrus, in the 1980s, which saw thousands of criminals and alleged criminals executed and left on the streets, in rivers or in gutters.
"We should push for investigations into those cases and shed light on what happened and who was responsible. As a nation, we should no longer tolerate impunity," said Hendardi, a rights activist.
As the country prepares to elect a new president on July 9, Ikrar said all candidates must come clean on these issues. He said Prabowo Subianto, the candidate from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), who was discharged from the Army for his unit's role in kidnapping protesters, must publicly address the accusations against him. "We never know anything because nobody explains it," Ikrar said. "Who's going to be trusted?"
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/poets-disappearance-16-years-ago-poses-uncomfortable-questions/
Jakarta A coalition of women's rights activists, under the umbrella of Indonesia Beragam, is calling for more female representation in the House of Representatives in order to tackle issues faced by women.
Indonesia Beragam members cited various problems, including the high maternal mortality rate. According to the 2013 Indonesian Demographic and Health Survey (SDKI), there were as many as 359 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2012.
According to Indonesia Beragam, this issue is interconnected with child marriages, difficult access to reproductive medical services, lack of education and discrimination against women stemming from laws and regulations.
"Resolving these issues must start from women themselves," Maeda Yoppy of the Association for the Support of Female Entrepreneurs (ASPPUK) told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
In order to address these problems, Indonesia Beragam has been promoting the 10-point political agenda of the Women's Movement for a Diverse Indonesia to various political parties, especially their female legislative candidates.
The 2009 general election saw the highest percentage in Indonesian history of female lawmakers taking up sets at the House of Representatives, with 18 percent of 560 seats.
According to the General Elections Commission (KPU), of the 6,607 candidates vying for the 560 House seats this year, 37 percent, or 2,467, are women.
Although this percentage may be impressive, Missiyah of the Kapal Perempuan (Women's Ship) Institute said there was still a lack of political education among both male and female legislative candidates.
"This may be especially true for female candidates because some parties just pick them to meet the 30 percent quota requirement to qualify for the elections, and so their political education is not prioritized. If a female legislative candidate seems unfit for the job, we shouldn't laugh at the candidate but at the party," she said.
In order to counteract this, Indonesia Beragam has been trying to educate female candidates by providing as much information as it possibly can. This includes providing support and informing them of issues that concern women.
On March 7, Indonesia Beragam invited female legislative candidates from various political parties to sign its 10-point political agenda declaration. According to Maeda, six female legislative candidates from the Indonesian Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Nasdem Party, the Gerindra Party, the Golkar Party, the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI) signed the declaration.
"However, signing it is only one step. We realize that we must still monitor their commitment throughout the elections, and especially if they do get elected to the House," she said.
Dwi Rubiyanti Khalifah of the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN) in Indonesia added that apart from approaching political parties, Indonesia Beragam had also approached PDI-P presidential candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo with the 10-point political agenda.
Although he is the only presidential candidate to have been approached so far, Rubiyanti said other candidates would eventually be approached as there was uncertainty as to which candidate could be expected to follow through with the agenda.
According to Maeda, one of the reasons for approaching multiple political parties and their candidates is because Indonesia Beragam has come to realize that it would be extremely difficult for women's rights groups to achieve their goals without the cooperation of political parties. "Political participation is not merely voting every five years. Society is not disconnected from the political parties because the quality of our political parties reflects the situation in society," she said.
However, Missiyah noted that her organization's job was not done once the elections were over. It plans to use its 10-point political agenda as a tool to monitor the next government to make sure it keeps its promises.
"We are also working on creating more awareness among the general public to help us in monitoring our politicians for the next five years," she said. (fss)
Panca Nugraha, Mataram Poverty and low education levels are believed to be among the factors contributing to increased cases of violence against children in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) over the past three years, an activist says.
"Violence against children in NTB is on the rise. Based on our analysis, factors fueling the violence include poverty and low education levels," NTB Child Protection Agency (LPA) head Badaruddin Nur told The Jakarta Post in Mataram recently.
Based on data at the NTB LPA, added Badaruddin, 43 cases of child abuse were recorded in 2012, followed by 58 cases in 2013. As of early March this year, the NTB LPA handled 16 child abuse cases. The number is estimated to further increase by the end of this year.
Of the cases handled by NTB LPA, they were dominated by sexual abuse committed against children, followed by physical abuse and neglect.
"The recorded cases are those that have been reported to us and in which we have provided advocacy. We believe there are still many cases not reported because the families regard them as a disgrace. It's like the tip of the iceberg," Badaruddin said.
NTB LPA legal division member Masnawati said the number of sexual abuse cases in the form of molestation and rape was 30 in 2012 and 35 in 2013. Most sexual abuse cases were committed by family members.
"In 2013, some of the sexual abuse cases were also committed by children," Masnawati said. "In addition to poverty and low education levels, technology can also be a trigger since many of the cases occurred after perpetrators watched pornographic materials on their cell phones."
She added that the cases handled by the NTB LPA occurred in almost all regencies and mayoralties across the province. Besides sexual and physical abuse, cases of child neglect in NTB were also a concern, according to Masnawati.
Generally, she went on, children could be abandoned by the father who becomes a migrant worker abroad, while the mother remarries, or it could be the other way round.
Both parents of some children even become migrant workers and leave their children in the care of their relatives. "NTB is a center for both migrant workers and for cases of child neglect due to parents working overseas," said Masnawati.
However, she ensured that the NTB LPA would continue to provide psychological care to victims. "In handling neglected children, we also work together with the Child Protection Foundation [YPA] to accommodate and fulfill the needs of the children," she added.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/poverty-fuels-child-abuse-west-nusa-tenggara.html
Jakarta Research by the Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) reveals that violence against women is on the increase in Jakarta.
IPW chairman Neta S. Pane said the conclusion of the research was due to 17 murders from January to March in which the victims were all young women. He added that of the 17 murder cases, 11 of them involved the wanton dumping of women's bodies on roads.
"Jakarta is becoming increasingly unsafe for women, judging by the fact that they have been the main victims in 17 murders over the past three months," Neta said in an IPW press release on Monday.
Neta said most of the murders happened in Bekasi, West Java, with six cases over the past three months. He added that 12 cases involved women aged 14 to 25, while five cases involved women aged 30 to 51. "The motives behind these murders varied, including economic problems to trivial relationship problems, such as rejection," Neta said.
He added that nine of the 17 cases had not yet been solved by the Jakarta Police and the perpetrators were still at large. "When meeting someone, it's best not to go alone. A number of these cases happened after the woman met the perpetrator unaccompanied," Neta said.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/jakarta-increasingly-unsafe-women-ipw.html
Jakarta An NGO says the government must implement comprehensive protection for migrant workers and their families by revising Law No. 39/2004 on the placement and protection of Indonesian migrant workers, which would guarantee their rights as mandated by the UN's 1990 International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), as well as the International Labor Organization Convention No.189.
"The government must immediately ratify the ILO's Convention No.189 on decent work for domestic workers and pass a draft bill on domestic worker protection, which acknowledges a domestic worker as an employee who has the right to enjoy safe and adequate working conditions," Wahidah Rustam, chair of the Women Solidarity's (SP) national executive board, said on Thursday, as quoted by Antara.
Citing the well-publicized case of Satinah, Wahidah said she had killed her employer after the latter repeatedly accused Satinah of stealing money. Satinah also claimed to have been repeatedly tortured by her employer.
Wahidah added that throughout the legal process against Satinah in Saudi Arabia, she received no assistance or legal aid from the Indonesian government, which highlighted the government's failure to protect the rights of its migrant workers, many of whom are women.
"The government needs to understand that protecting female migrant workers from the threat of a death sentence not only concerns the issue of diyat (compensation to the victim's family). It's an issue of injustice affecting female migrant workers, especially regarding their rights as a migrant workers," Wahidah said.
She added that paying diyat should no longer be the primary solution to help Indonesian migrant workers facing legal problems abroad. Political diplomacy and a comprehensive protection mechanism should be established to protect Indonesian migrant workers from violence and rights violations, including the threat of the death penalty.
"Satinah is not the first migrant worker to face a death sentence. Data shows that this year, the number of Indonesian migrant workers on death row has reached 265," she said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has sent former religious affairs minister Maftuh Basyuni to meet both the family of Satinah's employer and the Saudi Arabian authorities to seek a delay in Satinah's execution, which is scheduled to take place on April 3. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/03/govt-urged-protect-migrant-workers.html
Helen Brown, Indonesia One of Indonesia's most aggressive unions is running a campaign in this year's elections to put its own people in parliament, a move it believes necessary to gain further influence.
The Indonesian Trade Union Confederation has spent two years working on its strategy, and is putting in place candidates who will back its industrial campaigns and fight for worker rights in the corridors of power.
"It would be good if when we do action on the street, at the same time we have someone fight on our side on the parliament," said Obon Tabroni, the man crafting the campaign. "At least if they going to discuss something relating to our life, we would knew earlier, and we can give a quicker reaction or oppose it."
The union has chosen 40 candidates, a small number amongst the thousands vying for a seat across all levels of government. If the strategy pays off, it could be the start of a political presence for Indonesia's more militant union in a system that they feel is ignoring them.
The KSPI, as the union confederation is known as, is reaching out to its members and calling on them to support the union's candidates. At union gatherings and events, members and their families are shown ballot papers and how to make sure their vote counts.
"But of course it needs hard work, because this is a new kind of work, a new agenda in the labor movement, or the metalworkers movement in Indonesia," said Iswan Abdullah, a candidate for the national legislature.
The KSPI's Obon Tabroni says many Indonesians have been put off by politics because of rampant corruption and the domination of political elites, and don't bother to vote.
"The union confederation knows that it will have to turn this attitude, and aside from educating people about the ballot papers, will punish anyone found to be involved in graft," he said. "It is funding the candidates itself, with members contributing about 50 cents each." 'Small steps'
As part of its move into mainstream politics, the union is placing its people into several different parties rather than just one, and providing financial support. It means that one political party can't claim to own them, and also means those who make it to parliament could vote as a block.
"A big thing starts from small steps," Mr Tabroni said. "If we did not dare to take the small steps, we would not reach the bigger goal, we cannot dream that all the members of parliament are from the labor movement."
All of the candidates are drawn from the metalworkers union, which has proven to be the most assertive and organised of Indonesia's labour movement.
Obon Tabroni heads the metalworkers chapter in the industrial city of Bekasi, just outside of Jakarta, and has been in the thick of several campaigns, including the one that led to a substantial rise in the minimum wage.
The success of that was partly due to the fact that Indonesia's many unions joined forces and took their fight to the streets, winning support from local governments. Momentum in other areas has stalled, such as the casualisation of the workforce through the practice of outsourcing.
Since then, there has also been a split amongst the different union groupings. Some are concerned about aggressive tactics and what they see as economically unsustainable demands.
The confederation running the political campaign remains resolute about its goal, saying change for workers isn't happening fast enough.
"We are very serious, because we cannot afford to lose, if we lose, we're worried that the spirit of the members will drop, and they will lose interest in politics," Mr Tabroni said. "That's why we have to keep the spirit. If we miss this political target, the future challenge will be twice as hard."
Millions of Indonesians remain in the informal sector and have no rights at all, let alone belong to a union, and it remains to be seen if the union campaigns will help the most low-paid.
Indonesia's elections are a massive exercise. There are 560 national legislative seats up for grabs, plus thousands more at lower levels. For the first time in a decade, voting this year will culminate in a new president for the world's largest Muslim democracy.
Jakarta A white jumpsuit stretched over his bulging belly, an ageing crooner known as Indonesia's Elvis launches into song ahead of elections Wednesday, one of a parade of celebrities standing as candidates or acting as cheerleaders.
Rhoma Irama, who was seeking support for his own presidential bid and the Islamic party backing him, is part of a star-studded push for votes in the legislative polls, which set the stage for the presidential elections in July.
The tactic seems to be working among some supporters "Bro Rhoma I love you, bro Rhoma for Indonesian president," screamed one woman wearing a purple Muslim headscarf at his Jakarta concert as she danced vigorously.
But while the presence of celebrities adds colour to the elections, analysts say the trend highlights the woeful state of political life in Indonesia 16 years after dictator Suharto left power.
Parliament is regarded as one of the country's most corrupt institutions, with several lawmakers having been jailed for graft in recent years and pictures of MPs asleep in session regularly splashed across the press. Political observers say celebrities are filling a void left by more serious contenders who are disillusioned with the system.
"Activists from civil society with the capacity to lead are not interested in taking part in the elections," said Syamsuddin Haris, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. "They feel the political culture is still very poor and they will not be able to change the system even if they are voted in."
The growing celebrity trend at this year's parliamentary election has been the so-called "caleg cantik" literally "the beautiful legislative candidate."
A former Miss Indonesia beauty pageant finalist, Soraya Hapsari, swimsuit model Destiara Talita, and dangdut singer Camel Petir are all hoping their high profile and good looks can propel them to office.
Despite concerns over the celebrity trend, there is little doubt that a figure well-loved by the public can boost a party's popularity. At Irama's recent outdoor gig, the hundreds of fans attending seemed overwhelmed as the man known as the king of dangdut, a popular type of Indonesian music, sang "the rich get richer, the poor get poorer."
While the presidency is likely out of the devout Muslim star's reach, polls indicate the party backing him, the Islamic-based National Awakening Party (PKB), will increase its share of the vote to seven or eight percent.
That would be a good result and buck the trend of falling support for Islamic parties in the world's most populous Muslim-majority country, as voters move away from picking parties based solely on religious grounds.
Observers also point to other factors in the PKB's success, however. It received a boost when the head of fast-growing airline Lion Air, Rusdi Kirana, joined the party and got involved in planning and bankrolling its campaign.
While some celebrities will make it into parliament, Irama is unlikely even to be able to run at the presidential polls, observers say, as his party won't win the required support at the legislative elections to put forward a candidate.
Nevertheless, the colourful singer who has been widely mocked for seeking the presidency, in particular for a campaign poster which depicts him wearing a turban while riding a white horse insists he can win.
"People underestimate me because they don't know who Rhoma really is," he told AFP during a recent interview at his Jakarta house. "They think I know nothing about politics... but my songs all these 40 years contain political messages about corruption, human rights."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/indonesias-elvis-leads-celebrity-charge-polls/
Kanupriya Kapoor, Jakarta In a sign Indonesians are coming to assume that the hugely popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo will be their next president, even the outgoing leader is pressing him to be more explicit about his policies before he is in office.
It illustrates how, despite running the sprawling and messy Indonesian capital for 1-1/2 years, no one is sure what the presidency under a man widely known as Jokowi will look like.
Voters in the world's third largest democracy go to the polls on Wednesday to choose a new parliament. Those results will then determine who can run in the July 9 presidential election.
In interviews over the past month with officials and politicians who have worked with Jokowi, several of them closely, what emerges is a leader of considerable political skill who has distinguished himself as someone with a clean reputation in a country of often breathtaking corruption.
The former furniture business owner has also shown a common touch, often visiting Jakarta's streets to see its vast challenges close up. But his policies for running Southeast Asia's biggest economy are largely a blank sheet.
"Jokowi should present his thoughts, solutions or policies that he will implement to solve the complex problems that the country is now facing," President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said in an interview posted on YouTube on Sunday. Yudhoyono has himself faced growing criticism for indecisive leadership as he enters the final year of his 10 years in office.
Jokowi, at 52, is seen as part of a new generation of leaders who offer a break from the old guard that has dominated Indonesian politics even as it shifted to democracy 16 years ago with the downfall of former dictator Suharto. The country has been bedeviled by rampant corruption and failure to lift economic growth to its potential.
Jokowi, whose nickname is a contraction of his two names, is the presidential candidate of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle (PDI-P), which surveys suggest will dominate Wednesday's parliamentary election. He has declined to give media interviews since being nominated for the presidency last month nor addressed policy issues directly.
PDI-P officials, in interviews with Reuters, say their party platform is "strongly nationalist" but offer few details about what that means for policy in the world's most populous Muslim country, where the welcome for foreign investment may already be cooling.
Both Jokowi and PDI-P say they have deferred policy-related questions until after this week's parliamentary election.
Party officials say that party chief and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who single-handedly decided Jokowi's candidacy, will play a significant advisory role.
"Our agenda is also the agenda of Jokowi if he becomes president," said Budiman Sudjatmiko, a senior party MP. "[Megawati] will not be driving him but... she will be like a guiding hand."
Megawati, daughter of the country's founding father Sukarno, took over as president after her predecessor was ousted by parliament in 2001. Her short term was characterized by indecisiveness, a rise in corruption and a failure to crack down on militancy after the Bali bombings of 2002 that killed more than 200 people and were blamed on Islamic extremists.
Investors looking at Jokowi's track record in Jakarta will find a mix of policy hints.
Late last year, he criticized a planned multi-billion dollar initiative to introduce cheap, more fuel efficient cars for Jakarta's growing middle class, saying the capital's roads were congested enough. He also blocked permits for more shopping malls, also saying there were too many. But in a move applauded by business leaders, he limited wage hikes to far below the level demanded by labor unions.
"Jokowi's a blank page right now: inexperienced at national politics and with populist tendencies," said one executive at a foreign business lobby group who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the issue.
But attempted smear campaigns have failed to dent his carefully crafted image. Jokowi has a team of public relations advisors, including one specifically for dealing with foreign media.
One recent attempt to damage him was over suggestions that corruption was involved in the import from China of faulty public buses. Jokowi came out of it untarnished, sacking the official managing the imports and supporting a graft probe.
His lead over rivals such as former general Prabowo Subianto and tycoon Aburizal Bakrie widened after his candidacy was announced.
"We work almost 24 hours a day. Jokowi goes around the city until midnight," Deputy Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahja Purnama, who belongs to Prabowo's party, Gerindra, told Reuters. "Our attitude is, 'let the headache be ours, not yours.'"
When Islamic hardliners in a Jakarta district protested the appointment to public office of a Christian woman, Jokowi backed Susan Zulkifli to continue in her position.
Where middlemen and petty bribes tend to hijack government services, Zulkifli now runs a model district office where her staff work in an open space, prices for services are prominently displayed for the public, and middlemen are nowhere to be seen.
To ease chronic traffic jams, the city last year broke ground on a mass rapid transit (MRT) project that was first proposed more than 20 years ago. Authorities also cleared the gridlock in a notoriously congested area, Tanah Abang, by facing down criminal gangs that ran the place and forcing vendors off the streets and into government-provided kiosks.
But the road to the presidential palace won't be smooth. Jokowi's meteoric rise from mayor of a small central Javanese city called Solo to governor of Jakarta, home to 10 million people, has left many questioning his credentials to run the Indonesian archipelago of 240 million.
His almost seven-year leadership of Solo, marked by his populist approach and willingness to stand up to powerful regional officials, won him national attention.
In 2012 he came third in a global competition for the world's best mayor, cited for transforming a crime-ridden city into a regional center for art and culture.
Rival party Gerindra, which has put out a detailed policy platform addressing agriculture and infrastructure problems, is quick to point out Jokowi's weakness.
"What is Jokowi going to do for Indonesia, do we know?" said one senior Gerindra official who asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak on the subject. Only parties that secure at least 25 percent of the national vote or 20 percent of seats in parliament can field candidates for the presidential election three months later.
When asked by reporters recently about the mounting pressure and smear campaigns, Jokowi, typically soft-spoken, replied: "I'm not bothered."
Source: http://www.irrawaddy.org/asia/indonesias-presidential-favorite-lacks-one-thing-policy-platform.html
Nurdin Hasan & Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, Banda Aceh/Malang Islamic scholars in Aceh called on Muslim voters to vote only for devout Muslim candidates in both legislative and presidential elections, suggesting it was haram, or sinful, to do otherwise.
Aceh's Ulema Consultative Assembly (MPU), a local version of an umbrella ulema group independent from the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), issued the an edict, which specified criteria for leaders and lawmakers for whom Muslims should cast their votes.
The criteria said eligible candidates were "believers [who possess] good morals, are honest, just, knowledgeable, wise, responsible, show good mental and physical health, and ensure that the Islamic people's interest come first.
"Those are standard criteria. It is difficult to find candidates who meet the criteria, but surely there are some who come near," MPU chairman Ghazali Mohd Syam told Jakarta Globe on Sunday. "Electing leaders and lawmakers obedient to Allah and who religiously perform mandatory rituals such as salat is an obligation."
He said the criteria were drawn from the Koran and hadeeth, among other sources of Islamic law and fiqh, or jurisprudence. Failures to vote for candidates who meet these criteria, Ghazali added, will "create problems in the future" by paving way for corrupt leaders.
"Dishonest and irresponsible leaders and lawmakers will cheat and corrupt when they're in power." He called on Muslim voters to look at candidates' track records and warned them against taking money from candidates. He said that both giving and taking money were forbidden.
In the East Java city of Malang, the local chapter of the MUI called on Muslim voters to exercise their voting rights in upcoming elections, reiterating that being a "golput," the Indonesian term for those who abstain, was haram. "The call against being 'golput' has been a decision of the MUI, nationally," MUI Malang head Machmud Zubaidi said.
He added his office had held gatherings with local Muslim leaders and public figures, including officials at Islamic boarding schools, to extend the call. "We held meetings in March," Machmud said. "Their responses were positive; they understood the importance to vote."
He added he understood why many people were reluctant to support any candidate at all, saying politicians had given too many examples of how they could easily abuse power after they were elected.
"But I emphasized with them [Muslim leaders, public figures]: it is nearly impossible to find those who are 100 percent sincere and fit," Machmud said. "But candidates who at least have in them attitudes to create a better future deserve to be voted. Use your heart; don't get tempted with gifts and sweet promises."
Ulema groups in Indonesia used to shun politics, he added, but now they believe it is important to take part in political process such as by voting in elections because it will determine the fate of the nation. "Loving one's homeland and nation is part of the faith," Machmud said. "So MUI is encouraging people to vote."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/ulema-vote-pious-candidates/
Jakarta Hundreds of supporters of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the United Development Party (PPP) brawled on the streets of Yogyakarta on Saturday the final day of the officially designated campaign period preceding the April 9 legislative elections.
"There was news that PDI-P supporters destroyed PPP paraphernalia in Kauman [village]," Yogyakarta Police chief Adj. Sr. Cmr. Slamet Santoso on Saturday, according to Indonesian news portal tempo.co. "So it became heated between the two groups and they met at the Ngaben [bus] terminal."
The groups clashed twice at the intersection in front of the bus terminal, just a kilometer from Jalan Malioboro, the city's major commercial thoroughfare, popular with tourists. No serious injuries were documented, but police officers closed off nearby streets and local businesses closed their shops around the area.
The group of PDI-P supporters, clad in red shirts, were heading home from a campaign event when they were attacked by PPP supporters wearing black, according to local PDI-P official Chang Wendryanto.
The attackers were later identified as members of the Ka'bah Youth Movement, a youth wing of the PPP.
The crowd dispersed briefly, but rumors began to spread that a member of the PDI-P contingent had been killed in the attack, prompting the altercation to continue, with both sides hurling stones and each other before hundred of police offers arrived on the scene to break up the fight for good.
Chang, who said he helped calm down the PDI-P supporters, confirmed that no one was killed. "That was only a rumor," he told Indonesian portal tribunnews.com. "I dispatched some PDI-P officers to check for the [alleged] victim, to find out which hospital he had been admitted to. And the result was negative: there was no dead victim."
He said the fight had been instigated purposefully by rabble-rousers. "We've gotten information that some people [wearing PDI-P colors] instigated the melee by destroying PPP paraphernalia," Chang said.
PPP secretary-general M. Romahurmuziy blamed the PDI-P for the incident, saying that the party's supporters had intentionally provoked their PPP counterparts by riding in a convoy through a village near Ngaben, where a local PPP headquarters is located.
"Five major parties in Yogyakarta, including the PPP, PAN [the National Mandate Party] and the PDI-P, have an agreement that supporters of each party should not convoy through neighborhoods which are bases of other parties," Romahurmuziy told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday. "But the PDI-P breached this agreement. PDI-P supporters drove 30 motorbikes, whose exhaust pipes had been modified to create more noises, through the PPP village base.
PDI-P secretary-general Eriko Sotarduga urged police to investigate the incident, warning that violence ahead of elections could intimidate voters. "If there is no peace, the number of golput [people who do not vote] will grow higher," Eriko said. "We want police to investigate this incident impartially."
The PDI-P the party of popular Jakarta governor Joko Widodo, is slated to come out ahead in the elections, according to recent polls. The PPP, a small Islamic party lead by Religious Affairs Minister Suryadarma Ali, has for the past five years been aligned with the Democratic Party as part of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's ruling coalition.
The nation entered the pre-election "cooling-down period" during which political activities must stop on Sunday, signifying the end of the campaign period which began on March 16.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/pdi-p-ppp-supporters-brawl-yogyakarta-campaigns-wind/
Josua Gantan With the country's main opposition party seemingly headed for victory in both the legislative election on Wednesday and the presidential election on July 9, observers say the euphoria needs to be tempered by a rational look back at its track record in government.
Ade Irawan, the coordinator of Indonesia Corruption Watch, said on Friday that voters were quickly forgetting the "colorful past and track record" of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) when its chairwoman, Megawati Soekarnoputri, was president from 2001 to 2004.
He noted that when she came to power, after decades in the opposition during the rule of the strongman Suharto, the party went "power-hungry," privatizing state-owned enterprises in processes that were often prone to graft.
"It's like when people who have fasted for so long finally get to break their fast. They can get out of control when they finally get to eat," Ade told Jakarta Globe.
"When the PDI-P was in power after they won the election [in 1999], it seemed as though they abused their power. A few cases were quite obvious. The most obvious is the privatization. It was likely done against the backdrop of corruption."
But Arbi Sanit, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia, said Megawati and the PDI-P had inherited a deeply troubled system from Suharto's government and they were doing the best under trying circumstances.
"She had to sell those state-owned companies because there were deficits that needed to be resolved. And there were overseas loans as well," he told the Globe. "She inherited the problems that Suharto left behind. And those couldn't be fixed instantaneously."
But he acknowledged that the PDI-P did have its checkered moments. He cited the "obvious disparity" between the party's socialist and nationalist rhetoric and the economic policies it applied when it was in power.
"Although the PDI-P's philosophy is to support peasants and the poor, it didn't do so in terms of its macroeconomic policies. They had to compromise. That was its dilemma, because the economic power was held among the elites," Arbi said.
The party was also the hardest-hit in a scandal that snared an entire oversight commission of the House of Representatives, whose members were accused of taking bribes in the appointment of a central bank official. Most of those subsequently jailed were from the PDI-P.
Megawati, in addressing the scandal back in 2012, famously declared that she was the one who had established the country's antigraft body, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), but ICW's Ade disputes that. "The initiative didn't come from Mega," he said. "I remember well that the pressure came from the public."
Critics have also denounced the party for the lack of generational change within its ranks, with Megawati continuing to monopolize power since before the advent of the reformation era that began with Suharto's resignation in 1998.
The PDI-P, however, say it helped shepherd the country through the tumultuous transition that followed. "The New Order was very undemocratic. Don't forget, we have changed the system," Maruarar Sirait, a PDI-P spokesman, said on Wednesday.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/pdi-p-record-govt-mixed-bag/
Josua Gantan As the Golkar Party readies itself to seize on the upcoming legislative election, political analysts remind voters to keep in mind its contentious past.
"Wasn't it nice in Suharto's time?" asked Aburizal Bakrie, Golkar Party's chairman and presidential candidate during his campaigning in Banjarmasin. In a bid to win more votes, the Golkar Party draws the masses to reminisce on the "good old time" when Suharto was in power, a move met with harsh criticism by an array of political analysts.
"No matter what, Golkar cannot wash away its sins from the New Order Era. It served as a platform which enabled Suharto to act as a dictator. That is its biggest sin," said Arbi Sanit, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia.
Underlying Arbi's disenchantment toward Golkar and its strong affiliation with Suharto was his personal encounter with rampant corruption during the New Order era.
"Sometime in 1997, we conducted a research on how Golkar managed to continually win [elections]. We discovered they won because they had taken money meant for development projects," Arbi said.
"Project contractors had to pay 25 percent [of the total budget] to Golkar. The money was then used for political purposes. The funds were used to purchase goods for voters. That habit continues today. "Golkar is the political guru who taught politicians how to manipulate and turn to corruption."
Similarly, Ade Irawan, coordinator of Indonesia Corruption Watch, expressed his disappointment on what he views as Golkar's backward rhetoric on the past.
"To me, who witnessed the turbulence of 1998, this is very painful indeed," he said, before dismissing the party's much-cited argument that Suharto was to be credited for Indonesia's prosperity.
"Indonesia prospered not because of its own competitiveness, but because of its protectionism and subsidies, which made competition irrelevant," Ade said. "What he did was build his own empire, not look after people's welfare. Regardless, Suharto was responsible for Indonesia's plight back then."
Ade also laments that few are concerned about the prevalent human rights violations that took place when Suharto and Golkar was in power. "Suharto and his New Order were responsible for numerous disappearances and cases of violence," he said.
Whether the people of Indonesia agree with Golkar's claims revering the past over the present will only be made clear by the results of the upcoming election.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/golkars-trip-memory-lane-incites-widespread-disapproval/
Michael BachelardL, Indonesia One-time nude model, polygamist and horror movie actress turned parliamentary candidate Angel Lelga smiles fetchingly for the camera as a succession of poor women move in to be photographed in her orbit.
They are standing on the verandah of a village house in Central Java, and Angel's immaculate make-up, pink Chanel slip-ons and high-fashion headscarf are incongruous among the chickens and dust of the rice belt.
Indonesia's parliamentary election is in full swing before the vote next Wednesday and campaign season makes for some odd sights. But the incongruities in Angel's candidacy do not end there this celebrity entertainer with a past that is anything but orthodox is running for a conservative Muslim political party.
If elections, particularly those for a country's parliament, are a window to a nation's soul, there are some candidates who present a particularly complex and fascinating picture of the modern Indonesia.
Angel illustrates the mind-bending interface between religion, sex, morality and politics. She is running for the United Development Party (PPP), the oldest Islamic party in the country.
Its leader, religious affairs minister Suryadharma Ali, sits squarely on the right of national politics by pushing for Muslim morality to be embedded in law. In the past two years his party has suggested that alcohol be banned and that "skirts worn above the knee" be judged pornographic and thus illegal.
Yet it was Suryadharma himself who recruited Angel, whose naked torso graces an album cover by rock band Slank; who has acted in three lingerie- horror movies including The Moans of the Virgin Ghost with an American porn star; who converted from Catholicism to Islam just to become the fourth wife of a polygamous pop singer; and whose only previous political activism was chatting with the minister at parties.
Angel is one of a surprising large cohort of what the Indonesian blogosphere has derisively dubbed "caleg cantik", or beautiful candidates, recruited by a sclerotic party system for their vote-catching sex appeal. There are 50 or more running, prompting one commentator to bemoan a "bimbo time bomb" in the national parliament. In an interview as we bump along the roads of the town of Klaten, Angel asks only that we view her colourful past as part of her formation as a person.
She is in politics, she says, to reach out to more people, to have a useful life, to build villages. Why else would she run in what in Australian parlance we'd call a marginal, if not unwinnable, seat for PPP? "If it is a difficult election to win, people will respect me more," she says.
But the contradictions embedded in her candidacy are obvious. She has begun wearing the headscarf but, asked if she would vote for her boss' mini-skirt ban, she equivocates. "I don't want to oppose the views of Suryadarma Ali, but... we shouldn't be that narrow-minded."
On her Christian past, she insists it should not matter to Muslim voters "because religion should be personal". But she is running for a party whose reason for being is to put the religion into public policy. And in her spiel to villagers, she trumpets: "Do you want a non-Muslim running the country?"
Indonesia's sexual politics, though, are nothing if not complex. The message of political Islam may be straitlaced but a number of its politicians have been the "stars" of secret sex videos without apparent harm to their careers. Secret marriages, premarital sex and prostitution are widespread and tolerated.
Viewed in this light, Angel's many contradictions may be little more confounding than Indonesia itself.
Prita Mulyasari is also a celebrity candidate but her fame comes from social, not mass, media. A middle-class mother of three from Jakarta's outer suburbs, she was jailed in 2008 because she dared complain about her treatment in a hospital where her mumps were misdiagnosed as dengue fever.
After the hospital refused to admit its error or hand over her medical records, Prita's complaint via email went viral on social media. The symptoms of a sick health system were too familiar to many Indonesians.
The hospital's response was to sue for defamation. Police became involved and, on a visit to the prosecutor, Prita was informed that under Indonesia's electronic communications law she faced up to six years in jail, meaning she must be held in custody during the investigation.
Prita was whisked away immediately and put in a four metre square cell with 12 others including a murderer, a drug addict and a car thief. She spent a week in "quarantine", sleeping in shifts and unable to contact her family.
"I was shocked," she says. "I never thought it would happen. I had done no preparation. My eldest child was two years old and the youngest eight months, and I was still breast feeding the baby... they would not even let me say goodbye to my kids."
In total she was in jail for 22 days. A likely explanation is that the hospital paid police and prosecutors in Indonesia's thoroughly corrupt legal system to throw the book at her. Judges are likewise able to be bought and Prita lost the case at the first hearing and was fined 200 million rupiah ($20,000). "I felt I was facing giants," Prita says. "These people with unlimited money... they control the law."
In Prita's corner, though, was another feature of modern Indonesia the power of social media. Jakartans tweet more than anybody else in the world, and Indonesia has the fourth largest Facebook population on the planet.
An appeal, "Coins for Prita", placed collection boxes around the country. So many coins were donated that she raised 800 million rupiah ($80,000). For four years she fought the hospital through various courts until a judicial review in 2012 found in her favour.
Megawati Sukarnoputri, chief of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), also lent her support, and now Prita is seeking election in the Banten III district outside Jakarta. Her hope is that, in parliament, she could see improvements in the defamation law, the health system, the legal system and prisons.
Nearly 2000 kilometres from Jakarta, Fadlon is a candidate in an electoral race that makes lesser men quail, and shows how politically pragmatic even former deadly enemies can be when resource exploitation is on the table.
Until 10 years ago, the GAM rebels of Aceh, Indonesia's westernmost province, waged a fierce war for independence. Fadlon, a former local commander who goes by just one name, is now seeking a provincial seat for Partai Aceh, the political party that emerged from GAM.
As a local party, Partai Aceh cannot contest seats in the national parliament, so since the 2009 election it has teamed up with a national party. This year, though, Fadlon's party has made the strangest possible choice of political partner its one-time deadly enemy, former Indonesian general and Suharto son-in-law Prabowo Subianto.
According to University of California historian Geoffrey Robinson, Prabowo's command of reserve forces in the 1990s "coincided with the onset of the worst violence" in Aceh.
Now the former general is a credible candidate for the Indonesian presidency, and his party, Gerindra, desperately needs Acehnese votes. Last month, a former GAM leader, Aceh's deputy governor Muzakkir Manaf, made an agreement with Prabowo that some call a coalition, and he joined Gerindra's advisory board. He is telling Acehnese people to vote for Gerindra in parliament, and for Prabowo as president. Prabowo, in turn, apologised for army misbehaviour during the conflict.
But the tie-up described by some as "like oil and water" will sorely test even the most loyal Partai Aceh supporters in an electorate that is already tense after two candidates and several civilians have been killed in political violence in past weeks. Fadlon's uncle was shot dead by the army in the 1990s but, despite the qualms of his mother, he says he supports the Prabowo deal.
"We treated him as an enemy during the conflict but now we have a peace deal [with Jakarta signed in 2005], and he says he's committed to help build Aceh," Fadlon says. "I personally trust the elite of GAM on this."
What Prabowo has promised is a secret, but Partai Aceh wants what it has always wanted Jakarta's hands off particularly regarding the exploitation of its natural resources. Some suggest this is what Prabowo has offered.
"We want development, but we don't what to be dictated to by Jakarta," Fadlon says. "We were told by our elite that he is committed to this agreement."
Ordinary Partai Aceh supporters, though, find it hard to swallow. Jafaruddin sells fruit in the market in Kuala Simpang in Aceh's far south- east. A former combatant, his brother was one of those who disappeared.
"I would find it difficult personally to vote for [Prabowo] for president because our relatives were slaughtered by him... he was a murderer," Jafarruddin says.
Like Indonesia itself, though, he is complex, and he is inclined by habits of loyalty to do what his old commanders say, even though he believes if they saw him on the street "they would not even give me a cigarette butt". "Yes, I still follow them," he says, "because that is our party."
Source: http://www.smh.com.au/world/indonesians-vote-one-for-incongruity-20140404-364hx.html
Kennial Caroline Laia & Adelia Anjani Putri, Jakarta It's election time once more in Indonesia.
Politicians of every stripe are on the stump, traveling the length and breadth of the country, addressing audiences at mass rallies where they appear alongside dangdut singers and members handing out T-shirts and stickers, and often cash.
Each vote is a step closer to victory and the parties spare no expense in pushing their candidates through roadside banners, leaflets and soundbites.
It is widely assumed there is no place in the political landscape for anything as sophisticated as a manifesto; the electorate here, so perceived wisdom has it, is happy with a packed lunch and a day out.
The problem with that thinking, the assumption that voters can be easily bought, does not gel with the facts. At the last election in 2009, official figures showed 39.1 percent of the electorate spoiled their votes or didn't vote at all.
The Indonesians have an acronym for it. Golput, from Golongan Putih, translates as White Party and refers back to the days when election results were announced in advance of polling.
Back in the days of Suharto, voters had three choices: yellow for the ruling Golkar Party, red for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), and green for the Islamic United Development Party (PPP).
Unofficially, there was a fourth choice: Ignore the yellow, red and green and mark the empty white space on the ballot. Ahead of Wednesday's election, analysts are worried even more voters may choose to spoil their vote or not bother.
Take, for example, first-time voter Rizky Wibowo, 21, a university student. "I'm not voting because there is no candidate I can trust," he says. "Surya Paloh, Prabowo Subianto, Wiranto, Aburizal Bakrie are all agents of the New Order [Suharto's regime]. And what about Wiranto and Prabowo on human rights abuses? Aburizal still has unfinished business in Lapindo" the eruption of a mud volcano in East Java linked to activities by a firm controlled by his family "and so on. I just can't trust them."
It's not only first-time voters who feel alienated by politics and politicians. Sunarti, a 51-year-old merchant, is similarly dismissive.
"Voting? You know, we've been through eras of leadership and nothing has changed for the better. Sukarno was accused of communism, Suharto was a dictator, Gus Dur [Abdurrahman Wahid] was a joker, Mega [Megawati Soekarnoputri] was a whiner, and SBY [Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] whines even harder!" she said.
She also claimed that prices continued to rise, no matter who the president was. "I don't care about politics any more. I just want to live my life, do my business, and die in peace," she added.
Titi Anggraini, director of the Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem), said such opinions were common.
"Research shows the main reason people spoil their votes is they think elections fail to bring any change to their lives. Second, they feel like there is no choice as they don't know who the candidates are. Then, they also don't know about the elections. They might be unregistered or uninformed. Last, it's an ideological view they feel that voting is not something that they have to do," Titi says.
She also points out the public perception of politics and politicians is very low due the large number of corruption cases tainting the parties and candidates.
Countries like Australia and Singapore enforce compulsory voting on their citizens, making the vote not just a right but an obligation, which Titi says would help dispel voter apathy if implemented here. "I agree with making participation an obligation, but for that we would have to change our Constitution," she says.
The Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), the highest Islamic authority in the country, has weighed in on the matter, issuing a fatwa, or decree, ahead of the 2009 election declaring golput haram, or forbidden under Islam.
It has reissued the fatwa for the upcoming election, but the decree is not binding, and only seen as a guideline. "I don't think it will have any impact on voter apathy," Titi says. "Look at the last election when they issued a fatwa and golput went up!"
She suggests comprehensive political education is the best way to beat golput. "It has to start in schools," she says. "Political parties also have to be involved in the process as well. They need to have a democratic recruitment process. The current system only benefits the ones with power and money."
A number of movements have sprouted up within the last few years to try and raise awareness of politics and encourage people not to waste their votes.
"Social advocacy will be more effective when it is done on a group basis, and that is what these social movements have been doing. I think it's effective, even though it may not bring immediate results. However, something has to be done," Titi says.
She notes that this time around, the presence of Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo, a presidential candidate, has boosted public interest in the political process.
"I think Joko has what it takes to be a leader, says Rizki, the university student. "However, his tendency to jump ship before finishing a job makes me question his commitment."
Sunarti agrees that Indonesia might improve under Joko's leadership, but only if he is not someone else's puppet. "The whiner [Megawati] has too much influence on him. If he can't stand the pressure of a fat whiner, how can he handle the pressure of the whole world?," she says.
Hasan Hasbi from the Cyrus Network, a political consultant behind Joko's successful gubernatorial bid in 2012, says good candidates can encourage people to vote. Voter turnout in the 2012 Jakarta election was up 5 percent from 2007, thanks in large part to Joko, Hasbi says.
"It wasn't much, but it was a start," he says. "It's a natural law. If the candidates are promising, participation will be higher and vice versa. Consultants can help, but the candidates must have something to offer or no one will vote for them."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/disillusioned-indonesian-electorate-golput-vote/
Hans David Tampubolon and Hasyim Widhiarto, Buleleng/Jakarta Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chair Megawati Soekarnoputri made a final push on the party's last day of legislative campaigning in Bali, calling on voters to use more than physical appearance to influence their choice of candidate.
Speaking before thousands of party supporters at Sanggalangit Arena in Buleleng, Megawati lambasted voters, especially women, for judging candidates on their looks rather than track records.
"After I lost the two previous presidential elections, I met with women and asked them why they did not vote for me," she said. "They told me that they supported me but were more attracted to the photo of a handsome candidate on the ballot paper."
In the 2004 and 2009 presidential elections, Megawati lost to Democratic Party chief patron Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired army general who was very popular among female voters due to his apparent good looks.
Both Yudhoyono and Megawati will not contest this year's presidential election with the former not allowed to run for a third term and the latter deciding instead to endorse Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as her party's presidential candidate.
Jokowi's strongest opponent is likely to be Gerindra Party chief patron Prabowo Subianto, who in recent weeks has stepped up his media campaign to make himself look more presidential. Megawati urged PDI-P supporters to not judge Jokowi on his physique.
"In my first meeting with Jokowi, I remember how I thought he was very skinny and physically unattractive. Then I saw how he worked [in Surakarta]. He was very diligent and regularly made unannounced visits. People love him for this as they feel a close connection with him," she said.
Based on Law No. 42/2008 on the presidential election, only a political party or a coalition that garners 20 percent of the seats at the House of Representatives or 25 percent of the popular vote in the legislative election is eligible to contest the presidential election.
In Jakarta, Yudhoyono used his party's last day of campaigning in the capital to share success stories from his time in the top job.
Speaking in a lavish, closed-door gathering at a hall at the Jakarta International Expo in Kemayoran, he said that his successes included creating peace in conflict-prone Aceh, developing transportation infrastructure, bringing down the poverty rate and increasing the annual per capita income. "The rise [of annual per capita income] is real and we should be thankful for that," he said, to thundering applause from the audience.
Yudhoyono also cited his government's full support of corruption eradication campaigns. "If you open the history book, you will acknowledge that today is the era of the country's most aggressive fight against corruption," he said.
A number of the Dems' politicians have been implicated in corruption cases, including former youth and sports minister Andi Mallarangeng; former party chairman Anas Urbaningrum; former treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin; former Bengkulu governor Agusrin Najamuddin, and former lawmaker Angelina Sondakh.
In Semarang, Prabowo made his final pitch for Gerindra by telling supporters if he won the presidential election he would build 3,000 kilometers of new railway, 3,000 km of new road and a national car factory.
"We will also multiply the state budget allocated to the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK]. Gerindra stands to fight against corruption. Let us empower the KPK and eradicate corruption right down to its roots," he said.
Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, who was in Kupang on Thursday, held a meeting with 30 religious leaders in the region. He openly asked the religious figures to support Golkar in the April 9 legislative election and himself in the July 9 presidential election.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/campaign-period-ends-high.html
Hans David Tampubolon and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta The Gerindra Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) have not seen eye to eye in recent weeks due to the intense rivalry between their two key figures.
Gerindra chief patron Prabowo Subianto and Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, who is also the PDI-P presidential candidate, are set to face off against one another for the presidency this year, should their respective parties win enough votes or establish a solid coalition with other parties.
Prabowo has not held back on showing the PDI-P and Jokowi what he thinks of them. As an example, Prabowo revealed a backroom political deal in 2009 to show the PDI-P's lack of loyalty, since the agreement stipulated it should have backed Gerindra for his presidential bid rather than that of Jokowi.
Prabowo also called on the public to not elect a "puppet president", a reference many believe to be aimed at Jokowi.
What Prabowo has done is common in politics because, after all, the strongest candidate standing between him and the power to rule 240 million Indonesians is Jokowi, a popular figure due to his clean track record and humble personality. However, politics always has a way of providing surprises.
A source, who insisted on remaining anonymous but who is close to Gerindra's internal matters, revealed that, behind closed doors, both Gerindra and the PDI-P had maintained communication to establish a coalition to rule the country both at the executive and legislative levels for the 2014-2019 administration.
The source said Prabowo's younger brother and Gerindra deputy chief patron Hashim Djojohadikusumo had met with PDI-P chair Megawati Soekarnoputri to offer Jakarta Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama as the running mate of Jokowi in the presidential election. "The meeting took place about a month ago," the source told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
He said that during the meeting, both Hashim and Megawati agreed that the most logical move for both parties was to establish a coalition.
"Megawati knows she cannot rely on building a coalition with the Golkar Party because history shows that this party likes to change its stance based on its own vested interests. On the other hand, a coalition with the Democratic Party is also out of the question as this party will not be a significant force in the next term," the source said.
"So, the only logical option is to build a coalition with Gerindra. The PDI-P believes it can only garner 31 percent of the vote at the most in the legislative election. Establishing a coalition with a top party is a must to safeguard its political interests at the House of Representatives and that party is Gerindra."
The agreement on the planned coalition is supposedly to take place after the legislative elections have been completed and its results have been officially compiled, according to the source.
"Hashim knows that realistically, the PDI-P will win the legislative election. Therefore, he proposed Ahok to become Jokowi's running mate, after Megawati officially appointed the PDI-P presidential candidate after the legislative election," he said.
"Hashim loves his brother [Prabowo] so much and he does not want Prabowo to lose his dignity by only being Jokowi's running mate. That's why Ahok has been proposed. By doing this, Hashim has placed Prabowo as a leader willing to put his ego aside to let Ahok run with Jokowi as a symbol of leadership in Indonesia,"
"That was the ideal scenario, if only Megawati had stuck to her promise to announce Jokowi's candidacy after the legislative election. However, she succumbed to the pressure of the pro-Jokowi faction in the PDI-P and made the announcement sooner than expected. This disappointed Prabowo," he added.
This led to Prabowo launching negative statements at the PDI-P and Jokowi. Realizing the apparent fall out, Ahok then reportedly tried to play the role of peacemaker between Prabowo and Megawati.
"Ahok issued statements defending Jokowi without attacking Prabowo as a political signal to Megawati. Ahok is basically sending a signal saying he can be trusted by both sides and he is the only one that the PDI-P can use to tame Gerindra at the House during the next administration," the source said.
In response to the issue, PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristianto said the PDI-P had always maintained good political communication with Gerindra but the situation had changed after Jokowi had been officially nominated.
"We have no idea why Gerindra sees Jokowi's nomination as a sign for full blown competition. We could've had a discussion on possible cooperation or a healthy competition of ideas on how to develop the nation," Hasto said.
"Instead, we see blatant attacks on us after Jokowi's nomination. After all these attacks, we would need to really reconsider it if they wanted to establish a coalition with us in the future. We would need to take the feelings of our grassroots into account," he added.
Hasto said despite such attacks from Prabowo and Gerindra, he appreciated Ahok's neutral attitude toward Megawati, Jokowi and the PDI-P. "What Ahok has shown is his leadership class and his emotional bond with Ibu Mega and Jokowi," Hasto said.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/gerindra-pdi-p-tangled-complicated-relationship.html
Bagus BT Saragih, Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara Struggling to lift his electability rating to a competitive level, the Golkar Party's presidential candidate, Aburizal Bakrie, has proposed that whoever wins the July 9 presidential race should take the parties of losing candidates into a government coalition.
His offer is not an empty gesture, as Golkar, despite Aburizal's lack of popular support, is routinely considered the second most-electable party.
Aburizal has suggested that Golkar's likely significant haul of seats in the House of Representatives (DPR) following the April 9 legislative election is important to whomever becomes president, if he wants to enjoy support from the House. And, of course, Aburizal wants to reap a share of the power in return.
"Of course, [Golkar] should be given some Cabinet positions [if there is a coalition]," Aburizal told journalists on the sidelines of Golkar's campaign rally in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara (NTB), on Wednesday.
He said the next administration needed to secure the support of more than half the House if it wanted to govern smoothly with support for its policies from lawmakers.
"Now, if we talk about forming a coalition, it's not only about fulfilling the popular vote threshold to nominate a presidential candidate. What is no less essential is thinking about how to form a coalition in the House after the race, consisting of more than half the total lawmakers, to support the government," Aburizal said.
"The party whose presidential candidate wins should ally itself with those parties whose candidates lose, because it is highly unlikely that the winning candidate's supporters will account for 50 percent of the seats," he added.
"That is the only way the next administration will be able to run the government smoothly without any major disruption from lawmakers; especially, for example, when it comes to an unpopular policy that has to be taken by the president," Aburizal said.
Analysts say Aburizal's statement can be seen as an attempt to tease the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), whose presidential candidate, Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, has regularly topped a number of electability surveys.
PDI-P secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo recently said the party had held talks with teams representing prominent Golkar figures, such as former vice president Jusuf Kalla, former chairman Akbar Tandjung, and deputy head of the party's advisory council, Gen. (ret) Luhut Panjaitan.
Sources within the PDI-P have also confirmed that these three figures were among the candidates being considered to become Jokowi's running mate.
When asked if Golkar was eyeing a coalition with the PDI-P, Aburizal said, "we'll see if [the PDI-P] needs us to make up a coalition of more than half the House seats."
Meanwhile, political communications expert Tjipta Lesmana, said Aburizal's proposal indicated that he was finally admitting that he would probably not win the presidency.
"Now, a realistic approach for Golkar would be to propose some of its party members to become running mates for other presidential candidates with higher chances of winning, such as Jokowi or [the Gerindra Party's] Prabowo Subianto," he said.
Aburizal was likely to keep to his own presidential ticket because he had already pursued it for so long, Tjipta added.
"Just as in 2009, Golkar's Kalla lost in the presidential race but the party managed to enter the government and obtained some ministerial posts," he said. "Golkar's strong electoral power gives it a strong bargaining position for political negotiations," he argued.
Aburizal, however, has not dismissed the possibility of Golkar becoming an opposition party, which would be a major turning point in the party's history, as it has always been part of the nation's ruling government since it was established in the 1960s.
"Our democracy does not actually recognize an opposition. But if by opposition you mean being outside the Cabinet, Golkar is ready for that. In that case, Golkar would provide constructive criticism to the government," Aburizal said.
Charta Politika political analyst Arya Fernandes said that, historically, Golkar was always close to the center of power. "Being in opposition would be an anomaly for Golkar. It would be tantamount to denying its 'fate' as a party, which is always within the government," he said.
"Besides, saying that it is ready to be an opposition party could also cast a pessimistic air to Golkar members in general. It could affect their morale, making it seem as if Golkar had already lost to the PDI-P, even before the race begins. I think it could be counterproductive," Arya added.
Jakarta As political campaigns heat up ahead of the April 9 legislative elections, critics have voiced concerns that candidates have been too wrapped up in political rivalries to address controversial issues, such as family planning, tobacco control and human rights.
National Population and Family Planning Board (BKKBN) head Fasli Jalal said that no prominent candidates had mentioned Indonesia's population boom or family-planning policy during the official campaign period.
"It seems like population and family planning issues are hard sells and not popular, and [candidates] have failed to realize that these issues will affect all sectors including food sufficiency, poverty, unemployment and many others," he said.
Fasli said that most legislative candidates were too fixated on popular issues such as corruption eradication and free education.
He said the candidates might not have complex understandings of population and family planning issues or that they simply wanted to avoid controversy in a nation where traditional Muslim values hold mainstream sway, but that lawmakers' ability to address these issues would determine the outcomes of crucial policy questions.
He said the BKKBN especially hoped lawmakers would find the political will to address Indonesian marriage law. Under a 1974 law, 16-year-olds are eligible to marry, but child advocates have been pushing to raise the age to 18.
Candidates have also faced criticism for failing to hold Indonesia's powerful tobacco industry to task. Members of the Indonesian tobacco- control community urged voters not to back legislative candidates who supported the tobacco industry at the expense of the nation's health.
"Vote for the pro-people, pro-health and anti-discrimination candidates, do not vote for anti-tobacco-control candidates," said Zainuddin, of an alliance of vocal cord cancer victims.
Rights group Imparsial accused candidates of neglecting human rights issues. "There has been no political party that has approached the main rights issue: the human rights violations happened in the past have not been made a consideration for these parties," Imparsial program director Al Araf said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/legislative-candidates-face-criticism-avoiding-tough-issues/
Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, Malang There is a tendency in this year's election that some of those vying for seats in the legislature are "instant candidates" who are only seeking popularity and personal wealth, a watchdog has warned.
The motivation of these candidates is only to seek wealth or to pursue their own interests, or for the interests of their group, said Hayik Ali Muntaha Mansyur, deputy coordinator of Malang Corruption Watch.
Hayik said the salary of a member of the Malang City Council was substantial, which also came with the power to issue permits for various projects a lucrative path to success and fortune for the legislative candidates.
"The salary for a single city councilor, excluding allowances, reaches Rp 24 million [$2,100]. The salary for a member of the district legislature is much higher due to the larger regional budget. So don't vote for those who were involved in crime, corruption, collusion and nepotism or for legislative candidates who did not carry out their functions or programs when they served in the legislature," Hayik said.
An MCW survey among 250 people in Malang last October, on the performance of legislative members, showed that 76 percent of the respondents were not familiar with the profiles of the legislators. Of those who knew the legislative members, 55 percent stated that they were not satisfied with their performance.
"Many of the voters made a blind choice. The suspicion is that they voted for those candidates because of money politics or due to getting certain promises. That's why most of them did not know the backgrounds of those they voted for. The legislators also never informed their constituents of what legislative projects they were working on. That is why the voters were not satisfied, or unaware of the bylaws they were working on," Hayik said.
He said most people did not monitor the performance of those they voted for because they did not understand the system.
Wahyudi Winaryo, a sociologist from Malang State University, said this year's legislative candidates, both with and without a political background, all had similar platforms.
"A political party is a forum for people with common ideals to achieve these ideals. But now all parties are the same. The legislative candidates can come from across party platforms, or instant candidates no longer have to undergo mentorship. What is most important now is their popularity," Wahyudi said.
He said there were many legislative candidates who only sold their popularity without preparing any vision and mission or work plans to carry out when they were elected.
Wahyudi also said legislative candidates who did not belong to a political party did not really understand the functions and the obligations of legislators.
"Legislators on any commission have three functions, budgeting, legislating and controlling. Voters can at least observe them based on their work programs when carrying out these three functions and the legislative candidates must have work programs for these three functions," he said.
Wahyudi said the quality of legislative candidates continued to decline as they opted to no longer adopt Pancasila the state philosophy in their actions, adding that legislative candidates prioritized their personal or group interests, and resorted to unethical campaigns to garner voters.
"They no longer adopt the values of Pancasila as their political umbrella. The legislative candidates make use of 'black' campaigns and religious issues, such as not allowing people to vote for leaders from a different religion, for instance. It contradicts the first pillar of Pancasila a belief in the divinity of God which gives everyone who believes in God an equal right to become a leader according to the law," he said.
Legislative candidates and parties that only fight for their own interests, are also in contradiction of Pancasila's third pillar, which involves a united Indonesia, he said.
The 30 percent quota for women in the legislature is a reflection of a patriarchal culture, which contradicts the fifth pillar, involving social justice for all Indonesians. "Women only gained a chance after the 30 percent quota was enforced," Wahyudi said.
He said political education should start from the parties and the public in order to end the political transaction mindset. "Mentorship cannot be done instantly. Political parties must refer to Pancasila and qualified legislative candidates should accommodate the voices of marginalized people," he said.
Meanwhile, Sutio Utomo, a 50-year-old welder who is vying for one of the 50 seats in the Malang district legislature, denied the assumption that most candidates were in the running only for the money.
Sutio, who charges between Rp 20,000 and Rp 50,000 for his services as a welder, said it was his intention to change the way people thought about politics.
"I want to change the mind-set of the people so that they can progress. I never sell any promises or intimidate anyone. I haven't prepared any program yet because I don't know in which commission I will serve," Sutio said. He said he supported his wife and three children and funded his campaign from the income he generated as a welder.
"I use the income from welding for the campaign, it's not much, but it's enough to buy cigarettes and fuel," said Sutio, who on that day earned Rp 50,000 for fixing two spray tanks. He said he visited people at their homes every afternoon in an effort to convince them to vote for him.
Sutio, who was a teacher from 1985 to 2009, said with at least 10,000 votes and the support of his former students and their parents, he was likely win a seat in the legislature.
"I was also active with NU's [Nadhlatul Ulama] wing. I ran in the 2009 legislative election representing the PKNU [Ulema National Awakening Party] and I garnered 2,500 votes. Now, it seems that 10,000 would be enough," he said.
Ahmad Rofiq, 27, who owns 20 parking spots in Malang's Dampit ward, set aside Rp 90 million, which he had been saving over the past two years to run in this year's election. "I want to organize parking and create big parking lots, especially in the markets to prevent traffic congestion and to provide job opportunities," he said.
Ahmad, who graduated from Malang State University, said he hired 25 people as parking attendants at each of his parking spots. He said he was also active within the local youth group and local sports group in his neighborhood.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/instant-candidates-pursuing-self-interest/
Jonathan Thatcher, Yogyakarta It was Indonesia's most ubiquitous smile. Once dubbed the smiling general despite his iron rule of more than three decades, the image of former President Suharto now waves genially from the election campaign poster of one of his daughters.
It marks a tentative return to national politics of the family of the autocratic leader who was forced from office in 1998 as the world's fourth most populous nation descended into economic and social chaos.
Much of the blame for that crisis focused on the nepotism and corruption that became the hallmark of Suharto's later years in power and which saw family members and close associates amass fortunes and come to dominate the country's economy.
But as Indonesia's economic growth has weakened and disenchantment among voters with the current government grows, so Suharto's political heirs have tried to promote an image of him as a leader who brought strength and stability ahead of parliamentary elections next Wednesday.
Enter 54-year-old Siti Hediati Suharto, popularly known as Titiek, who on the campaign trail in the city of Yogyakarta in Central Java claimed that Indonesia had made little headway since her father's downfall.
The Golkar party, which she is campaigning with and which was the parliamentary rubber stamp of Suharto's long rule, is also turning openly to a legacy that until recently would have been political poison.
"I want to continue to take the struggle [of my father] forward," she told Reuters in an interview in the densely populated region from which her father came and which she hopes to represent in the national parliament.
"Reformasi [the reform era] started 16 years ago and we've been changing presidents but it seems Indonesia isn't going anywhere," she said before heading off to a campaign rally with her older sister Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, 65 and known across Indonesia as Tutut.
After the parliamentary election, voters on July 9 will choose the fifth president to lead Indonesia since Suharto fell from grace. He died in 2008.
Despite warnings it could disintegrate without Suharto's strong hand, Indonesia has remained intact to become the world's third largest democracy.
But opinion polls suggest voters are disappointed with the outgoing government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and will most likely opt for a completely fresh face in Jakarta governor and relative political novice Joko "Jokowi" Widodo.
His popularity is likely to give his party, the PDI-P, the largest number of seats, polls show. Golkar, which polls predict will come second, hopes nostalgia for the economic successes of the Suharto era will bring in votes.
"[Titiek's] lineage will definitely increase votes for Golkar in the legislative election, because there are many loyalists of Suharto and many people who miss that... era," said Tantowi Yahya, a legislator and spokesman for Golkar, saying it would help nationally, not just in her constituency.
To help polish that memory, Suharto's half-brother Probosutedjo just over a year ago helped build a museum at the site of the former president's humble birthplace outside Yogyakarta At the entrance are displayed images of the ex-leader as a general and a pious Muslim.
That cuts no ice with some. "The way he governed was tyrannical," said Litifah, 18, who works with one of Indonesia's biggest Muslim organizations.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) coordinator, Ade Irawan, criticized what he saw as romanticizing the Suharto era.
"It was a time for cronyism and corruption on a very large scale," he said. "Suharto's children should also be held responsible for their wealth. But no one will try them. Instead they're trying to come back as heroes which is very ironic."
Suharto was charged with corruption but never went on trial. His youngest son Hutomo Mandala Putra, or Tommy as most refer to him, had a graft conviction from 2000 relating to a land deal overturned. He was jailed in 2002 for ordering the killing of the judge who convicted him in the graft case, for which he served five years of a 15-year jail term.
None of the other children has faced trial over corruption. With no suggestion of irony, Titiek did point to graft as a major issue in Indonesia.
"If I watch TV, every day [there is] corruption, there are all these food imports, all these problems," she said in a reference to a stream of high profile corruption trials, almost unheard of in the Suharto era, and concerns that Indonesia is too reliant on imports of basic food.
It is a sentiment her supporters share. "Even if the Suhartos were corrupt, at least the people were well off," said Juani, a middle-aged housewife attending the relatively modest campaign rally.
Titiek's older sister, Tutut, once a political and business force during their father's rule, failed to muster enough support to herself be able to contest the presidency in 2004.
But the way some of the crowd rushed to shake her hand at the latest rally pointed to her continued popularity. She declined, via an aide, to talk to Reuters.
Their four other siblings have stayed out of the latest political limelight, including Tommy, 51. However, some media reports have suggested he might have his sights on the next campaign in five years.
"The people demand [we have a role]," said Titiek. "We try to shy away but some people always ask why doesn't the Suharto family show up." She said she did not seek the presidency for herself. As for other members of her family: "I don't know. Maybe in due time."
Hasyim Widhiarto and Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta/Mataram A group of university professors and intellectuals announced on Wednesday its collective endorsement of Gerindra Party presidential candidate and chief patron Prabowo Subianto, giving the retired army general another moral boost ahead of the upcoming presidential election.
Former Bandung-based Padjadjaran University rector Yuyun Wirasasmita, who read the group's endorsement during a gathering in which Prabowo and Gerindra officials were in attendance, claimed the group represented 300 professors and intellectuals from all over the country who considered Prabowo to be the most suitable person to take on the country's complicated social and economic problems.
"Despite its abundant resources, Indonesia has failed to become what it should be: a developed country [...] We know the facts and we can't be fooled. We have found a leader that can transform Indonesia into a strong nation in the future," Yuyun said, referring to Prabowo.
Among the scholars and intellectuals that attended Wednesday's gathering were former Golkar Party lawmaker and Indonesian Muslim Scholar Association (ICMI) presidium board member Marwah Daud Ibrahim; Jakarta-based Dr. Hamka Muhammadiyah University (Uhamka) rector Suyatno; Jakarta-based Pancasila University's (UP) engineering professor Antonius Anton; and Mahmud Hamundu, former rector of the Haluoleo University in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi.
UP's school of communication dean Andi Faisal Bakti, who organized the gathering, however, said the group had only accommodated the political views from emeritus professors or non-civil servant professors to avoid conflicts of interest. "I, however, believe there would be more support for Pak Prabowo if we include [professors] who are classified as civil servants," Andi said.
The 2014 law on state civil apparatus prohibits civil servants from becoming a member of any political party. According to the Education and Culture Ministry, as of 2010 Indonesia had 4,717 professors out of a total of 197,922 university educators in 83 state universities and over 3,000 private institutions.
Prabowo said he felt honored by such an endorsement. "Your support reinforces my belief that we can eradicate poverty in this country."
Later in the day, Prabowo attended a discussion at the Muhammadiyah headquarters in Central Jakarta to share his vision and mission as a presidential candidate in front of the leaders of the country's second- largest Muslim organization.
"I'm supposed to be out of town today. But I dare not decline Muhammadiyah's invitation [to come here]. In this country, Muhammadiyah and NU [Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest Muslim organization] are two organizations that you cannot ignore," Prabowo said, chuckling.
In his speech, Prabowo also deplored the "bitter fact" of Indonesia being unable to develop into an advanced country despite its abundant natural resources, a situation that Prabowo promised his audience would change under his leadership.
On the sidelines of the discussion, Muhammadiyah chairman Din Syamsuddin said that the presence of Prabowo in the discussion did not indicate political support for Prabowo. "This not about political support, rather it is about holding an open discussion and sharing views," he said.
Meanwhile in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, heavy rain briefly disrupted a Golkar Party campaign rally, which was attended by the party's presidential candidate Aburizal Bakrie.
The majority of the audience in front of the main stage, totaling around 2,000 people, however, remained at the Sangkareang field to listen to Aburizal's speech.
In his speech, Aburizal repeated the same pledges from his previous campaigns, such as the provision for 12-year free education and easy access to loans with low interest for small and medium enterprises.
Mataram was Aburizal's second stop in his five-day Eastern Indonesia tour that will mark his final rally before the campaign season ends on April 5. Later on Wednesday, he and his entourage left for Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/03/scholars-intellectuals-endorse-prabowo-s-bid.html
Josua Gantan & Vita A.D. Busyra, Jakarta Violations of campaign regulations are on the rise as Indonesia's legislative election approaches.
The practice of money politics thrives as various political parties become more fervent in their bids to win votes, raising concerns that the country's democracy is being undermined.
"The party has promised us sembako, such as noodles, rice and vegetable oil for April 4 so I'm really hopeful. Also, they provided free eye checkups," Anop, an avid political supporter, said.
Anop is blatant about his expectation of money, sembako (goods) and other kinds of "assistance" when he attends political campaigns.
In the same vein, 35-year-old Albarkah talked about her encounter with money politics. "I attended the Democratic Party's campaign not long ago and they handed out Rp 30,000 [$2.60]. My cousin, who went to the Gerindra Party rally at Gelora Bung Karno [Stadium], also received money."
Albarkah said that she was disappointed when the National Awakening Party (PKB) did not reward her for participating in their campaign recently.
"I asked for a drink but they didn't give [me] any. I heard that PKB will give out money, around Rp 20,000, but I returned home empty-handed," she said.
Arie Sujito, a lecturer and political scientist from Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University explains that the problem of money politics is prevalent in Indonesia.
"Money politics take place during the presidential elections, legislative elections, regional heads' elections, and even village heads' elections," Arie said. "It takes various forms and its magnitude varies. It can be in the form of money buying of votes near voting time or giving promises of help or money should the candidate wins, and also giving away of goods."
Arie noted that the practice of money politics carries serious consequences for the nation. "The implication of money politics is tremendous. It impacts how the country will be run for the next five years." Arie said.
University of Indonesia lecturer and political scientist Arbi Sanit explains that because of the practice of money politics, "candidates compete in terms of money, not on track record nor experience. They buy votes to fulfill their political goals." As a result, it is the candidates with the deepest pockets and not the ones with the best track records and qualifications who will win the election, he says.
Arie points out that as a side-effect, the practice of money politics will damage the credibility of Indonesia's democracy. "The electorate will view politics as something merely commercial. They will see elections as just a stage where abuse of power and corruption takes place. That creates the wrong kind of mentality," Arbi pointed out.
The Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) reported that political parties, which violated political campaign regulations the most so far, were the
People's Conscience Party (Hanura) with 48 violations, followed by the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) with 47, the National Democratic Party (NasDem) 39 and Golkar Party 29.
Violations that specifically involve the practice of money politics were committed by NasDem, the National Awakening Party (PKB), Golkar Party, the Democratic Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and Hanura.
Arie of Gadjah Mada University explains that legislative candidates seeking re-election today tend to rely on money politics to boost their support.
"There is a saying, 'give me real evidence, not promises,' but sadly in this case, the evidence comes in the form of money," he said.
Arie emphasizes that many incumbent politicians are responsible for the rampant practice of money politics today. He pointed out that those politicians inculcated the wrong kind of mindset among voters.
"Their mindset is conditioned by the political elites. The bond [between legislators and their constituencies] is loose. The people are not properly represented. Rarely do [political parties] have any accountability to their constituents. So when the people do get to meet them, they would just simply ask for money, " Arie said. "This isn't just a problem of mind set or morality. The people are being conditioned to think pragmatically.
"It resembles a short-term transaction. In the eyes of the people, legislative candidates are seen like merchants," he added. "And these candidates enjoy that, they do buy votes nearing election time. All the while the general election is meant to be a gateway to change There are no efforts, nor steps from political parties to build a better political culture."
Rosa, a young entrepreneur, says that money politics conducted by powerful political parties and rich people have been considered normal and are not taken seriously.
"Although money politics are against the law, [most] parties and candidates still violate the law. Campaign supporters, of course, receive their aid with open arms, some [of them] even demand for it," Rosa said.
The Public Perception Survey on Election Integrity conducted by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) last year confirms not only the prevalence of money politics but also the misguided societal mind set, which props up the practice in the country.
The survey, which polled 1,200 people across 10 regions, showed that 71 percent of the respondents believed the practice of money politics was normal. As many as 67 percent were permissive about the practice.
Arie acknowledges that the public perception regarding the issue of money politics had been distorted. "The public views this as something normal," Arie said.
But Arbi of the University of Indonesia explained that the problem also involved economic factors. "Most of the voters in this upcoming election come from the lower income group," Arbi said. "People only listen if you give them money. That's how it's like in our avaricious electoral system. Even in the regional district head's election, it's really awful."
While the 2012 Law on Political Elections prohibits the practice of money politics and prescribes a maximum penalty of two years in jail or a maximum fine of Rp 24 million for those found violating the law, Arbi claims that the practice was becoming deeper entrenched.
Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political expert of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), explained that money politics point to the failure of law enforcement.
"As long as the General Elections Commission [KPU], Bawaslu, the Election Supervisory Committee [Panwaslu] and the police keep acting indecisively by giving it space, tolerating it or reducing the punishment of legislative candidates of any parties, money politics will thrive until the end of time," he said.
Arie, the political scientist of Gadjah Mada University, points out that the poor enforcement of the law on money politics was done knowingly, that there are parties responsible for it.
"How is it that the police, the KPU and Panwas are unwilling to take the risk [of acting against violators]? The political elites should not be left untouched," he said. "The law disallows it, but there is no consistency in the enforcement of the law, it is being deliberately overlooked."
Arie lamented that responsible government institutions are not doing their jobs properly to address the problem of money politics.
"Panwaslu, the supervisors, they are powerless. The practice of money politics is massive," Arie said. He urged law enforcers to start small and not neglect acts that violate campaign regulations.
"It starts with small commitments. Those who were guilty of airing television advertisements before the prescribed campaigning period should have been punished. So should nailing advertisements on trees, that should not be allowed," Arie said. "If we keep tolerating small matters, they will grow bigger. These parties should be disciplined."
Arie said he was hopeful that money politics could be tackled should necessary changes be made.
"If the representatives are consistent, supervision is effective and the people are being well-educated, we will be able to tackle money politics," he said.
However, Arie expressed his pessimism over the impotence of Indonesia's election law. "The law is not working, there is none of it," he said.
The future of the nation is at stake given the prevalence of money politics. But whether Indonesia can overcome the problem depends on whether people will continue to succumb to temptations of short-term material rewards in the upcoming election.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta If voting changed anything, it would be made illegal, said notable philosopher Emma Goldman decades ago on the inefficiency and uselessness of elections in a nation filled with corrupt oligarchs and a careless public.
What Goldman cynically said about voting depicts perfectly what is going on with Indonesia's young democracy, which can be considered to have started in 1998 after the New Order regime crumbled.
While many people expect change to come after they cast their votes in the 2014 general election, a survey conducted by a coalition of non- governmental organizations provides a reality check showing that whoever voters elect, the same dirty oligarch of politicians will again rule for another five years.
Based on the survey, dirty politicians will still dominate legislative seats because only 97 out of more than 200,000 legislative candidates have clean records and sufficient competency.
The elections offer 20,257 legislative seats at the House of Representatives, Regional Representatives Council (DPD), provincial legislative councils (DPRD-I) and municipal/regional legislative councils (DPRD-II). This means that based on the coalition's latest findings, clean politicians, if they were all elected, could only fill a mere 0.47 percent of the total seats.
"As many as 32 out of the 97 clean legislative candidates are running for seats at the House," National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) coordinator Harris Azhar, who is also the coalition spokesperson, said at a press conference on Tuesday.
The House, which has 560 seats, is the top legislative authority in Indonesia. This means that only 5.7 percent of the House seats can be filled by clean candidates if they are all elected.
For years, the House has also topped the list of the most corrupt institution in surveys and research conducted by anti-corruption civil societies, such as Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW).
Due to the coalition's findings, Harris said that clean legislative candidates would have little chance of instigating change or reform within the legislative institutions even if they were all elected. However, Harris also said the findings also provided hope that there was a possibility for the public to identify clean and capable legislative candidates if they were willing to conduct their own research using the coalition's standards.
The standards for good legislative candidates were concrete track records in eradicating corruption, upholding human rights, defending the environment and standing up for women's rights, Harris said.
"If the public in a certain electoral district finds a candidate that fulfills all of the required standards, then he or she can also be considered a good candidate to be included on our list," Harris said.
Harris also stressed that identifying and electing good candidates was only half of the job in enhancing the quality of democracy.
"The public, through various channels, must also be willing to monitor the performance of these good people once they enter the House. They might be clean now, but within minutes at the House, they might also change and forget about their commitments," he said.
Another complicated part that needs solving in politics is the official affiliation between political parties' central leadership and their respective factions at the legislative bodies.
Legislators are often confused about whether to heed their constituents or party leaders in determining their final stance on sensitive issues.
In the 2009-2014 House term, a legislator by the name of Lily Wahid from the National Awakening Party (PKB) was removed from her post due to her defiance in ignoring the instructions of her party leaders for the sake of her constituents' interests.
Some candidates listed as good politicians by the coalition promised during the conference that they would remain committed in their idealism to fight for their constituents' interests instead of those of their respective parties.
"If my party wants to oust me for standing up for what I believe in, then so be it," National Mandate Party (PAN) legislative candidate Aulia Prima Kurniawan said.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) will take an active role in assessing the human rights records of presidential and vice presidential candidates contesting the 2014 election, to encourage the country's eligible voters to choose pro-human rights leaders in July.
The commission will gather leaders from each of the political parties contesting the upcoming elections at a meeting at its headquarters in Central Jakarta on Thursday to thoroughly discuss the parties' human rights platforms. Komnas HAM also plans to demand a commitment from each of the parties to address the country's many unresolved human rights violation cases.
"It can be predicted that all the political parties will normatively say that they uphold human rights. However, we want to carefully examine their respective stances on critical issues, from the protection of minority groups in the country to the resolution of past human rights violations, which have so far been ignored," Komnas HAM commissioner Roichatul Aswidah said on Monday.
Roichatul, who is also the leader of Komnas HAM's team on the settlement of past human rights violations, highlighted the urgency of a thorough assessment of parties' human rights platforms, as well as their presidential hopefuls, particularly as the issue of human rights was often portrayed as a form of "foreign intervention".
"The 1945 Constitution includes human rights values. Thus, it cannot be denied that human rights are an important issue for the next president, whoever that person may be, to ensure the promotion and protection of human rights values in the country," she said.
"It is crucially important to make sure that whoever is elected president has a comprehensive and thorough understanding of human rights values and, most importantly, has not been involved in human rights violations," she emphasized.
Komnas HAM revealed its decision to actively examine presidential hopefuls after several NGOs launched similar initiatives.
Komnas HAM newly elected chairman, Hafid Abbas, had previously insisted that the institution would refrain from assessing the human rights records of presidential candidates, despite calls from rights activists, arguing that it was not Komnas HAM's duty to do so.
"It is not included in the mandate granted to us by the law. Under my leadership, Komnas HAM will not comply with rights campaigners' demands," Hafid said recently.
Hafid's predecessor, Siti Noor Laila, had also stated that assessing the human rights records of presidential hopefuls would only engage Komnas HAM in "practical politics", which according to Siti, should be avoided in order to maintain the commission's neutrality.
Rights campaigners suspected that Komnas HAM's hitherto reluctance to conduct a hands-on assessment of presidential candidates' human rights track records was due to infighting within Komnas HAM, interpreted as an attempt to weaken the rights institution.
Their suspicions increased following the revelation that the wife of Komnas HAM's current leader was a legislative candidate for the Gerindra Party, whose patron, Prabowo Subianto, has been named the party's presidential candidate.
Prabowo, a former head of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus), has been accused of ordering the torture and kidnapping of activists during the May riots in 1998, which triggered the fall of then-president Soeharto's New Order regime. Nine of the activists were released alive; but many others from the era are still missing and presumed dead.
In 2003, Komnas HAM released the results of an investigation, which found that Prabowo and Wiranto, chairman and presidential hopeful of the Hanura Party, as well as several other military officials, were responsible for human rights abuses committed during the 1998 riots. Wiranto was at the time commander of the Indonesian Military (TNI).
Komnas HAM submitted its findings to the Attorney General's Office (AGO), which has so far refused to take further action, arguing that Komnas HAM's findings lacked evidence.
Roichatul gave her assurances that Komnas HAM's involvement in assessing presidential hopefuls was not intended to "smear" certain individuals, particularly Prabowo and Wiranto, as some might suspect.
"They will quickly defend themselves, and it is their right to do so. However, their names will never be disassociated from those incidents unless the government follows up on Komnas HAM's findings. It is urgent to clarify what actually happened," she emphasized.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/02/komnas-ham-forced-assess-presidential-hopefuls.html
Jakarta The recent nomination of Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as a presidential candidate has resulted in a fall in the number of undecided voters, a survey has revealed.
"Since Jokowi entered the presidential race, the number of undecided voters has kept on falling," Djayadi Hanan, research director at Saiful Mujani Research & Consulting (SMRC), said as quoted by kompas.com on Thursday, based on the results of an SMRC survey.
He said the survey, which was conducted on March 26-29, found that the number of undecided voters totaled 6.8 percent, a substantial decrease from the 17 percent of undecided voters in February.
Djayadi added, however, that the survey results did not guarantee that the number of golput (abstainers) would be similarly affected. He said a lot of factors contributed to the number of abstainers, such as issues surrounding the final voter list and people's willingness to vote.
The survey interviewed 2,050 eligible voters nationwide who were chosen at random, and the methodology allowed for a 2.2 percent margin of error and 95 percent accuracy. (idb)
Carlos Paath, Jakarta The electability of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) soared after it officially named Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo its presidential candidate, a new survey has found.
The survey, released by Australia-based Roy Morgan Research on Wednesday, found that the PDI-P's popularity has significantly increased after the party's chairwoman, Megawati Sukarnoputri, declared she would not contest this year's election and handed over the bid to Joko instead.
"The PDI-P will have the highest number of votes in the legislative election which will be held on April 9," Roy Morgan's director for the Asia and Pacific region Debnath Guharoy said Wednesday. "Before the announcement of Joko's candidacy the party's electability was only 27 percent, but now the figure has risen to 37 percent."
The survey, which counted 2,300 respondents from the 34 provinces in Indonesia, found that above 45 percent of those questioned would vote Joko into office come July.
"It is so obvious that Joko is the most favored candidate to be the president," Guharoy said. Another popular candidate, Prabowo Subianto, the founder of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party was selected by only 15 percent of respondents while Aburizal Bakrie, the chairman and candidate for the Golkar Party, garnered 11 percent.
Wiranto, the presidential hopeful from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), was only favored by seven percent of respondents. "The long- overdue competition is basically over even before the presidential election has started," Guharoy said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/joko-candidacy-lifts-pdi-p-rest-survey/
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta Some 56 survey institutions have been certified by the General Elections Commission (KPU) to carry out election- related surveys and quick counts.
KPU commissioner Sigit Pamungkas said on Saturday that uncertified pollsters would not be able to publish their surveys. "We will warn them [the uncertified pollsters]," he told The Jakarta Post.
Besides the 56 pollsters, the KPU also certified 19 institutions or NGOs that will observe the election during an event at the commission's headquarters in Central Jakarta on Saturday.
"The goal is for the election observers and the survey institutions to meet in one forum and communicate with each other so that they can understand their respective roles and can help each other," KPU chairman Husni Kamil Manik said during the opening of the event.
According to him, the pollsters play an important role in shaping the public's perception ahead of the election. "If the results of the surveys are positive, then the public will be motivated to participate [in the election]," Husni said.
The certified survey institutions and election observers must work wihin Law No. 8/2012 on the legislative election, according to him. First, the law states that pollsters should not side with a particular party. "The survey should not be designed to achieve a specific result," Husni said.
Second, the survey institutions should not disrupt the process of the balloting itself. For example, if a survey asked its respondents whether campaigning was important or not, or whether a coup was needed or not in 2014, then the survey would be deemed to have disturbed the process of democracy in the country, Husni said.
Third, the election observers should work on boosting the public participation in the election. Fourth, the pollsters and the election observers should attempt to create a safe election.
Fifth, the pollsters could not publish election-related surveys during the cooling-off period prior to polling day from April 6 through April 8. Lastly, the quick count institutions are only allowed to publish their results two hours after an election closes. They also have to publish their results within 15 days of the polls.
Commenting on the regulation, Indonesian Association for Public Opinion Research (AROPI) secretary-general Umar S. Bakry said on Saturday that the association rejected the strict limitation that the law imposed on pollsters.
"Why can't we publish survey results during the cool-off period? A witch doctor or a psychic could predict the outcome of the election on a TV show during the period, so why can't we do the same for something that is clearly of scientific nature?" he told the Post.
Sigit said that the KPU would set up an ethics panel to decide the most appropriate punishment for any pollster that breached the Election Law or code of ethics applied to pollsters. "But if the pollster is a member of an association, then the case will be handled by the association," he said.
Sigit added that all certified pollsters should disclose their sources of funding to ensure they are not affiliated with political parties or presidential candidates whenever they published their surveys.
The requirement to disclose their sources of funding only came into effect since the pollsters received their certifications, according to KPU commissioner Ferry Kurnia Rizkiyansyah.
Lingkaran Survei Kebijakan Publik, PT Citra Komunikasi LSI, PT Konsultan Citra Indonesia, Media Survei Nasional, PT Citra Publik Indonesia, PT Indikator Politik Indonesia, PT Data LSI (Lembaga), PT Lingkaran Survei Indonesia (LSI), PT Roy Morgan Research, Lembaga Jaringan Isu Publik, PT Cyrus Nusantara, PT Citra Publik, PT Media Suvei Nusantara, Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC), Cirus Surveyors Group Lembaga Survei Nasional, Pusat Data Bersatu, Lembaga Survei Jakarta, Pol-Tracking Indonesia, Indopolling Network Research, Strategy and Consulting, Political Communication Institute, Markplus Insight, Indonesia Research Centre, Puskaptis, PT Indo Barometer, Charta Politica Indonesia, Polmark Indonesia, Jaringan Suara Indonesia (JSI), Studi Suara Rakyat (SSR), PT Lentera dan Riset, Lembaga Polling Indonesia (LPI), Political Weather Station, Lembaga Klimatologi Politik, New Indonesia, Puslitbang Diklat LPP RRI, PT Kompas Media Nusantara, Institute for Strategic and Development Studies, PT Alvara Strategi Indonesia, Politicalwave.com, Lembaga Survei Independen Nusantara (LSIN), PT Premier Epsilon Indonesia, Soegeng Sarjadi School of Goverment, Indonesia Research and Survey, Citra Survei Indonesia (CSI), PT Indo Survey and Strategy (ISS), PT Taylor Nelson Sofres Indonesia, Populi Center, Lembaga Real Count Nusantara, Nurjaman Center for Indonesia Democrazy (NCID), LPI, Survei and Polling Indonesia (Spin), Indonesia Survey Center (ISC), Founding Fathers House, Litbang Koran Sindo, Riset Kebijakan Otonomi Daerah (Rekode) and Losta Institute.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/kpu-certifies-56-pollsters-legislative-election.html
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta A new survey conducted by the Jakarta- based Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) found that Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo remained the most popular presidential candidate despite the intensified political attacks against him since the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) nominated him as its presidential candidate.
The CSIS survey, conducted between March 7 and March 17, found that Jokowi would garner 31.8 percent of the vote if an election were to take place today, leading more experienced politicians such as Gerindra Party chief patron Prabowo Subianto, who came in second place with 14.3 percent ahead of Wiranto of the Hanura Party with 10.3 percent. The survey included 1,200 respondents from across the country.
The public opinion poll, also predicted that Jokowi, a former mayor of Surakarta, would garner 54.3 percent of the vote in a two-horse race against Prabowo, who is expected to get 28.3 percent of the vote.
The popularity of Jokowi has also rubbed off on the PDI-P, which according to CSIS' study, would come on top, with 20.1 percent of the vote, if a legislative election were held today.
"The Jokowi effect has obviously benefited the PDI-P and the party will likely pass the 25 percent presidential threshold," head of CSIS Department of Politics and International Relations, Philips J. Vermonte said.
Philips, however, warned the PDI-P not to be complacent. "However, according to our survey, there is still doubt among voters regarding their choices, and so it would be premature for PDI-P go on a victory lap. The competition among the different parties and their candidates is still very tight; and the voters' choices could still change," Philips said.
The survey also predicted that the PDI-P could go it alone in the 2014 presidential election. It found that 40.8 percent of respondents would vote for PDI-P if Jokowi runs on the same ticket as Prananda Prabowo, Megawati's son; and 41 percent if Jokowi would be on the same ticket as Puan Maharani.
The survey also showed that Jokowi would get 46.7 percent of the vote if he picked former vice president Jusuf Kalla as his running mate.
"The study showed that Jokowi would basically win the presidential election regardless of whoever his running mate would be. It is now important for PDI-P to find the right figure to be Jokowi's vice presidential candidate, someone who can make up for Jokowi's lack of experience [in running a country]," CSIS senior analyst J. Kristiadi said.
The CSIS survey also found that the Golkar Party would come in second place with 15.8 percent of the vote while Gerindra would finish third with 11.3 percent.
CSIS' last public opinion survey conducted in December last year, showed that if a presidential election had taken place then, Jokowi would have garnered three times more votes than Prabowo.
In CSIS' poll, Jokowi 34.7 percent of respondents voted for Jokowi, while only 10.7 percent voted for Prabowo. The survey also showed that 29.9 percent of respondents would vote for the PDI-P if the party nominated Jokowi for the 2014 presidential election. (fss)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/csis-predicts-easy-win-jokowi.html
Environment & natural disasters
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The Constitutional Court has ordered the government to force PT Lapindo Berantas to complete the payment of compensation to victims of the notorious mudflow incident in Porong, Sidoarjo.
"The bench has laid a strong legal foundation for the government to force Lapindo by any means to carry out its responsibility [to pay the compensation] to those people living within [areas on] the map of affected areas," chief justice Hamdan Zoelva told a press conference on Friday.
The press conference was made following what Hamdan deemed as "misunderstanding and deliberate incorrect understanding" of the ruling. Some people, including victims, understood that the payments were to be made by the government using the state budget.
Last week, the court ruled that "the state, with its powers, should be able to guarantee and ensure the payment of the compensation to the community in [...] the affected areas [...] by the company responsible for it".
There are reportedly two ways in which compensation will be paid. Lapindo should pay the victims within affected areas as outlined on the map, while the government is responsible for those people outside those areas.
The ruling was made in favor of six plaintiffs who are victims of the mudflow and have yet to receive full compensation from the company, while the others outside the area received funds from the government.
However, Hamdan refused to explain what kind of forcible measures the government should use if Lapindo declared it was not yet able to pay the compensation.
"It is not our decision, but the government's," he said. "The government now has a strong legal basis to do it, and people's rights must not be ignored. They deserve justice just like those who received payment from the state budget."
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/govt-ordered-force-lapindo-pay-compensation.html
Neil Chatterjee & Fitri Wulandari As smoke from Indonesia's burning forests drifted across the Strait of Malacca into Singapore last June, the pollution index shot up and Ong Eng Tong's golf course shut down.
"Once the PSI reaches 150 or 200, they have to close," said Ong, a 71-year-old independent energy consultant. His Singapore Island Country Club was overwhelmed as the Pollutant Standards Index surged on June 21 to a record 401, a "hazardous" reading in a city averaging less than 50 on most days. "I stayed indoors and turned on the air-con."
This year may be worse, stoked by drought and El Nino. Backed by activists including Harrison Ford, Singapore is pushing fines for culprits overseas. Even Indonesia is faulting last month's local response to blazes that sickened 50,000 in Sumatra, where fires are set to turn forests into crop fields. Burning in the region's peatlands emitted as much greenhouse gases as 89 million cars, according to the Center for International Forestry Research.
The unrelenting fires are preventing Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono from keeping his 2009 promise to cut Indonesia's greenhouse gases by 26 percent. The government has yet to release data on emissions for any year since Yudhoyono started his second term, and Indonesia would be the last member to ratify the Association of Southeast Asian Nations agreement on trans-boundary haze.
"Deforestation creates more carbon pollution than all of the cars, trains and planes in the world combined, making Indonesia and Brazil the world's third- and fourth-largest emitters after the US and China," according to Jeff Horowitz, the Berkeley, California-based founder of the non-profit Avoided Deforestation Partners.
Horowitz co-produced "Years of Living Dangerously," a documentary scheduled to air on US TV this month featuring Harrison Ford's visit to rainforests in Sumatra and Kalimantan. The US actor known for playing Indiana Jones was threatened with deportation after confronting Indonesia's forestry minister about illegal logging.
Indonesia lost almost 400 square miles of forest each year from 2000 to 2012, according to a paper published last year by Matthew C. Hansen, a University of Maryland professor who uses NASA data to monitor deforestation. The depletion increased at the world's fastest rate over the last decade, he said.
Indonesia's peatlands are "basically young coal" and just as toxic when ignited by arson or spontaneous combustion, Agus Purnomo, Yudhoyono's climate-change specialist, said in an interview last month. The government has extended a moratorium on new permits to develop peatlands and forests until 2015 as part of a $1 billion aid commitment from Norway. Indonesia is now working to define peatlands and who is responsible for managing them, Purnomo said.
Yudhoyono announced on March 14 that he would fly into Sumatra's Riau province, a center of this year's fire crisis and Indonesia's booming palm oil business. While local government declared a state of emergency and charged 37 suspects with burning, he threatened to take over, posting on Twitter that "the results haven't been satisfactory."
The day before Yudhoyono arrived, Togar Manurung fled Pekanbaru, Riau's capital, with his wife, child, and eight other families.
"Last year we had haze, but we didn't have to leave the city," said Manurung, a 33-year-old pastor wearing a face mask even in his air- conditioned Mawar Sharon Church. The PSI reached 500 200 over the "hazardous" mark the day Manurung's group drove about five hours into the hills.
Air pollution killed 7 million people in 2012, more than AIDS, diabetes and road injuries combined, posing the world's largest environmental health risk, the World Health Organization said in a report last month. One in eight deaths worldwide can be attributed to tainted air, it said.
Neighboring nations and conservationists are critical of Indonesia's efforts and commitment. The president steps down after elections in July, and leading contenders to replace him rarely mention fires or climate targets. Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo and ex-army general Prabowo Subianto have focused on lifting Indonesians' incomes.
"If the future government decides to open up forests, the 2020 target for reducing greenhouse gas emissions won't be achieved," Purnomo said.
Singapore says Indonesia is failing to identify culprits. Jakarta hasn't responded to requests for maps to pinpoint who controls lands where fires are burning, Vivian Balakrishnan, Singapore's environment minister, said in a March speech to parliament.
Sumatra had more than 3,100 hot spots indicating fires from Feb. 20 to March 11, 17 percent more than last June's peak, according to World Resources Institute, which has teamed with Google to monitor NASA satellite data.
"Almost half of the fire alerts fall within timber, palm oil and logging concessions," said Nigel Sizer, director of forestry at the Washington- based group. "Closer investigation on the ground by Indonesian authorities is needed to determine whether companies have broken strict laws that limit burning."
Asia Pacific Resources International Limited, the pulp and paper maker with offices in Jakarta and Singapore, is among companies named by WRI as controlling lands where fires were burning. The company, which has 600 firefighters, 200 more than last year, said it's a victim.
"Wood is a raw material for us," Praveen Singhavi, April's president, told reporters last month. "We would not burn our raw material. These fires are caused by land-clearing activity by small land holders and the community."
Immigrants are burning unmapped land to stake claims, said Gary Paoli, a director at Daemeter, a Java-based consultant on sustainable development. The forest ministry controls less land after a landmark ruling last year that forests belong to local communities, he said.
"There's a perfect storm in Sumatra," Paoli said. "The insecurity of land tenure leads communities to behavior we don't like, and so much of the undeveloped land is peat."
Favorable winds this year have shielded Singapore from the early start to Sumatra's fire season, Balakrishnan said. The city should still prepare for unhealthy air as the El Nino weather pattern extends a regional drought and the winds shift.
Singapore's parliament is expected to vote this year on a law allowing fines of as much as $357,000 for local or foreign firms linked to burning, Balakrishnan said. It's a good first step, Simon Tay, former chairman of Singapore's National Environment Agency, said in an interview.
"While the fine is not that large, it would trigger consumers or large purchases of palm oil or pulp paper to re-look at their relationships," Tay said. "The people at the Singapore Stock Exchange might think of banning them."
Jakarta A coalition of NGOs has urged voters not to vote for candidates who oppose tobacco-control measures in the upcoming legislative election.
The Coalition of Pro-Health Voters, which includes the Women's Network for Tobacco Products Control (JP3T), together with the Indonesian Tobacco Victims Alliance (AMKRI) and students from the University of Indonesia's (UI) School of Public Health, said Indonesia looked forward to the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC).
One of the determining aspects for Indonesia to succeed in the competitive regional market would be healthy, good quality human resources, the coalition said.
"If we do not prepare good human resources, we will be unable to compete against other countries. Among the things we need to do is to issue regulations that protect people, such as imposing controls on tobacco," JP3T campaigner Yuda Irlang said in a release made available to The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
She said the coalition wanted to remind people that health was a fundamental element in the development of a country that needed to be promoted by legislation. "We have to vote for candidates who are pro- people, pro-health and anti-discrimination," she said.
A tobacco draft bill, initiated by the House of Representative's Legislation Body (Baleg), has been included in the 2014 National Legislation Program, despite strong criticism by pro-health groups. Their criticism is due to the draft containing articles that allegedly support the interests of the tobacco industry.
Zainuddin, who suffers from larynx cancer due to smoking, said people needed to be smart voters who were pro-health.
"Don't vote for any legislative candidate who is not pro-health. Don't pick a candidate who is against tobacco control. If people choose pro-tobacco candidates, future generations will just end up with the same poor health conditions like us" said the AMKRI campaigner. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/03/voters-urged-not-support-pro-tobacco-candidates.html
Jakarta Experts say the Indonesian government is failing to protect people from the dangers of tobacco, as indicated by the slow progress in the ratification of the UN Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (UNFCTC), which aims to prevent the tobacco industry from targeting children.
The government's biased policy, according to these experts, could also be seen from statements issued by legislative members who kept delaying the issuance of legislation in an attempt to protect the interests of the tobacco industry.
"The cigarette industry knows that its products are lethal, but the government is essentially protected them at the cost of future generations," Kartono Muhammad of the Indonesia Tobacco Control Network (ICTN) said in a release made available to The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
He said the government had taken tough action in protecting people from the harmful effects of alcohol and other unsafe products, such as formalin- tainted noodles.
"But cigarettes, which have been proven to be lethal for their consumers, are still freely distributed. This means President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his Cabinet are allowing the tobacco industry, which is poisoning our children, to keep their businesses running," Kartono said.
Data shows there are 60 million smokers in Indonesia, while a further 3.9 million children aged between 10 and 14 become smokers every year.
"Cigarette smoking kills you". This health warning is now required on all advertisements used to market and sell cigarettes.
This warning highlights acknowledgment by the tobacco industry that its products are dangerous for consumers, another expert has said.
"This is planned murder; first degree murder," said Todung Mulya Lubis, a legal expert. "This is also a legalized crime; a crime that is protected by the state as the government is siding with the tobacco industry," he went on.
Todung said ratifying the FCTC, which has been ratified and acceded to by 178 countries, was a must for Indonesia.
"Do we believe that this convention, which has been agreed upon by hundreds of countries, will only result in losses for our country? Even Ethiopia has ratified the FCTC, so what are we still waiting for?" he said. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/govt-urged-ratify-fctc-immediately.html
Yuliasri Perdani, Kupang It has been seven months since Farzaneh Ansari, 22, and her husband were picked up by personnel of the East Nusa Tenggara Police in the waters off Sumba Island, their last stop-over on their journey to Australia.
The Iranian couple and some 80 other undocumented migrants were on their way from East Java when suddenly their boat broke down.
Since their detention, the couple has been struggling with life in the Kupang detention center. The couple shares an 18-square-meter cell with another Iranian family Setareh, her husband and her 11-year-old daughter.
In the morning, the cell becomes their living room where Setareh, Farzaneh and other detainees hang out. At night, they spread thin mattresses on the floor for members of their families to sleep on.
The women acknowledge the cell offers little comfort, let alone privacy. However, their situation is far better than that of single men living in the detention center, who must share their sleeping quarters with up to 15 detainees to a cell.
The facility houses a total of 124 undocumented migrants from Iran, Myanmar, Afghanistan, Somalia and Sudan exceeding its maximum capacity of 90 people.
Many of them are waiting to be interviewed by UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) officials to get refugee status. Some claim to have waited for more than six months for their interviews.
Limited space, lack of facilities and an uncertain future had caused stress among the detainees, Kupang detention center head, Syahrifullah said. "Detainees under great stress are more likely to have an outburst or carry out violent acts. Some years ago, a group of disgruntled detainees tied one of our officers to a flagpole. [...] It is important for us to manage their stress level," he said.
Syahrifullah has taken a personal approach to reducing the stress of the detainees such as by always leading Friday prayers with the Muslim detainees. "After the prayers, I listen to their stories of hardship and try to give them some encouragement," he said, adding that the center also held Sunday services for Christian detainees.
On a limited budget, Syahrifullah has built modest playgrounds for the detainees to play volleyball and badminton. He has also set up a small farm for the detainees to learn to grow vegetables.
With the support of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), Syahrifullah regularly takes a group of detainees for recreational activities outside the facility, such as swimming. "My home is close to the detention center, so I can watch them closely. If I see a detainee is depressed, I will take him for a walk to let off steam," he said.
In spite of the program, the detention center continues to limit the detainees' freedom.
"The immigration officers keep our cell phones. They let us make phone calls three times per day, sometimes we are only permitted to have one phone call only," Farzaneh said.
Syahrifullah claims that his strategy works. Since 2012, no escape attempt or significant incident has occurred in the facility.
The Kupang detention center is ranked as one of the best among 13 detention centers across Indonesia, according to the Law and Human Rights Ministry's Immigration Directorate General.
Data from the UNHCR shows that the number of asylum seekers in Indonesia increased 21-fold over the last six years from 385 in 2008 to 8,260 in 2013.
Overcrowding, coupled with lax security, led to a fatal incident in North Sumatra's Medan detention center in April last year. A brawl between two groups of Myanmar migrants of different faiths in the facility led to the deaths of eight inmates.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/08/migrants-languish-they-await-their-fate-centers.html
Kim Doyle In 2009, 254 refugees staged a courageous six-month sit-in on a small boat moored at the port of Merak, Indonesia. They had been heading for Christmas Island when then prime minister Kevin Rudd called Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and asked that the boat be diverted to Indonesia. But if Rudd expected them to go quietly, he was mistaken.
"I contacted the media... to talk about our problems and what we needed. That was my role", explains Nimal, one of those on the boat. "I didn't do much, just help the people". For someone who became spokesperson for one of the most inspiring acts of refugee resistance to Australia's detention policies, Nimal is modest about his role.
The media was covering their story, but little practical help was forthcoming. Collectively they decided that their only option was to stage a sin-in. "We had no choice", he explains. "We were talking to the media and nothing happened, so we kept asking the government to accept us.
"It wasn't a good time. The boat was very small and 254 people were there together. It wasn't a healthy life, especially for the children."
The group of Tamil asylum seekers continued for six long months to demand their right to resettlement in Australia. They finally disembarked after receiving the promise of resettlement. "They [Indonesian authorities] told us that the Australian government already promised that our resettlement [would] be done within 12 months. But four and a half or five years later and it still hadn't happened."
Despite having their refugee status accepted, they were left to languish, with limited freedom of movement, in an Australian-funded detention centre in Indonesia. In 2012, they staged another protest outside the UN High Commissioner for Refugees office in Medan.
"Indonesia is not the right place to put the refugees. Not just Indonesia, but countries like Nauru or Manus Island. Those are not the place for refugees. Australia has enough space... Why should people be sent to other countries?
"Some Tamils were sent back to Sri Lanka. They were tortured. My brother was put in a detention camp. When there was a ceasefire between the Tamil freedom fighters and the government he was released. But then he was abducted. His whereabouts is still unknown.
"Life in Sri Lanka has always been terrible for Tamils. Since the day I was born I have seen persecution, killing, abductions and much more. People are tortured by the government. It has been five years since the civil war ended, but still people are persecuted... I miss my family and friends, but I can't say that I miss Sri Lanka because of the terrible atrocities I experienced there."
After five years, Nimal finally arrived in Australia in January. He is not sure exactly how many of his fellow Merak protesters made it to Australia many escaped, jumped ship or went to other countries. But he estimates that 50 or 55 have been resettled.
By chance, on his way to our interview, Nimal bumped into an old friend. "I met someone who was involved in Merak. He is here on a bridging visa. He told me he doesn't know anything about his case. After four and a half years I met him."
Nimal is now based in Mildura and thinking of the future. "During my stay in Indonesia, I [came to] understand the need of people like me to help others. So I decided that I should do social work."
Nimal continues to advocate for refugees rights. In April, he is speaking on a panel discussion "Open the borders, close the camps, free the refugees" at Socialist Alternative's Marxism 2014 conference.
"It's all about the rights of the people; the rights of human beings. As refugees we are not really treated well in the world, especially in Australia... So I want to explain to the people in Australia how hard it was for me. That's what made me want to speak out."
Source: http://redflag.org.au/article/merak-protester-finally-arrives-australia
Weetabula Indonesians on the remote island of Sumba happily accept chickens and pork from legislative candidates hunting for votes. But, just six months ago, vote-rigging allegations triggered bloody riots on the island.
Fifteen people were killed, most hacked to death with machetes, and 75 homes burnt to the ground after accusations emerged that the winner of an election in Southwest Sumba had bribed the Constitutional Court to declare him the district chief.
A string of surveys ahead of nationwide legislative polls on Wednesday show that honesty and freedom from corruption are the top qualities sought in political candidates by Indonesians weary of the country's endemic graft. But, paradoxically, the polls also reveal that millions of Indonesians see vote-buying as acceptable.
"There is this disconnect. People don't see this practice as corruption. They don't see that by accepting the money they're contributing to corruption," the Asia Foundation's Indonesia country representative, Sandra Hamid, told AFP.
A recent Asia Foundation survey found that more than 40 percent of Indonesian voters would accept cash or a gift from legislative candidates, while other surveys put the figure above 50 percent.
"They see the enormous amounts of money involved in high-level corruption cases, so if they see 50,000 rupiah [$4.40] in front of them, they think 'OK, I'll just grab it,'" Hamid said.
At a recent rally in the capital Jakarta, thousands of supporters of the Golkar party the country's second-biggest wearing bright yellow T- shirts emblazoned with portraits of candidates were bussed in from all over the city.
They devoured free lunches, ranging from rice and chicken to McDonald's, and mimicked the pelvic thrusts of singers on stage performing "dangdut," an Indonesian fusion of Arabic, Malay, Indian and Western pop notorious for its lewd lyrics.
Most admitted they were promised 50,000 rupiah on the bus ride back home, but said they saw nothing wrong with it. "It's not vote-buying. It's just for fuel and drinks," insisted 56-year-old Djami'at Ibrahim, even though transport and drinks were provided.
The handouts may seem tiny, but they mean a great deal to many in Indonesia, where half the population of 250 million people live below or hover around the poverty line of $2 a day. Many who attend rallies are young or from poorer sectors of society, and some are transported in from slums with no clean water or electricity.
However, giving out money does not guarantee a candidate support at the legislative elections, which will set the stage for presidential polls in July.
More than 55 percent of those quizzed in a survey by pollster Indikator in December said they would accept cash from a candidate, but not necessarily vote for them.
Many take the money and don't vote at all, disillusioned with a parliament that consistently ranks as one of the country's most graft-ridden institutions in corruption perception surveys.
A slew of lawmakers have been jailed for rigging tenders and misusing state funds in recent years, and chronic absenteeism and photographs of MPs asleep in session feature prominently in the media.
Father Michael Keraf is waging a campaign to counter what he calls the "evil act" of vote-buying on Sumba, a predominantly Christian, deeply poor island in the center of the Muslim-majority archipelago.
"We try to teach the people, don't just look at money. To give a very simple illustration a chicken at the market is $5 to $10 these days. If you accept a chicken from a candidate, you're saying your integrity is worth nothing more than a chicken," said the pastor. "Explaining it this way has got people thinking."
Greater Internet access has provided a platform for better monitoring. A number of websites have been set up where people can report candidates who attempt to buy votes, while others do thorough background checks on candidates and expose the corrupt.
In Southwest Sumba, the election commission finally admitted it made an "error" and that the incumbent, Kornelius Kodi Mete, had won. But there is a stalemate as the Constitutional Court ruled the opposite, and the district remains without a chief.
The court's chief judge, Akil Mochtar, was arrested shortly after the deadly riots, accused of accepting bribes of more than $5 million to fix 11 elections, although he has not been charged over Southwest Sumba's poll.
While small offerings are made to everyday Indonesians, those with influence over communities are worth a little more. Leaders of a religious minority and their partners were recently invited to the home of a legislative candidate near Jakarta.
The wife of one leader, who wished to remain anonymous, said they were given clothing and envelopes stuffed with cash, and the candidate promised to push through a law to help the minority. "I would say he was trying to buy our votes and my husband's influence. I think it's wrong," she said.
However, she admitted that she accepted the money and would likely vote for the candidate. "But I was going to vote for him anyway. It's nothing to do with the money."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/vote-buying-rife-indonesia-despite-anger-corruption/
Rizky Amelia & Markus Junianto Sihaloho Regional heads have still not responded to a letter sent out by the country's anti-corruption body requesting details into the management of social aid funds.
"We haven't received a reply, but it will be [sent] through the Home Affairs Ministry," Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas said on Thursday.
The KPK last month called on the central and regional governments to put social aid disbursement on hold until the end of the presidential election in July to avoid corruption.
The clarification letter was sent to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and governors with an added warning that party members may have used the funds to partially finance their campaign activities.
Busyro said the move had been necessary as it was the antigraft agency's responsibility to prevent budget misuse and to monitor how the funds were being spent. He added that the delays and lack of responses showed a strong indication of some irregularities in financial management; KPK has not been able to obtain data on recipients of the funds, the amount of money each recipient received and even the date of issuance.
People's Conscience Party (Hanura) politician Sarifuddin Sudding said his party supports the anti-corruption agency's call to halt spending.
"The insistence of disbursing it [the funds] in large amounts ahead of the elections raises suspicions on abuse of power; that it was used to accommodate the interest of the ruling coalition parties," said Sudding, adding ministries led by politicians from coalition parties were given access to significant amounts of social aid funds, most notably the Religious Affairs Ministry, which is led by the United Development Party's (PPP) chairman, with a budget of Rp 11.5 trillion ($1.015 billion).
Meanwhile, the Social Affairs Ministry, led by a Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) politician, has Rp 5.5 trillion at their disposal; the Agriculture Ministry, another led by a PKS member, has a budget of Rp 4.9 trillion; the Housing Ministry, with PPP backing, has access to Rp 1.8 trillion; and the Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Ministry, led by a member of Golkar, has a social aid budget of Rp 595 billion.
"Why didn't they distribute the money last year? This is the year of politics. The people have become smarter and they can read into the situation," Sarifuddin said.
The 2014 state budget initially allocated only Rp 55.86 trillion in social aid funds, but the figure was later revised to Rp 91.8 trillion based on presidential instruction, despite the fact that only Rp 7.4 trillion had been disbursed up until February.
"That's why Hanura agrees with KPK to postpone the disbursement of the Bansos [social aid fund] until the elections are over," Sarifuddin said.
"However, we will also pay close attention to the Bansos that has to be disbursed before the April 9 legislative election, because it concerns the common people's health and interests," he added, referring to funds for School Operational Assistance (BOS) and Social Security Organizing Body (BPJS).
The issuance of social aid funds that cannot be postponed until after the elections are those meant for the Education Ministry, which has a budget of Rp 28.3 trillion, and the Health Ministry with Rp 19.9 trillion. "These two ministries handle school children and sick people; allocation can't be postponed," Sarifuddin said.
Abdullah Dahlan, a researcher with Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), claimed the significant social aid budget increase went against appropriate mechanisms and had political undertones.
"It [the revision] used the legal umbrella of presidential instruction, and was politically motivated," Abdullah said in a discussion in Jakarta on Wednesday, before pointing out that a conflict of interest arose when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is also chairman of the Democratic Party, made the decision to expand the social aid budget. "There is the danger of funds being used for political activities," he added.
The government is set to distribute Rp 91.8 trillion from its social aid budget to 15 ministries and institutions this year, for programs covering health care, education and poverty eradication programs. By comparison, the government disbursed Rp 59 trillion in 2013 and Rp 55 trillion in 2012 for similar campaigns.
Ahmad Erani Yustika, an economist from the Institute for Development of Economics and Finance (Indef), agreed that social aid funds should be disbursed after the election. "The government should make the process more transparent, and evaluate its effect on people who receive such financial aid," Erani said.
Still, economists and analysts in Jakarta say a delay would have little impact on the country's economy. "The effect would be minimal. It's not like the government would dismiss the funds for the entire year," said Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, head of economic research at Danareksa Research Institute.
Eric Alexander Sugandi, an economist from Standard Chartered Bank, said that while the ramifications of such a delay would be minimal to the economy's performance on the macro level, "it will affect people's consumption, particularly those with low incomes. They may decide not to go to the hospital when they fall sick."
A lion's share of the social fund increase, at Rp 19.9 trillion, is allocated for assistance programs to help the poor pay for their premiums in the government's universal health program, run by the BPJS, according to Finance Ministry data.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/kpk-says-stonewalled-social-aid-spending/
Haeril Halim, Jakarta Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas has lambasted President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) for his remarks on the Bank Century case, which he said could jeopardize legal proceedings on the case at the Jakarta Corruption Court.
"The discourse raised by Yudhoyono that 'a policy cannot be prosecuted' should be suspected as an effort to derail the legal proceedings of one of the country's biggest corruption cases in history," Busyro said at a discussion in Jakarta on Tuesday.
Earlier, during a dinner attended by dozens of chief editors in Jakarta, Yudhoyono emphasized that Vice President Boediono, who was the Bank Indonesia (BI) governor when the alleged crime took place, could not be prosecuted for agreeing to the policy to bail out ailing Bank Century in 2008.
Yudhoyono said that prosecuting a policy would make public officials reluctant to make good policies to support development. "It will cause fear and dilemma among state officials when making policies under such conditions," Yudhoyono said at the March 10 dinner.
Busyro said there was no way that policies would not be prosecuted as it had become common for state officials to make policies as safety measures to justify their corrupt practices.
"Recently, we found a high incidence of such policies in the banking and financial sectors. Policies are especially prepared to justify actions to steal state money for individuals and corporations," Busyro said.
This condition was a legacy of the New Order regime that was getting worse, he added. He said public officials now made policies as pretexts to steal taxpayers' money because the KPK had intensified efforts to catch officials accepting bribes.
Busyro cited the Hambalang sports complex project, which he said was a pretext by corrupt officials to embezzle state money for political purposes. "The ballooning budget from Rp 300 billion [US$26.51 million] to Rp 2.5 trillion proved that there was a hidden agenda behind the project," he said.
The KPK investigation into the Hambalang case revealed that the project was marred by irregularities. It was alleged that money from the project was channeled to a number of individuals and politicians to fund Yudhoyono's Democratic Party's congress in 2010 in Bandung, West Java.
Earlier, former Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum alleged that bogus people had been listed as donors for the congress but that the money had come from the Bank Century bailout. The antigraft body said it would investigate any information about the case.
Jakarta Several non-governmental organizations (NGOs), led by The Wahid Institute, have supported the efforts of the congregation of the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin in Bogor, West Java, to urge the incoming mayor of the city, Bima Arya Sugiarto, to obey the Supreme Court ruling to reopen the church.
Bima and elected deputy Usman Hariman will officially take office on April 7. Sinta Nuriyah Wahid, interfaith activist and widow of former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, said that the 1945 Constitution gave every Indonesian the basic right to practice their religion.
"We have seen that GKI Yasmin faced discrimination and persecution, so we urge every leader, including the Bogor mayor [elect], to abide by the law," she said during a press conference at the Wahid Institute in Central Jakarta on Thursday.
Outgoing mayor Diani Budiarto, supported by a group of local people, sealed GKI Yasmin in 2010 and defied a Supreme Court ruling ordering Diani to reopen the church.
The Supreme Court ruling triggered intolerant groups to force the church's congregation to conduct services in the churchyard and on the street in front of the building.
Diani ignored the order, also defying solutions brokered by the Indonesian Ombudsman, the National Defense Council and the Presidential Advisory Board, which suggested the establishment of another house of worship, such as a mosque, adjacent to the church.
During the press conference at The Wahid Institute, Bona Sigalingging, spokesman for GKI Yasmin, said that his congregation would forward a letter which has been signed and supported by several NGOs to Bima on Friday, to encourage him to take an active role in resolving the case.
Bona said that Bogor needed a mayor who was able to demonstrate good leadership skills and did not violate constitutional rulings. "Bima has a crucial role now to set a benchmark of good governance, in terms of upholding religious freedom," he said.
The NGOs hoped that the new mayor would be firm in not accommodating intolerant groups, so that his decision could set a positive precedent for similar cases in other regions across the country.
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy head for the Setara Institute, one of the NGOs involved, said that solving the issue would test Bima's capabilities as a mayor and as a decisive leader.
"The question is, will he become a man of history? Or will he merely become a lesser man, accommodating political reality?" Bonar said. "The letter that GKI Yasmin and other NGOs are sending him aims to persuade him to handle the situation in a dignified manner," he added.
Febi Yonesta, director of Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Jakarta), said that the government had an obligation to ensure the supremacy of the law. "The social cost will be bigger if nobody abides by the law and the government is weak," he said.
Bima told The Jakarta Post on Thursday that resolving the GKI Yasmin case would be one of his priorities as mayor after he took office on Monday.
"The GKI Yasmin case will be one of my priorities when I take the mayoral office. I aim to tackle the problem by facilitating an open dialogue between the church and the opposing residents, in order to come up with a fair solution," he said.
Bima added that the largest obstacle in resolving the issue was the differing perceptions of the case among all parties involved. (dyl/gda)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/ngos-urge-new-bogor-mayor-reopen-church.html
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta With the legislative election set to be held next Wednesday, the Indonesian Military (TNI) will assist the General Elections Commission (KPU) in distributing election materials to remote areas.
KPU commissioner Ferry Kurnia Rizkiyansyah said that the cooperation was needed because the Regional Elections Commissions (KPUD) in some provinces were experiencing difficulties in distributing materials with less than a week to go to the election.
The Papua KPUD, for example, has requested backup in the form of a helicopter. According to Papua KPUD chief Adam Arisoy, most of the regions in the province are hard to reach by land and thus they needed to distribute the voting materials by air.
As many as 16 regencies in Papua are located in mountainous areas. They are Jayawijaya, Tolikara, Nduga, Puncak, Puncak Jaya, Lanny Jaya, Yalimo, Mamberamo Tengah, Yahukimo, Pegunungan Bintang, Intan Jaya, Dogiyai, Deyai, Paniai and Mimika.
Papua KPUD had previously planned to deliver the materials using commercial flights. However, given recent unstable weather conditions, it was decided to request military support.
TNI commander Gen. Moeldoko said following the signing of a memorandum of understanding (MoU) between his institution and the KPU on Thursday that the military would provide assistance but also added that the military's involvement would be minimal. "The involvement of our personnel [needs] to be minimized as much as possible," he said.
He said that the military should retain its neutrality during elections and he did not want the involvement of his men in election logistics distribution to be interpreted as allowing the military to rig the elections. "I do not want my officers and men who have been working tirelessly in the field to be accused of being anything other than neutral," he said.
During the event, Moeldoko refuted allegations that he purposefully rotated 60 high-ranking officers as the voting day approached to cater to specific parties' interests. "There is no connection between the rotations [and the election]," he said. "The decisions were taken a long time ago. [However,] they were only implemented recently because the replacement officers had only been released by the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Ministry."
He insisted that the rotations were conducted purely based on merit. "The military came about through the hearts and minds of soldiers, not because it was forced by other people. If it had come about through coercion then we might be able to be bought but as it is we cannot be influenced by anyone."
Moeldoko asked the KPU to do everything that it could to prevent the late distribution of election materials.
"Logistics is a key factor to ensure the credibility of the TNI and the KPU," he said. "Therefore, I would like to ask the KPU to calculate everything by considering all factors that could lead to the deliveries being delayed. I don't want the public to be disappointed by what we do."
"We will provide support, especially in the form of land, air and sea transportation," he said, adding that the KPU would cover all the costs of the logistics distribution as the TNI was only provided with Rp 100 billion (US$8.8 million) to safeguard the elections. "I actually proposed that we be given Rp 300 billion. But [the government] has not been able to fulfill this."
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/04/tni-recruited-assist-election-logistics.html
Vita A.D. Busyra, Jakarta In recent years, the Indonesian political scene has come alive with a host of old and new faces introducing themselves to the public.
But ahead of the elections, analysts have raised concerns over the participation of former members of the military in politics, which they warn could have negative implications for the country's democratic process.
Edy Prasetyono, a researcher with the University of Indonesia's Center for International Relations Studies (CIReS), said the participation or support of several military retirees on the political stage may negatively impact the public's perception of the institution and prompt them to conclude that the military was failing to abide by the principle of political neutrality.
"Their contributions to various parties could cause ruptures in the military," Edy said at a discussion on Tuesday, adding that this form of support might violate the military's obligation to maintain its neutrality during elections.
This year's elections sees People's Conscience Party (Hanura) founder and retired Army general Wiranto, who was the last military commander under then-president Suharto, running for president, as well as another former Army general, Prabowo Subianto, the founder of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra).
Pramono Edhie Wibowo, who retired from his post as the Army chief of staff last year, is in the running as one of the Democratic Party's possible presidential candidates.
Edy said that despite there being no prohibitions regarding former military officers' involvement in the elections, their status as former members of the institution may still make their bids unethical.
"Because they carry the name of the military, it gives a 'negative' impression that the military is playing in politics," he said. "We're just trying to protect the military from misunderstanding."
Edy said, however, that trying to restrict retired and active members of the institution may be a challenging task, especially if they were approached directly by the political parties. "They can't be blamed because it's not them who initiate the move but the parties who are trying hard to recruit prospective commanders or retired military officers as part of their jockeying," he said.
He urged the country's security forces not lapse back into the ways of Suharto's New Order regime, when electoral fraud was committed publicly, such as announcing the winner before the election even began. "There is no such thing as a sacred election. Our demands for the security forces the police, the intelligence community and the military to be neutral is still far from reality," Edy said.
He emphasized that the military had no role in encouraging the public to vote for a particular party or candidate and that it must also avoid the use of both physical and psychological intimidation. Last but not least, he warned that military members, who are not allowed to vote, should not take any orders from their commanding officers to recommend that their relatives, friends or associates support certain parties or candidates.
Military members are not the only ones prone to being involved in politics.
Kusnanto Anggoro, a military analyst and researcher for CIReS, said it was also important for the police to maintain their neutrality. "Police should show no favoritism because looking back at previous elections, many parties have questioned police officers' activities," he said.
Edy said the use of cardboard ballot boxes could increase the chances of violations in the voting process, with police officials being responsible for delivering the materials. He explained that during elections, police played the role of helping the General Elections Commission (KPU) secure, print, store and distribute the ballots.
Hariyadi Wirawan, another researcher, claimed that the upcoming election system was at risk of being manipulated due to the misuse of information technology. "In the past, fraud was done overtly, such as when prior to the elections, the information minister under Suharto would say that the Golkar Party had already won the polls by 62 percent. Today things are more sophisticated with things like smartphones and the internet," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/military-officers-role-indonesian-elections-experts/
Jakarta The victory of Prabowo Subianto in the upcoming presidential election might harm Indonesia-US ties following a New York Times report saying that his candidacy has raised deep concerns among rights activists in Indonesia and abroad.
"If a high-ranking official in this case is at a level of a president is rejected by the US, this will eventually influence Indonesia-US relationships, including their consequences in Asia Pacific geostrategies," said Alfan Alfian, a political analyst from the University of National (Unas), on Tuesday as quoted by tribunnews.com.
It was unlikely that the worsening of Indonesia-US relations would lead to the pulling of US assets in Indonesia, however, he further said. Alfan said that the US still needed Indonesia to prevent invasions by China, deemed as its heavy rival in the Asia Pacific.
"I think it will not go that far because the US still needs Indonesia as its strategic partner in the Asia-Pacific region. Moreover, we are now living in the Asia-Pacific century, which is marked by mounting rivalries between the US and China," he said.
Alfan said the upcoming presidential election was a domestic affair, therefore the US should not intervene on the matter. "Objections against Prabowo have become a classic issue. Prabowo is now still a presidential candidate but if he is elected as president, the situation could be different. It could be that he is not rejected," said Alfan.
The article, titled "Indonesia Candidate Tied to Human Rights Abuses Stirs Unease" by Joe Cochrane, published on March 26, stated that rights activists in Indonesia and abroad raised deep concerns over Prabowo's candidacy on his alleged involvement in rights violations in the past.
"They note that the country's human rights commission recommended that he be prosecuted in the alleged abductions of pro-democracy activists in the late 1990s, during the final months of the military-backed government of president Soeharto, his father-in-law at the time," it said. (idb/ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/01/prabowo-win-could-harm-ri-us-ties-analyst.html
Linda Yulisman and Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta The government and Bank Indonesia (BI) have ruled out the possibility of revising policy to cope with the slowdown in the country's manufacturing sector, saying that the decline in factory output is needed in order to reduce the current-account deficit.
Finance Minister Chatib Basri said on Wednesday there were no plans for a policy revision as the slowdown was intended due to concerns over the country's widening current-account deficit.
"We don't need any policy response because the deceleration is the consequence of the government's move to slow down the economy to lower the current-account deficit to 2.5 percent at the end of year and achieve a desirable level for the rupiah," he said on the sidelines of the ASEAN Economic Congress.
A current-account deficit is considered manageable when it is less than 2.5 percent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP). Last year Indonesia's current-account deficit reached US$28.5 billion, representing 3.3 percent of GDP. The government aims to attain 6 percent economic growth this year, after only achieving 5.78 percent last year.
A survey released by banking group HSBC on Tuesday showed that manufacturing-sector growth fell for the second consecutive month in March to reach a seven-month low.
The HSBC Indonesia Manufacturing Purchasing Managers' Index (PMI), which measures factory production, fell to 50.1 in March, down from 50.5 in February, signaling a further decline in factory output.
The situation was attributed to unfavorable weather and raw material shortages, the survey said. Manufacturing employment throughout the country decreased for the third consecutive month, it said.
"The ongoing decline in work backlogs suggests that manufacturing conditions could remain flat in the coming months. Although the output and input price indices remain elevated, we are comforted that the pace of gains continues to slow," said Su Sian Liam, ASEAN economist at HSBC.
Despite the poor production results, March data indicated that new orders surged in the month, extending the current sequence of growth to six months.
New export orders also gained although the rate of expansion was marginal and eased from February. Monitored companies recorded higher demand from clients in America, Asia and Europe.
BI senior deputy governor Mirza Adityaswara concurred with Chatib, saying that the drop in the PMI resulted from intended efforts to curb economic activities.
"Our focus is on slowing down the economy in a bid to reduce the current- account deficit. If we do not lower the deficit, there will more uncertainty in the economy," he told reporters at his office.
The Industry Ministry expects non-oil manufacturing industry to expand by 6.8 percent after growing by 6.1 percent last year. However, business analysts say that the target is too ambitious and is difficult to achieve.
Imports of raw materials and intermediary goods in the first two months of the year dropped by 7.65 percent to $21.85 billion, while purchases of capital goods plunged by 11.02 percent to $5.18 billion, according to data recently released by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS).
Exports of industrial goods in January and February dipped by only 0.44 percent to $19.2 billion from the previous year. With the decline in imports, the country's external trade recorded a surplus of $785.3 million in February after a deficit of $430.6 million in January.
Institute for the Development of Economics and Finance (Indef) economist, Ahmad Erani Yustika, said the government's curb on economic activities that caused the slowdown in manufacturing activities was necessary as there needed to be a systematic effort to reduce the current-account deficit.
However, such a solution had to be short term rather than long term. "In the long term, there should be an attempt to reduce imports of raw materials and substitute them with locally produced materials," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/04/03/govt-ignores-industrial-slowdown.html
Nivell Rayda, Rangkasbitung Banten was just waking up. Aside from the gauntlet of trucks hauling electronic appliances and motorcycles and plastic household goods to neighboring Jakarta and westward to the island of Sumatra, the black asphalt-covered toll road sandwiched between rows of factories owned by various multinational companies seemed deserted.
And the road grew even more desolate with each passing kilometer as cars moved away from the capital city. It was not only becoming quieter but also more and more deteriorated forcing trucks and cars to slow down and compete over one single lane kept open while construction works to cover massive potholes takes place on the other two other lanes.
The work went on for several kilometers. Once the traffic was free to occupy all three lanes, more roadworks were waiting up ahead. It is hard to imagine the roads could get any worse, but get off the highway, and narrow, pot-holed lanes are the norm.
Banten holds many paradoxes. It is one of the richest provinces in Indonesia, according to a 2013 Finance Ministry report, with Rp 6 trillion ($528 million) in provincial revenue and an annual growth of 21 percent the highest in the country but with a road system in a highly advanced state of disrepair.
It is a province that is ruled by a powerful family that enjoys massive wealth, drives luxury cars and has properties scattered across Indonesia, Australia and Singapore and yet 52 percent of its residents live on less than $2 a day and as many as 12,000 children are undernourished, according to 2011 local government statistics.
The family has ruled for 12 years with little oversight or criticism, even with widely reported cases of schools crumbling because of shoddy construction as well as cases of neglected bridges collapsing, sometimes with deadly consequences.
It was only recently that any attention was turned to these paradoxes and to the administration of Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah, who first came to power as deputy governor in 2002 and then became governor in 2005. And the criticism has seemed to intensify ahead of this year's elections, with Atut's rivals ready to exploit her downfall after she and her brother, Tubagus Chaeri "Wawan" Wardana, were arrested and charged by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) with bribery, embezzlement and bid-rigging.
"There are five dynasties in Banten and the other four are moving quickly to take advantage of Atut's problems so they can push their own agendas and expand their own dynasties," says Dahnil Anzar, a lecturer at Banten's Tirtayasa University, who has monitored the political dynasties in the province. "They have been calling for end to corruption, end to poverty and increased development. But [people] know what they are like. These people said nothing before because they are also entangled with corruption cases."
In Pandeglang district there is the family of former district head Achmad Dimyati Natakusuma, who became a legislator at the House of Representatives after his term ended in 2009. But just before he left office he nominated his wife Irna Narulita to be his successor. She lost to Erwan Kurtubi, whose running mate was none other than Atut's stepmother, Heryani.
The port town of Cilegon is ruled by the family of former mayor Aat Syafaat; his son Iman Ariadi is now in charge. Meanwhile, the district of Tangerang is governed by Ahmed Zaki Iskandar, the son of former Tangerang district head Ismet Iskandar.
But the Atut family's biggest rival in the province is the family of former Lebak district head Mulyadi Jayabaya, who successfully passed on his seat to his daughter, Iti Octavia, in an election last year in which she defeated a challenge form Atut's longtime friend Amir Hamzah.
It was Atut's bid to take control of Lebak that ultimately led to her downfall.
Wawan, who is said to be the brains of the family, was arrested last October on suspicion of bribing Akil Mochtar, then the chief justice of the Constitutional Court with Rp 1 billion to rule in favor of a challenge brought by Amir against the result of the election.
The bribe was transacted a day after Akil and his panel of judges annulled Iti's election win and ordered a revote as sought by Amir. After the revote, Iti was declared winner for a second time. The KPK was able to trace the bribe money back to Atut, who was arrested last December.
In Akil's indictment, KPK prosecutors alleged that Wawan and Atut allegedly paid the judge Rp 7.5 billion in 2011 to secure Atut's victory in the disputed gubernatorial election.
Atut's arrest also compelled the antigraft agency to look into at the litany of previous corruption allegations against her family lodged by activists since she became deputy governor in 2002, ranging from bid- rigging to embezzlement to bribery.
The KPK has since opened an investigation against Atut on suspicion of bid-rigging and markups in connection with the procurement of health equipment between 2011 and 2013, which allegedly caused state losses of over Rp 30 billion.
But activists say the KPK has only scratched the surface. Part of the reason why corruption was rampant during Atut's reign, Tirtayasa University's Dahnil says, is closely linked to how Atut managed to get family members and friends into strategic executive and legislative posts as well as in government agencies and social organizations.
Indonesia Corruption Watch coordinator Ade Irawan says Atut has at least 30 family members in influential posts. "Not to mention members of the extended family or those affiliated with the family," Ade says, adding that the total number of officials in Banten with ties to Atut could be in the hundreds.
This allowed the family to gain full control of how regional budgets were planned, spent, disbursed and monitored with little oversight or criticism, says Siti Zuhro, a political expert from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). "Dynasties makes it easy to run a government that is neither transparent nor accountable. They dominate the area's social, political and economic landscape to such an extent nothing can get done without their say-so," she says.
Throughout much of Banten, an antigraft drive seems to be the main theme touted by Atut's rivals. Each group, backed by their own supporters, has been distributing campaign pamphlets with pictures of themselves and words like "clean" and "change" and "honest."
But Dahnil only laughs when asked if these candidates are sincere. "To tell you the truth, they are opportunists acting like they are heroes," he says.
In 2009, Dimyati, the head of the political dynasty in Pandeglang, was named a suspect for bribery and fraud by the prosecutors' office, but was acquitted of all charges by the district court in 2011.
Last year, activists from the Islamic Student Association (HMI) demanded the KPK investigate irregularities in Mulyadi's massive wealth, saying it had grown substantially during his time as Lebak chief.
Meanwhile, Aat, the Cilegon patriarch, is currently serving a three-year prison sentence for his role in a corruption case linked to the construction of a port during his time as mayor.
But political parties seem to care little about their track record, giving these people the backing they need to expand their dynasties in the hope of ending Atut's rule and that of her political vehicle, Golkar.
The family of Lebak's Mulyadi has children and other family members running for the House with the Democratic Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Dimyati of Pandeglang is a sitting legislator from the United Development Party (PPP), while Tangerang Mayor Wahidin Halim and his son Fadlin Akbar are Democrats.
Even inside Golkar, there is an apparent power struggle, with the Cilegon and Tangerang district dynasties looking to head the party's provincial chapter, now chaired by Atut's sister, Ratu Tatu Chasanah.
But Atut's family is not going to lose its grip on Banten without a fight. Atut's eldest son, Andhika Hazrumy, who is a sitting member of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), is now eyeing a seat in the House, while his sister, Andiara Aprilia Hikmat, is looking to replace her brother at the DPD. Andhika's wife and Andiara's husband are also both eyeing seats in the provincial legislature.
ICW's Ade says that by using entrenched political dynasties, parties can gain the trust of local voters by offering them familiar names and faces with access, influence and supporters. But ultimately, parties gain access to a more lucrative side of politics in Banten.
"Building a political dynasty is all about power, to have control over public coffers," Ade says. "When a dynasty is in power, the monitoring duties of the executive and the legislature weaken.
"Businesses cannot expand without the help, consent and involvement of the dynasty, so every year there are projects that are awarded to dynasty members or joint ventures. In Banten there are 900 to 1,000 government programs every year and these dynasties have control over most of them."
And this is true for all political dynasties across Indonesia. The province of South Sulawesi is run by Governor Syahrul Yasin Limpo. Syahrul was once the district head of Gowa, a position that was preceded by his father, Muhammad Yasin Limpo, and now held by his brother, Ichsan.
Syahrul also has brothers, sisters, sons and in-laws at the regional legislature and the House. His wife, Ayunsri Harahap, heads the province's biggest hospital. According to Rahmat Zena, a journalist based in South Sulawesi, the family's wealth has grown exponentially since Muhammad first built his political empire. And nobody has asked them to explain where it all comes from.
Just like in South Sulawesi, no one in Lampung province is questioning how the family of Governor Sjachroedin Zainal Pagaralam, whose father is a former governor and whose two sons sit as head and deputy head of two different districts, obtained its massive fortune.
While the members of the dynasty live a wealthy lifestyle under Sjachroedin's rule, Lampung went from being a prominent industrial zone and major transportation route linking Sumatra to the rest of the country, to one of the poorest regions in Indonesia.
Lampung also saw 70 percent of its forest being cleared for plantations and logging concessions since Sjachroedin came to power in 2003, but poverty remains rampant while infrastructure is left in decay. "It is hard to get data for where the money went," says one Lampung-based journalist.
While no dynasty approaches Atut's in scale, for now, there are at least 25 family groups ruling different parts of Indonesia, according to a list compiled recently by Republika newspaper.
These dynasties have a lot in common: succession and distribution of power to family members and their cronies; lack of transparency and accountability; absence of critical voices and challenge to rule; control over resources; and in most cases, a neglect of infrastructure and development. Another thing they share is that all have experienced a surge in family fortunes in a short period of time.
"Democracy is closely related to education. We have poorly educated voters. Poverty is rampant so they are easily lured by vote buying," says Siti of LIPI when asked how dynasties are able to evolve.
At the national level, no one is providing a good example. Despite having little political experience Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, the youngest son of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who chairs the Democratic Party, quickly rose within the party's ranks to become its secretary general second only to his father in the hierarchy.
Meanwhile, Pramono Edhie Wibowo, Yudhoyono's brother-in-law, has became a leading contender to be the party's pick for presidential candidate, despite having no political experience whatsoever and scoring low in popularity surveys.
It's a similar tale with the PDI-P and Puan Maharani, the daughter of former president and party chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri. Megawati herself is the daughter of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno. "Officials in the central government are setting a bad example because they are creating their own dynasties," Siti says.
"This must serve as a lesson for where our democracy is heading. It is important to empower civil society for oversight. It is also important from a legal, regulatory standpoint to minimize the chance of these dynasties getting even more power or at least limit their destructive power through regulations like the elections law."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/dynasties-line-banten-power-grab-wake-ratu-atuts-downfall/
With politicians currently crisscrossing the country on the campaign trail speaking to all-singing, all-dancing crowds of thousands, one subject is rarely touched upon, yet it is a subject that affects all of us.
When it comes to human rights, our politicians, never normally short of a soundbite, have fallen strangely silent.
As a country, we have yet to address serious human rights abuses that stain our past. From the 1965-66 purge of suspected communists and the kidnapping and forced disappearances of student activists in Jakarta in 1998, to the murder of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, the state stands accused of trampling on people's rights and doing nothing to disclose the truth.
The abuses continue to this day. It seems like everywhere we look we see state officials and the elites violating our rights almost on a daily basis. Farmers lose their land to companies who often operate hand-in-glove with the local and central governments. If people try and stand up for their rights, the state security apparatus the police or even the military are sent in to prove that might is the only right that counts.
It is almost as if the powerful see it as their right to deprive the rest of society of their rights. Unfortunately, we have yet to hear any commitment from the 12 political parties contesting the April 9 election to addressing these issues. In fact, some politicians have even said human rights do not concern the public in general.
Such a foolish statement can be made by any politician and we urge Indonesians to not only refrain from voting for them but also to condemn them. We owe that to those who have fallen in the struggle for democracy and to future generations.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/editorial-parties-fail-stand-human-rights/