Headlines After offering free haj pilgrimage packages, motorcycles and Kijang vans to civil servants regularly attending afternoon mass prayers at the municipal mosque, Bengkulu Mayor Helmi Hasan is adding a hatchback car to the list of prizes for the devout.
The new prize, a Daihatsu Ayla, will be up for grabs for those members of the public who attend 52 evening prayers without a single absence at their neighborhood mosques.
On Thursday, Helmi delivered an Ayla (he claimed the car had been donated by a philanthropist he would not name) to the management of Ar-Rahman Mosque at Pagar Dewa village.
"Anyone who attends the maghrib and isya evening mass prayers 52 times at Ar-Rahman every Wednesday has the chance to win the Ayla," Helmi said as quoted by kompas.com.
Helmi entered the national spotlight when he made it mandatory for his staff to attend afternoon prayers at the municipal grand mosque on week days.
He is also planning a bylaw, which will make Friday prayers obligatory for local residents, as part of his bid to make the predominantly Muslim Bengkulu a "religious city".
The initiative became even more controversial after he made the religious obligation look like a contest by offering cars, motorcycles and free haj pilgrimage package as prizes to those who faithfully followed his call.
Helmi has turned a deaf ear to the Religious Affairs Ministry's call to drop the bylaw.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/08/mayor-offers-car-mosque-attendance.html
There are at least 76 political prisoners in West Papuan jails, a new report from Papuans Behind Bars has revealed.
At least 22 of the prisoners were arrested last month during military incursions into Sasawa village in Yapen island, and in the days following the raids.
"Residents of the surrounding villages of Kamanap and Kanawa were reportedly beaten, tortured and given death threats by security forces," says the Papuans Behind Bars report. The West Papuan Morning Star flags were confiscated by the Indonesian military.
Another 11 West Papuan men, who were arrested during a police invasion on 19 May 2013 in Oksibil in the Pegunungan Bintang regency, are still in prison, having received 19 month sentences.
One of the political prisoners, Stefanus Banal, was "shot in the leg and sustained severe injuries during the police raid", says the report. Despite having undergone surgery for his gunshot wounds twice since this time, Banal has been sentenced to one year and seven months in prison. Last month, Banal's family was even forced to pay for him to be moved from one prison to another.
A further three men were arrested after a protest against illegal logging, which protesters said was "theft of local resources by security forces".
The men were not involved in the protest, according to the report, but were arrested after police stormed a nearby community "shooting indiscriminately into houses and causing extensive damage", the report says.
One man, Yulianus Borotian, lost consciousness after police shot him in the neck and spent a month in hospital before being taken back to prison, where he remains with the other three men.
Meanwhile, Oktovianus Warnares, who led a peaceful West Papuan flag-raising ceremony on 1 May 2013, was recently sentenced to three years' imprisonment while three other West Papuans were sentenced to between 20 and 30 months in prison for participating in the same ceremony.
West Papua Media Alerts has reported that a further three men, Tinius Kiwo, Wurin Tabuni, and Kiwenus Tabuni were "allegedly severely tortured after being arrested, with their skin being sliced open by razor blades. Their whereabouts is not currently known".
The arrests of the men were this week confirmed by Reverend Socratez Sofyan, chairman of the Fellowship of Baptist Churches in Papua.
"It is not yet clear why the three men were arrested and tortured," said West Papua Media Alerts. However, it appears that the Indonesian military are carrying out collective punishment against West Papuan villagers in the Sinak area following the shooting deaths of eight Indonesian soldiers by West Papuan pro-independence guerrillas.
Amnesty International's most recent report on Indonesia states that Idonesian security forces, including police and military personnel, stand accused of torture, excessive use of force and firearms and possible unlawful killings were reported. "In most cases, the perpetrators were not brought to justice and victims did not receive reparations" says the report.
The report adds that there is no freedom of expression in West Papua, with the Indonesian authorities using "repressive legislation to criminalise peaceful political activists".
Source: http://pacific.scoop.co.nz/2014/03/76-political-prisoners-behind-bars-says-new-papuan-report/
Winston Tarere Former Papuan activists Franz Albert Joku and Nicholas Simion Messet are calling on all West Papuans in exile to return home.
This was followed by a special request to the new Vanuatu Ambassador to Fiji Nikenike Vurobaravu, to tell members of the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) based in Vanuatu to return to West Papua.
"Andy and John Ondawame are our brothers... we respect their decision and the path they choose. Mr. High Commissioner can you tell them please come home. Andy and John Ondowame are our brothers."
They said Indonesia is not the country it used to be that democratic reforms put in place since the downfall of the Suharto regime and the granting of the autonomy has allowed West Papuans to participate freely in self government.
"We are already practicing self determination under the autonomy region. That's why we as West Papuans want to make sure that we fill key positions in Jakarta so that we have a say on policy matters that will determine how development is carried out in West Papua.
Joku and Messet appealed to all West Papuan activists in Australia, Netherlands, America and around the world to come back to their homeland where the "bird of paradise is."
"We are not perfect... but so is the United States. We acknowledge that there are still human rights breaches but the human rights issue is no longer the main priority for the Indonesian government. Corruption is Indonesia's number one evil. is the fourth largest democracy in the world," says Joku. He was implying that the human rights conditions in West Papua have improved to the point that it is no longer a concern.
Responding to questions on Indonesia's transmigration policy, Mr Messet said the indigenous West Papuan are not in danger of becoming a minority to the Javanese in their own land. "We are not in any danger of becoming minority in our own land. If you look at the black African American, they have not become minorities."
However, an attendant corrected him by saying, "it is wrong to use the African American in American as an example because first of all, African Americans are not the indigenous population and the indigenous Indians are a minority".
The panel of speakers claim that West Papuans have enjoyed much freedom under the autonomy and that countries like Vanuatu should respect the wishes of the West Papuans.
"While we are grateful for the support that has been given by Vanuatu towards the freedom of West Papua, we do not want other countries to dictate what is best for us," Messet said.
Joku said the West Papuan people respect and are grateful for what Vanuatu has done for their countries. "Even if we have an independent West Papua or a West Papua under autonomy, we will still need the support of the governments such as Vanuatu to act as checks and balance."
The series of three lectures began on Tuesday last week at the Japan ICT conference center, the same day Prime Minister Moana Carcasses was raising the issue of human rights abuse by Indonesian authorities against the people of West Papua.
Source: http://www.dailypost.vu/content/joku-and-messet-call-exiled-papuans-go-home
Jayapura Human rights issues raised by Papuan diplomats overseas only revolve around their campaign for independence, Jayapura Bishop Leo Labaladjar said. He was commenting on Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Kalosil's speech at the session of the UN Human Rights Council on March 4.
"He made a five minute speech or more in Geneva and raised the issue of human rights in Papua. I am not sure which human rights abuses or cases he was talking about. Are they from the present or the past? I did not follow the speech and could not find the text," the Bishop told reporters after the inauguration of Dr Neles Tebay, Pr as chairman of the School of Philosophy and Theology (STFT) of Fajar Timur in Padangbulan, Jayapura on Thursday (13/3). He said Kalosil's speech was a Vanuatu domestic affair and the "stuff" he had raised the issues in the past.
"If it is purely addressed in the name of human rights, that's not a problem as long as it is true. People overseas talk generally and their messages could vary. All I knew there was a rally when Vanuatu's prime minister delivered his speech," the Bishop said.
When asked regarding human rights issues in Papua that have drawn increasing international attention, Labaladjar said it was due to the campaign of Papuans overseas.
"I think behind this political issue is they want independence. We ourselves do not keep silent. We have protested human rights abuses and if these issues are known internationally, it's their business," he added.
Yusak Pakage, a former Papuan political prisoner said the bishop's statement was false. "Human rights abuses occurred in Papua because Papua want independence," Pakage told tabloidjubi.com in Padangbulan, Jayapura on Thursday (13/3). (Jubi/Aprila/Tina)
Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=1599
Jayapura Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Kalosis said his remarks highlighting human rights abuses in West Papua at the UN Human Rights Council's 25th session have won praise from other leaders and human rights groups.
"Vanuatu is the only country in the world that is not afraid to stand up and speak out for the rights of freedom for the people of West Papua in both the United Nations (UN), or other meetings anywhere in the world," Kalosil said told acting Prime Minister Willie Jimmy Tangapararua, senior government officials and representatives of West Papua on his arrival in Vanuatu on Sunday (9/3).
He stated not all countries around the world supported Papuans' struggle for freedom or showed concerns about the suffering and brutality faced by the people of West Papua.
"I fully agree with the late Reverend Walter Lini, the first Vanuatu prime minister, who said that Vanuatu is not fully independent until other colonized people within Melanesia regions are liberated politically," he said.
Edward Natapei, Vanuatu's foreign minister, told Jubi (12/3) that after delivering a speech in the 25th session of the UN Human Rights Council, Kalosil met with one of the members of the UN Human Rights Committee from South Africa, Zonke Zanele Majodina.
"The Prime Minister said that the chairman of one of the UN Human Rights Committee from South Africa admired the courage of the Prime Minister to stand up and speak for the freedom of the people of West Papua. He also said the leaders of the world who he met after his speech also said the same thing. "Natapei said via telephone.
In his speech at the UN session Kalosil urged experts, international journalists and international NGOs to visit Papua to help end the silencing of the voice of West Papua, and said it is important to reopen the history of West Papua.
"From various sources, it is obvious that the Melanesian nation in Papua is the black sheep of the cold war and a victim of the exploitation of its rich ral resources," Kalosil said.
He then quoted Ortiz Sanz, the UN chief envoy who organized "The Act of Free Choice" in West Papua in 1969 who likened Papua to a cancer that must be eliminated'.
"If the UN special envoy, Mr. Ortiz Sanz has likened Papua to a cancer within the United Nations and his task was to remove it, then from what we have seen is very clear now that this cancer is never eliminated but merely covered up. One day, it will be diagnosed. We should not be afraid if the UN had made mistakes in the past. We must admit our mistakes and correct them." Kalosil said in his speech. (Jubi/Victor Mambor/Tina)
Source: http://tabloidjubi.com/en/?p=1597
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura Tension between the Moni and Dani tribes in Papua continued to flare after police reported that six houses were burned to the ground on Wednesday, a day after Indonesia's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) shot dead two men in Kuala Kencana district.
"The fire was started by Yulius Hanau's faction within the Moni Tribe," Papua Police spokesman Sr. Cmr. Sulistyo Pujo said. "They burned houses owned by the Dani tribe. The clash was inevitable."
Sulistyo said police personnel and Indonesian soldiers had secured the location. "We put the police and the army on standby," Sulistyo said. "They also separated the two tribes and built posts on both parties' areas to avoid further clashes."
The increased friction between the tribes began a month ago over a land dispute. Seven people have died since then, including Elpinus Magal and Joen Wandagau, two Moni men shot dead by police on Tuesday.
The shooting was still under investigation, police said. "We're questioning our personnel," Papua Police Chief Inspector General Tito Karnavian said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/tensions-continue-houses-burned-papua-tribal-clash/
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Three more people were killed in communal tribal clashes in Timika, the capital of Mimika regency in Papua, on Tuesday, raising the death toll to seven in the clashes which have taken place since March 4, 2014.
At least 36 other people were injured on Tuesday alone. They were parts of hundreds of people being wounded at the large-scale communal clashes which were sparked by the death of one of the local people.
Two of the three dead victims was believed to have been shot by security officers, when the police were trying to disperse the two groups of battling residents, Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Pudjo Sulistio said in Jayapura on Tuesday evening.
The two dead victims were identified as Joen Wandegau and Ekpinus Togime. Their bodies laid at Mitra Masyarakat Hospital for post-mortem examinations, he said.
It was reported earlier that a group of residents conducted a burning ritual on Tuesday afternoon of the body of Kewen Jawane, who died in clashes in the previous morning.
Members of the Kewen group, angered over the death, then shot arrows in the direction of the other community, who gathered across the bridge. Later, others apparently stormed a post erected by the security personnel on the bridge, which separated the Moni and Dani tribes.
Security personnel dispersed the attacking people, using water cannon and tear gas. Officials said one security officer was injured when struck by an arrow. The law enforcement officers then used force to disperse the crowd.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/12/three-more-people-killed-tribal-clashes-timika.html
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura Two Papuans from the Moni tribe were shot dead by the National Police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) on Tuesday during a clash with police in Jayanti, Timika.
Police claimed the two victims were part of a group that attacked police with arrows. Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comm. Sulistyo Pujo confirmed that police had fired on the group.
"Arrows were flying over toward the barricade," Sulistyo said. "Police then fired gunshots to dismiss the crowd attacking them. One officer, Eka, was shot in the neck and is now in intensive care. Two residents, J.M. and T.M., were found dead after we conducted a sweep of the area."
Sulistyo said that at 6 a.m. local time, Mimika Police went door to door in Jayanti to recover guns and other weapons after tensions between the Dani and Moni tribes had become exacerbated in recent days and threatened to spill over into violence. "The sweep was also to detain the two tribe chiefs," Sulistyo said.
Police seized dozens of bows and arrows, he added, but it was later found that a Moni man had been killed. There was no indication that he was killed by police.
The Moni then fired several arrows toward the rival Dani tribe before turning on police, whom they blamed for the man's death because his weapons had been seized. The police then fired on the Moni.
"After the crowd was finally dispersed, we then found the two people who had been shot," Sulistyo said, adding that their remains have been sent to Timika for autopsies. Sulistyo said police had the situation under control.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/two-papuan-men-killed-brimob-weapons-raid-tribal-row/
West Papua Media team and stringers in Jayapura Several hundred students and civil society members led by the Papuan Student Movement (GEMPAR or "Uproar") holding a peaceful demonstration in Jayapura today were again blockaded by around 200 armed riot Police who imposed a ban on the gathering, after a similar gathering on March 4 drew world attention.
The demonstration was called to show the extent of public opposition to the proposed new Special Autonomy "Plus" (Otsus Plus) legislation due to be imposed on Papua and West Papua provinces later in 2014.
Despite having rights of freedom of expression guaranteed under Special Autonomy legislation, large numbers of Indonesian occupation force Police banned the gathering and prevented students from leaving the Cenderawasih Universtiy (UNCEN) grounds. Scores of police were also on hand at other GEMPAR rallying points, at the new UNCEN gate, the old archway entrance to UNCEN, campus dormitories, and also outside the main Post Office in Abepura.
Police prevented unarmed civil society participants from joining the rally according to witnesses, and blockaded several groups of Papuan civilians across Abepura and Jayapura with scores of riot police in full armour, several ranks of heavily armed Brimob commandos from the Sabhara Perintis and Gegana anti-terror units, including several members of the Australian funded Detachment 88 counter-terror unit, backed up by over a hundred plain clothes armed intelligence agents dispersed throughout the town.
The Jayapura Police Chief, Alfred Papare, had banned the rally due to a highly restrictive set of conditions and threatened to use for against the protesters, however negotiation ensured that the day remain without violence, despite intelligence agents menacing violence. West Papua Media (WPM) stringers reported and photographed several instances where media workers were being filmed and identified by intelligence officers and police.
Jayapura Police chief Papare demonstrated his opposition to democratic rights in Papua by providing a letter that outlined ten reasons for the rally ban, saying:
West Papua Media journalist Nare Yare (pseudonym) reports that despite these bans, students were undeterred and began a several peaceful gathering at the old arch gates of the university at 8.30 in the morning, also gathering outside the student dormitories at Perumnas 3 Housing Complex in Waena. Other participants in the days events began a traditional cultural long march around 0920 to the UNCEN office of Lukas Enembe, Indonesia's appointed Governor in Papua province.
However Police began to confront and blockade the peaceful protesters at 1040am outside Perumnas 3 to prevent the marches from joining up, and about 15 minutes of shield charges, flying wedge attacks, physical pushing and shoving occurred between students and riot police. There were no arrests reported, nor significant injuries at his time.
Later, protesters regrouped and attempted to read out statements at the Governor's office, but police again moved in to prevent the statement criticising Otsus Plus being read in front of the Governors office. Protesters then finished the rally outside Perumnas 3, a site of martyrdom for West Papua youth, after several human rights abuses took place there, including the broad daylight extrajudicial assassination of former KNPB leader Mako Tabuni in 2012 by Detachment 88 officers.
At the archway entrance to UNCEN, Gempar coordinators conducted speeches and street theatre, with a creative theatre of West Papuan students, one by one, stamping into the dust and asphalt a copy of the draft Otsus Plus legislation, shouting "Tolak Otsus Gagal!" ("Reject Special Autonomy Plus!"). This was then symbolically set on fire to finalise its rejection.
Protest coordinator Yason Ngelia said in a speech at Perumnas 3, "we reject Autonomy Plus. Special autonomy has failed, we must determine our own fate. The Special Autonomy Plus draft is prepared not from the desire of the people of Papua, but for the Governor and the interests of bureaucrats. We will keep demonstrating until there is a solution for the fate of Papuans "
The GEMPAR demonstration in its rejection of Otsus Plus demanded three points, namely:
Even during this peaceful reading of the opposition of Papua people to legislation seen as imposed by Jakarta on West Papua, Police still blockaded the road with large numbers growing to more than 300 police, 4 trucks carrying Dalmas Papua Police from Abepura and one from Jayapura, 3 Brimob police Trucks, 1 Armoured assault vehicle, a water cannon, and two commanders vehicles. Also in Old Abe Uncen, 2 trucks Dalmas Police from Jayapura Police Station were attending with several dozen police, and a 25 member Dalmas platoon/section at Expo Waena taxi terminal.
Due to this intimidation and threats of further violence from security forces, organisers cancelled the rally and dispersed just before 2pm local time. Organisers have vowed to renew their attempts to hold a peaceful demonstration on March 12.
West Papua Media will be monitoring.
Banda Aceh Two unidentified men threw a grenade at the Aceh Party office in Lueng Bata district, Banda Aceh, on Tuesday night, injuring a 9-year-old boy and damaging the office's door and shattering window panes.
"We are working on identifying the perpetrators and motive behind the grenade-throwing," Banda Aceh Police chief Sr. Comr. Moffan MK said at the scene.
Witnesses said the grenade, the explosion of which was heard 500 meters away, was thrown by two men on a motorcycle at 8:15 p.m.
The Aceh Party is a local party that was set up by former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) after the Helsinki peace agreement between GAM and Indonesia was signed in 2005.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/13/grenade-thrown-aceh-party-office.html
The Act of Killing, the acclaimed documentary about the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of communists and leftists in Indonesia, did not win favour in Hollywood. The systematic, activist-oriented promotion of the documentary, however, has helped it impact public discussion of the mass killings of 1965, writes Max Lane.
A single film by itself could never overthrow half a century of indoctrination, but it has due to the guerrilla activism that has got it around the traps in Indonesia punctured the ruling hegemony.
Activities and processes aimed at exposing the mass killings and repression embodied in the scores of Indonesian and foreign books, articles and independent video documentaries about what happened in 1965 have received an important boost.
It is worth reflecting on why The Act of Killing has reached a wider audience, either directly through viewing or through public discussion, than previous films. Films like Chris Hilton's Shadow Play and Rob Lemelson's 40 Years of Silence, for example, were both excellent films, exposing that reality.
Danial Indrakusuma's prize-winning Kado Untuk Rakyat was also excellent and one of the most informative. John Pilger's powerful New Rulers of the World, while not focusing on 1965, also made sure the truth was exposed. The Act of Killing's ultimate political strength and, I think, the reason for it rapidly winning a profile, is that it contains something that no other work has contained, as far as I am aware.
It contains a confession. Indeed, the film is a series of confessions by Anwar Congo, his mates and his patrons, that they carried out the brutal and bloody murder of communists and leftists. In contemporary society a confession is always a thousand times more powerful and convincing than the testimonies of victims, especially where there are no "neutral" witnesses.
In many criminal jurisdictions, when an accused criminal confesses to a crime, a trial is not deemed necessary. The court will just hand down a sentence. Unlike victims' testimonies, confessions also have an aura of indisputable authenticity. Why would anybody confess to such crimes, if they did not in fact commit them?
These confessions are an important victory for the victims as well. Any suspicions anybody had that they may have been exaggerating their sufferings are dispelled. It was probably worse than they have told us.
The confessions in this case are shocking in at least three ways. First, they are confessions told with no sense of shame or guilt and indeed with a sick pleasure in the re-enactment of blood-thirsty actions. It is only as a result of the film makers' prodding that minuscule inklings of guilt occasionally surface, and even then they are insignificant, resulting in no behavioural change at all. This is shocking for many viewers in that what is considered normal morality is doubly violated: no shame, but rather relishing the sadism.
A second way the confession is shocking is that as far as we know, it has been the only confession (or the only one to obtain any profile) in 50 years. In the aftermath of the release of the film, some Indonesian media sought out other confessions which had brief media coverage.
Nobody has regrets; no moral dilemmas were experienced by anybody over a 50-year period. Some commentators point to a moral void or numbness that the loneliness of this confession seems to reveal. It is probably true that there is numbness, but one must be wary of extrapolating that moral failing beyond the ruling elite and its servants.
The third shocking aspect of the confession was the way it was obtained. The film makers' offer to help Congo and his gang make a film re-enacting what they did was entrapment. The film makers were not just acting as artists, but as underground agents who went behind enemy lines to get the information they needed.
Given the society that 1965 created, with its rigid ruler-ruled power structure, getting confessions would need undercover work. But this means again, that these entrapped confessions were not admissions of wrongdoing; rather, they were mad boasts.
Many perhaps even the vast majority of Indonesia's 240 million people don't know the true history of this period. This may even be true for many of the descendants of those who were killed and tortured. There has been systematic and deep indoctrination for 50 years through the schools, mosques, churches and media 100 percent backed by the state and the combined authority of the country's intellectual and political leadership.
For most of the 200 million people living in small and medium-sized towns, the truth of 1965 is still beyond their grasp. As more books, films and reports circulate, this ignorance is being eroded, especially as high school teachers become more critical. But the task is big.
There is very little that is moving in this film. The scene where Suryono, whose parents were killed in 1965, must help Congo and his gang re-enact their brutality is the one deeply emotional scene. The final scene where Congo retches is insignificant, and hardly meaningful given the scale and horror of his crimes.
But what hits you at the end of the film is very moving. As the credits roll down the screen, there's a long list of credits for "Anonymous" all the Indonesians involved in making the film. The puncturing of the hegemony in Indonesia, the successful foray onto the international stage, would not have been possible without "Anonymous". It is moving because anonymity is still necessary. It is inspiring because being anonymous hasn't stopped them.
Viva "Anonymous"!
Source: http://redflag.org.au/article/documenting-indonesian-purges
International Women's Day 2014
Agus Setyadi, Banda Aceh As many as 355 cases of violence against women occurred in 2013, one hundred and forty-three of which were cases of sexual violence.
This information was revealed by the Aceh Women's Movement (GPA) during a protest at the Simpang Lima traffic circle in the Acehnese provincial capital of Banda Aceh. The action, which was joined by scores of Acehnese women, was held to commemorate International Women's Day on March 8.
Action coordinator Destika Gilang Lestari said that the number of cases of sexual violence against women in Aceh has risen drastically compared with two years ago, when there were only 27 cases. In 2013 there were 143 cases of sexual violence, seventy of which were cases of sexual valence against young girls.
Nationally meanwhile, said Lestari, data complied by the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) for 2012 found 4,336 cases of sexual violence against women. "This number is represents just the tip of the iceberg that is only seen from the surface, where [the number of] cases not reported is certainly higher", said Lestari on Saturday March 8.
According to Lestari, this is occurring because victims are reluctant to report cases and choose to remain silent because they are afraid of the impact upon themselves if the case is exposed publically. "This tendency has been increasing year by year, while various kinds of services and protections that should be provided to victims are not being fulfilled by the government", said Lestari.
During the action that began at around 4.30pm local time, the GPA urged the government to enact policies that can provide protection to and accommodate the needs of women victims of violence, specifically sexual violence. They also called on law enforcers to hand down maximum sentences to perpetrators of sexual violence.
"We are also asking the Aceh government to provide integrated service facilities in order to provide legal protection to women and children victims of sexual [violence] to fulfill their rights as victims", she said. (bpn/bpn)
Sasmito Madrim, Jakarta Hundreds of people demonstrated in the vicinity of the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta to commemorate International Women's Day today on Saturday March 8.
Action coordinator Mirah Sumirat said that they wanted to use the action to convey several demands to the government. One of these, she said, was an end to violence and discrimination against women workers and children.
"There are several issues that we want to convey in relation to International Women's Day. The first the elimination of discrimination against women workers and children. Then the second is raising the minimum wage by as much as 30 percent. Then we are also demanding the abolition of Article 21 of the Personal Income Tax Assessment for women workers, because male workers can claim deductions for their spouses but why can't women workers", said Sumirat at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle.
Sumirat added that the other issue that they want to highlight is violence against domestic workers, most of which are women. For example the violence experienced by PRT [domestic workers] in Bogor, West Java and Serpong in Tangerang that occurred not long ago.
Source: http://www.portalkbr.com/berita/nasional/3161969_4202.html
Ivan Aditya, Yogya Scores of demonstrators from the Central Java and Yogyakarta Province Advocacy Circle for Women (Link-AP) held an action to commemorate International Women's Day (IWD) at the Yogyakarta Monument on Saturday March 8.
"To this day case of violence against women still occur frequently and the handling of cases is still not maximal. Certainly there are laws that regulate acts of violence against women and children under the age of 18 but for cases involving adult women these are still often ignored and deemed to be an issue of mutual consent", said action coordinator Maria Suci during a break in the action.
In 2012 there were 303 recorded cases of violence against women in Yogyakarta and 326 cases in 2013. The action also sought to promote women legislative candidates in the 2014 elections who will be able pay attention to and struggle for women's rights.
Source: http://krjogja.com/read/207650/aktivis-peringati-hari-perempuan-sedunia.kr
Jakarta Violence against women has been dramatically on the rise in Jakarta and its surrounding areas, and most cases have involved the victims' inner circle or those close to them.
In the observance of International Women's Day on Saturday, the Legal Aid Foundation of the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice (LBH APIK) expressed its deep concern over the 51.6 percent increase in violence against women to 992 cases in 2013 from 654 cases in 2012 and 700 cases in 2011.
Rinto Tri Hasworo, a legal service coordinator for the LBH APIK said that out of the 992 cases, 326 cases were directly handled by the LBH APIK and that 84.66 percent of perpetrators were those who were close to the victims.
"Most of the perpetrators were either husbands or boyfriends," he said. "Such findings were really alarming as the perpetrators were supposed to protect the victims," he added.
Rinto said that the reality was aggravated by the preference of police to seek consensus between conflicting sides. "That's why the police have often asked for additional witnesses in the cases although they know it is almost impossible to get witnesses to testify," he said.
LBH APIK executive director Ratna Batara Munti called on the government to create a special law on violence committed by those who have close ties with their victims.
According to her, as in the 2004 Domestic Violence Eradication Law (UU PKDRT), relations between couples with unregistered marriages, lovers as well as friends, should be regulated and that people found guilty of exerting violence against someone close to them should be harshly punished.
Ratna cited the rape case involving poet Sitok Srengenge and the recent murder of Ade Sara Angelina Suroto allegedly by her ex-boyfriend and his current girlfriend as examples for why the special law was needed.
"Developed countries such as the United States have laws that regulate provisions about violent acts committed by people with close ties with the victims," she said.
Ratna said that the LBH APIK had also called on the government and the House of Representatives to integrate the UU PKDRT into religious institutions and endorse the bill on gender equality and justice (RUU KKG).
"We have been approaching female migrant-worker communities, domestic helpers and urban housewives to raise awareness on the importance of eradicating violence against women. We have also approached religious institutions and media to campaign for the protection of women as well as stop violence against them," he said.
Rianto said that incidents of violence involving public officials, soldiers and police personnel were also much more difficult to handle due to bureaucracy.
"Public officials usually have power to muffle cases implicating them," he said, adding that apparatus personnel, especially the Indonesian Military (TNI), were difficult to prosecute because they had their own justice system.
Ninik Rahayu, a commissioner from The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) said that the government should set up an open justice system so TNI members and police involved in domestic violence and other forms of violence against women could be brought to justice. All citizens should be equal before the law, Ninik said. (ask)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/10/violence-against-women-rise.html
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) called on the government to better protect women, arguing that gender-based violence had become all too prevalent.
Based on recent data from the commission, there were 279,760 cases of violence against women in the archipelago throughout 2013, up by 29.4 percent compared to 216,156 cases in the previous year.
There were 275,004 cases in the personal or domestic sphere such as in romantic or intimate relationships, an employer-domestic worker setting and within the family group.
In addition, the data showed that victims ranged in age from infants to the elderly. Victims also spanned social groups including the disabled, migrant workers, transgender and student.
Ninety four percent of the data in 2013 was compiled from religious courts nationwide and the remaining 6 percent from 195 public services institutions like the National Police Women and Children's Protection Units (UPPA), civil organizations, hospitals and Community Service Center for the Protection of Women and Children (P2TP2A). "We need a comprehensive policy that covers prevention, punishment and rehabilitation.
The prevention mechanism should be implemented by state and public institutions by adhering to human rights and ensuring the recruitment, promotion and supervision systems are not gender biased," commissioner Sri Nurherwati said in Jakarta on Friday.
Sri said that by having such a system violence could be reduced in the long term as it would create a more conducive environment for women to live and flourish.
Komnas Perempuan chairperson Yuniyanti Chuzaifah said that violations of women's rights should be included in the 2015-2019's RPJMN (the National Mid Term Development Plan) otherwise physical, sexual, psychological and economic abuse of women would continue.
"Protection of women is an urgent issue in our country, especially since women can suffer violence regardless of education, age and profession. We need a systemic protection mechanism because when a woman experiences abuse, it will reduce her productivity and in some cases like rape, the impact will stay forever," Yuniyanti said.
She said that there was a real land urgent need for a law on sexual violence to better resolve sexual abuse cases.
According to data from the commission, in the public or community sphere 56 percent of 4,679 cases were sexual abuse such as rape and molestation.
Moreover, the commission said there was a rising number of discriminative bylaws. The commission recorded 342 discriminative bylaws up to the end of 2013, up from 154 in 2009, which controlled women's bodies, their profession and their legal certainty, among others.
The bylaws were implemented in 141 regencies and cities across 30 provinces. Such bylaws actually contradict the UN convention on the elimination of discrimination against women (CEDAW), which the government adopted in 1984.
"This figure is just the tip of the iceberg because we have not collected data from every city and regency in Indonesia. Thus, we want the government to take women's issues seriously right now," she continued.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/08/violence-against-women-rise.html
Freedom of speech & expression
Yunantyo Adi S Tan Malaka, a deceased former leader of the Indonesian Communist Party, was declared a national hero in 1963. But an uproar last month in Semarang, a city on the north coast of Java, shows that he is still controversial.
The Semarang Community of History Makers and Grobak Hysteria art gallery organised a discussion of a recent biography, Tan Malaka, the Left and the Indonesian Revolution, penned by Harry Poeze.
The event was to take place at Grobak's office in the south-west of the city, but security concerns forced a change of venue to Diponegoro University, about 10 kilometres away on the city's southern outskirts.
The arrival of police to guard every entrance at Grobak's raised tensions. Police informed us that conditions were "not conducive" to the book discussion; hostile forces were threatening a demonstration. By this time, we had heard that local and national television were on the way.
The tensions over our book seminar began days earlier, when we heard from the police that two organisations had registered objections. These were Pancasila Youth, an organisation close to the former Suharto regime, and the Islamic Defenders' Front, the most prominent fundamentalist group.
I had confronted the two groups, a daunting experience, and convinced them to withdraw their complaints. But the police now told me that each time a group withdrew complaints, some other group would lodge its own.
The tensions were heightened by the fact that alleged ex-communists now out of jail were to join the discussion. Sure enough, the demonstration occurred. It involved dozens of people. We looked them over; they seemed to be street people, and may have been paid to demonstrate.
There was a unique sort of discussion. The demonstrators claimed to acknowledge Tan Malaka as a national hero. But they rejected his communist stance, which they associated with the uprising in Madiun and the 1965 coup.
The discussion was pointless, their leader said, because we could read the same comments on the internet. Harry Poeze, meanwhile, was caught in a traffic jam en route to Semarang.
Despite desperately short notice, an astonishing 400 people came to the rescheduled discussion, including leading members of local government and national TV. Harry Poeze made it on time also.
Source: http://redflag.org.au/article/fighting-intellectual-freedom-indonesia
Jakarta The General Elections Commission (KPU) on Saturday disqualified a group of Regional Legislative Council (DPD) candidates, and in some cases entire parties, for late or nonexistent campaign finance transparency paperwork submissions. The banned parties and candidates have been barred from participation in the April 9 general elections.
"We [disqualified political parties] in 39 districts and cities, and DPD candidates in 17 provinces," KPU commissioner Ferry Kurnia Riskiyansyah said on Saturday, as quoted by news portal Tribunnews.com.
He declined to say which races would be affected or which parties and candidates had been banned. He said that all campaign finance paperwork was due on Match 2 and the banned parties and candidates failed to submit by that date.
"We made the decisions based on these two factors: If they did not submit, [and if] they did not have good intentions," Ferry said.
The submission of the paperwork was required under the 2012 Law on General Elections. Those who received sanction can file appeals to the Elections Supervisory Body (Bawaslu).
Earlier this week, KPU chief Husni Kamil Manik said that the commission would eventually release the names of the candidates and parties that failed to submit transparency paperwork, as well as the content of all proper submissions. "We will announce all important documents that show campaign funding so that the people know," he said. "Let the people be the judge."
The KPU on Saturday organized a "Campaign Integrity Declaration" across the country, meant to help ensure fair elections. "The objective was to remind election participants to campaign according to regulations and within the official campaign period," Husni said.
Anastasia Winanti Riesardy The Golkar Party accounted for the highest number of campaign advertisements in the media from March 1-11, despite the official campaign period only beginning on Sunday, a watchdog said.
Idy Muzayyad, a member of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), the government's media watchdog, said on Friday that his office, working with the General Elections Commission (KPU) and the Elections Supervisory Body (Bawaslu), had counted more than a thousand political ads on TV during the 11-day period.
"We found at least 487 ads for Golkar and 378 for NasDem," Idy said, referring to the National Democrat Party.
The party with the next highest number of ads was the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) with 305, followed by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) with 273, the National Awakening Party (PKB) with 90, and the People's Conscience Party with 80 ads.
The National Mandate Party (PAN) had 67 ads, while the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI) had 42, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) had nine and the Democratic Party had eight.
Idy said the ads had appeared on all 11 free-to-air TV stations with nationwide coverage, including TVOne and ANTV, part of the business empire of Golkar chairman and presidential candidate Aburizal Bakrie, and Metro TV, which is owned by NasDem chairman Surya Paloh.
The station carrying the most ads was TransTV with 306, followed by 291 on RCTI, 239 on TVOne and 220 on Metro.
The other stations were SCTV with 172 ads, Indosiar (194), ANTV (184), Trans7 (139), MNCTV (137), Global TV (133) and state-run TVRI with seven ads.
"The ads in question showed either the party logo, its number on the ballot, its slogan or a key party figure," Idy said, noting that broadcasting any of these prior to the March 16-April 5 official campaign period was an electoral violation.
Daniel Zuchron, a Bawaslu official, said his office would work closely with the KPI and KPU to address the violations. "The parties must know that administrative and criminal violations of electoral law will be acted on," he said. He declined to say what sanctions, if any, the offending parties would face.
Observers had long predicted that television stations whose owners had political interests would be used as platforms for the respective parties.
These include TVOne, ANTV and Metro TV, as well as the MNC Group, Indonesia's biggest media company, which owns RCTI, MNCTV and Global TV. MNC's chief is Hary Tanoesoedibjo, the vice presidential candidate from Hanura.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/watchdog-flags-political-tv-ads/
Jakarta Gerindra Party chairman Suhardi said his party still believed in its presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto despite the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) decision to name popular Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as its candidate.
"The Jokowi candidacy doesn't bother us as we still have confidence in our own candidate. We believe that Prabowo has won the people's heart," Suhardi said as quoted by tempo.co on Saturday.
He said potential voters were looking for a candidate with the capability to tackle the country's problems and they had seen it in Prabowo. He added unlike those surveys favoring Jokowi, the party had conducted a series of internal surveys that put Prabowo ranked first.
PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri named Jokowi as the party's presidential candidate on Friday. According to many political surveys, if Jokowi were not in the race, Prabowo would win the presidency.(idb/dic)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/15/gerindra-prabowo-better-jokowi.html
Jakarta The country's main opposition party has tagged Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate for the July 9 election, in a surprise announcement on Friday that brings an end to months of speculation over whether party chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri would seek another stab at the presidency.
The announcement by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) was widely welcomed, with analysts saying Joko had cleared the biggest hurdle on the path to the presidency.
The PDI-P made the announcement at 2:42 p.m. on its official Twitter account, @PDI_Perjuangan, saying: "Megawati Soekarnoputri has officially mandated Jokowi as the 2014 presidential candidate."
The governor spoke with reporters during an during an impromptu visit to Marunda, North Jakarta, saying he was prepared to run in the presidential race. "I have been given the blessing of PDI-P chairwoman Megawati to be a presidential candidate. In God's name, I am ready."
Later in the day, Puan Maharani, a senior PDI-P official and Megawati's daughter, confirmed that her mother had ordered all party members to support Joko's bid, and had issued a similar call to all voters.
Tjahjo Kumolo, the PDI-P's secretary general, said Megawati had made the decision to nominate Joko on Thursday evening, after concluding that he was the best choice for moving the country forward.
Sure win Analysts have said that getting the PDI-P's nomination was the biggest challenge for Joko if he sought to run for president. "Now that he's got the nomination, I think he will win the presidency," said Muhammad Qodari, executive director of pollster IndoBarometer.
IndoBarometer's latest survey conducted earlier this month showed Joko as the frontrunner with more than 30 percent of votes, followed by Prabowo Subianto, the founder and chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), a distant second with less than 16 percent.
Business tycon and Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie was in third place with 11.8 percent. "Making the announcement before the legislative elections will make the PDI-P's electability the highest among all the parties," said Wawan Ichwanudin, a political science lecturer at the University of Indonesia.
The outcome of the April 9 legislative election is critical for parties eyeing the July 9 presidential ballot. In order to be eligible to nominate a candidate, a party must win of 25 percent of the vote in the legislative election or 20 percent of seats at the House of Representatives.
Parties falling short of this threshold will have to form coalitions with other parties to make up the numbers. Polls show that the PDI-P would get a sizeable boost in votes in the April ballot if it announced Joko's candidacy before the legislative election.
The popular reaction to the announcement has also been largely positive, with Jokowi, the governor's popular nickname, becoming a worldwide trending topic on Twitter as millions expressed their support for him to become president.
Rival politicians were among those offering their congratulations. Luhut Panjaitan, a Golkar stalwart, praised Megawati for nominating Joko, saying that the decision was "historic for Indonesia."
"Mega has made an extraordinary and historic decision as the country needs a pro-people leader," said Luhut, Golkar's deputy chief patron. "It's a decision from an honest leader to make Indonesia better."
From within the PDI-P, longtime Megawati confidant Sabam Sirait joked that Joko would have to take good care of himself, in a jibe at the governor's skinny frame. "We've asked him not to be too tiny. Indonesia need him to stay healthy," Sabam said.
Following the announcement, speculation mounted about who the PDI-P would choose to be Joko's running mate, with officials from other parties hinting that they might want to hitch their wagon to the PDI-P's in order to get the number two slot on the presidential ticket.
Bima Arya Sugiarto, a senior politician with the National Mandate Party (PAN), said the PDI-P had made a "beautiful breakthrough." He said the presidential election would be a three-horse race between Joko, Prabowo and Aburizal.
"I urge the PAN to quickly decide what we will do because the political constellation has changed totally," Bima said. "The option is we can join the PDI-P or form a coalition with Gerindra and Prabowo," he added.
PAN has declared its chairman, Hatta Rajasa, who is also the current chief economics minister, as its presidential candidate.
Jusuf Kalla, the former vice president and a Golkar stalwart, expressed his willingness to become Joko's running mate if asked by the PDI-P. "I won't refuse. If it is for the nation, we should be ready," he said.
However, Idrus Marham, Golkar's secretary general, insisted that the party would not join the PDI-P in a coalition because it was putting all its support behind Aburizal's presidential bid. "The PDI-P has a presidential candidate, and we also have our own candidate. So how do we form a coalition?" he said.
He said Golkar had no trepidation about the impact of Friday's announcement. "We decided on our own candidate two years ago. We are prepared. The challenge is how we can convinced people to vote for us," Idrus said.
But with Kalla a far more popular figure than Aburial both within Golkar and with the political establishment and general public throwing his weight behind Joko, analysts are predicting a loss of votes for Golkar in the legislative election, which in turn will affect its ability to nominate Aburizal for the presidential ballot.
"Golkar will lose part of its voters because many are still loyal to Kalla. It will also threaten Aburizal's chance," said Ubedillah Badrun, executive director of the Center for Social and Political Studies.
Kalla has also gained support from the National Awakening Party (PKB) to team up with Joko, with the party lobbying the PDI-P to form a coalition even before the legislative election. Marwan Ja'far, the PKB deputy chairman, said his party and the PDI-P had "communicated intensively" for a Joko-Kalla ticket in July.
Maruarar Sirait, a veteran PDI-P official, said his party would need time to decide who would run with Joko. "We want to be careful to pick the running mate because we don't him or her to be a liability," he said.
Gerindra, meanwhile, said Joko's nomination would not affect Prabowo's popularity. "According to our own survey, Prabowo's electability continues to increase across the country," said Suhardi, the Gerindra chairman. He expressed confidence that Prabowo could defeat Joko in the election.
However, Qodari from IndoBarometer said that with Joko now in contention, Prabowo's chances had diminished. "Surveys have consistently indicated that Prabowo will not win the presidency if Joko runs," he said.
The Democratic Party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, which is holding a big-tent convention to choose its own candidate, also said it was ready to face off against Joko.
"We have prepared a strategy to face Joko's nomination. Our candidates at the convention have been ready to challenge Joko, Prabowo or Aburizal," said Andi Nurpati, a Democrat deputy secretary general.
Jakarta Deputy Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, from Prabowo's Gerindra, also voiced his support for Joko's candidacy, saying that his boss could help make the country better. "I will support whoever wants to fix the country and has a good track record," he said.
Under the law, Basuki will automatically become the governor until his term ends if Joko is elected president. Joko will be required to take leave of office to campaign.
Basuki said that in anticipation of Joko winning the election, he had proposed Rieke Dyah Pitaloka, a PDI-P legislator, as a suitable deputy governor once he become governor. He said that he and Rieke had worked well before in the House.
Rieke said separately that she and Basuki were old friends. "I was on his campaign team when he ran for governor of Bangka-Belitung," she said, adding that she and Basuki then met again at the House and had worked together since.
"We we've discussed many issues. While we have different opinions on several issues, we share a common stance on many other issues," she said. Rieke last year ran in the West Java gubernatorial election but lost.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/joko-widodo-candidacy-historic-decision/
Ina Parlina and Imanuddin Razak, Jakarta With the much-anticipated official nomination by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) of Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as its presidential candidate, the electorate's attention has now shifted to the next logical question: Who will be Jokowi's running mate?
PDI-P secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo, however, was quick to respond by suggesting that the party had not yet reached the point of deliberating that particular issue.
"The PDI-P has not yet determined its criteria, nor who the potential running mates for Jokowi might be," Tjahjo told journalists at the Party's headquarters in the southern part of the capital on Friday.
Previously, however, his deputy, Hasto Kristiyanto, had provided hints as to the criteria and the qualities that a PDI-P vice-presidential candidate should have in order to be able to climb aboard the bandwagon.
"Our party's stance is that a president and his or her deputy must be viewed as a united entity. Neither of them can stand on his or her own," Hasto said in a recent interview with Jakarta-based foreign correspondents.
He said the PDI-P had set a number of criteria to be used as guidelines in its effort to net the perfect running mate for the party's presidential candidate.
"A PDI-P vice-presidential candidate must meet a number of our ideological [nationalist] criteria. He or she also must help establish stability in the government until the end of its five-year term," Hasto said. "In this regard, we have taken into consideration a candidate with a military background as a running mate."
Nonetheless, Hasto said, the PDI-P would also seriously consider a candidate who had strong roots or support among the Muslim community.
"Our history records that leaders and members of the Nahdlatul Ulama [NU] and Muhammadiyah fought and had a significant role in the nation's struggle for independence from colonialism. In simple words, the PDI-P wants to give the opportunity to those elements that sweated during the independence struggle to take a place in the government," he said, referring to the country's two largest Muslim organizations.
Hasto, however, shared Tjahjo's belief that the PDI-P had not got around to naming potential candidates yet. "We are now consolidating a number of 'good people' that share the same commitment as us," he said.
Unlike the party's executives, political observers have been quick to suggest possible names that they believe to be a good match for Jokowi.
"The PDI-P should seriously consider former vice president and former Golkar Party chairman Jusuf Kalla to team up with Jokowi. Kalla is a man of action and is a perfect match for Jokowi," political observer Ikrar Nusa Bhakti from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said on Friday.
"Jokowi will need someone who can be a balance for him. The figure who I believe fits is JK [Jusuf Kalla] as he is strong on the economy and has a good approach to dealing with the House of Representatives," he added.
He refuted the idea of a leadership split if Kalla was paired with Jokowi and they won the election. "I believe JK will not intrigue against Jokowi. He will not take credit for his actions," Ikrar said. He also argued that Kalla, a popular and successful businessman from South Sulawesi, could secure the votes of Eastern Indonesia.
Political observer Arie Sudjito of Gadjah Mada University (UGM) was of the same opinion, saying that Kalla was by far the most qualified running mate for Jokowi as he possessed "strong leadership, as well as resources including votes and experience that would contribute to victory if they paired up".
The PDI-P, however, would find it difficult to control Golkar if they teamed up. At the same time, Arie suggested that someone from a military background could also meet Jokowi's requirements in a running mate. "There is no longer the stigma that those coming from the military are poor leaders," he added.
At a separate event, a group of retired generals expressed their preference for a civilian-military leadership for the country. "Results from our nine surveys have shown that a military civilian leadership combination is still desired by the people," the group's leader, Gen. (ret) Luhut Binsar Panjaitan, told a press conference on Friday.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/15/wanted-a-strong-vp-candidate.html
Jakarta Secretary-general of the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Tjahjo Kumolo has announced that former National Police chief Gen. (ret) Da'i Bachtiar has joined the party.
"Besides Da'i, some other retired generals have also committed to joining our party. Most of them are from the police force," Tjahjo said without further elaboration on Thursday as quoted by kompas.com. Some of those generals, he went on, had committed to campaigning for the party during the upcoming campaign season.
Many have warned the PDI-P to be more selective when opening access to former high officials, especially those who were allegedly involved in graft and other cases.
With the general election drawing near, the PDI-P has met with many groups, including other parties and business communities. As many as 60 businesspeople attended a meeting organized by PDI-P at the party's headquarters on Thursday night.(dic)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/14/former-police-chief-da-i-bachtiar-joins-pdi-p.html
Abdul Qowi Bastian & Adelia Anjani Putri, Jakarta Will Indonesia look back on Friday, March 14 as the day the 2014 presidential election was decided?
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) nominated the wildly popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate on Friday, putting to an end months of speculation as to whether party chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri was readying her fourth bid for the highest office in the world's fourth-largest country.
The governor took a break from an impromptu visit to subsidized housing in Marunda, North Jakarta to welcome the news on Friday. He told a crowd of reporters and local residents that he was prepared to mount a campaign for the July election.
"I have been given the blessing of PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri to be a presidential candidate," Joko said before touching his head to the Indonesian flag in a show of respect. "Bismillahirrahmanirahim, I am ready."
The PDI-P made the official announcement on Friday afternoon as Megawati read from a handwritten note at the party's headquarters in Lenteng Agung, South Jakarta. The one-time president made a direct appeal to Indonesian voters, asking them to support Joko in the coming presidential campaign.
"My command is, as the PDI-P chairwoman, to the people of Indonesia who have consciousness for justice and honesty wherever you are: support Bapak Joko Widodo as PDI-P presidential candidate," Megawati read.
She also urged voters to keep a watchful eye for election fraud during this April's hugely important legislative elections. Political observers expect the PDI-P, the country's main opposition party, to receive a boost in the legislative race amid growing discontent with members of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's ruling coalition.
The PDI-P received 14 percent of the popular vote in the 2009 election, securing enough seats to control 19.69 percent of the House of Representatives. But the opposition party will have to convince a sizable percentage of new voters to mount a presidential campaign alone. Political parties need 25 percent of the vote or 20 percent of the House to nominate a presidential candidate without forming a coalition.
Yudhoyono tightened his grip on the House after the 2009 election, forming a six-party coalition that stands opposite the PDI-P. But a series of high-profile graft cases have all but destroyed the Democratic Party's upper echelons and the president has struggled to keep the more unruly members, like the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), in check.
The outcome of April's legislative race will set the tone for the coming election, narrowing the crowded playing field to a few candidates and kick off the official campaign season. With Joko's presidential bid at least partially on the line, Megawati asked her supporters to do whatever they could to ensure a clean election.
"Protect and guard the 2014 legislative elections, especially at polling booths and during tallying of the votes, from any fraud and intimidation," Megawati said. "Strengthen your heart in guarding the democracy in our beloved Republic of Indonesia."
The timing of the announcement, which came after months of silence from both Joko and Megawati, will likely bode well for PDI-P candidates in the legislative elections. The official legislative campaign season begins on Sunday, March 16 giving voters a weekend to digest the news of Joko's run before the PDI-P takes to the streets.
"Making the announcement before the legislative elections will make the PDI-P's electability the highest among all the parties," said Wawan Ichwanudin, a political science lecturer at the University of Indonesia. "But there is still a possibility that Jokowi will lose the race.
"There are still undecided voters and other candidates. To date, Jokowi's electability hasn't surpassed 50 percent, so there is still a chance for any other candidate."
If Joko fails to break the 50 percent threshold in the July election, the race will be decided with a run-off vote between the two most popular candidates. The governor was able to secure his position in Jakarta with a run-off, trouncing incumbent Fauzi Bowo, but a presidential race is an entirely different beast, Wawan warned.
"With less than 50 percent, there would have to be a second round of the election," he explained. "This will give another chance for other candidates to team up against Jokowi and gather their votes. The possibility that this other team might win the race is still a reality."
Joko routinely tops electability polls, but contenders like the Great Indonesia Movement Party's (Gerindra) Prabowo Subianto and the Golkar Party's Aburizal Bakrie are still at his heels. Both men announced their candidacy early in the game and have been making the rounds to drum up support ahead of the campaign season.
Aburizal, a mining and property tycoon, is pushing for a protectionist stance on Indonesia's natural resources and is banking on the emergence of New Order nostalgia to provide a push for the Golkar Party the one-time election machine of Indonesian strongman Suharto.
He has repeatedly gone on the record to say that Joko's candidacy is a non-issue as far as he is concerned. The only real threats, Aburizal said, were Megawati and Prabowo.
Prabowo, the former leader of the nation's feared Kopassus Special Forces, has taken great pains to recast himself as populist leader with a firm grip. His Gerindra party has embarked on an aggressive social media campaign illustrating the party's commitment to anti-corruption and nationalism ahead of the election.
But allegations of human rights offenses, including kidnapping and killings during the chaos that capped off Suharto's reign, could prove to be a substantial hurdle for Prabowo's popularity among the nation's emerging middle class.
Gerindra supported Joko and his running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama in the Jakarta gubernatorial race. But while Basuki has remained loyal to the Gerindra party, Joko was always with the PDI-P.
The pre-election rumor mill has swirled with suggestions of a Joko-Prabowo joint ticket, peaking after Basuki made a Chinese New Year visit to Prabowo's mountain-side compound, but so far any mention of a coalition remain speculation.
One Gerindra official said the party was not concerned with Joko's emergence as a contender in the race. "We have no problem at all," said Habiburohman, the head of advocacy at Gerindra. "We are ready to compete with anyone. Prabowo has his own qualities, so we're welcome to any contenders."
Joko will have to answer for attempting to leave behind his post as the head of Indonesia's chaotic capital less than halfway through his term, Habiburohman said. The governor rode into office on a reform ticket and promised to clean up Jakarta's glacial bureaucracy.
Plans to expand the capital's public transportation system, including the much-delayed construction of a monorail and mass-rapid transit line, have begun in earnest but it will be years before Jakarta residents feel the impact on their daily lives. The governor has, in the past, promised that his attentions were on the capital, not Merdeka Palace, but Friday's announcement has cemented Joko's ambitions for higher office.
"How people see it, his unfinished responsibility in Jakarta and his commitment will be a question that Jokowi has to eventually answer," Habiburohman said. "It's his business, not ours."
Jakarta's deputy governor suggested Joko take a leave of absence during the campaign season instead of vacating his office. There was still a mountain of work to be done in the capital that needed Joko's attention, Basuki said.
"All this time, the Governor has trusted me to lead meetings," Basuki said. "I can make decisions. Or if there is anything Pak Jokowi wants to say, he can always call me during meetings."
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta-governor-joko-widodo-pegged-pdi-p-presidential-race/
Kanupriya Kapoor, Jakarta Indonesia's main opposition PDI-P party named Jakarta governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate on Friday, the man widely seen as a shoe-in to be next leader of the world's third-largest democracy.
By choosing him, former president and party chief Megawati Sukarnoputri has also likely given a significant boost to her Indonesian Democratic Party's (PDI-P) chances in the April 9 parliamentary election. The presidential election is on July 9.
She has kept the country on tenterhooks for weeks over whether she would put aside her own ambitions to return to the presidential palace or back the governor, popularly known as Jokowi.
"I got a mandate from the chair of PDI-P Ibu Megawati to become the presidential candidate for the party. In the name of God I'm ready to carry it out," Jokowi told reporters before kissing the red and white national flag.
Two days earlier, he had accompanied Megawati to pray at the grave of her father Sukarno, the country's first president, and taken by many as a sign that Jokowi had clinched the nomination.
Signalling the Sukarno family hold over the PDI-P party, the announcement of Jokowi's candidacy was made by Megawati's daughter.
His nomination comes with huge expectations that he might finally be the leader who can fix Southeast Asia's biggest economy which has repeatedly fallen short of its promise in the face of rampant graft, confusing policy and weak leadership.
"This is excellent news... I'm very hopeful about business sentiment going forward because this also means PDI-P will be very big in parliament and that's going to be a stabilising factor," said Jakob Friis Sorensen, head of EuroCham in Jakarta. The main Jakarta stock index rose more than 3 percent after the announcement.
"Jokowi's nomination will be a big boost to confidence and markets. His achievement in Solo (a city where he was previously mayor) speaks for itself, where he improved services and revenue. He is seen as pragmatic and clean," said Hak Bin Chua, economist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch in Singapore.
Opinion polls already predict that the party will win the most seats in April's general election. Parties need to win 20 percent of the seats in parliament or 25 per of the national vote to be allowed to nominate a candidate in the presidential election three months later.
In just over a year as governor of the Indonesian capital, he has won widespread national popularity for his straightforward style. Though his appeal cuts across social classes, he has won particularly strong following among the poor and fast emerging middle class.
In what would only be Indonesia's third direct presidential election, Jokowi represents a new generation of hands-on leaders in the world's largest Muslim population.
He has a huge lead in polls over more old-style rivals like former general Prabowo Subianto and tycoon Aburizal Bakrie in the race to the presidential palace in the capital.
He swept to national prominence after winning the Jakarta gubernatorial election in late 2012. His popularity has since skyrocketed, with almost daily media coverage of his "blusukan" or spontaneous trips to the city's low-income neighbourhoods.
The slightly built Jokowi, 52, grew up in a riverbank slum in the central Javanese town of Surakarta, also known as Solo, and went on to own a small furniture business before becoming mayor of his city.
He has struck a chord with the average Indonesian voter. A victory for the rags-to-riches governor would mark a significant departure from the political norm in Indonesia, which has only ever seen the rule of members of the military and established political elite.
Indonesia spent its first half a century of independence under autocratic rule which finally came to an end amid social and financial chaos in 1998.
The focus will now likely shift to who PDI-P will pick as Jokowi's running mate. It has a large array to pick from but some in his party are looking to widely respected ex-vice president Jusuf Kalla.
But one economist warned that the excitement might be overdone, noting that PDI-P was not known as pro-market. "He is a new breed of politician for Indonesia, and that freshness I can understand," wrote Robert Prior- Wandesforde, an economist at Credit Suisse in Singapore.
"But if (we) delve deeper, it seems to me that some caution is warranted, in the sense that I don't see him coming in and revolutionizing the macro- economic performance of the economy, introducing all sorts of business and market friendly, centre-right type economic policies."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta A number of political analysts are advising that the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle ignore the flood of polls favoring Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo as its presidential candidate, and bide its time in making its nomination. Their comments come as a senior official in the party suggests the nomination is a done deal.
Siti Zuhro, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said that despite the hype surrounding Joko's potential candidacy and numerous surveys naming his the clear favorite, the party known as the PDI-P should not rush to declare its candidate just yet.
She said the PDI-P's decision to wait until after the April 9 legislative election to declare its candidate was a strategic one that could have been taken to minimize the potential for a smear campaign.
Hendardi, chairman of the Setara Institute, a think tank that advocates religious and democratic freedom, echoed the sentiment, saying that declaring Joko's candidacy before the legislative election might harm his chances.
He said that if the announcement was made too soon, it would give time to Joko's political opponents to track down his weaknesses and use them against him, especially because the governor has been under a lot of scrutiny over controversial policies in the capital since taking over City Hall in 2012. "Even without declaring Joko as its presidential candidate, the PDI-P's and Joko's electability keep increasing," he said.
However, Andrinof A. Chaniago, executive director of Cirus Surveyors Group, a pollster, said the question of Joko's nomination may have a great impact on voter turnout in the legislative polls, which in turn would determine whether the PDI-P would qualify to nominate a candidate for the July 9 presidential poll.
Andrinof said that if Joko was not nominated before the legislative election, the PDI-P might lose votes to other parties. He added the number of people who were currently likely not to vote stood at 1.8 percent of total registered voters, but without Joko in the polls, this number may increase up to 6.8 percent.
A survey by the Political Communication Institute (Polcomm), another pollster, showed that despite being a popular potential candidate, Joko would be a poor pick as a vice presidential candidate.
While the PDI-P continues to play its cards close to its chest, a senior party official claimed that it was edging toward officially nominating Joko. Komaruddin Watubun, a member of the party's central leadership board, said the idea to nominate Joko over party chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri was already "out in the open."
He said Joko's candidacy would likely to be announced before the legislative election, which goes against repeated statements by party officials including Megawati that the PDI-P's presidential ticket will only be announced after the legislative vote count had been finalized.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/jakarta/delayed-nomination-gives-joko-edge-analysts-say/
Margareth S. Aritonang and Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri and Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo visited the tomb of the country's first president, Sukarno, in Blitar, East Java, on Wednesday, a move seen by many as a signal the party leader had given her "blessing" to Jokowi's nomination as the party's presidential candidate.
Megawati was earlier scheduled to deliver a speech at a gathering of hundreds of village heads from all over the country to brief them on the implementation of the newly endorsed Village Law in Bogor, West Java.
She did not show at the event, and it was later revealed she had left the city at midnight with Jokowi to pray at Sukarno's grave.
Party executive Komaruddin Watubun confirmed Megawati had traveled to Blitar with Jokowi and that he had been assigned to replace the party's chair to deliver a speech.
"I can't disclose such a confidential matter. But I was told [to take her place in this gathering] at the last minute, meaning the visit [to Blitar] was really important," Komaruddin said.
Later in the day, Megawati and her entourage arrived in Blitar at around 10 a.m. with Jokowi at her side. After wrapping up the visit to the grave, Jokowi joined Megawati for lunch at a hotel in Malang, shortly before departing for Jakarta.
Neither Megawati nor Jokowi issued a statement during the journey and only smiled when reporters asked if the visit had anything to do with Jokowi's nomination.
Last year, Megawati traveled with Jokowi to a number of cities to introduce him to members of the party, which many saw as a sign that the party chairperson was preparing Jokowi for the country's top job.
PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristiyanto, however, shrugged off such speculation, saying the visit to Sukarno's grave was simply a tradition for the party. "It's a tradition to rekindle the spirit of Sukarno and instill his teachings in our heart as we approach the election," Hasto said.
With the legislative election less than a month away, it looks certain the PDI-P will nominate Jokowi as its presidential candidate. Komaruddin said it was only a matter of time before the party announced its decision to nominate Jokowi. He said the party's rank and file were united in their support for Jokowi.
"It's just a matter of time. Politics is about momentum. We're waiting for the right moment to announce it. It's already clear the public and the PDI-P's structural leadership want Jokowi to represent the party in the presidential election," he said. He also added that Megawati had agreed to endorse Jokowi.
In the lead-up to the legislative election, Jokowi has been very busy, especially on weekends, when he has been expected to campaign for the legislative election for the PDI-P.
Last week, Jokowi visited Aceh, North Sumatra and Riau. "I attended PDI-P events to brief party members," he said on Tuesday. "I don't have to take leave for attending events at weekends," he said.
Jokowi, who would be a formidable opponent in the upcoming presidential election if he receives his party's nomination, has been named one of the PDI-P's national campaigners for the legislative election.
Speculation is rife that Jokowi will be paired with former vice president Jusuf Kalla, one of the most popular candidates for the vice presidential slot.
A source, who wished to remain anonymous and who is familiar with the matter, said that Kalla's team had worked to prevent party chairman Hatta Rajasa from running as vice presidential candidate for Jokowi.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/13/jokowi-nears-pdi-p-nomination.html
Farouk Arnaz & Robertus Wardhy, Jakarta As Indonesia's legislative elections inch closer, more high-ranking officials are requesting time off to stump for their political parties in the lead-up to this important election.
"As of today [Thursday], six ministers have filed for campaign leaves," presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said.
Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa is among those who have requested a leave of absence during the campaign season. Hatta, the chair of the National Mandate Party (PAN), plans to hit the road in the coming month.
Others include Transportation Minister E.E. Mangindaan and Cooperatives Minister Syarief Hasan both of whom are affiliated with the Democratic Party, as well as the Prosperous Justice Party's (PKS) Suswono, Indonesia's minister of Agriculture. Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring and Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Agung Laksono also asked for time off.
State Secretary Sudi Silalahi said that based on the 2013 government regulation dealing with public officials and political campaigns, every minister was only allowed to take two days off a week. He added that ministers must file their request with the State Secretary, who would then deliver the request to the president.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono announced earlier this week that he would be taking a two-day leave to stump for the struggling Democratic Party, supporting his son Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono's bid for regional office. Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam said state affairs would be unaffected by the president's leave.
Yudhoyono will campaign on behalf of his youngest son, popularly known as Ibas, in East Java, covering the constituencies of Magetan, Ngawi, Ponorogo, Trenggalek and the president's seaside hometown of Pacitan.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) announced that the official campaign period would be held from March 16 to April 5, ahead of the April 9 legislative elections.
The National Police, meanwhile, have announced that public events such as gatherings and concerts would be limited in the run-up to the elections. During the open campaign period from March 16 to April 5, permits for events that would potentially draw big crowds will not be given out as frequently.
"Other events unrelated to the elections should wait," National Police intelligence unit chief Insp. Gen. Suparni Parto said on Thursday. Suparni said that not all mass gatherings would be prohibited, but a permit for such an event would only be granted after thorough analysis.
For a soccer match, for instance, a permit would not be granted during the campaign period because the match would potentially invite a large crowd that could potentially turn into a brawl. "But for a badminton competition, which is relatively safe with a limited audience, we could grant a permit," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/government-officials-request-time-campaign-rounds/
Dedy Priatmojo, Syahrul Ansyari Scores of demonstrators from the Alternative Political Committee (KPA) and the People's Liberation Party (PPR) held a demonstration in front of the General Election Commission (KPU) offices in Central Jakarta on Thursday March 13, where they trampled on pictures of political figures including Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo or "Jokowi".
On of the protesters, Surya said that Jokowi does not originate from the movements. He said that the track record of the former mayor of the Central Java city of Solo is problematic because he has failed to provide decent wages to workers.
"Jokowi has only played a role in the administrative and management sector, not in any substantial area", said Surya.
Jokowi, continued Surya, has become popular because all of the current political figures are old establishment figures. Although Jokowi is a new arrival on the national political scene, the demonstrators said that it is not yet clear if he is any good and whether he will work for the ordinary people.
"Jokowi is just a puppet. If he wants to be courageous he should be against foreign [domination of the economy] and give workers decent wages", he exclaimed.
Surya and his colleagues are also critical of the 2014 legislative and presidential elections because they are overly dominated by pro-capitalist issues.
He also criticised several figures and leaders from the political parties, one of which was Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) patron and presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto. "It was with ease that he formed a [political] party yet he has been embroiled in human rights cases", he said. (ren)
Source: http://nasional.news.viva.co.id/news/read/488399-puluhan-demonstran-di-kpu-injak-injak-gambar-jokowi
Yogi Bayu Aji, Jakarta The Political Alternative Committee Alliance (AKPA) held a protest action at the General Election Commission (KPU) offices on Jl. Imam Bonjol in Central Jakarta on Thursday March 13 calling on the public to oppose the 2014 elections.
"What form it should take is up to the people. [Whether they] want to golput [abstain from voting], take to the streets, or go to polling stations but just perforate the ballot paper randomly [invalidate the vote]", said action spokesperson Surya Anta in front of the KPU building.
According to Anta, the elections remain little more than a lot of noise by the old pro-capitalist parties, who steal from the ordinary people and muzzle trade unions. "They're also corruptors and [legislative] candidates who are corruptors. The ordinary people cannot have any expectations in this", he said.
Even Law Number 8/2012 on general elections, continued Anta, needs to be amended because the elections do not favour the essence of democracy. The AKPA believes that this regulation only benefits the interests of the capitalist.
Prior to demonstrating at the KPU, the protesters gave speeches at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta. The AKPA is made up of a number of social movement groups including student organisations and trade unions such as the Solidarity Alliance for Labour Struggle (GSPB), the Indonesian Workers Federation of Struggle (FPBI) and the Progressive Liberation Federation (FPP). (Rrn)
Source: http://news.metrotvnews.com/read/2014/03/13/218655/kpu-didemo-gerakan-lawan-pemilu
Jakarta National deputy coordinator of the People's Voter Education Network (JPPR) Masykuruddin Hafidz urged all Indonesian citizens who are eligible to exercise their right to vote and not become golput or abstainers in the 2014 elections.
He said that abstaining was the same as throwing away the people's money. "The state has spent trillions to prepare for the legislative elections. Not exercising your right is the same as wasting that money, which came from taxpayers," said Masykur in Jakarta on Tuesday.
According to him, the state was [throwing] trillions away if public participation in the elections was low. Masykur argued that increased turnout improved the chances of electing candidates with integrity to take seats in the House of Representatives. He said high turnout reduced the likelihood for candidates with poor track records to be chosen to represent the people.
"The nation's dream of change would best be started by voting in the good people, not by abstaining," he said, as quoted by kompas.com. Masykur added that the public should also acknowledge that preparations for the elections have been relatively smooth, even if there were still shortcomings. (tjs)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/11/non-voters-waste-taxpayers-money-ngo.html
Headlines Activists from a group of NGOs revealed on Sunday the results of their research into the capacity and track record of legislative candidates for the House of Representatives (DPR), the election falls on April 9.
Their conclusions strengthen public sentiment that the next group of legislators, at the national and regional levels, will be no more promising than the outgoing members who are generally perceived as corrupt and incompetent.
Despite the gloomy picture, the activists encouraged voters to use their constitutional rights and urged voters to scrutinize their choices. They also provided information on their websites about the candidates to help voters.
"We need to encourage the public to be more active and to be smarter about voting in order to fulfill our vision and mission. One of the challenges is information accessibility," Lia Toriana of Transparent International Indonesia (TII) told reporters in Jakarta on Sunday.
TII is also conducting research on legislative candidates by analyzing General Elections Commission's (KPU) data, tracking media coverage of candidates and by conducting random interviews in electoral districts to find out whether or not they were deemed electable.
Sekar Ratnaningtyas, also from TII, said that "only 100 out of the 400 legislative candidates that we have monitored are deemed electable".
Sekar said TII's research only focused on legislative candidates under the age of 40 because one of the reasons there were so many undesirable candidates was because there was a large number of incumbents running again for the 2014 election.
Meanwhile, citing the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) Sekar said that around 69.7 percent of the House during the 2009- 2014 period were allegedly corrupt. The Home Ministry also found that 431 provincial council members and 998 municipality council members were implicated in legal issues, including corruption.
To encourage smarter voter participation, TII (checkyourcandidate.org), the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi, pemilu.walhi.or.id) and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras, bersih2014.net) have conducted research on the candidates and displayed the results on their websites.
According to the NGOs' studies, there are a low number of electable legislative candidates. "From our studies, we can see that the quality of candidates is really bad," Khalisa Khalid of Walhi told reporters. According to Walhi, only 7 percent of the candidates for the House that they examined made environmental issues their priority.
Kontras deputy of strategy and mobilization Chrisbiantoro said his organization excluded the Gerindra Party and the Hanura Party, because the founders of the two political parties were closely linked to various human rights abuses during their service in the military. Gerindra was established by Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto, while Hanura was established by Gen. (ret) Wiranto.
Sadar Subagyo, a House member from Gerindra denied Kontras' allegation. "What is much more important now is how to create job opportunities: you cannot just talk about human rights because there are no rights without responsibilities," Sadar commented. (fss)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/10/ngos-help-voters-scrutinize-candidates.html
Jakarta Golkar politician Indra Jaya Pilian said on Sunday that there was no possibility that Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie would run as a vice presidential candidate in the 2014 presidential election.
"Our stance is clear, ARB [Aburizal Bakrie] will be a presidential candidate and under no circumstances will he run for VP," said Indra during a discussion called Who is The Dark Horse 2014, as quoted by Antara.
He admitted that the clear position meant his party was ready to face any outcome in the upcoming election. "The worst scenario would be to lose," he said. However, he said that Golkar would not object if other parties wanted to endorse a Golkar members a vice presidential candidate.
"Golkar will not object it if a party member such as Jusuf Kalla for instance, runs is nominated as another party's VP candidate," he said, adding that if such a situation would occur, then the party member should resign from his/her position in Golkar.
He also believes that Golkar will always be aligned with the party or coalition in power, and will never side with the opposition.
Furthermore, he said that any government would always need backing from Golkar. "Any president would needs Golkar members in their cabinet," he said. (idb/nvn)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/10/aburizal-bakrie-will-not-run-vp-golkar-politician.html
Edzan Rahardjo, Yogyakarta The elections will be held soon on April 9. For various reasons however, there are still many who are expressing their opposition to the five-yearly festival of democracy.
In the Central Java city of Yogyakarta, scores of students held a protest action opposing the 2014 legislative and presidential elections at the Sunan Kalijaga Islamic State University (UIN) campus intersection on Saturday March 8.
During the action they drew graffiti on the roads and campus fence with messages such as "Reject the 2014 elections" and set fire to red-an-white [the colours of the national flag JB] T-shirts with pictures of a ballot box and the words "Reject the 2014 elections" printed on them.
Action coordinator Romel Masykuri said that the presidential candidates that have been nominated all have black records. Some are past human rights violators, others are involved cases of environmental destruction, while others lack the capacity or integrity as leaders.
"We don't trust the current crop of political actors. Don't let the people suffer again, reject the 2014 elections", he said in a speech.
Out of the legislative candidates that come forward, ninety percent are old faces who have been re-nominated. Their poor track records include frequently being absent from parliamentary sessions, producing legislation that sides with foreign interests and so forth.
In addition to this, the General Elections Commission (KPU) as the organiser of the elections is still not ready, with many people not yet registered on the final voter list (DPT), many duplicate names and numerous election violations being committed by the political parties. (rmd/rmd)
Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, Malang A survey in three provinces found that young people's level of understanding of corruption and their willingness to obey the law did not correlate with Shariah, poverty or living in a multicultural society.
A survey by Transparency International Indonesia found that an understanding of corruption in the Shariah-based Aceh province was lowest compared to East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) and East Java.
"It shows that there was no correlation between the implementation of Shariah law, living in one of the poorest provinces, or living in a multicultural society, with the level of understanding of corruption and breaking the law. Young people in these provinces understand what corruption is, and they also have experience in bribing officials," Transparency International Indonesia's youth program coordinator, Lia Toriana, said in a discussion at the secretariat of Malang Corruption Watch (MCW) in Malang, East Java, on Thursday.
A survey conducted between July and December last year found that only 31 percent of respondents in Aceh had a high level of awareness of the negative effects of corruption on society, compared to 54 percent in East Java and 55 percent in NTT.
"Their level of understanding of the bad effects of corruption is a measure of their integrity, which means no lying, no cheating," Lia said. She said even though the respondents claimed to be aware that corruption was wrong, most of them have committed bribery or cheated someone before.
Most of the corrupt practices they had committed, were related to police, getting a job, getting business permits or passing a school examination. A small number of them admitted to having bribed officials at community health centers or hospitals to get quick and better service.
"Eighty-six percent of the respondents in Banda Aceh have bribed police when they got a ticket [for a traffic violation], while 87 percent in East Java and 83 percent in NTT had done similar," she said.
Lia said Islamic law imposed in Aceh placed more emphasis on morality and the bodies of residents.
"Shariah law emphasizes morality and the body. It's not used to fight corruption. Take for instance, the [regulation] that bans women from straddling motorcycles or the cutting off of a thief's hand. They do not apply Shariah to cases of corruption, and instead still use the anticorruption law for corruption cases," Lia said.
The survey involved 2,000 respondents ranging between 15 and 30 years of age in the three provinces. The survey was conducted in those provinces because they were considered to be very different.
Transparency International Indonesia chose Aceh to see the correlation between the level of understanding of corruption with the implementation of Shariah law. NTT was chosen because the World Bank once named it Indonesia's poorest province, while East Java was picked because of the multicultural background of its people.
The survey also showed that respondents trusted the police and military the least, with only 23 percent in Aceh, 44 percent in East Java and 20 percent in NTT saying they did.
"Most of the bribery involved the traffic corps when issuing a fine. We submitted this survey to the police as reference in an attempt to carry out internal reformation," Transparency International Indonesia director Dadang Trisasongko said.
Dadang added that corruption has not only become an inter-regional problem but also an inter-country problem.
"The readiness to commit bribery is the same for young people in villages where the level of access to information and services is lower than for those who live in cities. Many cases of inter-country money laundering, for instance, are from developing countries to developed countries," he said.
Previously, Uchok Sky Khadafi, investigations and advocacy coordinator at the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), said Aceh was the most corrupt province in Sumatra over the past five years with the Supreme Audit Board (BPK) having found budget irregularities in the province of more than Rp 10 trillion ($880 million) in the 2009-2013 period.
"Findings of budget irregularities in the provincial level in Aceh reached Rp 7.4 trillion with 331 cases, while budget irregularities on the district and city level in Aceh reached Rp 2.9 trillion with 2,068 cases," Uchok said.
"The BPK does not normally perform audits on 100 percent of the budget, and the cases represented in the findings constitute only 20 percent. You can imagine if the audit was carried out 100 percent," he said.
Askhalani, coordinator of Aceh's People's Movement Against Corruption (GeRAK), said most of the corruption in the province involved grants and social aid.
He also blamed the rampant corruption in the province on the failure by legislators to properly carry out their supervisory functions. "Some legislators even participated in the corruption, or demanded a fee to be donated to their political parties or for their own interests," he said.
Askhalani said he could not understand the large extent of the corruption in Aceh because the province adopted Shariah law.
In terms of corruption, Aceh is followed by oil-rich province Riau with potential losses of around Rp 708 billion, Jambi (Rp 604 billion), North Sumatra (Rp 565 billion), West Sumatra (Rp 249 billion), Lampung (Rp 108 billion), South Sumatra (Rp 101 billion), Bengkulu (Rp 91 billion) and Bangka Belitung (Rp 27 billion).
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/shariah-lower-corruption-study/
Jakarta A survey commissioned by pollster Political Climatology Institute (LKP) says that the percentage of swing voters, or those who have no allegiance to any presidential candidate, has declined.
As many as 29.1 percent respondents say that they are still unsure of which presidential candidate they are going to vote for during the upcoming election, according to the survey. "The percentage is far lower compared to the previous LKP survey," said LKP CEO Usman Rachman in Jakarta on Thursday, as quoted by Antara.
He said 60.7 percent of respondents surveyed said they were "certain" of the presidential candidate they would to choose while 10.2 percent of respondents said they did not know. "The percentage of voters with a particular allegiance to a presidential candidate has continued to increase as election day nears," Usman said.
The survey also reveals that the percentage of respondents who know which party they will vote for amounted to 56.1 percent. Meanwhile, 26.8 percent of voters say they are likely to change their vote before the election while 17.1 percent respondents said they did not know.
The survey further reveals that Wiranto and Prabowo Soebianto tightly competed in the second and third position with an electability rate of 15.6 percent and 15.4 percent, respectively.
"We asked respondents that if the presidential election were to be held now, who they would vote for. As many as 22.7 percent of respondents said they would vote for Jokowi (Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo), followed by Wiranto 15.6 percent and Prabowo 15.4 percent," said Usman.
In terms of electability, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) ranks at the top of the list with 21.8 percent of the vote, followed by the Golkar Party with 18.1 percent, Hanura 11.3 percent and Gerindra 11.1 percent. (ebf)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/13/percentage-swing-voters-declines-survey-says.html
Jakarta A survey by Cirus Surveyors Group has revealed that Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo will claim victory in the 2014 presidential election with any running mate.
Cirus Surveyors executive director Adrianof Chaniago said on Saturday that based on a simulation, Jokowi would secure the presidential post if the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) endorsed him.
"Even if Jokowi was paired with the weakest vice presidential candidate, he would win the election," said Adrianof as quoted by tribunnews.com
Adrianof said that in the first simulation, Jokowi was paired with leader of the PDI-P faction at the House of Representatives, Puan Maharani. Precisely 38.5 percent of respondents voted for this pair. The second simulation paired Jokowi with former vice president Jusuf Kalla, a pairing which earned 52.8 percent of respondents' votes.
"We also paired Jokowi with Mahfud MD [former chief justice of the Constitutional Court]. The pair was voted for by 47.6 percent of respondents," he said.
Cirus Surveyor also simulated a pairing between Jokowi with Bank Indonesia Governor Agus Martowardojo and Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Radjasa, which secured 43.5 percent and 44.7 percent of the vote, respectively.
The survey was conducted between Feb. 20 and Feb. 26 with 2,200 respondents aged 17 and older in 33 provinces. "The margin error was approximately 2 percent with a 95 percent level of confidence," he said. (idb/nvn)
Jakarta With the April 9 legislative election rapidly approaching, a recently conducted survey has revealed that many people are still unaware of the election.
"As many as 48.23 percent of our respondents knew nothing about the schedule of the upcoming legislative election," Cirus Surveyors Group research director Kadek Dwita Apriani said on Saturday.
She said the survey result had led them to believe that the election had not been properly promoted. She added that throughout last year, people were only informed that the general election would be organized this year without being told the exact date.
"We included this in our list of questions. Therefore when we asked them when the election was 90 percent of them answered that it would be held this year but few of them knew the date," she said on Saturday as quoted by kompas.com.
She said the government still could catch up by empowering the media to tell voters about the exact date. The survey was organized by Cirus and was conducted using multistage random sampling with 2,200 respondents from all 33 provinces across the country. It was conducted from February 20-26 this year.
The confidence level of the survey was deemed to be 95 percent with a margin of error of less than 2 percent. It was co-sponsored by Republika daily newspaper. (tjs/dic)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/08/survey-finds-many-still-unaware-april-9-election.html
Environment & natural disasters
Herman Genie & Tunggadewa Mattangkilang Nearly 50,000 people in Riau province have been suffering from upper respiratory infections due to the worsening forest fires in Sumatra, a official said on Tuesday.
"The thickening haze blanketing Riau is worsening the air quality. The air-pollution index has reached more than 300, which is already considered hazardous and could affect the public's health," spokesman for the National Disaster Mitigation Agency (BNPB) Sutopo Purwo Nugroho, said.
He said more than 41,000 people have been suffering from upper respiratory infections, while many others are suffering from pneumonia.
"This data is obtained from the number of people seeking treatment at the community health centers [Puskesmas] and of course there are many others who prefer not to come to health facilities," Sutopo said.
The BNPB has deployed two Russian helicopters that can carry up to 4,000 liters of water and six smaller helicopters with a capacity of 500 liters to work continuously to douse the flames.
"The police have also arrested some people. There have been 27 cases [of fires] reported and 28 people have been named suspects for the forest fires," Sutopo said, without providing further detail of who had been arrested and what they had been charged with.
The haze has also affected other parts of Indonesia. In Tarakan, East Kalimantan, nearly 2,000 kilometers east of Riau, people have been urged to wear face masks at all times because of thick haze that has blanketed three subdistricts.
Hariyanto, head of Tarakan's Disaster and Mitigation Agency (BPBD), said since Sunday there had been six hotspots that could not be controlled because of a lack of personnel and the large area effected.
"Even if we deployed all our personnel, we would not be able to put out the fires completely because the size of the burning land is so large; we can only hope it will rain tonight while we try our best to extinguish the fires," he said.
Hariyanto said his team still could not figure out the cause of the fires but locals had reported the fires started because of the hot temperatures.
"We haven't figured out where the fires have originated, because for now, our priority is putting them out so it won't spread to nearby residential areas," he said.
"We hope people who wish to develop new land do not just slash and burn, because it will be catastrophically dangerous in a dry season like this, especially when the wind blows strongly," he said.
The local health office recommended that people wear face masks to guard against respiratory diseases.
Indonesian Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan previously said last year's forest fires, which were almost all the result of actions to clear forest areas for planting, eased in July-August, with the arrival of the rainy season.
However, climate change seems to have brought the burning season forward this year, the minister said, with fires and haze in Riau reappearing in February, while other parts of the nation were still hunkered down under heavy rain that in some cases have caused flood disasters.
Riau is home to major palm oil and pulp and paper producers, many belonging to or supplying companies that are household names both in Indonesia and overseas.
Despite forestry laws prohibiting land-clearance by fire, and despite companies operating in those areas pledging zero-burning policies, the fires return every year, because it is such a cheap and fast method to pave the way for new paper-pulp and palm oil plantations.
Local farmers, who have been using slash-and-burn methods for generations, are suspected of lighting some fires to clear small family farming areas.
But they are also suspected of accepting payment to start fires on some company plantations, providing those firms with a screen of plausible deniability in case of prosecution.
Thanks to near-real time data provided by agencies such as NASA, which has satellites taking photos regularly, it is possible to see where the fires are lit, and to determine who stands to benefit from that.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/fires-spread-riau-kalimantan/
Jakarta Observers and experts from various sectors say that Indonesia needs to ratify the UN Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) for long-term health and economic benefits. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has yet to ratify the FCTC, contrary to Health Ministry expectations.
"We need more control over the tobacco industry and to inform the public about the responsible use of tobacco. We cannot let the younger generation fall victim to irresponsible marketing," the assistant to the President's special envoy for the Millennium Development Goals, Diah Saminarsih, told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
National Commission on Tobacco Control chairman Prijo Sidipratomo said the negative economic impacts of the FCTC were exaggerated. He cited the fact that 50 percent of the tobacco used to produce cigarettes in Indonesia was imported.
Indonesia is the only Southeast Asian country not to have ratified the convention.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/12/govt-urged-ratify-antitobacco-convention.html
Bambang Muryanto, Jakarta/Yogyakarta People with disabilities and differently abled people threatened on Wednesday to take legal action against Education and Culture Minister Mohammad Nuh over a discriminatory regulation.
The deputy chairman the Union of Indonesian Disabled People, Mahfud Fasa, said they would sue the minister at the Jakarta State Administrative Court. "The 1945 Constitution and the law on the national education system guarantee the right to education to every citizen, without exception," Mahfud said in a rally in front of the ministry building in Jakarta.
During the demonstration, dozens of disabled people grouped in 10 organizations demanded that the minister repeal a regulation on enrollment to state universities stipulating that applicants should not be deaf, blind, mute, physically disabled or color blind. "We give the minister seven days to respond to our demand or we will take him to court," Mahfud said.
Tigor Hutapea, a Jakarta Legal Aid lawyer, said seven days were enough for the minister to respond to the demand, otherwise he would be declared a hindrance to full access to education.
Separately, 35 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and organizations of people with disabilities sent a letter to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, demanding that the government eliminate discriminative university enrollment requirements.
"The requirements are unconstitutional, violate human rights and are against the principles of the law," said Joni Yulianto, who represented the Alliance of Difable Communities, at the Yogyakarta Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University (UIN) campus on Wednesday.
The protest was in response to the 62 state universities across the country that do not allow people with disabilities to enroll for particular study programs. Joni said that almost 70 percent of the available study programs banned disabled people from enrolling.
"We will report this to the United Nations. We are preparing for a 2014 shadow report for the implementation of the UNCRPD, which Indonesia has ratified," Joni said, referring to the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities.
Joni, who is also director of the Difable Advocacy and Integration Forum (Sigab), added that if the government failed to respond to the demand, it would face a lawsuit.
UIN Sunan Kalijaga declared that it had overlooked all the stipulations that banned people with disabilities from enrolling at the university.
"We held a meeting with the rector and deans and agreed to overlook all the requirements banning difables [differently abled people] from enrolling at UIN Sunan Kalijaga," said UIN lecturer Ro'fah, who is also founder of the university's disabled persons service center.
In Yogyakarta, Gadjah Mada University spokesperson Wiwit Wijayanti similarly said that the university was deliberating requirements for students with disabilities. She said the review was expected to be completed by the end of this week.
"Not all the requirements will be overlooked but the rules will be made looser," she said, adding that a number of study programs would maintain the requirements. (gda)
Rizal Harahap, Pekanbaru The Pekanbaru Corruption Court sentenced on Wednesday former Riau governor Rusli Zainal to 14 years in prison for his role in the Pelalawan forestry permit and Riau National Games (PON) graft cases.
The panel of judges, presided by Bachtiar Sitompul, also ordered the Golkar Party deputy chairman to pay Rp 1 billion in fines or serve an additional six months in prison if he failed to pay the fine.
Rusli was found guilty in both cases, violating articles 2 (1), 18, 55 and 56 (1) of Law No 31/1999 on corruption. "[The defendant] has been found guilty of committing corruption that enriched other people or corporations, causing losses to the state," Sitompul said.
In the forestry permit case, Rusli was charged with abusing his authority in approving the annual work plans of a number of private companies operating in Pelalawan regency, Riau.
While in the PON graft case, he was charged with bribing a group of local legislators via Riau Youth and Sports Agency head Lukman Abbas, in an attempt to expedite the revision of a bylaw to increase the budget allocation for the construction of the 2012 PON venues in Riau.
The panel of judges said that a number of Rusli's defense statements were unacceptable, and cited Rusli's claim that he was blackmailed by former Riau Forestry Agency head Syuhada Tasman into signing the documents.
According to the judges, Rusli's argument made no sense because he was an experienced government official. Before serving two consecutive terms as Riau governor, Rusli was regent of Indragiri Hilir for two consecutive terms.
The judges also said Rusli's testimony, in which he claimed to know nothing about the PON bribes, which were collected from companies operating in the province, was bogus because witnesses had refuted his claim and his involvement was confirmed in a recorded conversation.
"The recorded conversation with Lukman Abbas, heard by the judges, also confirmed that the money was collected on Rusli's instructions," Sitompul said.
The panel of judges, however, refused to ban Rusli's political rights as demanded by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) prosecutors. The sentence was more lenient than that demanded by the prosecutors, who asked the court to sentence Rusli to 17 years in prison.
Responding to the sentence, chief of the prosecution team, Riyono, said he would consider it, while Rusli promptly said he would appeal. "I feel persecuted. I reject [the sentence] and will appeal," he said.
Rusli's two wives, Septina Primawati and Syarifah Aida, attended the trial and broke in tears upon hearing the verdict. If Rusli sees out his sentence, he will be 71 upon release. Rusli was born in Indragirii Hilir on Dec. 3, 1957.
A scuffle broke out after the verdict was read. Rusli's bodyguard grabbed a journalist's camera when he attempted to photograph Syarifah as she cried. The bodyguard was later taken to Pekanbaru Police headquarters.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/13/former-riau-governor-gets-14-years-graft.html
Jakarta The Jakarta Corruption Court sentenced on Tuesday Deddy Kusdinar, a former official, to six years in prison, the first verdict in the Hambalang sports complex case.
The high-profile case has implicated a minister and politicians from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.
The court also fined Deddy, former head of financial and internal affairs at the Youth and Sports Ministry, Rp 100 million (US$8,771) or an additional three years in prison.
The panel of judges, led by judge Amin Ismanto, also ordered Deddy to pay Rp 300 million in restitution to the state. If Deddy fails or is unable to pay, prosecutors will confiscate his wealth, or add another six years to his sentence.
The sentence was lower than that demanded by Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) prosecutors, who wanted a nine-year sentence and Rp 300 million restitution.
Judge Amin said that Deddy was guilty of violating multiple articles of Law No. 31/1999 on corruption eradication. Amin stated that Deddy, who authored the Hambalang project's commitment letter, had arranged kickbacks and abused his position, in a case that had caused Rp 463.66 billion in losses to the state.
During the reading of the verdict, the panel of the judges revealed that Andi "Choel" Zulkarnain Anwar, the younger brother of former youth and sports minister Andi Mallarangeng, was also implicated.
"The defendant [Deddy] facilitated bribes from PT Adhi Karya for Choel, for a fee of 18 percent of the project budget," judge Anwar, one of the judges, said.
Anwar said that in 2010, Deddy and Wafid Muharam, the ministry's secretary, had negotiated the fee with Choel. Shortly thereafter, the three men met with officials from PT Adhi Karya, the project developer, at the minister's office.
The judge said that Paul Nelwan, a representative from PT Adhi Karya, gave the money to Deddy, who then handed it over to Choel at the residence of the minister's younger brother in Menteng, Central Jakarta.
Anwar added Choel also earmarked PT Global Daya Manunggal to be one of the sub-contractors for PT Adhi Karya and PT Wijaya Karya, the joint-developers of the project. Deddy approved the company to work for the joint- developers.
Monday saw the first trial session of Andi Mallarangeng, who has been in the custody of the KPK since October 2013, in the same case. During the reading of Andi's indictment, KPK prosecutors revealed that he had knowledge of the project prior to being inaugurated as youth and sports minister in October 2009.
After reading the verdict, Deddy said he objected to the order to pay Rp 300 million restitution to the state. "If I had wanted to be corrupt, then I would have taken more than Rp 300 million from a project of this scale," he added.
Deddy and his team of lawyers had not decided whether they would appeal. "We have to think about it first," Rudy Alfonso, one of Deddy's lawyer, said.
Besides Deddy and Andi, the graft case allegedly involved many of the Democratic Party's politicians, including former chairman Anas Urbaningrum, who is also in the custody of the KPK, and former treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin who was jailed in a different graft case.
The Hambalang sports facility is located in Bogor regency and was designed to be an international-standard sports-training complex. (gda)
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/12/first-official-locked-hambalang-graft.html
Rendi A. Witular and Ina Parlina, Jakarta Former Bank Indonesia (BI) governor, Vice President Boediono, has claimed that he did not validate the data and changes made by his officials when making the crucial decision to bail out Bank Century in 2008, documents reveal.
In a transcript of a questioning session by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on Nov. 23, 2013, which was recently obtained by The Jakarta Post, Boediono did not verify the proposed changes to the original amount needed for the bailout fund.
The proposal to lower the required funds to Rp 632 billion (US$55 million) from Rp 1.77 trillion hours before the bailout decision on Nov. 21, 2008, was a crucial factor that eventually convinced then finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati to approve the bailout, which, however, eventually ballooned to Rp 6.76 trillion.
According to a KPK indictment document, if the proposed amount had been excessive, there was a possibility that the bailout option would have been rejected by Mulyani, as the head of the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK).
The KSSK is a joint forum involving the Finance Ministry, BI, the Deposit Insurance Corporation (LPS) and other related institutions, which makes decisions on measures to prevent financial crises.
"Prior to a KSSK meeting, we gathered in a room next to Mulyani's. I was informed by Pak Muliaman Hadad [then BI deputy governor] that there were changes [to the proposal], which would need my signature. I fully trusted him and did not check the details of the changes. But I take full responsibility for that," Boediono said. Muliaman is now the chairman of the Financial Services Authority (OJK).
Boediono, who had served for less than six months as BI governor prior to the bailout, is now at the center of the country's biggest graft investigation. The bailout, according to the KPK, caused state losses of Rp 7.38 trillion. The first hearing in the case was held on Thursday, with then BI deputy governor Budi Mulya as the first defendant.
According to the indictment document, the alleged crime was committed "collectively" by Boediono, then BI senior deputy governor Miranda Goeltom and then BI deputy governors Siti C. Fadjrijah, Budi Rochadi, Muliaman Hadad, Hartadi Sarwono and Ardhayadi Mitroatmodjo.
In the probe document, Boediono also denied discussing the exact amount of the required bailout fund. "I was informed, but it was not discussed in detail. The board of governors assigned Muliaman as the deputy in charge of that," he said.
Boediono blamed the LPS and BI banking supervisors for the swelling of the bailout fund. "As of that moment [the bailout decision], the arrangement was between the LPS and the supervisors," he added.
In response to questions from the KPK regarding the validity of data used to determine Century as a "potentially failed bank that posed a systemic threat to the banking sector", Boediono said it was the "responsibility of related directorates and the deputy governors to provide [the data]".
Boediono also denied responsibility for the losses in the channeling of BI's short-term assistance (FPJP) worth Rp 689 billion to keep Bank Century afloat prior to the bailout.
"Who is responsible for extending it? I do not know," Boediono said. "But from what I recalled the relevant parties [responsible] were the directorates under the coordination of deputy governors Budi Mulya, Siti Fadjrijah and the late Budi Rochadi."
Boediono, in a statement released on Thursday by his spokesman Yopie Hidayat, repeated that the decision to salvage the bank was a "noble" one, made for the sake of preventing the country from being engulfed in a financial crisis.
"Don't be trapped in a 'logical leap' that all of the then BI leaders automatically became outlaws by salvaging the bank," he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono remained silent on Friday. Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha only said: "It's a legal process; we'll see where the progress leads to. As we all know Bapak President always respects the legal process."
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/08/boediono-blamed-other-officials-century-mess.html
Vento Saudale, Bogor An Islamic cleric has been removed from his position after a video showing an alleged sexual encounter with two kindergarten teachers was leaked onto the internet.
The six-minute video titled "2 PNS Hebohkan Puncak" ("Two Civil Servants Create a Stir Puncak") reportedly stars a nude Saiful Sardi Jayadi, a prominent member of the Bogor chapter of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), and two women alleged to be kindergarten teachers from Cisarua district.
The grainy video, which was reportedly shot in 2011, was posted on several file sharing sites earlier this week, sparking outrage in Bogor. The sex tape has since been taken down, but not before the MUI was forced to step in, revoking the cleric's membership to the Islamic oversight body.
"The MUI Bogor chapter has fired S.S. as an MUI member," MUI Bogor head Ahmad Mukri told the state-run Antara news agency on Thursday. Saiful, the chair of the Nurul Iksan Islamic boarding school, was the head of the MUI Bogor's foreign affairs office.
The organization distanced itself from the sex tape, saying that Saiful's actions did not reflect those of the MUI. The cleric will have to face the repercussions alone.
Police in Bogor began to investigate the case as the video cropped up online. So far, Saiful is only a witness in the case, but the circulation of a sex tape is a clear violation of Indonesia's controversial anti- pornography law. The vaguely worded law makes it illegal to videotape a sexual act for anything but personal use.
"We are still collecting information." said Bogor Police chief Sr. Comr. Sonny Mulvianto. "We have investigated [Saiful] in his capacity as a witness."
Police were also looking into who posted the video online and what their motives were. Saiful faces a maximum sentence of six years in prison if convicted.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/islamic-cleric-sacked-alleged-sex-tape-2-kindergarten-teachers/
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The Supreme Court (MA) said on Friday that the recent Constitutional Court (MK) ruling that a convict can now file a case review an unlimited number of times would only create legal uncertainty and could easily be abused by convicted criminals.
The Supreme Court announced on Thursday that it had annulled an article in the Criminal Law Procedures Code (KUHAP) that limited the amount of times a conviction could be challenged to one time only. The court argued that the limit breached human rights and was against the Constitution.
The ruling granted the judicial review request filed by former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman and convict Antasari Azhar, who was convicted of murder and had attempted to file a second case review to overturn his conviction.
The ruling, which was made last year when the Constitutional Court was led by disgraced former chief justice Akil Mochtar, caused confusion and criticism.
Supreme Court Chief Justice Hatta Ali said he was surprised by the ruling and questioned the logic behind it. "Where is the rights violation? Where is the legal uncertainty [caused by limiting the number of case review requests]? In fact, allowing [convicts] to file case reviews repeatedly distances us from legal certainty," he said in Batam as quoted by Antara.
Supreme Court spokesman Ridwan Mansyur said it respected the Constitutional Court's ruling but made it clear that they were afraid it would be a burden for the Supreme Court, as more convicts would file case reviews, at a time when the court was trying to reduce the number of cases it handled.
"Those involved in corruption and drug cases are people with money; it's easy for them to file for case reviews," he said. "They may [just] be buying time."
The Supreme Court also highlighted that people were often not informed about the case review mechanism, saying that many case reviews were rejected or turned down because of a lack of serious new evidence.
Only the convicts and their heirs can lodge a case review an extraordinary legal process outside the regular appeal stage in the Indonesian justice system and only if they can present new evidence. The final stage is the cassation, when the verdict is final and binding.
In its consideration, the Constitutional Court argued that a single case- review regulation contravened the Constitution, which assured justice and the protection of human rights, saying that efforts to get legal certainty stopped at the cassation stage, while efforts to get justice through a case review should not be limited.
Deputy Law and Human Rights Minister Denny Indrayana called for a tightening of the new case review mechanism. "There still must be restrictions that prevent the case review becoming a loophole, which would eventually create legal uncertainty," Denny said. For example, he said, when the initial examination found no clear new evidence, the case review should be stopped.
University of Indonesia (UI) criminal law expert Akhiar Salmi was of the same opinion, saying the ruling was supposed to weigh both legal certainty and justice.
"Allowing a repeated case review is good in terms of principles of justice; however, we must also prevent it from being used as a tool by those convicts trying to fool around and who are not serious about seeking a case review," he said. "It would be best to impose some kind of penalty on those who fail to present significant new evidence the second time round."
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/08/mk-ruling-may-create-legal-mess.html
Cory Rogers, Yogyakarta/Jakarta A government-backed plan to construct nuclear power plants in Indonesia has been met with backlash by several local groups in the archipelago, highlighting the tensions nuclear power projects face in a post-Fukushima world.
Recently announced plans to make the West Java district of Subang the site of Indonesia's fourth nuclear reactor has pushed a decades-long conflict back into the spotlight, pitting those who view the establishment of nuclear power plants as a valuable addition to Indonesia's energy portfolio against others who say the social and environmental risks of radioactive contamination outweigh the potential benefit.
Critics point out that Indonesia's geologic position atop the "Ring of Fire" makes it particularly vulnerable to earthquakes and volcanic eruptions events that drastically increase the odds of a nuclear tragedy. These concerns are augmented by fears that rampant corruption and graft will undermine the government's ability to implement and then manage costly safety protocols.
In January, Japanese representatives from No Nukes Asia Actions (NNAA), a Tokyo-based anti-nuclear coalition, gathered with Indonesian activists in Balong, Central Java, to discuss resistance strategies and the prospects of an international partnership to thwart the prospect of nuclear power in Indonesia.
"With Fukushima, the whole world witnessed the terrible effects of nuclear disaster," NNAA rep Seung Choo told some 200 residents in Balong over two days of talks. "Now, we must say no more nuclear plants not here in Indonesia or anywhere else."
Balong provided a fitting backdrop to the event: in 2007, growing fears over a proposed nuclear power plant cohered into an alliance of local residents, business owners, religious groups and students that eventually thwarted government plans to break ground in 2014.
In 2007, the Jepara branch of Nahdatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Muslim organization, even issued a fatwa against the proposed plant, drawing the ire of state officials who had been courting the group for support.
But nuclear plans in Indonesia have been on the table for a large chunk of the nation's modern history.
The National Nuclear Energy Agency (Batan), created by former President Sukarno in 1964, has been Indonesia's most strident nuclear energy advocate. The organization has aired hopes to establish three fully operational nuclear power plants in the country by 2025, a plan that has been embraced as part of Indonesia's Master Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia's Economic Development (MP3EI).
Batan spokesman Eko Madi Parmanto says claims of public resistance to nuclear power have been greatly exaggerated in Indonesia. "We've periodically conducted surveys to measure people's acceptance of the nuclear plant plan," Eko told the Jakarta Globe last week. "The latest national survey in 2013 indicates that 67.6 percent of respondents support the plan."
The agency views nuclear energy as an alternative to Indonesia's addiction to unsustainable fossil fuels that pollute the environment and contribute to climate change. Indonesia has a wealth of potential in safe, renewable energy sources such as solar, hydro and geothermal, but oil, coal and natural gas still provide more than over 80 percent of the nation's power.
Only 12 percent of the country's energy is provided by renewable sources. In geothermal power alone, Indonesia is operating at a mere 4.2 percent of its potential output, despite sitting astride 40 percent of the world's geothermal resources.
Oil, which accounts for about 30 percent of the country's current energy supply, is now mostly imported, leaving the country vulnerable to unhedged price volatility together with currency fluctuations. In addition, oil along with coal and natural gas powers an electrical grid still suffering from chronic energy shortages throughout the country. Millions of poor, rural Indonesians, especially in eastern Indonesia, remain without electricity, and struggles to meet existing electricity needs are made worse by an 8 percent annual rise in demand.
The situation requires huge government subsidies in fuel and electricity just to keep up, consuming 41 percent of all government expenditures; more than what is budgeted for education, environmental protection, health, and housing combined. In 2013, some 13 percent of the nation's subsidized fuel was used at power plants, according to government agency data.
According to Batan, nuclear power plants would play only a minor role in addressing these multi-pronged energy woes, adding just 5 percent to Indonesia's total energy production if the government's 2025 energy diversification goals were met.
At the local level, Batan has drawn criticism for its attempts to win support among populations living near proposed plants, which over the years have included sites in Balong, Bangka-Belitung, Kalimantan and Madura.
The promotional efforts carried out by Batan were key in galvanizing opposition to the proposed plant back in the mid 2000s, said Daviq, the secretary of the Balong Community Union (PMB), a local anti-nuclear energy group.
That advocacy campaign, which called for annual outlays of $2.5 million to fund scholarship programs, social events and a host of other activities, highlighted the benefits of nuclear power while, according to Daviq, making scant mention of its risks.
When public queries about the program failed to produce useful information, many grew skeptical of the plan. "We finally made the decision that OK, if the government is not willing to give the information to us, then we must seek it for ourselves," he said.
Iwan Kurniawan, a lecturer at the Jakarta-based Institute of Archipelago Business, recalled similar transparency concerns at play in Madura, East Java, where in 2003 Batan was busy promoting another nuclear plant. Formerly a nuclear physicist with Batan who left the agency over an undisclosed dispute, Iwan said that in order to assuage safety concerns voiced by locals, Batan made spurious claims regarding its capacity to install the latest and safest model plant in Madura.
"The kind of plant being discussed was still in its research phase in South Korea," Iwan said, explaining that such a plant could not be promised. He added that localities targeted by Batan-led nuclear advocacy were frequently vulnerable to this kind of misinformation. "When Batan comes and discusses the benefits, I come and discuss the risks to create a more balanced perspective," he said.
As in Balong, once the risks of nuclear contamination became apparent, public opposition stymied construction of the proposed plant in Madura. Activists argued that given the amount of untapped alternative energy sources that existed, the risks of nuclear disaster were avoidable and unjustifiable.
The nation's nuclear power agency denied the allegations, explaining that Batan attempts to inform the public about leakage, natural disaster, and operators' negligence risks as well as detailed information on how plant operators would ensure safety. "We've also developed an information system on our website, and people can ask us via email about this safety technology," Eko said.
Socialization campaigns remain crucial to successful implementation at proposed sites "only if the government has seriously designed the nuclear power plant program," Eko explained. "There are currently no plans for research at other locations," he said.
If domestic resistance to nuclear power has hinged on countering Batan's campaigns, the international strategy advocated by the NNAA seeks to shed a critical light on the corporate interests driving nuclear energy.
According to NNAA representative Seung Choo, business-friendly regulations in Japan that reallocate risk to nuclear operators encourage investment by companies like Toshiba, GE and Hitachi the companies that build the plants.
Japan's 1961 Act of Compensation for Nuclear Damages mandates that the nuclear power operators, as opposed to the suppliers, assume exclusive accountability for any nuclear damage caused by an accident, making taxpayers ultimately responsible for damages.
This creates what Seung Choo calls a "crisis of liability," where corporations that stand to profit from construction have less incentive to prioritize safety.
These laws work to promote "the sound development of the nuclear industry," the NNAA said in a statement, and the group fears such business-friendly regulations will be replicated elsewhere as nuclear suppliers seek to access markets like Indonesia.
According to Indonesia's 1997 Nuclear Power Act, if the country were to successfully establish a nuclear power plant, the suppliers would be responsible for up to Rp 900 billion ($76 million) in damages to be doled out over a maximum period of 30 years, regardless of the actual cost of damages.
Recent studies have shown that radiation-induced cancer can take as long as 40 years to develop, and the financial recovery of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant disaster will approach $250 billion dollars.
Attempts to contact the Ministry of State-Owned Enterprises for clarification on current regulations were unsuccessful.
In response to the situation in Japan, where the corporate builders of nuclear power plants are shielded from restitution, the NNAA is challenging whether the 1961 act in court was constitutional.
Armed with 22 lawyers, their recently filed suit seeks redress for Japanese victims, and to inspire citizens in other nations to "abolish special legal provisions that protect nuke businesses all around the world," the group said in a statement.
The suit seeks 10,000 plaintiffs worldwide to sign over power of attorney so that the NNAA can represent them in court. "Anyone can be a plaintiff," Choo said. "Even someone traumatized by the media coverage qualifies as a victim." If the NNAA wins, these foreign plaintiffs will receive a symbolic, one-dollar payout.
In Balong, the NNAA made hundreds of documents available for signing. Many, including Nuruddin Amin, the head of the Hasyim Asy'ari Pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Bangsri, Central Java, and a longtime supporter of the anti-nuclear cause, expressed enthusiasm for the strategy.
"The Fukushima accident is not only a tragedy for the Japanese," Nuruddin said. "It is a tragedy for the whole world, and I hope we all will join to sign this power of attorney so that we can work on this issue together."
Many Indonesian activists, however, remained mindful that the first battle remains on the home front, helping provide balanced information to communities earmarked for nuclear power plant development.
For Iwan, the resistance coalitions that fought a successful battle in Balong ought to provide guidance and direction as the drive for domestic nuclear power progresses. "Here we have a model of resistance that can be delivered elsewhere," he said.
Source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/activists-rally-nuclear-power-blackout-prone-indonesia/
It's official after months of speculation and, undoubtedly, infighting Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has been named by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) as its presidential candidate.
Common sense was clearly a key driver behind this nomination, given that Jokowi's popularity eclipses that of any of his potential contenders in the July presidential election.
But the fact that PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri finally endorsed Jokowi's candidacy and asked the party's rank and file to throw their weight behind the decision, evidences her acknowledgment of the voice of the grass roots. Various surveys conducted over the past year have consistently put Jokowi on top and both Megawati and the PDI-P would have taken this into consideration when announcing the nomination Friday.
There are lessons the country can learn from the PDI-P when it comes to this candidacy. The party, known for its conservative line, has dared to select a potential leader from the young generation. At 52, Jokowi's entry will make a difference among all those old faces.
Many nations, as well as corporations, have experimented with the "young-on-top" phenomenon and succeeded. Indonesia may now be heading along a similar road and if only the PDI-P's rivals follow suit, the upcoming presidential election will turn into a pursuit of dreams, visions and new ideas rather than a battle of ages.
The PDI-P has also reinforced the practice of announcing a definite presidential candidate before the legislative election like other parties have done. For voters such transparency matters as they do not want to buy a cat in the sack.
Early candidacy is not without risks. For Jokowi and the PDI-P the period preceding the presidential election in July will give room to rival parties to exploit his weaknesses, simply because he is the man to beat, at least according to surveys. Such practice is normal in politics and Jokowi, who has announced his acceptance, knows this well.
Those who do not want to see Jokowi win will expect him to compromise his responsibilities as the Jakarta governor for his presidential bid.
Jokowi will have to explain to the voters who elected him Jakarta governor in 2012 the reasons behind his presidential candidacy, but he cannot expect them to understand it, let alone accept it.
However mixed the reactions, for the PDI-P Jokowi's nomination is expected to have an impact. Many have predicted the party's announcement would boost its performance in the legislative election and help it win the most seats in the House of Representatives.
Indeed, the Indonesian stock market composite index rose to a year high and the rupiah strengthened against the greenback just after the nomination was made public, but it is too early to conclude that the market is pro-Jokowi. Nevertheless, we cannot deny the Jokowi effect in Indonesian contemporary politics and hope if not him someone better will win the presidency.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/15/editorial-the-lady-says-yes.html
On Wednesday, the Constitutional Court declared that female legislative candidates would be "prioritized" and not merely considered for legislative seats, in the event that both male and female candidates from one political party won enough votes for a seat in the local or national legislative bodies.
The amendment to the 2012 Legislative Election Law will not affect this year's election, which has already seen many more female candidates thanks to this law and the election organizer regulation, which states political parties will be disqualified from contesting an electoral district if they fail to fulfill a 30 percent quota for women on their candidate list for that district. Many parties protested, saying it was hard to get willing and qualified women.
Although the legislation was a landmark development in attempts to get more representation for women, petitioners said that the fielding of women as candidates was far from a guarantee that they would get elected. With a presumably more democratic proportional open list system for the general election, candidates now face rivals from their own party. Many women lack the experience, public recognition and financial power compared to their male counterparts. Citing the constitutional guarantee of equal rights, petitioners said legal uncertainty had contributed to the low representation of women almost half the population.
The petitioners, including the Association of Indonesian Women for Justice (APIK), cited the planned ban against women straddling motorcycles in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, as just one example of what decision makers can get away with when women have a weak voice in society.
So why not just focus on training women, as many have turned out to be pretty airheaded lawmakers? Scores of male lawmakers have turned out to be corrupt and unintelligent, but it's women that people mock because of their gender. Even former president Megawati Soekarnoputri resented the strong demand of women's groups for the 30 percent quota for women as legislative members or candidates.
Ideally, women should prove themselves to be capable and fit to lead. But it is unfair to assume that women should just take the lead in areas where mostly male policymakers have passed 342 discriminative policies, including 265 directly targeting women according to the National Commission on Violence against Women up from 154 such policies in 2009.
The higher number of discriminatory policies, sexual violence and the soaring maternal mortality rate, are among several factors that activists say point to the crucial need for stronger awareness and understanding of society among decision makers.
Female policymakers are, however, no guarantee for a better society; Indramayu, West Java, still has a high rate of marriages of minors and trafficking of women despite having a female regent. And the historically high representation of women, or 18 percent of the 560-seat House of Representatives from the 2009 election, has not resulted in much better policies.
Nevertheless, we laud the court verdict, for it should further boost efforts to increase the contribution of millions of women to their communities and country.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/14/editorial-one-step-equality.html
Hikmahanto Juwana, Jakarta There have been two incidents where orange lifeboats filled with asylum seekers bound for Australia were found in Indonesian territory. One boat was found in early February in Pangandaran in West Java and the other in late February in Kebumen, Central Java.
The boats are sophisticated, fully enclosed and submersible. They are fitted with safety belts, life jackets, navigational equipment, food, water and an inboard diesel motor. There are no signs whatsoever indicating the nationality of the boats. There are only labels stating that they were made in China.
It is believed that the boats were coming from Australia and were purchased by the Australian government. There are several indications of this. First, there has been news that the Australian government in recent times purchased similar orange lifeboats.
Second, Australian authorities need to ensure the safety of asylum seekers when they are turned back to Indonesia. This is because, since last November, the Australian authorities no longer work with the Indonesian Search and Rescue Team in returning the asylum seekers to Indonesian territory.
Last, purchasing the lifeboats seems to fit in with Prime Minister Tony Abbott's tough policy against asylum seekers, who the Australian government has dubbed illegal immigrants. By labeling the asylum seekers as illegal immigrants, the Australian government is exempt from its obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention.
To date, however, the Australian government has neither formally confirmed nor denied speculation that the vessels belong to and are used by Australian authorities. Currently the Indonesian police are investigating who the owners of the boats are.
If the boats are later proven to belong to the Australian government, the country has profoundly violated international law and infringed on Indonesia's territorial sovereignty.
There are at least three fundamental legal bases for this accusation. First, Australia dispatched boats that it owns without the proper documents. Under international law, vessels are not allowed to conduct international navigation without proper registration, which can be identified by the flags they carry.
Under Article 4 of the 1958 Convention on the High Seas, to which Australia is a party, "Every state, whether coastal or not, has the right to sail ships under its flag on the high seas".
Based on this article, the question is, if Australia owns a boat but has not registered it and has made the boat sail without any flag of state, would this not be a violation of the international law of the sea? Can Australia argue that the boat is a lifeboat, which does not necessarily carry a national flag? If it is a lifeboat, is it attached to the boats that were used by the asylum seekers?
The Australian government may argue that it only returned the asylum seekers to the place from which they originated, which is Indonesia. It may also argue that the lifeboats simply replaced the boats that were formerly used by the asylum seekers.
But of course, such arguments are baseless. The situation would be different if the asylum seekers went to Australia from Indonesia. To start with, the Indonesian government was not the one that purchased or hired the boats used by the asylum seekers in their attempts to reach Australia. The boats used by the asylum seekers were rented from Indonesian fishermen.
Second, Australia infringed on Indonesian sovereignty because it enabled unregistered boats to sail to Indonesian territory illegally. Third, Australia intentionally caused the entry of illegal immigrants from its territory to Indonesia.
The asylum seekers are referred to as illegal immigrants because, when they were evacuated from distressed boats that they had rented to Australian ships, they did not have any formal documents.
It is different when the same people come to Indonesia to go to Australia. They arrive with proper documents, including passports. However, on their way to Australia, they intentionally throw their documents away. By doing this, they will be regarded as stateless and can seek asylum to Australia.
The above accusation will be clear if the Indonesian authorities can prove that the lifeboats are owned by Australian government.
This is where the police in Indonesia play an important role. Once they have gathered evidence and can conclude that the orange lifeboats are owned by the Australian government, Indonesia as a sovereign country has the right to lodge a strong protest against Australia's infringement of Indonesia's sovereignty and its violation of international law. The Australian government should therefore be held responsible.
For such purposes, if the Australian government does not want the bilateral relations with Indonesia to deteriorate, as happened recently following the issue of spying, then it would be wise for the Abbott administration to stop its unilateral policy of sending asylum seekers back to Indonesia aboard orange "suspected" Australian government lifeboats.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/03/13/australia-breaches-ri-sovereignty.html
Antonius Made Tony Supriatma The killing of four detainees in a civilian prison on 23 March 2013 in Cebongan in Yogyakarta, and the ensuing investigations and trials, have put Kopassus, the Indonesian army's special forces, back in the spotlight.
The attack was carried out by at least 11 Kopassus soldiers (the actual number involved is the subject of conjecture) in revenge for the murder of a plainclothes Kopassus intelligence officer in a bar. The brazen attack on the prison took place after midnight in front of eight prison guards and dozens of prisoners. This murderous raid by special force soldiers on another arm of the state's security services starkly highlights just how far Indonesia still has to go in reforming this particular part of its military.
Kopassus is Indonesia's most criticised military unit, with a long history of human rights abuses, from involvement in the killings of hundreds of thousands of Communist party members in 1965-67, to brutalities during the occupation of East Timor, and during the various operations in Aceh and Papua. Under the New Order regime (1966-1998) Kopassus was a loyal defender of the president, with Suharto personally grooming the commanders and senior officers. In the latter years of his rule, it was at the forefront of attempts to suppress opposition, including through the abduction and murder of activists. After Suharto's resignation, the unit continued to be involved in human rights abuses. In 2001, for example, Kopassus soldiers in Papua province killed the charismatic pro-independence leader, Theys Hiyo Eluay.
Despite its resulting bad reputation for human rights abuses, one of the most remarkable features of the aftermath of the Cebongan killings was an apparently powerful campaign of support for the Kopassus soldiers who were tried for the killings. People watching coverage in the national media, for example, would have seen many demonstrations involving large groups of enthusiastic supporters of the soldiers, suggesting that many people in Yogyakarta supported the killers for their 'courage' in trying to clean up crime in the city. But a careful analysis of the campaign in support of Kopassus reveals a great deal of orchestration, and what might prove to be only a temporary alliance of convenience.
The affair started with a brawl on 19 March 2003 in Hugo's cafe which is located on the outskirts of Yogyakarta The fight was between a plainclothes Kopassus agent, Sergeant Heru Santosa, and a bouncer at the cafe, Hendrik Benyamin Angel Sahetapi (also known as Decky Ambon). Heru met his death after he was beaten by Decky and a group of Decky's friends from an ethnically Timorese gang in which he was involved. Police immediately arrested Decky and his buddies. Apparently, the police also knew from the start that the victim was a soldier from a Kopassus unit in the neighbouring town of Kartasura. Accordingly, at noon on Friday 22 March 2013, the police decided to move these detainees from their city headquarters to a local prison.
The attack came anyway, a little over 12 hours later, at around 1.30 am on Saturday 23 March. According to the Army Investigation Team, 11 attackers went to Cebongan prison riding in two cars. They wore vests and face masks, and carried guns and hand grenades. The raid was conducted very efficiently. The attackers pretended to be police officers, knocked on the prison door and within minutes, subdued the guards and forced them to give access to the cell where Decky and his gang members were being held. The attackers forced more than 30 prisoners inside the cell to identify Decky and his group. The executions were then carried out by one man who was later identified as Second Sergeant Ucok Tigor Simbolon.
Predictably, the killings quickly attracted national and international media attention. Although it was not yet clear who the perpetrators were, all indications pointed to the army, especially Kopassus. Not only was the identity of the victims a giveaway, but so too was the fact that the attack was conducted by highly skilled men with commando-style effectiveness. Unsurprisingly, critics quickly alleged that Kopassus soldiers were involved, depicted the attack as a setback to military reform and as evidence of systemic failure to improve the behaviour of soldiers.
The commander of the local military command (Kodam IV Diponegoro), Major General Hadi Saroso, however, vehemently denied the possibility that soldiers might have been involved in the attack. He argued that many people, apart from soldiers, have military-style training. He also contended that the weapons used in the attack did not belong to the military. Within a week, however, the army Chief of Staff, General Pramono Edhie Wibowo (President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's brother-in-law) formed an investigation team. Senior ranks obviously knew this attack could damage the army's image. The investigation team announced their findings on 4 April, less than two weeks after the killings. The result was straightforward. The attack was conducted by 11 soldiers from Kopassus Group 2, which is located in Kartasura, about 50 kilometres from Yogyakarta All perpetrators had surrendered themselves to the team on the first day of the investigation. They all pleaded guilty for their wrongdoing. It looked like the case was all but closed.
Two days after the investigation team announced its findings, Major General Saroso had to pay a high price for his earlier comments, losing his position as Kodam commander. Saroso, an East Timor war veteran (his name is on the 'Masters of Terror' list), was transferred to army headquarters in Jakarta without a job. He had occupied the post of commander for only nine months.
On the same day, the police also fired the Yogyakarta police chief, Brigadier General Sabar Raharjo. He was deemed responsible for the transfer of the four prisoners from the regional police headquarters to the Cebongan prison. Many people suspect he had prior information about the attack and decided to transfer the detainees to a civilian prison, avoiding the possibility that the Kopassus soldiers would attack the police office, an act which would have caused more trouble. At the same time, the dismissal of Sabar Raharjo could be depicted as a concession to the military, a counterweight to the firing of his military counterpart.
A total of 12 Kopassus soldiers were indicted, 11 for their direct involvement in the attack, and one for failing to report the attack. All of them were non-commissioned officers. The trial began on 20 June in the Yogyakarta military court. The indictments were categorised into three groups. The first indictment was directed toward three defendants who were the prime suspects in the attack. They were Second Sergeant Ucok Tigor Simbolon, Second Sergeant Sugeng Sumaryanto, and First Corporal Kodik. They were sentenced to imprisonment for 12 years, eight years, and six years respectively and dismissed from military service. The second indictment was directed at five soldiers who supported the attack. Four of them received 21-month jail terms without dismissal from the military. A soldier who acted as the driver for these soldiers was sentenced to just 15 months in prison. The last group of defendants consisted of the three unit commanders of these soldiers. They each got four months and 20 days in prison for failing to report the attacks to higher command.
As soon as the army investigation team announced its findings, the case took a different turn. Social media such as Facebook, Blackberry Messenger, and Twitter, were suddenly abuzz with messages of support for the 11 soldiers. Most of the messages expressed gratitude to them for their courage in 'eradicating thugs' from Yogyakarta.
Early in the morning of 7 April, Yogyakartans saw banners, showing support for the Kopassus soldiers, mounted on the main streets of the city. The messages on the banners were similar to those on social media. Slogans included 'Eradicate Thugs' (Basmi Preman), 'I Love Kopassus', and 'Terimakasih Kopassus' (Thank You Kopassus). Several organisations were involved in the installation of the banners. One, called the 'Face of Yogya', claimed it mounted 100 banners around the city. Its leader, Irwan Cahya Nugraha Gosong, said they had spent ten million rupiah ($US 800) for the banners, with the money coming from various other groups such as the car and motorcycle clubs, Jogja Otomotif Community and Paguyuban Motor Yogya, as well as FKPPI (The Communication Forum for Sons and Daughters of Retired Military Officers). Banners were mounted not only in the city but also in neighbouring districts like Bantul and Sleman and, later on, as the case developed, in other Central Javanese cities such as Klaten, Solo, Magelang and Semarang.
Also on 7 April, around 200 people staged a rally in the city centre. They carried the photograph of the slain Kopassus soldier and demanded the release of the soldiers involved in the prison attack, saying they were 'heroes' ready to sacrifice their lives and careers in order to eradicate criminals. Irwan Cahya Nugraha Gosong was the 'field coordinator' (korlap) of the demonstration, with a group that called itself Pemuda Yogya Anti- Premanisme (Yogya Anti-Thuggery Youth) claiming to be the main organiser. The rally was attended by more organisations which included Forum Jogja Rembug, Yogya Artists' Community, and the Student Executive Body (Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa or BEM) of Widya Mataram University. A closer look at the activists and organisations involved shows they were all connected to an organisation called Sekber Keistimewaan (see below).
Support for Kopassus and the detained soldiers continued right up to trial. Supporters arranged a visit to Semarang where they were detained and brought gifts such as cakes, coffee, cigarettes, and fruits. They also performed Javanese traditional rituals by burning incense in front of the detention centre. On another occasion, they conducted a street art performance of a trial of these soldiers dressed in Javanese attire. At the time of the trial, supporters packed the military court and often held rallies at the end of the day's proceedings.
This campaign, with its shift of narrative focus from murder to protection against thuggery or gangsterism (premanisme), caught many in Yogyakarta by surprise. For residents, the shift revived deeper, and darker, memories. In particular it evoked the so-called 'mysterious killings' (petrus, or pembunuhan misterius) of 1983. This famous wave of killings of petty criminals, which eventually spread through much of Java, started in this city. They were planned and executed under the direction of the local military commander. The bodies of those targeted were dumped in public spaces. Initially, the government denied that it had a hand in the killings. However, in his biography, President Suharto finally admitted that he had authorised them. Around 10,000 people were killed nationwide. Many Yogyakarta residents still remember vividly the petrus killings. Linking the Cebongan killings to the problem of petty crime meant reminding the city residents of the sense of terror that many of them had experienced 30 years earlier.
At the same time, some active and retired military leaders and political elites in Jakarta stated in chorus that the soldiers acted based on their 'esprit de corps'. A common viewpoint was that though what they did was wrong, even intolerable, they were to be admired for taking responsibility for their acts and being ready to accept the legal sanctions. Military leaders and political elites depicted this approach as being 'ksatria', using a word that has powerful meanings in Javanese culture. Ksatria can be translated as 'noble', but it refers to the warrior caste in the traditional wayang stories and can also mean 'knight' or even 'hero'. Even President Yudhoyono jumped in and expressed his support saying that these soldiers were 'ksatria' because they were law-abiding soldiers who showed their solidarity to their fellow soldiers.
The army showed its unity in delivering this message. Almost all army generals conveyed the same message to the public. In order to show his support to his soldiers, the Commander in Chief of Kopassus reportedly slept for a night with his soldiers in their prison cell. Almost all Kopassus generals also showed their support. One retired general, who was actively courting public opinion and mobilisng civilian support, was General Luhut Panjaitan, perhaps not surprising given that the commander of Kopassus Group II is Lieutenant Colonel Maruli Simanjuntak, Luhut Panjaitan's son-in-law.
To understand who was behind the local campaign to defend the Kopassus soldiers, we need to step back and examine some of the background in greater depth. The story gets complicated because of the connections to city politics, including internecine conflicts within the local aristocracy.
The four slain detainees were all members of an organisation that supported KPH Anglingkusumo, the brother and rival of BRMH Ambarkusumo, or Pakualam IX, a local aristocrat who, since 2003, has been the deputy governor of Yogyakarta. (The conflict between the two brothers was over succession, specifically about who should become the hereditary ruler of a small duchy called Kadipaten Pakualaman within the greater Sultanate of Yogyakarta) After the death of Pakualam VIII in 1998, his son BRMH Ambarkusumo was appointed as 'ruler' of the duchy with the title of Pakualam IX. Since 1950, the Pakualam has normally held the position of deputy governor of the special province of Yogyakarta (the governor is always the Sultan), as one legacy of the pro-Republic role local aristocrats played during the independence revolution, and as one manifestation of Yogyakarta's status as a 'special region' ever since. (The only exception to these general rules is when either of the two officeholders dies. For example, after 1988, when the Sultan died, Pakualam VIII became the acting governor until his death in 1998). Though Pakualam IX was installed in the deputy governor's office in 2003, in 2012 his brother, KPH Anglingkusumo, challenged the legitimacy of Ambarkusumo's title. On 15 April in that year he appointed himself as Pakualam IX in a ritual in Kulonprogo. By doing so he also claimed the entitlement to become the deputy governor.
Anglingkusumo's challenge to his brother's right to the throne came at a critical time. In 2012 Yogyakarta was experiencing the height of a social movement pressuring the national government to acknowledge the traditional power of the Sultanate and the Pakualaman and to establish the position of the governor and deputy governor as being fully hereditary. The movement was generated by the central government's plan to make the system of government in Yogyakarta the same as in other regions in Indonesia, where the head of regions are directly elected by the people. Under this plan, the power of the Sultan and the Pakualam would become merely symbolic.
The central government plan caused controversy. Yogyakartans were divided between supporters and opponents. Organisations that supported the current position of the Sultan and the Pakualam eventually merged into a loose joint-secretariat called the 'Sekretariat Bersama Keistimewaan' (Joint Secretariat for Special Status), famously known as 'Sekber Keistimewaan.' The secretariat, which was established in 2010, did not have a board but was run by a coordinator, with a former student activist, Widihasto Wasana Putra, elected to this position. Because of the looseness of the Sekber's structure, it is hard to determine how many organisations were affiliated with it. But it was endorsed by around a dozen organisations from a variety of backgrounds.
According to its coordinator, Sekber's main function was to 'synergise all the movements in Yogyakarta who want to keep Yogyakarta's status as special region within the Republic of Indonesia.' The Sekber had no office, with its meetings usually conducted in the offices of a local publisher, Galang Press. The Sekber militantly defended the Sultan's position through a variety of demonstrations which generally targeted president Yudhoyono's national government.
Meanwhile, in order to strengthen his claim to the Pakualam throne, Anglingkusumo had aligned himself with an organisation called Kotikam (Komando Inti Keamanan or the Core Security Command). Kotikam is basically a thug outfit of a type that is common throughout Indonesia. It is led by Ronny Kintoko, the son of a famous former Yogyakarta gangster from the 1980s.
This is where the connection between local politics and the murders comes in. The four slain detainees were not only Kotikam members, they had also all served as personal bodyguards for Anglingkusumo (although most members of Kotikam are Javanese Muslims, these four men were Timorese and Christians). Meanwhile, because the Sultan and the Pakualam have a shared interest in defending the status quo, it is not surprising that they see Anglingkusumo's faction as a threat. On several occasions before the killings, the supporters of the Sultan and the Pakualam, organised mostly in Sekber Keistimewaan, clashed with Anglingkusumo's supporters, organised mostly in Kotikam.
As a result of these political circumstances, it is no wonder that the Sekber Keistimewaan became the backbone of support for the Kopassus soldiers and the anti-thuggery campaign. This group formed to defend the Sultan and the Pakualam and their claims to hereditary rule have stood behind every action to support Kopassus in Yogyakarta.
The 'struggle' to keep the Sultan's job as governor without electoral processes was won by the Sultan, Sekber Keistimewaan and their allies in September 2012 when the national parliament and government passed a law endorsing Yogyakarta's special status and maintaining the hereditary principle for appointment of the governor and deputy governor. Ironically, the success also posed a problem for the Sekber. With the passage of the law, the Sekber suddenly lost relevance.
However, it refused to vanish. The Cebongan case gave it the opportunity to reclaim its relevance. Suddenly, it was in a position once more to strut the streets of the city, demonstrating its mobilising power and claim a role as the protector of the security of the citizens.
There are two other reasons why Sekber has supported the Kopassus soldiers. First, the case has helped it to maintain unity among its member organisations, and even to broaden its appeal. Sekber is really an umbrella group consisting of a hotchpotch of organisations with very diverse backgrounds. Even so, in term of religious worldview, the Sekber members mostly represent the kejawen or abangan worldview, whose adherence to Islam is nominal and who mix their Muslim faith with various Javanese folk traditions and beliefs. This loyalty to tradition is also what binds them to defend the aristocracy. Interestingly, some of the most prominent leaders of the Sekber are Javanese Catholics and Protestants. This background has created uncomfortable relations between Sekber and more strictly Islamic groups.
By choosing to ally itself to the Kopassus, Sekber was able to pull in Muslim groups under its umbrella. Muslim organisations such as Barisan Serbaguna Ansor (Banser), the paramilitary group affiliated with the traditionalist organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Komandan Kesiapsiagaan Angkatan Muda (KOKAM) Pemuda Muhammadiyah, a similar group with affiliations to the major modernist organisation, Muhammadiyah, were among the strongest participants in the movement to support the Kopassus soldiers. These organisations also have a long history of cooperating with the Special Forces and the military, dating back to the killings of the Communists in 1965-66 and during the New Order.
The second reason why Sekber leaders defended Kopassus was that they could benefit from the protection that such a powerful institution at the national level could offer them. After their victory in the prolonged fight for the status of Yogyakarta some Sekber activists have begun to pursue other political and economic interests. For instance, some have won various construction contracts and business concessions from the government. Some are pursuing or planning to pursue public office. Like other local leaders on the make in contemporary Indonesia, they know they will be able to prosper more quickly if they can build links with backers from a powerful national institution.
The Cebongan case drew Kopassus and Sekber together into a marriage of convenience. Kopassus has used Sekber and its affiliates to create an image of popular support for its soldiers. By demonstrating such civilian support, Kopassus officers hope that can burnish their unit's long- tarnished image. The engineered demonstrations of 'dukungan rakyat' (support from the people), have also allowed them to revive the old mantra that the Indonesian military is a 'people's army.'
The Sekber leaders, on the other hand, have used the Cebongan case to revive their organisation's relevance in Yogyakarta's local politics and to broaden its network to include new actors, such as Muslim organisations. It has also allowed them to gain the protection of a major wing of the state's security.
Will this mutual advantage last? It is hard to predict. In the ever- changing world that is contemporary Indonesian politics, alliances of convenience can rise and fall with startling rapidity. As one Sekber leader told me in an interview, 'Now we have the same interest with the Kopassus, which is to eradicate preman. Next time, we may have to confront the Kopassus in another case. Nothing is permanent here.' People who see in the Cebongan case evidence of a groundswell of popular support for the military and its role in Indonesian society should take careful note.
Source: http://www.insideindonesia.org/current-edition/defending-murder