Port Vila, Vanuatu The head of the West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation, Andy Ayamiseba, said the Melanesian Spearhead Group's (MSG) fact-finding mission to Indonesia and West Papua fell short of its mandate.
"To me and the West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL), the so-called Melanesian Spearhead Group ministerial delegation visit to Indonesia and West Papua was a conflict of interest for Fiji and the Solomon Islands," Ayamiseba told Vanuatu Daily Post
"I condemn the spirit of the visit and I salute Vanuatu for her stand in boycotting the so-called MSG ministerial delegation mission.
In fact, I want the Pacific and world to know that to me and the organization I represent, that instead of the visit being a fact finding mission, Fiji and the Solomon Islands diverted it to become a promotion of economic ties between Fiji and the Solomon Islands for their cooperation and development advantages with Indonesia," Ayamiseba alleged.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura Local residents in the Mulia subdistrict of Puncak Jaya, Papua, have yet to resume their normal activities due to an ongoing firefight in the area between forces from the Indonesian Military, or TNI, and members of the separatist Free Papua Organization, known as the OPM.
"The situation in Puncak Jaya is uncertain; the people are in a state of panic because of a shooting in Kota Mulia," Puron Morbinak, a resident of Mulia, said in a text message to the Jakarta Globe.
"People in the villages of Kulirik, Dondobaga, Talileme, Karubateand Yalingga are terrified and they're scared of going to church. Members of the military and the National Police have been operating in the area up until Sunday, making the shooting unavoidable," he added.
Puron said none of the local leaders in Mulia had acted on the issue, creating further panic among residents.
"This has been going on for weeks, [but] no leaders such as the district chief, deputy district chief, local council speaker or regional secretary [have responded]. The head of the church is also not present. The people are without a leader and are all over the place," he said.
"This issue should be handled seriously, so that no civilians fall victim. The media is closed; nothing that's happening in Puncak Jaya is known anywhere else in the country or in the international community."
Puron said that residents were still unclear about whether the shooting had resulted in fatalities. "Because the shooting is still ongoing, the people are too afraid to leave their homes," he said.
Another resident, Melianus Telenggen, said two local residents' houses have been torched during the fighting.
Sr. Comr. Pujo Sulistyo, a spokesman for the Papua Police, declined to confirm whether there was fighting in Puncak Jaya; Col. Lismer Lumbang Siantar, a spokesman for the Cendrawasih Military Command, which oversees the TNI's operations in Papua and West Papua provinces, did not respond to queries.
Antara quoted the Cendrawasih commander, Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua, as saying a soldier had been shot and killed by an armed group. The incident occurred after soldiers shot and killed a gunman and seized his firearm in Pintu Angin, Mulia.
The National Police have arrested an alleged member of the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM) who was accused of recently killing a soldier in Puncak Jaya, Papua.
"One person has been arrested," National Police chief Gen. Sutarman said at his office on Monday, as quoted by the state-run Antara news agency. Sutarman said that police found an M-16 gun on the suspect at the time of the arrest, the firearm alleged to have been used during the shooting.
First Private Sugiartu was at the time escorting the Puncak Jaya military commander, the Puncak Jaya Police chief and the commander of a raider battalion to Pintu Angin the site of a previous shooting of a supposed separatist.
An armed group attacked the company, killing Sugiartu. Police said that they believe the group was led by a man named Yambi the leader of a local faction of the OPM.
Auckland (Green Party/Pacific Media Watch) The Green Party is calling on the New Zealand government to end their $6.3 million police training programme in West Papua in light of new evidence from a New Zealand journalist about abuses being carried out by the police.
Journalist and academic Paul Bensemann travelled to West Papua undercover in 2013 and spoke with West Papuan people about the effects of the programme so far. His findings were published at the weekend by the New Zealand Herald, Pacific Media Centre Online and Pacific Scoop.
"This new evidence strengthens our concern that the New Zealand police training programme in West Papua has done nothing to make West Papuan citizens safer and needs to end," Green Party MP Catherine Delahunty said.
"Paul Bensemann found evidence that police violence continues to be a norm and it's shocking that as a country we are funding a programme that some Papuans refer to as 'aid that kills'.
"Our aid reputation is at stake when we collude with a police state by training their police force that regularly kill citizens.
"Our $6.3 million should be redirected into New Zealand mediating for peace between West Papuan leaders and Indonesia.
"It is so difficult to monitor an aid programme operating in a country where there is no free press and foreign journalists have to pretend to be birdwatchers to investigate the truth about what West Papuans think of our training programme.
"I am calling on the Minister of Foreign Affairs to stop the police training programme immediately and to redirect resources into peace mediation between the Indonesian Government and West Papuan leaders.
"Not only is our reputation as a country committed to effective and ethical aid programmes at stake, we are also colluding with a brutal police force within a police and military occupied country.
"West Papuans are asking us to stop funding this programme and supporting their violent police, we need to do so now."
Jayapura Three Indonesian guerillas and a soldier were killed in an exchange of gunfire in the latest bout of violence in Papua province, home to a US-owned mine.
The clash broke out on Friday when about 25 soldiers and police launched a security operation in the separatist stronghold of Puncak Jaya, a spokesperson for the Indonesian army said. A rebel spokesman could not be reached for comment.
The fatal encounter was the latest round of violence in the restive province near a mine run by Freeport-McMoRan, one of the world's largest copper and gold producers. The Papua chapter of the National Commission for Human Rights says more than 50 people, including nine soldiers, were killed during clashes in the province late last year.
There has been low-level insurgency in Papua since the region was transferred from Dutch to Indonesian rule in the 1960s. West Papua was taken over through a stage-managed vote by community leaders called the Act of Free Choice, which has been widely dismissed as a sham.
Since then, about 100,000 Papuans the equivalent of a sixth of today's population have died in military operations in the resource-rich mountain area.
The Indonesian government does not allow foreign media to freely report in Papua, where it has tens of thousands of troops. The site of Friday's clash was inaccessible to local reporters.
Paul Bensemann The West Papuan farmer showed me scars on his head he claimed police caused nearly two years ago.
His eyes were still bloodshot after a beating by rifle butts, boots and rattan sticks. The left eye, scarred on its edge, seemed slightly out of place.
The 35-year-old still gets headaches and has a partial loss of sight. After the beating, he said he was locked in a paddy wagon with 14 others, and left without food, water, medical attention or a toilet for 26 hours.
Local independence leader Buchtar Tabuni, 34, said he has had to live and hide in the jungle after police stopped him on the way to a soccer game last June. They kicked him and beat him with rifle butts and threatened to bury him alive in a cemetery. Because he has not stopped politicking, he fears a police "killing team" may shoot him in the street.
Both men were talking about a provincial police force in the Indonesian territory that New Zealand trains.
Some Papuans say that by helping local police, New Zealand is party to the brutal suppression of human rights in the region, where the United Nations has urged Jakarta to hold accountable those responsible for violence.
The farmer seemed what he claimed: a market gardener hosting young people from his former highlands village while they studied in Jayapura, the largest city. Nothing he said was critical of Indonesian sovereignty.
Speaking through translators, the farmer said: "They broke the door in. They fired pistol shots into the sky outside and two policemen inside shot pistols into the ceiling. There were 15 of us in the house me and 14 students.
"They used their boots to jump on me. I was beaten on and off from 3am to 10am with rifle butts and wooden sticks. They were yelling, 'You are OPM. You are stupid'.
"At 11am we were taken to police headquarters. I had blood all over my face. They kept us in the police van at the back. No food, no water, no toilets. Next day at 1pm we were let out."
Unlike the farmer, Tabuni was radically political and said he was threatened to make him stop speaking out.
"There was a Polisi [police officer] on each side and they pinned an arm each with their backs. Behind me another one was grabbing my hair and pulling my head back. When we drove past a cemetery they said they could easily bury me alive in there.
"They said, 'You Papuans are not capable of creating anything but you want freedom. Why you want to be free? Papuans can't even make good food you can't even make spices.'
"Maybe it is time New Zealand is thinking about Papuans. New Zealand government funds to Indonesia should stop." For "spreading separatist propaganda" he had been jailed twice.
Victor Mambor, chairperson of the Alliance of Independent Journalists of Papua said one of his employees, Ardiansyah Matra'is, was killed at Merauke in 2010. The journalist had written a series of articles about illegal logging by military officers.
"His motorbike was by a bridge. Police say he jumped into river to commit suicide. But when his body was found in the harbour... hands tied together, feet tied together, his body beaten. Ardiansyah was dead before going in the river."
Mambor summed up New Zealand's police training as "aid that kills". "The Polisi here kill the people they don't make investigations. New Zealand needs to stop."
Few independent accounts of alleged human rights abuses in West Papua exist because Jakarta restricts access to observers. A 2005 report "Genocide in West Papua?" by John Wing, co-ordinator of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at Sydney University, claimed more than 100,000 Papuans had died since Indonesia took control from the Dutch in 1963.
And eight months ago the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay said that "serious allegations of human rights abuses by law enforcement officials persist."
The New Zealand aid project started in 2009 when police officers set up programmes in six West Papuan centres.
New Zealand's Jakarta Embassy website quotes senior police liaison officer Tim Haughey saying that for the past four years, officers had been "talking with and 'walking the beat' with their Indonesian counterparts, sharing the Kiwi style of community policing..."
"It means talking to business owners and pedestrians, meeting with community groups and organisations and finding out their concerns and issues for many of the local community this is the first time that they would have sat down with the police and discussed issues affecting them."
In West Papua I could not quiz local police or speak to other officials because I was interviewing illegally on a tourist visa, having arrived on the pretext of bird watching. But several Papuans raised disturbing claims about the effect of the programme.
Paul Mambrasar, of the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy of Papua said he had seen "no evidence police were applying the knowledge" of New Zealand training.
Referring to the June 2012 killing of Mako Tabuni, secretary general of National Committee for West Papua, or KNPB, Mambrasar said: "A doctor said when they [the police] took Mako from the hospital there was only one bullet hole. When they took him back, there were many holes."
Mambrasar and others described how West Papuan police chief Inspector General Tito Karnavian was carrying out a new and brutal crackdown on Melanesian separatists. Karnavian received part of his military training in New Zealand, and has a masters degree in security studies from Massey University.
Septer Manufandu, co-ordinator of the Civil Society Coalition to Uphold Law and Human Rights in Papua said that in September 2012 he discussed community policing with New Zealand Ambassador David Taylor and questioned whether it was helping Papuans.
Manufandu had been investigating alleged torture to KNPB members around West Papua after police raids last year. He said police pulled suspects fingernails out with pliers or squashed their toes with table legs. Complaints his group made had been ignored, with the Jayapura police commander saying it was a "normal situation to get information".
During my visit, a church leader and mediator, Dr Neles Tebay, said although Indonesia had committed to improve dealings with Papuans, the problem was local military and police. Aid to these agencies was often counter-productive.
"Generally speaking the Indonesian Government is closer to New Zealand than to Australia. Australians are considered as a more arrogant neighbour. Kiwis are more friendly."
Talks with the pro-independence Free Papua Movement (OPM) was the only way of settling the conflict, he said. New Zealand was in a good position to back that.
The New Zealand Government has taken a cautious approach towards Papua. Prime Minister John Key said after meeting Indonesian Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan in April 2012 that West Papua was "a very complex issue". Behind the scenes, however, concerns have been raised about the programme.
A January 2011 diplomatic cable released under the Official Information Act to Auckland human rights activist Maire Leadbeater and headed "Indonesia: Aid Monitoring Visit to Papua 18-23 November 2010" stated: "We highlighted the community policing project as a flagship in the province... This was welcomed by the heads of police and the military in Jayapura, by the police commander in Wamena and by the Governor and other political figures. One Wamena non-government organisation argued that as the police were agents of 'violence against Papuan children' we should expect criticism if we engaged with them.
"We responded that we had registered a variety of concerns about police; our view was that it was better to try and find ways to improve their performance and lift community understanding of their role also, rather than ignore extant problems."
Asked for comment, the Indonesian Embassy in Wellington did not address specific Papuan claims but described them as "a collection of negative opinions by sources that are mostly unreliable".
"In the words of New Zealand's Foreign Minister Murray McCully, community policing is one of the aspects that New Zealand is world-class at," the statement said.
Mr McCully said in a statement a review of the pilot work found it "supportive of the Indonesian National Police's reform efforts and provided practical skills and training.
"The NZ Government believes it is better to work with Indonesia to help instil principles of civil policing and community engagement rather than to observe and criticise from a distance. We welcome the Indonesian Government's instructions for the police and military to work in accordance with the law and with respect for human rights."
Margareth S. Aritonang and Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta In a move that will irk officials in Jakarta, a group of activists have spoken about the human rights situation in the West Papua and Papua provinces at the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights.
Three activists, two of whom are Indonesian, were guest speakers at the committee's hearing from Wednesday to Thursday in Brussels, Belgium.
The activists are Zely Ariane from Jakarta-based National Papua Solidarity (Napas), Victor Mambor from the Jayapura chapter of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) and Norman Voss from German-based International Coalition for Papua (ICP).
Representing the Indonesian government was Indonesian Ambassador to Belgium, Luxembourg and the European Union Arif Havas Oegroseno.
In the hearing, video footage of which can be viewed at
"There are still double standards in Papua and other parts of Indonesia
when it comes to media freedom and the application of the Press Law,"
Mambor told the hearing.
In his written statement to the forum, which was made available to The
Jakarta Post, he said that AJI had documented 22 cases of threats and
violence against journalists in Papua in 2013 alone.
Zely, meanwhile, told the hearing that "the Indonesian government should
admit that the state of the human rights situation in Papua is serious".
She called on the EU to put pressure on the government to uphold their
commitment to a dialogue with Papua.
Norman called for the release of all political prisoners in Papua and
reminded the committee of the long outstanding visit of UN human rights
mechanisms to Papua. "Papua needs to be opened up and international human
rights norms be realized for Papuans. A peaceful and sustainable change
cannot be expected in a climate of fear and repression of political
dissent," he said.
"We came [to the hearing] to explain our version of what is actually
happening in Papua and ask for support from the EU Parliament to help
uphold justice and peace in Papua," Zely told the Post upon leaving for
Brussels.
"We hope that our presentation will encourage the EU Parliament to endorse
calls for the Indonesian government, as well as lawmakers, to actually
protect and uphold the rights of Papuans, as well as to ideally implement a
peaceful dialogue between Indonesia and Papua," she added.
In a 16-page dossier submitted by the activists to the committee, activists
also criticized the restricted access slapped on foreign diplomats who
attempted to assess the situation in Papua, citing the recent closed visit
of foreign ministers from Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) member nations
as an example.
"After the MSG a regional body of Melanesian nations who support the
human situation in Papua decided to visit Papua to meet with civil
society representatives, the Indonesian authorities only prepared a tour to
industry and trade related projects. As a result of this access
restriction, Vanuatu withdrew from the visit as it felt the 'pre-arranged'
tour would not meet the purpose," the dossier says.
This particular incident also highlights similar restricted practices
implemented for other foreign agencies, including those that deal with
humanitarian and development cooperation.
Arif, according to the recorded footage, rejected the activists' claim that
the situation had not changed in Papua. He emphasized that the government's
policy of decentralization and special autonomy for Papua had boosted
development there.
Kate Lamb, Banda Aceh At first glance the oddity of a lone palm tree on
the shoreline, or a piece of graffiti with the words "hantu laut", meaning
ghosts of the sea also the words spray-painted on the military trucks
that collected the dead bodies could easily be missed by a new visitor
to Banda Aceh, the Indonesian city ravaged by the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami.
In the centre of town the reconstruction process has been so transformative
it is hard to believe the deadliest tsunami in history ripped through it
nine years ago, killing 221,000 people across Aceh province and leaving
more than 500,000 displaced.
But in the tsunami ground zero, where each aid recipient house in the
village is a beige replica of the next, the markers are more prevalent. In
one street a huge two-and-a-half tonne barge swept in by the wave still
rests atop the skeleton of two houses. It now serves as a piece of tsunami
memorabilia, and an awe-inspiring reminder of the wrath of nature.
By the coast, the tsunami towers stand like sentinels guarding against the
fury of the ocean. The thick concrete pillars are about 16 metres (52ft)
high, built about a mile from the shore, a place for people to run to in
the event of another tsunami, standing four storeys above the houses
around. The top floors are open air and can be used for evacuation, there
is also a helipad on each. The safety towers are made of reinforced
concrete and can hold around 500 people each. They also offer a clear
topographical view of what is pre- and post-disaster.
Sandwiched between lush rainforest mountains and the sea, neat lines of
blue squares mark the roofs of the new villages while the centre of town is
a kaleidoscoe of colours and shapes, rusty roofs, and the turrets of the
impressive central mosque. For the most part, the centre was badly damaged,
but not entirely destroyed.
Triggered by a 9.1-magnitude quake off the coast of Sumatra, the tsunami
affected 14 countries across Asia but it slammed Banda Aceh the hardest.
The scale of the devastation and human suffering was enormous. In some
cases the tsunami wave reached 20 metres (66ft) high and speeds of up to
140mph, decimating entire villages and wiping out a third of the city.
"When I looked out the window I was completely taken aback by the sight,
everything was flattened, all the houses were broken and the streets were
filled with garbage and dirt," says Muslahuddin Daud, an Acehnese activist
who fortuitously survived even though he was fishing on the rocks that
Sunday morning.
The disaster intensified further after an earthquake struck Nias, an island
off North Sumatra, in March 2005. The reconstruction task was mammoth, but
it also backed by $655bn (#400bn) in international aid, and was overseen by
Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, a well-respected figure in Indonesian politics.
An energy minister under the former dictator Suharto, the Stanford graduate
says he was lucky enough to know about the "birds of the jungle here", a
euphemism for corrupt politicians that might have siphoned off the
multibillion dollar development fund.
"Here in our culture we don't negotiate with the president but I had to
negotiate," says Mangkusubroto of why, three days after traveling to Aceh,
he asked for a specific disaster recovery agency to be formed, a seat in
the cabinet, and to report directly to the president. "I knew that I was
going to sit in the hot seat," explains Mangkusubroto, "I would be the one
that would be on the grill and those guys in Jakarta would in a second
forget about what I was doing there."
As the director of the newly formed Aceh-Nias Reconstruction Agency (BRR),
Mangkusubroto delivered a master plan in the first three months and co-
ordinated more than 500 agencies through the phased reconstruction; from
the initial cleanup to large-scale infrastructure projects. Across the Aceh
province, more than 140,000 houses, along with 1,700 schools, almost 1,000
government buildings, 36 airports and seaports and 3,700 kilometres of road
were finished by the end of 2010, a year after the BRR's mandate finished
in 2009.
The catch cry of the reconstruction the idea to 'build back better,' has
undoubtedly been implemented. The city, even though its centre was not
entirely destroyed, is far superior post tsunami.
Most noticeably, Banda Aceh has what many Indonesian cities lack smooth,
wide roads, neat waste bins on the sidewalks, and modern waste management
and drainage systems. The reconstruction process has been hailed as a
success, and as a model to emulate, but it was by no means flawless.
For a start, Aceh was not only rebuilding itself after a natural disaster
it was also a society recovering from nearly three decades of sectarian
conflict. The tsunami effectively ended the fighting between the Indonesian
government and the Acehnese independence movement Gerakan Aceh Merdeka
(GAM), resulting in a peace agreement in 2005. One Acehnese told me that
during the conflict-wracked curfew days he became so accustomed to seeing
dead bodies in the street in the morning that he would merely turn the
corpses over to check if they were a relative or not.
Today, some say Banda Aceh is a better city not because of its new roads
and sparkling new hospital, but because there is peace. Critical to
rebuilding trust in a highly combustible society, says Mangkusubroto, was
the focus on community engagement.
Yet the approach saw projects stalled for months, sometimes years.
Important documents such as land titles and birth certificates were washed
away so land ownership could only be determined by interviewing the
surviving residents about who owned what, and cross-checking the answers to
eventually map out land rights each village. Victims took shelter across
the city, in mosques, camps, and the remaining safe houses of friends and
family, so the process was protracted, but it was the only way.
The final results revealed the extent to which communities had been turned
upside down. Orphans were now landowners and entire families had been wiped
out. In other cases, the land where people's houses once stood was now
irreversibly submerged. For the most part Aceh was built on the same lines,
but in some cases the tsunami completely gauged out the land, altering the
landscape and forcing former residents to relocate.
Community consultation was the only way to determine what had once been,
and it was also seen as the best way to determine what would be.
Mangkusubroto says he decided early on that the Acehnese should choose how
they wanted to rebuild their lives and shape their future, rather than have
it dictated to them by the government or international aid agencies.
This approach trickled down to community consultation about basic decisions
such as whether the tsunami survivors wanted health clinics, new, wide
escape roads, and even drainage in their village. Again, it was a very time
consuming process. And on closer inspection there was a major
miscalculation of local needs.
"Aid organisations were under pressure to spend the money," says
Muslahuddin Daud, reeling off a list of empty facilities spread across the
province. Driving along the $250bn USAid built road from Banda Aceh to
Calang, another town practically destroyed in 2004, there is a huge
abandoned university, water treatment plant and most noticeably, hundreds
of abandoned houses, a common site across Banda Aceh and its surrounds.
In the small seaside village of Lampu'uk where the gigantic mosque was
the only building that survived the tsunami hundreds of houses donated
by Turkish Red Cross are unoccupied. "Many of the houses are empty because
they are owned by orphans, or if they are old enough they have moved," says
56-year-old resident Harun from his porch, "Others are afraid to live in
the village now." Harun is the local schoolteacher but these days there are
not many students. Of the 600 junior school children in Lampu'uk before the
tsunami, only five survived.
By wiping out the weakest swimmers, mostly women and children, the tsunami
altered the demographics of entire villages such as Lampu'uk. Harun and his
wife Rostiana both lost their partners and children in the tsunami and
married during the two years they lived in a tent while they waited for a
new house to be built. They now have a six-year-old daughter with Down's
syndrome, newly growing fruit trees at their gate and chickens pecking
about in their yard, but life in the village is not the same.
The couple say people in the community are much more individualistic now, a
sentiment echoed in many Acehnese villages. Rebuilding physical
infrastructure appears to have much more successful than resurrecting
communities.
Aid worker Ibnu Mundzir recalls a poignant discussion he had with Acehnese
women about the main changes in social life before and after the tsunami.
"Some mentioned that before the tsunami they were one family, one
community, but after that a lot of aid came to the community and sometimes
the distribution was not fair enough," he says, "community members had to
compete among each other."
Daud says the cash-for-work programme, where people were given money to
clean up the rubble and rebuild their houses "destroyed the Acehnese social
structure" and undermined the Indonesian concept of "gotong royong", or
communal work. Instead of people helping their neighbours willingly, Daud
says the flow of aid money and especially the cash-for-work programmes
post-tsunami has made people reluctant to help their neighbours unless they
get cash in return.
Also socially divisive and controversial was the huge variations in the
quality of housing provided by different aid groups. The BRR assigned
different organisations to rebuild houses in particular villages and locals
now refer to some areas according to which groups built them. One relocated
village has even been dubbed "Jackie Chan village", after the kung-fu hero
and actor campaigned to raise money for the Hong Kong Red Cross. The
kindergarten in Jackie Chan village is abandoned and strewn with shattered
glass, but the houses are still in good shape much better than other
villages fared.
Some houses were built so badly they were barely livable after several
years, infested with termites and topped by leaky roofs. Simon Field,
adviser to the United Nations development programme in Aceh during the
reconstruction period, says organisations that tried to build homes as fast
as possible invariably ran into problems and people were angry when they
realised they got the raw end of the deal. "People were frustrated, they
might have got their houses quickly but their neighbour down the road got a
fantastic house. They started thinking they should have stayed in their
tent for two years and waited for a better one," he says.
In other cases, former GAM rebels intimidated village heads into awarding
them construction contracts, or even a house. Field even knows one man who
scored eight houses, while others got none.
Fisherman Syamsuddin says he rejected a house in Jackie Chan village,
choosing instead to live in a makeshift wooden shack by the water. "I don't
want to live in that village it's far," he says of the place he was asked
to relocate to, "from here I can go straight to the sea".
Mangkusubruto says that in some of the poorer areas he was reluctant to
force the fishermen to leave. A day before heading to the Philippines to
offer his counsel, the former BRR head is the first to admit the myriad of
problems, such as "deep pockets" and duplicated houses. But the greatest
achievement, he says, was ensuring there was lasting peace.
"Quality we can argue, OK, numbers we can argue, but you cannot argue with
me about whether there was conflict, horizontal, social conflict," says
Mangkusubroto, "None. I am so proud."
Kharinda Triananda Increased awareness and more widely available
information about violence against women have encouraged more victims to
speak up and report the abuse they have suffered, an expert says.
"It's not that the number of the cases has drastically increased," Irma
Martam, a psychologist from Pulih Foundation, which helps women overcome
the trauma of sexual abuse, said on Friday.
"I believe that violence [against women] has been with us for a long time
but only now are people becoming more aware that there is a way to report
these cases."
Irma said more victims had found the courage to come forward and reveal
what they had suffered. "People used to think domestic affairs were best
kept domestic and therefore other people should not interfere, but now
people have gradually realized that they do not have to endure constant
abuse," she said.
Irma said that as women grew more confident of their rights, people would
think twice before committing violence against them.
The National Commission on Violence Against Women, or Komnas Perempuan,
reported between 1998 and 2010, it received reports of more than 90,000
cases of sexual violence against women, with the number rising each year.
It has attributed the increase to more women coming forward rather than a
rise in the prevalence of abuse, but still warns that the number of cases
being reported represents a tiny fraction of all cases of abuse against
women.
The Legal Aid Institute for Justice, or LBH Keadilan, has demanded that the
House of Representatives immediately pass legislation to tackle sexual
violence. LBH Keadilan says the increase in the number of reported cases
indicates there are few safe places left for women, with abuse being
reported everywhere from public transportation to the work place to the
home.
"It is also not uncommon for sex abuse to happen at education facilities,
or even at home, a place that should be the safest place for women," said
Halimah Humayrah Tuanaya, the director of advocacy at LBH Keadilan.
In a recently reported high-profile case, a 28-year-old woman claimed to
have been groped while unconscious at a TransJakarta bus shelter last
Tuesday.
The woman reportedly fell ill shortly after boarding a bus at the RSI
Cempaha Putih shelter in Central Jakarta, suffering an asthma attack before
passing out, according to police.
Sr. Cmr. Rikwanto, a spokesman for the Jakarta Police, said she was helped
off the bus at the Harmoni shelter in Central Jakarta and taken into the
generator room for treatment, where four TransJakarta employees allegedly
groped her as she was half-conscious.
Each was later charged with committing an indecent act and faces a maximum
sentence of 32 months in prison if convicted. Rikwanto advised women to
only take public transportation with women-only sections, such as the
TransJakarta.
Jakarta An NGO called upon the government to resolve human rights abuses
after Erwiana Sulistyaningsih, an Indonesian domestic worker in Hong Kong,
was allegedly tortured by her employer Law Wan Tung, 44.
The Jakarta-based NGO Women's Solidarity for Human Rights (Solidaritas
Perempuan) said the government must provide comprehensive protection to
migrant workers and their families.
Solidaritas Perempuan's (SP) national executive body chairperson Wahidah
Rustam said justice was still far from Erwiana. President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, she cited an example, had only made a phone call to Erwiana's
family without carrying out tough actions to resolve the case.
"As head of state and government, SBY is responsible for the protection of
migrant workers and their families through policy issuance and
implementation as violence and rights abuse cases have also been
experienced by many other workers," Wahidah said in a statement made
available to The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Throughout 2013, the SP handled 54 violence and rights violation cases
against Indonesian migrant workers. Of that number, only 27 cases have been
resolved, showing the government's clumsiness in fighting for the rights of
migrant workers as Indonesian citizens.
Ongoing rights abuse cases against Indonesian migrant workers have showed
the absence of adequate protection for "foreign exchange heroes".
"Erwiana's case has clearly shown that the modern slavery is still ongoing
until now," said Wahidah. (ebf)
Tangerang Hundreds of workers laid off by detergent producer PT Sinar
Antjol in Manis Industrial Estate in Curug, Tangerang regency staged a
protest Thursday, demanding the management rehire them and pay them the
regency's minimum wage.
Before the rally, the demonstrators, who had been outsourced employees with
the company, stormed the factory and forced newly hired workers to go home.
Labor union chairman Eko Santoso said they forced the new workers out
because the regency's Manpower and Transmigration Agency had nullified the
contracts of the new employees and had advised the company's management to
rehire its old workers.
"We will stop all newly recruited workers from entering the factory because
our dismissal and the new hiring are against the 2003 Labor Law," he said.
Freedom of speech & expression
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta Watchdog groups have urged the government to
immediately review the 2008 Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE)
Law, saying the current regulation could be a threat to free speech.
The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) and Information and
Communication Technology Watch (ICT Watch) said the current law failed to
guarantee freedom of speech and there was little time left for the
government to review the law before the legislative election started.
"There should be more room and mechanisms in the law that guarantee freedom
of expression for every citizen in the country because we've seen that many
innocent people have been charged under the law," Elsam researcher Wahyudi
Djafar said.
Elsam recorded at least 37 people had been charged under the law between
2008 and 2013, including Prita Mulyasari, who was sued by Omni
International Hospital in 2009 for defamation after she complained about
the hospital's service in an online mailing list.
Wahyudi said most of the victims were charged under Article 27 of the ITE
Law, stipulating that anyone found guilty of using electronic media,
including social networks, to intimidate or defame others could be liable
to six years in prison and a fine of up to Rp 1 billion (US$82,000).
"This article has created a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and
expression in Indonesia and this is a threat in a democratic country,"
Wahyudi said.
ICT Watch researcher Donny BU said the ITE Law had also restricted Internet
freedom. He said based on the law, the government could easily block and
filter content on many websites.
Donny said in the past websites like malesbanget.com, a comedy
entertainment website, and forum.ourvoice.or.id, which promotes the rights
of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community, had become
victims of arbitrary filtering.
"It was amusing when the government blocked malesbanget.com just because
their system found many words like 'male' and 'bang' on the website. This
only shows that it has yet to apply a proper mechanism in the blocking or
filtering of content on the Internet," he said.
He said such reckless blocking of the Internet was a violation of human
rights. The two groups also demanded the government set up a call center
for cases of arbitrary blocking in the future. In addition, the groups also
called on for the establishment of an independent body that could maintain
Internet freedom and neutrality.
Responding to the demand, the government said it planned to review the law,
especially regarding harsh punishments for violators.
Communications and Information Ministry informatics applications division
secretary Djoko Agung Harijadi said in the draft revision that the maximum
punishment for people convicted for defamation would be reduced from six to
two years.
"By reducing the prison term, the police can't detain a suspect before a
court verdict. We hope this will allay people's fears of expressing
themselves freely," Djoko said.
He said they had sent the draft revisions on the ITE Law to the House of
Representatives and the draft had been included in the 2014 national
legislation program (Prolegnas).
Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan announced on Friday that he was resigning from
the Indonesian cabinet, saying he wanted to focus on his presidential bid
ahead of this year's election.
"I am resigning from my position, and this is effective since January 31,
2014," Gita said in Jakarta. "And surely I've told this to the President."
Gita said he wanted to focus on politics, citing his participation in the
Democratic Party's presidential convention the party's internal
mechanism to select its presidential nominee for the 2014 election.
Gita said he did not want his political bid to clash with his work as the
trade minister, saying it would create a bad public perception.
"I first asked to resign last year after they invited me to join the
convention," Gita said according to Indonesian news portal kompas.com. "I
said I wanted [to resign] because I don't want my position as the trade
minister to clash with my participation in the convention."
"The measure I'm taking is the best choice for the development of democracy
in Indonesia. I thank my wife, who has been supporting in every step that
I've made, including my decision to join the government more than four
years ago," Gita added as quoted by Detik.com.
Gita hinted at his possible resignation on Thursday night through his
Twitter account @GWirjawan. He tweeted "Tomorrow I will make an important
decision in my career. Bismillah." He also quoted US boxing legend Muhammad
Ali in another tweet: "He who is not courageous enough to take risks will
accomplish nothing in life."
Michael Umbas, the media deputy for Gita's campaign team, said Gita had
submitted his resignation letter to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Democratic Party spokesman Ikhsan Modjo said the party appreciated Gita's
move, and believed that it would not harm the cabinet because Yudhoyono,
the party's founder and chairman, must have anticipated it.
"The decision to resign is an ethical consequence of his choice to join the
presidential nomination for 2014-2019, although it is not required of him,"
Ikhsan said on Friday. "The Democratic Party will pray for his success."
Gita, 48, began serving as the trade minister after a cabinet reshuffle in
2011, replacing Mari Elka Pangestu, who now serves as country's tourism and
creative economy minister. Prior to that, in 2009 he was appointed as the
chair person for the Indonesia Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM).
Gita is among 11 people participating in he Democratic Party's presidential
convention. Other participants include House of Representatives speaker
Marzuki Alie, State-Owned Enterprise Minister Dahlan Iskan, Paramadina
University rector Anies Baswedan, former Indonesian Military (TNI)
commander Endriartono Sutarto and US ambassador to Indonesia Dino Patti
Djalal.
Dino earlier announced his plan to resign from his ambassadorial position
in September of last year, saying that he also wanted to focus on the
presidential convention. His resignation, though, was only approved by
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in November, and he was still taking
care of administrative work before being able to fully retire.
Jakarta A major faction of the National Awakening Party (PKB) on
Thursday declared former Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla as a third
contender for the party's presidential nomination.
Representatives from 24 out of the PKB's 33 provincial branches on Thursday
attended an event in Banjarmasin marking Kalla's entrance into the party's
internal nomination race for this year's presidential election.
Before Kalla, the PKB announced that dangdut superstar Rhoma Irama and
former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud M.D. would vie to be the
party's presidential hopeful.
"Are you willing to be a presidential candidate for the PKB?" Greety
Tielman, the head of PKB's eastern Indonesia caucus, asked Kalla at the
event. "I welcome this support and trust," Kalla responded.
Greety said after the event that support for Kalla initially came from the
party's eastern Indonesian branch offices. A former chairman of the Golkar
Party, Kalla was born in Bone, South Sulawesi, in 1942.
"Pak Jusuf Kalla is a representative figure for eastern Indonesia," Greety
told reporters. "So it's only normal that the PKB in eastern Indonesia
supports him." He added that Kalla was an experienced politician with a
"proven" ability to lead.
PKB chairman Muhaimini Iskandar, who earlier nominated Roma to compete for
the party's confidence, said that each candidate had an equal opportunity
to run under the banner of the PKB. "We must pay attention to every
[aspiring candidate]," Muhaimin said.
Under Indonesian electoral law, a party needs to collect at least 25
percent of the total national votes, or secure 20 percent of seats at the
House of Representatives, to be entitled to nominate a presidential
candidate. Otherwise, it must form a coalition with other parties to be
able to nominate a candidate.
The PKB received 4.9 percent of the vote in the 2009 legislative election
and formed a coalition with five other parties including the Democratic
Party and Golkar to support the candidacy of President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The government's decision to allocate Rp 1.5
trillion ($123 million) towards election witness fees has sparked
controversy among political parties.
The Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) maintains its stance
rejecting the government's policy to use the state budget to pay witness
fees claiming the decision would only benefit the ruling party.
"We prefer to pay for our own witnesses like we always have," lawmaker
Maruarar Sirait said on Wednesday. Maruarar said the public clearly
rejected the idea of spending the state budget to pay for the witness fees.
PDI-P secretary general Tjahjo Kumolo said his party preferred to pay for
witnesses because there are no definite regulations that stipulate the
distribution of witness fees.
"What about accountability? Who will disburse the funds and distribute them
to the witnesses?" he said. "Witnesses from political parties should be
paid by those parties, don't burden the state budget, we don't have enough
money because there are natural disasters everywhere," he said.
But Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik denied that the policy
would put unnecessary burden on the state budget. Jero, a Democratic Party
lawmaker, said the policy should be lauded as a breakthrough because the
2014 election would affect everybody in the country.
"We need witnesses and it's too bothersome for the political parties to
raise the funds to pay them, so I believe this is a good plan," he told
Indonesian news portal Merdeka.com.
Abdul Hakam Naja deputy chairman of House Commission II, previously said
the witness fee idea was initially suggested by the government. Hakam said
that on one occasion, the Home Affairs Ministry invited members of House
Commission II, General Elections Committee (KPU) and Elections Supervisory
Body (Bawaslu) for a consultation meeting.
"It was initially suggested by the government. We [from Commission II] were
invited to a consultation meeting at the Home Affairs Ministry. So, this
decision about the witness fee was a joint decision between the government,
KPU, Bawaslu and DPR [House of Representatives]," Hakam said.
He said the witness fee was mainly intended to meet the principle of
fairness. It was also important to ensure that an honest and fair general
election would take place.
"The government recommended the witness fee for Bawaslu and for every
political party to meet the principle of fairness. Rich political parties
can send many witnesses to polling stations, but parties with less money
cannot afford it," said Hakam, who is a National Mandate Party politician.
Hakam said the DPR and Bawaslu responded positively to the government's
suggestion and agreed to provide a budget totaling Rp 1.5 trillion, with Rp
800 billion allocated for Bawaslu's witnesses and Rp 700 billion for
witnesses from political parties.
"I think this is a good start. We are often worried about political parties
being funded by the state and also afraid if political parties are funded
by rich people like entrepreneurs. We have options and we are making a
decision," he said.
Agun Gunanjar, chairman of House Commission II, said the witness fee could
not be misused.
"The Rp 54.5 billion fund disbursement will not be given to the parties.
The money is for KPPS [Polling Station Working Committees] officers, the
money is for general election organizers to pay the witnesses. So, it's not
for political parties. It will be disbursed after the job is done at the
polling stations, by name and by the polling stations. How can one cheat?"
Agun asked.
He lamented the fact that some people tried to politicize the matter. He
said the witness fee was no different compared to the budget for ballot
papers, and election logistics.
"There's an opinion that the fund was for political parties. The fund is
intended for general election implementation, similar to the funds for
ballot papers. The difference is that it will be for witnesses. It will not
be rolled out to political parties," the Golkar politician said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P) is expected to be heading for a big win in the 2014 legislative
election if it decides to nominate Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo as
its presidential candidate, a survey has found.
The Jakarta-based pollster the Pol-Tracking Institute found that if
the PDI-P announced the candidacy of Jokowi before the legislative
election, the party would receive 30.78 percent of the vote, far higher
than the Golkar Party in second place with 12.34 percent, the Great
Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party on 6.51 percent and the ruling
Democratic Party (PD) on 4.67 percent.
In this scenario, only the four political parties would be able to send
members to the House of Representatives while the remaining eight parties
would fail to reach the 3.5 percent threshold.
However, if Jokowi is not nominated, according to the survey, the PDI-P
would receive 18.8 percent. Golkar, meanwhile, would receive 15.8 percent
higher than the 12.34 percent predicted if Jokowi was nominated. Gerindra
is expected to get 7.6 percent and the PD 5.6 percent.
The United Development Party (PPP), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and
the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party, which were previously predicted to
struggle in their search for House seats, would be able to pass the
threshold if Jokowi was not nominated.
The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), the Prosperous Justice Party
(PKS), the Crescent Star Party (PBB), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and
the National Democrat (NasDem) Party, meanwhile, would fail to pass the
threshold in either scenario, according to Pol-Tracking.
In another scenario, which puts Jokowi as vice presidential candidate, the
PDI-P could receive 28.4 percent of the national vote, regardless of who
would be the presidential candidate, the survey found.
In a scenario where Jokowi is excluded from the list of nominated
candidates, chief patron of Gerindra Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto would
receive the most votes (19.18 percent), followed by PDI-P chairperson
Megawati Soekarnoputri (15.26 percent), Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie (13
percent) and Hanura chairman Gen. (ret) Wiranto (11 percent).
In the survey, Pol-Tracking asked respondents which candidate they would
vote for if an election were held today, and 37 percent of respondents said
Jokowi, followed by Prabowo with 10.3 percent.
Megawati has insisted she will only announce the party's presidential
candidate after the legislative election in April, a decision that could
benefit PDI-P's rivals.
"Supporters of non-PDI-P parties might vote for the party if Jokowi is
nominated. On the other hand, PDI-P supporters could end up voting for
other parties if Jokowi is not nominated," Pol-Tracking director Hanta Yuda
said.
A grassroots campaign for presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto steeped in
an ancient Javanese prophecy about a just king and the end of the world
have begun to appear in the Indonesian capital.
Photos of the 50,000 rupiah bank notes, each bearing a stamp reading
"Prabowo Satria Piningit Heru Cakra Ratu Adil," hit Twitter over the
weekend. The slogan roughly translates to "Prabowo: Satria Piningit, the
era of the just king," a not-so-subtle nod to the fabled Satria Piningit
(Satrio Piningit in Javanese, "hidden knight" in English) foretold in the
Jongko Joyoboyo (Jayabaya prophecies).
According to the ancient prophecy, a just king will rise to power from
within Java as the nation hits a low point, ruling the country, and then
the globe, in the lead-up to the end of days.
The Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) party has denied a hand in the
campaign and accused whoever stamped the bills of attempting to smear
Prabowo, the party's chairman.
Presidential candidates are barred from campaigning until three weeks
before the July 9 election according to General Elections Commission (KPU)
guidelines and the inclusion of the stamp on rupiah notes smacked of money
politics, a constant concern during election seasons in Indonesia.
"We are very concerned with this matter," Budi Purnomo Karjodiharjo,
coordinator of the Prabowo Media Center, said on Sunday. "The circulation
of money stamped with 'Prabowo Satria Piningit Heru Cakra Ratu Adil,' is a
black campaign against Prabowo."
The former Kopassus Special Forces general has taken a strong stance
against corruption in pre-campaign speeches, making circulation of marked
bills, regardless of the sentiment, a stain on Prabowo's anti-corruption
claims. The implication, Budi said, is that Prabowo's election team
distributed the notes to voters as an incentive to mark Prabowo's name on
the July ballot a claim the team adamantly denies.
"It is impossible that we, or Gerindra, did such a thing," Budi said. "In
more ways that one Mr. Prabowo has conveyed his commitment with respect to
corruption eradication and being against money politics."
Budi said the campaign team hopes the public can see through any attempts
to cast a negative light on their candidate. "It is regrettable if some
members of the public believe that we did this," he said.
"But we are certain that people who are smart will not succumb to negative
campaigns like this... We will remain patient and strong and we will not be
affected by this. We want to keep stepping [forward], keep working, keep
striving to win the hearts of the people who want the revival of the Great
Indonesia."
Jakarta Bank Indonesia (BI) aims to destroy all rupiah notes inscribed
with the name of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party's chief
patron, Prabowo Subianto.
BI's communications director, Peter Jacobs, said, as quoted by
Kontan.co.id, that unofficially marked currency was considered damaged and
should not be used for transactions. "Therefore, currency that has been
marked [with Prabowo's name] will be destroyed once it enters the Bank
Indonesia system," Peter said.
Rupiah notes with Prabowo's name came to light via social media, when a
number of people posted photos of the money on Twitter. The inscription
reads: "Prabowo: Satria Piningit (Knight of Justice)".
Peter added that whoever was behind the move to inscribe the notes with
Prabowo's name had to stop their activities. "The rupiah is a state symbol,
so the public must not do anything to tarnish it," he said.
Jakarta The head of the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis
Centre (PPATK), M.Yusuf, has said the number of suspicious transactions
carried out by political parties has increased by between 20 and 25 percent
ahead of the elections.
"We are still assessing [the situation] but there has been a clear increase
in the number of suspicious transactions reported in the past year leading
up to the elections," Yusuf said at the House of Representatives in Jakarta
on Monday as quoted by Antara news agency.
He refused to elaborate on the pattern of the transactions. "I cannot give
you details as we are still assessing them and we are afraid that if any
information is leaked, it will impede the inquiry into the cases," he said.
Yusuf said transactions were considered to be suspicious if a person's
financial activities far outweighed his or her earnings. "Transactions are
deemed suspicious if someone has a monthly income of Rp 10 million (US$820)
but he or she conducts Rp 500 million worth of transactions," he said.
Other elements that can indicate suspicious transactions include currency
exchanges used for the transactions and the frequency of the transactions.
"If someone suddenly makes a transaction using US dollars while he or she
used to only conduct transactions in rupiah, or they are now conducting
transactions every week while it used to only be once a month, we will
consider that suspicious, as they have deviated from their routine
financial pattern," he said. (ebf)
Ina Parlina and Haeril Halim, Jakarta Suspecting that politics could be
behind the Constitutional Court's (MK) decision to delay the delivery of a
verdict on simultaneous elections, plaintiffs in the case are considering
filing another report to the court's council of ethics.
The Coalition of Civil Society for Simultaneous Elections suspected a 10-
month delay in the delivery of the ruling could have given political
parties, who dreaded the prospect of having simultaneous elections in 2014
without an electoral threshold, room for political maneuvering.
"We're considering taking the option [filing a report] and are still
discussing it with coalition members. No decision has been made yet,
although it will not change anything with regard to the ruling, but it is a
good way to teach the judges a lesson," a member of the coalition, Ray
Rangkuti, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Earlier on Saturday, constitutional law expert Refly Harun accused the
court of "playing politics" by delaying the reading of the ruling and
suggested the coalition submit a report on ethics violations by the
justices. "It is better to report [the justices] to the ethics council,"
Refly said.
The recent Constitutional Court ruling on simultaneous elections has drawn
criticism, as the court appeared to have delayed the reading of the verdict
until only three months before the 2014 general election, which justified
its decision to rule that simultaneous elections could only take place from
2019.
The new mechanism will take effect in 2019 as the court argued that to
impose simultaneous elections in 2014 would create "chaos and legal
uncertainty". The final decision, however, was made during a justice
meeting on March 26, 2013, when Mahfud MD was chief justice. Mahfud is now
running for president.
Analysts have said had the court delivered its verdict in March, it would
have given the General Elections Commission (KPU) ample time to prepare for
simultaneous presidential and legislative elections in 2014.
"It seems there was an intention to delay the reading of the ruling,"
political communications expert Effendi Gazali, who was the plaintiff in
the judicial review case, said on Saturday.
The court ruled in favor of Effendi, who has won support from several names
including antigraft expert Saldi Isra, constitutional law expert Irman
Putra Sidin, political analyst Hamdi Muluk and activist Ray Rangkuti.
Effendi and members of the coalition filed the judicial review to challenge
the 2008 Presidential Election Law, which they deemed contradicted the
Constitution.
Current chief justice Hamdan Zoelva is a former Crescent Star Party (PBB)
politician, former chief justice Akil Mochtar once served as a lawmaker
from the Golkar Party and justice Patrialis Akbar was appointed by
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to serve on the court given his close
connections with the National Mandate Party (PAN).
On March 19, 2013, the plaintiffs wrote to the court, demanding it
immediately issue the ruling before April last year so it would not disrupt
preparation for the elections. The coalition wrote again on May 20, 2013,
asking about a possible response to the petition.
"The court's clerk replied in a letter dated May 30, that according to then
chief justice [Akil Mochtar], the case was still being deliberated in a
closed-door session," Effendi said.
Yusril Ihza Mahendra, a presidential hopeful from the PBB, who also filed a
judicial review demanding the court hold simultaneous elections this year,
has also accused the court of bowing to political pressure.
Yusril suspected Akil was responsible for a decision to withhold the
delivery of the verdict for more than 10 months. "Why was the verdict read
out only now when the 2014 general election is approaching? Based on this,
they decided it would take effect only in 2019," Yusril said.
Justice Harjono dismissed such allegations, although later revealed the
court had only agreed on simultaneous elections without deciding whether it
would take effect in 2014 or 2019.
"There was no pressure from political parties and [we did not have]
political interests," he said. "[In 2013, the court] agreed on simultaneous
elections. The threshold and the time, whether it was for 2014 or 2019, had
yet to be decided at that time."
Harjono declined to give details on when the court had decided that its
ruling would take effect in 2019. He then attacked Yusril for suspecting
that politics was behind the decision.
"He [Yusril] concluded that based on his own assumptions. The ruling was
already made [in 2013] and Akil was tasked to prepare the draft," he said.
"But at that time we were busy [with many local election dispute cases] so
we had yet to discuss it completely. Not to mention Akil's arrest [for
graft]."
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The Constitutional Court's decision to delay the
implementation of a ruling that effectively scraps the electoral threshold
for parties to field presidential nominees has been seen as benefiting the
Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The ruling, which declares holding the presidential election and
legislative election on separate dates as unconstitutional, thus rendering
the threshold irrelevant, has drawn protests from the smaller parties that
have long demanded the threshold be scrapped.
With political parties required to gain 25 percent of the popular vote or
control 20 percent of the legislative seats to field a candidate in this
year's election, chances remain slim for smaller parties to join the
presidential race in July.
Political analyst Gun Gun Heryanto said, after seeing the results of recent
political surveys, it was very likely that the upcoming election would be a
three-horse race.
"It remains the same. The first ticket will be grabbed by Golkar Party's
Aburizal Bakrie and the second ticket by PDI-P's Megawati or Jokowi," he
said on Friday, referring to PDI-P chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri and
Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo.
According to the latest opinion polls, the PDI-P and Golkar would garner
more than 15 percent of the popular vote, indicating they would have better
bargaining power when forming an alliance.
The smaller parties such as the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party, the
Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party and the Islamic parties will
have to compete to get the third ticket, Gun Gun said.
Hanura has nominated its chairman, Wiranto, while Gerindra has been
campaigning for its chief patron, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto. Other
hopefuls include Hatta Rajasa from the National Mandate Party (PAN), Yusril
Ihza Mahendra of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and former court chief
justice Mahfud MD, who could be nominated by his former party, the National
Awakening Party (PKB).
According to many political surveys, Prabowo is the most likely candidate
to win after Jokowi, but his party's approval rating remains far below the
PDI-P's at around 10 percent.
"The main battle is now among the middle-tier parties for the third slot. I
predicted it would be between Prabowo and Mahfud. However, Wiranto is now
being seen as a worthy contender. He could join the fray for the third
ticket with some logistical help from media tycoon Hary Tanoesoedibyo."
Gerindra deputy chairman Fadli Zon said his party was still upbeat about
fielding Prabowo. "We are ready for any rulings issued by the court. Since
the beginning, we have aimed to garner more than 20 percent of the vote,"
he said, as quoted by tribunnews.com. "If we fail to achieve our target, we
will form an alliance with other political parties to meet the threshold."
Fadli, however, questioned why the court issued the ruling at the 11th hour
and decided to delay its implementation to avoid disrupting the ongoing
preparations for this year's elections.
The petition to challenge the 2008 Presidential Election Law was filed by
political communication expert Effendi Gazali, in January last year and the
court, then led by Mahfud, reached a decision on the case in March.
Yusril, who filed a similar judicial review petition, has said the ruling
should have taken effect immediately as the constitutionality of the
results of the 2014 elections would otherwise be questionable.
He accused the court of meddling with politics, saying that people often
linked his petition to the fact that Hamdan Zoelva, the court's chief
justice, is a former PBB lawmaker, while the court's ruling showed it was
not the case.
"Why don't people suspect Akil, as a former Golkar politician, of delaying
the ruling's announcement?" he asked, referring to former chief justice
Akil Mochtar, who was arrested last year on graft charges.
Hanura lawmaker Syarifuddin Sudding also slammed the court for ruling that
concurrent elections would begin in 2019. "The losing parties in the 2014
elections will certainly dispute this," he said.
Golkar and the PDI-P have lauded the ruling, saying the court made a "wise"
decision, as delaying the April legislative election would cause political
instability.
Ina Parlina and Nurfika Osman, Jakarta The Constitutional Court ruled on
Thursday that Indonesia would hold the presidential election and
legislative election concurrently starting in 2019.
In a decision that some hoped would be applied to the 2014 elections, all
but one justice agreed that different dates for the presidential and
legislative election caused rampant horse-trading and inefficiency.
"We concluded that tactical and temporary political bargaining should be
prevented during the presidential election, so that the coalitions formed
[by political parties] are long-term and that integration among political
parties occurs naturally," Justice Ahmad Fadlil Sumadi said, reading out
the verdict.
The court also ruled that the current election mechanism contradicted the
Constitution, which considers the legislature and the executive equal in
power. "The checks-and-balances mechanism between the House of
Representatives and the presidency doesn't work well."
Because short-term coalitions form soon after the legislative election for
the sole purpose of nominating a presidential candidate, the winner in the
presidential election has to include members of those parties in his or her
Cabinet, thus reducing the effectiveness of House oversight over the
executive, it said.
The court was ruling on a judicial review filed by the Coalition of Civil
Society for Simultaneous Elections challenging the Presidential Election
Law. The coalition members include political communication expert Effendi
Ghazali, anti-graft expert Saldi Isra, constitutional law expert Irman
Putra Sidin, political analyst Hamdi Muluk and activist Ray Rangkuti.
The coalition filed the review on Jan. 10, 2013, to challenge Law No.
42/2008, which holds that the legislative and presidential elections be
held at least three months apart.
The coalition said by holding the elections simultaneously, the General
Elections Commission (KPU) could prevent horse-trading and transactional
politics. A simultaneous election could also help improve voter turnout,
the group argued.
On Dec. 13 last year, former law and human rights minister and senior
leader of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) Yusril Ihza Mahendra submitted a
request to challenge the Presidential Election Law, demanding the court
scrap several articles in the law, including the stipulation that a party
must gain 20 percent of the seats in the House or 25 percent of national
legislative votes in order to nominate a presidential candidate.
In its Thursday verdict, the court turned down a request that the 2014
elections be held at the same time. The court said that a simultaneous
election in 2014, would create "chaos and legal uncertainty".
"[We] suspended the implementation of the ruling until after the 2014
elections. In the future, [the mechanism] should follow the ruling and
separate elections are no longer possible," Justice Fadlil said.
Only one justice gave a dissenting opinion to the ruling. Justice Maria
Farida said that a separate election was only a legal and technical matter.
"This is not a matter of constitutionality, but a matter of choice in legal
policy," she said.
Major political parties breathed a sigh of relief when the court announced
its ruling. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the
Golkar Party had earlier expressed their concerns that concurrent elections
in 2014 would put them in unknown political territory.
PDI-P lawmaker Trimedya Panjaitan lauded the ruling, saying that it would
bring more efficiency to the country's political system. "It appears that
[the court] also shares the views of some political parties, including
PDI-P, that if the ruling was effective for 2014, it would be a bit risky,"
he said.
Golkar Party executive Sharif Cicip Sutarjo said his party had "no
objections to the ruling".
Both parties have also expressed concerns over a possible conflict of
interest in the handling of Yusril's petition, given that Constitutional
Court Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva is a former PBB lawmaker.
Hamdan said Thursday's verdict was actually reached on March 26, 2013, when
Mahfud MD was still chief justice and Akil Mochtar was a justice.
Justice Arief Hidayat denied that the court played politics in deciding
when the ruling would be released. "The reason [for the delay] is that the
court was being prudent."
Separately, Mahfud said that the court took almost a year to issue the
ruling because "it handled a lot of regional election dispute cases".
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta A coalition of NGOs has warned against
rising sectarianism and racism during the polls, with political parties
expected to exploit issues related to ethnicity, religion, race and
intergroup relations (SARA) in their election campaigns.
Indonesian Voters Committee (TEPI) coordinator Jerry Sumampow said on
Thursday that, while the election was a democratic event, it could also
lead to a rise of intolerance. He said religion and ethnicity were prone to
abuse from legislative and presidential candidates, who use the issues for
their own benefit.
"In past elections, election candidates often used methods that corner
other parties, such as by accusing, insulting or throwing hate words at
minority groups, including those who have different religions and beliefs,"
he told reporters at the General Elections Commission (KPU)'s headquarters.
Jerry cited the controversial remark made by dangdut singer and Muslim
preacher Rhoma Irama during the 2012 Jakarta gubernatorial election. While
delivering a sermon at a mosque in West Jakarta, he warned Muslim voters
about the dangers of electing Joko "Jokowi" Widodo whose mother he
labelled a Christian and Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-
Indonesian and a Christian.
Rhoma, who has declared his presidential bid, pointed out that former
governor Fauzi Bowo was a Muslim and of Betawi heritage Jakarta's native
ethnic group. The singer went on to point out that Fauzi's running mate,
Nachrowi Ramli, shared a similar profile.
Nachrowi also seemingly tried to offend Ahok by speaking in a stereotypical
Chinese-Indonesian accent during a televised debate between Fauzi and
Nachrowi, and Jokowi and Ahok.
"Even if the remark was intended as a joke, not everyone liked hearing it.
Even if they were actually joking, they hurt other people's feelings anyway
by seeing other people differently," Jerry said.
When asked about the Islamic parties that openly use religion to gain
votes, Jerry said that it was not a problem. "In campaigns, religion
usually becomes the basis of support for a particular party, and that's
fine. But don't discriminate against [other people's beliefs]."
TEPI said it had discussed the matter with members of the Election
Supervisory Committee (Bawaslu) and the KPU. Jerry said they would create
pamphlets and other tools to inform the public and political parties to
refrain from using religious or racial slurs to discredit certain election
contenders.
"Therefore, when the KPU spreads information [about the election] to the
public, they can also mention this matter [using our pamphlets]," he said.
KPU commissioner Arief Budiman, meanwhile, said the commission would take
firm action against political parties that resorted to negative SARA-based
campaigns. "If they are proven guilty of conducting negative campaigning,
we will stop their campaign. As for the legal consequence of their actions,
that would be the police's job [to deal with]."
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta A survey has revealed that the country will
see a higher voter turnout for this year's presidential election if Jakarta
Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo were to join the race.
The survey, released on Wednesday by Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting
(SMRC), showed a spike in the percentage of respondents who would vote if
Jokowi was listed as a presidential candidate.
The survey, which was conducted from Dec. 19 to Dec. 27, 2013 involving
1,220 respondents and with a 2.9 percent margin of error, revealed that
only 15 percent of respondents said they would vote for leaders of top
political parties running for president.
They are Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chief patron Prabowo
Subianto, People's Conscience (Hanura) Party chairman Wiranto, Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri and
Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie.
The figure rose to 40 percent when Jokowi was included among the
contenders. "Jokowi can lower the number of undecided voters and make them
willing to vote for a president," SMRC research director Djayadi Hanan
said.
The SMRC said the number of undecided voters had declined from 68 percent
in December 2011 before the election of Jokowi as Jakarta governor,
which catapulted him to political stardom to 51 percent in December
2013.
"Jokowi has an effect that makes people feel more certain about voting,"
Djayadi said. The survey predicted that Jokowi could win the election in a
single round, even if he only ran for vice president.
According to the survey, Jokowi would gain 51 percent of the vote should he
battle it out with Prabowo and Aburizal. Prabowo would have to settle for
second place with 22.2 percent, while Aburizal trailed behind him with 12.5
percent.
"If Megawati took Jokowi as her vice-presidential candidate, then there is
also a possibility that the presidential election would go to only one
round, with Megawati and Jokowi coming out as the winners," Djayadi said.
Should Megawati pair up with Jokowi, 49 percent would vote for them, while
only 18 percent would vote for Prabowo and 17 percent for Aburizal,
according to the survey.
But if Megawati paired up with top executives of other political parties,
such as National Democrat (NasDem) Party chairman Surya Paloh, Democratic
Party convention participant and former Army chief Gen. (ret) Pramono Edhie
Wibowo or Hanura Party chief patron Hary Tanoesoedibjo, then she would lose
to Prabowo, the survey added.
"No other political leader could help Megawati beat Prabowo, except for
Jokowi," said Djayadi. "He has such a strong effect that it could enable
Megawati to beat Prabowo and Ical [Aburizal]."
PDI-P officials have acknowledged that Jokowi has boosted the party's
popularity, saying the Jakarta governor's popularity extended to remote
areas.
The party, however, said there was no rush to nominate a presidential
candidate. Megawati has pledged to put off naming the party's presidential
candidate until after April's legislative election.
Anastasia Winanti Riesardhy & Yeremia Sukoyo Indonesia's eligible voters
favor younger presidential candidates compared to older, more experienced
politicians, a survey has found.
"Thirty-four percent of the respondents said they preferred the
presidential candidates from the younger generation and only 15 percent
said they preferred older candidates," Hanta Yuda, the executive director
of the Pol-Tracking Institute, said on Sunday.
The survey, conducted between Dec.16 and 23, involved 1,200 respondents
aged 17 and above in 33 provinces. Hanta said that while a large percentage
of the respondents favored younger candidates, only 47 percent believed age
was not a major factor in choosing a capable presidential candidate.
The survey also found the connection between the political parties with the
public had very little importance to respondents compared to the impact
brought by a strong political figure. "There were only 17.6 percent of the
respondents who felt close or connected to a certain political party," he
said.
Hanta said a majority of respondents, or 50.9 percent, preferred to vote
for legislative candidates who had been involved in a political party and,
despite their popularity, legislative candidates from the entertainment
industry or other public figure were only favored by 16.8 percent.
"The survey found legislative candidates are the focal points for the party
at the regional and national level. It also found that political parties'
reputations are declining in Indonesia and the legislative candidates must
make a direct contact with their constituents and improve their political
performance because their figure has become more important," he said.
Hanta said that overall respondents were quite excited about voting in this
year's election, with 81.3 percent saying they were interested in
participating.
"But we have to take note that being interested in the election doesn't
mean they will definitely participate. Many people who said they were
interested in participating will not cast a vote for many reasons," he
said.
The survey also found that Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo was the most
popular potential presidential candidate. Joko was favored by 37 percent of
the respondents.
Hanta said that if Joko was taken out of the equation, then the clear
front-runner would be former general Prabowo Subianto. "When offered the
names of presidential hopefuls, excluding Joko Widodo, Prabowo garnered the
biggest vote with 19.2 percent," Hanta said.
Prabowo was followed by former president Megawati Soekarnoputri with 15.3
percent of the votes and Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, who was
chosen by 13.8 percent of the respondents. "However, if Joko Widodo was put
in the mix, he would be considered the most popular candidate," Hanta said.
The lack of definitive decisions from political parties about the
presidential candidates they would support for the election has also
affected public enthusiasm about participating.
Fifty-seven percent of respondents considered themselves as swing voters,
whose votes could change at any time, and only 26.6 percent said they had
made a decision on the candidate they would vote for. Another survey
released by the Indonesia Survey Center found Prabowo as the presidential
candidate with the most potential to eradicate rampant corruption in
Indonesia.
The survey found that 19.1 percent of the respondents believed that Prabowo
was the most capable candidate to fight corruption. He was followed by
former Constitutional Court chief justice Mahfud M.D., who was voted for by
11.9 percent of respondents, and Jakarta Governor Joko with 11.8 percent.
Andry Kurniawan, the ISC's communications director, said that Prabowo, who
is the founder and chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement Party
(Gerindra), was believed to be a consistent anticorruption figure who would
be able to take a hard line against the corrupt.
"Prabowo is seen as a figure who has a strong commitment to creating a good
and clean governance based on the reformation mandate," Andry said.
The ISC survey was conducted from Jan. 1-12, involving 1,600 respondents
aged above 17 years old in 33 provinces.
ISC researcher Dedet Fogerty said graft was deeply ingrained in the
Indonesian political system, and that most major political parties,
including the Democratic Party, Golkar and the Prosperous Justice Party
(PKS), had all been implicated in graft cases.
The ISC survey also found Gerindra to be a political party considered the
cleanest from corruption by 16.7 percent of the respondents, followed by
the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) with 12.2 percent. "The public trust
in political parties has plunged to its lowest level following the
revelation of some major corruption cases," Dedet said.
He added that 26 percent of respondents believed corruption eradication
efforts should start in political parties to prevent corrupt politicians
from taking strategic positions in government.
The survey also found that a surprising 49.2 percent of respondents favored
the use of the death sentence to deter corruption, followed by a life
sentence, which was voted for by 24.6 percent of the respondents. "The
public is so fed up the corrupt practices in this country," Dedet said.
Jakarta A survey conducted by the Pol-Tracking Institute has revealed
that the level of public interest in the 2014 presidential election is
high, with 84.9 percent of respondents intending to vote.
"There is quite a high interest in the presidential election, with nearly
85 percent saying they intend to vote and this exceeds their interest in
voting in the legislative election," said Pol-Tracking Institute director
Hanta Yudha on Sunday, as quoted by Antara news agency.
He said this was because there would be no incumbent candidates running in
the 2014 presidential election with the stage set for an interesting
competition. Moreover, he added, people had high hopes for the next
president.
"Only 9.76 percent of respondents said that they weren't interested in
participating in the presidential election while 5.3 percent were undecided
or did not answer," said Hanta.
He further said that most respondents, 61.8 percent, would favor male
presidential and vice presidential candidates. Only 32 percent of voters
polled said that both women and men would have equal merit as presidential
or vice presidential candidates. "Only 2 percent of voters favored a female
presidential candidate, therefore, gender remains an issue in the
election," said Hanta.
The survey also found that 66 percent of respondents were not influenced by
ethnicity-based issues in choosing presidential and vice presidential
candidates, while 25 percent of voters said ethnicity remained a crucial
aspect which would have an impact on their choices in the presidential
election. "There are still voters who refer to ethnic background before
choosing a candidate," said Hanta.
The survey was conducted in 33 provinces across Indonesia and involved
1,200 respondents selected through a multi-stage random sampling method
from Dec. 16 to Dec. 23, 2013. The margin of error stood at 2.83 percent
and the trust level at 96 percent. (ebf)
Jakarta Communication and Information Technology Minister Tifatul
Sembiring has no idea about the benefits of having fast internet connection
speed for Indonesia.
"Dear tweeps, if we have a faster internet connection speed, then what are
we going to use it for?" Tifatul asked on his official twitter account
@tifsembiring on Thursday.
Tifatul was responding to questions asked by Indonesians to him through
twitter about the recent report, issued by cloud service provider Akamai
Technologies, which stated that Indonesia had the second slowest internet
connection speed in the world.
Tifatul's question then incited anger and insults from the Indonesian
twitter users who viewed the minister as ignorant for not knowing the
benefits of having fast internet connection speed.
Environment & natural disasters
Indah Setiawati and Multa Fidrus, Jakarta The floods returned on
Wednesday after incessant rain hit the capital overnight, forcing hundreds
of residents to wade back to evacuation shelters.
Unlike the recent flooding, more commercial districts and main
thoroughfares were affected by floodwater that snarled up traffic for
several hours in the morning.
"It took seven hours for me to drive to Jl. Senopati [in South Jakarta]
from Bekasi. The traffic jam was unbearable. It was the worst ever
congestion this month," Fika, a commuter, said.
The city police's Traffic Management Center (TMC) reported dozens of
inundated locations. The underpass of Cawang toll road from Halim heading
to Rawamangun was under 60 centimeters of water, while in the Pondok Jaya
area in Mampang Prapatan, South Jakarta, floodwaters reached a depth of 100
centimeters.
Some streets, including Jl. Patra Raya in Duri Kepa in West Jakarta and Jl.
Kemang Raya in front of Kem Chicks supermarket in South Jakarta, were
paralyzed as the inundation was between 50 cm and 70 cm.
Transjakarta bus operators had to reroute seven of 12 corridors to avoid
flooding, while commuter rail operator PT KAI Commuter Jabodetabek canceled
the service from Bogor in West Java to Kampung Bandan in North Jakarta as
the latter station was flooded.
According to Hari Tirto, head of the meteorology information subdirectorate
with the Meteorology, Climatology and Geophysics Agency (BMKG), the
flooding was a result of heavy rainfall that particularly hit downstream
areas in West, East, Central and South Jakarta. The intense rain was
forecast to continue during the evening and into the next two days, he
said.
According to data from the Jakarta Disaster Mitigation Agency (BPBD) the
number of evacuees rose by over 600 to 9,985 from 9,368 on Tuesday. They
were spread throughout 21 subdistricts in 11 districts and were currently
being looked after in 34 shelters.
Most of the evacuees were from 14 subdistricts in East Jakarta, including
Kampung Melayu, Bidara Cina, Cipinang Melayu, Cawang, Kramat Jati, Kampung
Rambutan and Pondok Bambu. The depth of floodwater in those locations
varied from 20 cm to 200 cm.
The BPBD reported that 51,526 people were affected by the floods, a jump
from the 18,759 people on the previous day.
Neighboring Bekasi, Tangerang and South Tangerang municipalities were also
affected. Two meters of floodwater hit the Total Persada housing complex in
Tangerang, only three days after the previous flood had receded. The
residents had just returned after spending a week being accommodated at SD
Total Persada elementary school.
"This [use of the school as a shelter] really disrupts the school activity.
Our children could not go to school because the classrooms were being
occupied by the evacuees," Rita Zahara, a parent of a student at the
school, said.
Neighboring Mutiara Pluit, Periuk Damai and Pondok Arum housing complexes
were all inundated to a depth of 1 meter.
Tangerang Mayor Arief R. Wismansyah said on Wednesday that the Public Works
Ministry had earmarked Rp 1.9 trillion (US$156.17 million) to dredge the
Cisadane River, which should help to mitigate the perennial flooding in the
municipality.
"The river normalization project will start in 2015 and is expected to be
complete in three years," he told a plenary session of the Tangerang
Legislative Council.
SP/Fana FS Putra Booming construction in Jakarta and a precipitous
decline in green space have exacerbated flooding despite the existence of
years-old legislation requiring at least 30 percent of the capital be
reserved for parks and undeveloped land, an influential academic said on
Monday.
"This is the failure of previous leaders," University of Indonesia academic
Firdaus Ali said. "The Kemang or TB Simatupang areas have been turned into
business corridors. Both should have been water-catchment areas."
The official figure for "green space" is 9.8 percent of the city. A 2007
zoning law required that at least 30 percent of Jakarta be reserved for
open land.
Almost half of Singapore today, for example, is classified as green space,
but, according to Firdaus, more than 30 percent of the equivalent area in
Jakarta was developed between 1985 and 2013.
Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo has said he is facing difficulties in
reversing the tide. "Jokowi is facing a mafia both inside and outside his
government," Fauzi said of people who violated zoning rules. "I'm sad,
because [the developers] have all the necessary permits."
Firdaus said Joko should order a thorough zoning audit of the capital,
complete with precise data on green spaces. The results should be made
public, he said, allowing greater accountability, and enabling community
groups to better engage in the process of approving construction projects.
Azas Tigor Nainggolan, the head of the Jakarta Residents Forum (Fakta),
cautioned against blaming poor communities living along the banks of
rivers.
"The Jakarta government should not only blame and evict the poor," he said
on Monday. "It should also work to evict residential areas or malls built
on water-catchment areas and areas reserved for green open spaces."
Yayat Supriatna, an urban planning specialist from Trisakti University,
said the generous approach to issuing building permits was a longstanding
problem.
"If buildings violate the zoning regulations and impact on flooding in a
way that clearly disadvantages the population, then they should be pulled
down," he said. "This has begun to be applied to many villas in the
Puncak-Bogor areas."
Firdaus also emphasized the importance of realizing the city's plans for a
deep drainage tunnel, that would begin in East Jakarta before emptying out
into the sea near Pluit, North Jakarta.
"We already have the legal umbrella to do this," he said. "The next step
should be the establishment of an ad hoc agency to handle tenders and other
matters."
Zubaidah Nazeer, Karo, North Sumatra President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
made a high-profile visit to Karo regency in North Sumatra, where he met
residents displaced by the Mount Sinabung eruptions, in a bid to defuse
criticism that he had been slow to respond to the crisis.
Some 28,000 people have fled their homes and are now living in shelters
since the volcanic eruptions began last September.
Yudhoyono was accompanied by First Lady Kristiani Herawati and several
ministers on Thursday. He had skipped the annual World Economic Forum in
Davos, Switzerland in order to deal with the simultaneous disasters that
have struck Indonesia. Besides the Sinabung eruptions, deadly floods have
hit Jakarta and also Manado in North Sulawesi.
But even before he arrived yesterday, online reports were playing up the
supposed cost of a tent where he and his entourage would spend the night.
Some claimed that the "VIP tent" cost 15 billion rupiah (US$1.23 million)
to furnish.
A spokesman for the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB), which put
up the tent, denied the reports on Thursday. "There are reports that say
the President will be in a VIP tent costing 15 billion rupiah. That is not
true," said spokesman Sutopo Purwo Nugroho. The tent set up for the
president, 10 ministers and his entourage actually cost 60 million rupiah
($4,920), he said.
The buzz over Yudhoyono's trip to Karo reflects the heightened political
dimension the disasters have taken. With Indonesia heading into
parliamentary elections in April and a presidential election in July,
political opponents have accused him of being slow to react to the
disasters. Others descended on the small town of Kabanjahe, which has put
up shelters for evacuees, to gain political mileage.
Yudhoyono, speaking to officials at the operations centre in Karo town on
Thursday, urged them to speed up coordination of relief efforts. He also
said he and the officials would be discussing options such as relocating
villagers whose land has been destroyed to adjacent districts so that they
can rebuild their lives.
But he also took aim at two TV stations that ran reports of his tent. The
tent cost 60 million rupiah, and not 15 billion rupiah as reported, he
said. "Why don't they (the TV stations) see for themselves, and... then
assess whether it costs 15 billion rupiah," he added.
On Tuesday, tvOne, owned by Golkar party's presidential candidate Aburizal
Bakrie, ran a nearly two-minute clip of preparations for the tent. It
showed shots of air-conditioners, rubber mats and toilets outside and
inside the grey-coloured tent. But the report did not give an estimated
cost.
A similar report was aired by Metro TV, owned by another presidential
aspirant, Surya Paloh of the National Democratic Party.
On Thursday, Yudhoyono also visited three shelters, including Paroki
Church, which has 1,095 evacuees. In recent days, politicians have been
busy descending on disaster zones across the country. In Karo, at least
four ministers have visited Kabanjahe, known for its mountain views and
cool weather, in the past 10 days.
T-shirts bearing the face and name of Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan were
given out to evacuees during his visit on Monday. He distributed more than
150 sacks of rice as well as toys at the Masjid Agung relief shelter. Gita
is one of 11 Democrat Party members seeking nomination as the ruling
party's presidential candidate. Communications and Information Minister
Tifatul Sembiring also went to the same shelter on Wednesday after visiting
towns damaged by volcanic ash.
It remains unclear how visiting evacuees and handing out goodies will
benefit the politicians. Said evacuee Rapendi Tarigan, 35: "We have been
here for months, and whoever gives help, we take. The help doesn't make me
vote for the person or the party. I accept it out of necessity."
Basten Gokkon Indonesia is facing setbacks in achieving its Millennium
Development Goal of reducing the maternal mortality rate, due to a lack of
health services for women during pregnancy.
Indonesia's goal under the MDGs was to bring post-natal deaths to 102 per
100,000 live births by the end of 2015. But the rate stood at 359 deaths
per 100,000 live births as of 2012, according to the Indonesian Demographic
and Health Survey from last September. The maternal mortality rate
increased from 220 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2010, according to the
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).
"Severe post-natal bleeding has been the main cause of maternal mortality
in Indonesia," said Dwiana Ocviyanti, an obstetrician and gynecologist at
the Obstetrics and Gynecology Department at Cipto Mangunkusumo General
Hospital, at a talk sponsored by Sari Husada, a producer of milk for women
and children.
Severe bleeding which could lead to death in 10 minutes is avoidable
if the mother gets regular checkups during her pregnancy.
"This highlights a lack of access to health services during pregnancy or
during birth," said Dwiana, noting there were still many areas in Indonesia
that did not have access to physicians or midwives to aid in childbirth.
Pre-eclampsia, or seizures during pregnancy, and infection are also
significant causes of post-natal death, Dwiana said.
"Prenatal checkups are important, especially during the third trimester,"
said Widjaja Lukito, a lecturer of nutrition studies at the University of
Indonesia, at the Sari Husada discussion.
In the third trimester, a pregnant woman should perform a blood check to
discover whether she is anemic or has high blood pressure, he explained.
Anemia during pregnancy can affect the woman's flow of blood to her brain,
while high blood pressure could lead to severe blood loss during birth.
"Reducing the maternal mortality rate is not a single institution's job.
Education and awareness are two important issues we should build on and
develop together," Dwiana said.
However, the SDKI survey, conducted by the National Family Planning
Coordinating Board (BKKBN) and the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), shows
an improvement in maternal services as 96 percent of women received
prenatal care in 2012, up from 93 percent in 2007.
The survey shows that the number of maternal deaths was the highest in the
25-to-29-year age group, with 467 deaths per 100,000 live births.
Haeril Halim, Jakarta As the government increases the budget allocation
for health programs, graft has worsened in the sector, according to an
antigraft watchdog.
The Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) found that between 2009 and 2013, the
state lost Rp 466 billion (US$38.2 million) due to graft.
Data from the government shows that the budget allocation for the health
sector has steadily increased by 167 percent from 2005 to 2012. For 2014,
the budget for health is Rp 44.8 trillion, up from Rp 31 trillion in 2013.
ICW recorded that between 2001 and 2008, the state lost Rp 128 billion from
42 cases of graft in the health sector, involving 73 suspects. Between 2009
and 2013 the state suffered Rp 466 billion from 80 graft cases involving
182 suspects.
"The prosecution of corruption cases in health sector increases in number
every year. In 2001, there was only one case prosecuted and then the number
rose to 17 with the state losing Rp 64 billion in 2008," ICW researcher
Febri Hendri said. The worst came in 2013 with law enforcement agencies
prosecuting 49 cases, resulting in Rp 336 billion state losses, Febri said.
"It is interesting to see that the largest number of graft practices in the
health sector was reported in years preceding general elections, in 2008
and 2013. We can assume that money from the health budget was stolen to
fund political campaigning," he added.
Of the total 122 cases, 43 took place in the procurement of health
facilities that caused Rp 442 billion in state losses.
ICW also said graft practices were found in hospital renovation and drug
procurement projects. "Of all the cases, budget markup is the most common
modus operandi," Febri said.
A physician with a regional general hospital in South Tangerang, Banten,
confirmed that budget markups were rampant, especially in state-run
hospitals. "Other modus opreandi include ordering medical equipment below
the minimum standard as well as health officials appointing preferred
candidates in the procurement committee," the physician Daniel Richard said
on Sunday.
Data from the ICW also shows that the largest amount of state losses from
corruption resulted from graft at the Health Ministry. The ministry lost Rp
249 billion from graft cases, although only nine graft cases were
investigated.
Meanwhile, 46 graft cases involving local health agencies at the regency,
municipality and provincial levels had caused the state to lose Rp 191
billion.
Banten and North Sumatra top the list of provinces inflicting losses on the
state. "Banten and North Sumatra are top with Rp 71.59 billion from nine
cases and Rp 59.16 billion from 15 cases, respectively," Febri said.
Late last year, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named Banten
Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah and her brother Tubagus "Wawan" Chaeri Wardana
as suspects in graft cases in a health facility procurement project in the
period 2011-2013.
Wawan has also been named a suspect in another health procurement project
in the South Tangerang municipal administration, where his wife serves as
the mayor.
As of 2013, Atut was the third regional head arrested for graft in relation
to health facility procurement projects. The ICW also recorded that two
former health ministries and two former directorate generals at the
ministry had been arrested for graft centering on health procurement
projects.
Health Ministry's spokesperson Murti Utami said she would check the
accuracy of data from the ICW. Murti said that ministry had also stepped up
its efforts to eradicate corruption in the health sector.
"Regarding the legal cases being tried at the court, the ministry put its
trust on the law enforcement agencies to handle them," she said.
Jakarta Prostitutes are heroines to their families because they can feed
their families on their own; therefore, it would be inhumane to close down
brothels, a regent has said.
"Closing brothels will also bring more problems, such as poverty and the
uncontrollable spread of sexually transmitted diseases," Widya Kandi
Susanti, the regent of Kendal, Central Java, said as quoted by kompas.com
on Thursday.
"We can easily close brothels but we need to give the women working in them
alternative means to make a living," she added. Widya said that prostitutes
in Kendal were regularly offered sewing courses so that they could make
money from their new skill, but after a few months they decided to return
to the business of selling sex.
"They return to prostitution because they find it hard to find customers in
their new profession, while as prostitutes, they had at least five
customers per day," Widya said.
She added that given the current social conditions in Kendal, particularly
regarding the issue of prostitution, it was no longer appropriate to use
the term Kendal Beribadat (Religious Kendal) as the tagline for the
regency.
"Beribadat has a positive meaning, while in Kendal, there are many large
prostitution complexes and a great amount of drug use. By changing our
tagline to Kendal Hebat (Great Kendal), we hope to motivate residents to
become great because the great know what is good for them and what is not,"
she said.
Terrorism & religious extremism
Jakarta Indonesian extremists have turned their attentions to the Syrian
war, a bloody two-year battle soaked in sectarian division and apocalyptic
prophecy, as radical Islamist groups push for a two-pronged "global jihad"
to establish an Islamic caliphate in the Middle East, a new report by the
Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict read.
"The conflict in Syria has captured the imagination of Indonesian
extremists in a way no foreign war has before," the report, titled
"Indonesians and the Syrian Conflict," read. "For the first time,
Indonesians are going overseas to fight, not just to train, as in
Afghanistan in the late 1980s and 1990s, or to give moral and financial
support, as in the case of Palestine."
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs estimates that at least 50 Indonesians have
joined the estimated 8,000 foreign nationals fighting in Syria. The
emergence of non-Syrian fighters, which include ex-mujahideen from
Afghanistan and Al Qaeda-linked militants, has thrown the situation in
Syria into a deeper state of chaos as rebel groups fighting to topple the
regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad fight both alongside and against
members of violent terrorist groups waging a holy war of their own.
The Indonesian radicals, many members of the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI)
terrorist network and its affiliated Islamic boarding schools, may have
been inspired by the popular book "The Two-Arm Strategy;" which argues that
the upheaval caused by the Arab Spring provided fertile ground for a two-
pronged jihad in Yemen and Syria both sites of religious and historical
significance.
The war's sectarian lines have also stoked anger in Sunni-majority
Indonesia where scenes of violence against Sunni Muslims by Assad's Shia
Muslim loyalists received regular coverage in by domestic media outlets.
The anger, combined with a reluctance by JI the organization behind the
2002 Bali bombings to stage further attacks on Indonesian soil and the
religious connections between the Syrian war and several hadith on the
Islamic doomsday, might inspire more Indonesians to join the war, the
report read.
"As far as we know the number of Indonesian combatants is still in the
dozens, but it could climb," IPAC director Sidney Jones said. "Jihadi
humanitarian assistance teams now appear to be facilitating the entry of
fighters as well."
Indonesians have joined both the Al Qaeda-linked Al-Nusra Front and the
rival Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS). Locally JI and its nonviolent
wing Hilal Ahmar Society Indonesia (HASI) have engaged in fundraising and
material support, sending 10 "humanitarian missions" to the war-torn state
since 2012. Members affiliated with a separate terrorist group, Abu Umar's
West Indonesia Mujahideen, have also joined the fight.
At least one Indonesian has died in the war: Riza Fardi, a West Kalimantan
native and graduate of the JI-linked al-Mukmin Islamic boarding school in
Ngruki, Solo. Riza, who also went by the name Abu Muhammad al-Indunisi,
fought with the Suquor al-Izz Brigade and was killed during a jihadi-led
seize of the Sheik Said district, in Aleppo, on Nov. 25, 2013, the report
read.
Riza's involvement in the battle, and his subsequent death, received heavy
play on local jihadi channels. "While other Indonesians' deaths in Syria
have been rumored, Riza Fardi's is the only one confirmed," the report
read.
But divisions between Al-Nusra Front and ISIS have caused a similar split
in Indonesia. Opinions regarding Assad have also fanned tensions, to a much
lesser extent, among Indonesian radicals.
Indonesia's Immigration Office will monitor the situation and determine
whether any of those known to have ventured into Syria should be placed on
a watch list, spokesman Heriyanto told the Jakarta Globe.
"We will examine this problem first," Heriyanto said. "Is anyone violating
regulations, tainting Indonesia's reputation [abroad]? We will study this
matter further by inquiring relevant institutions concerning the problem."
The office will reach out to Indonesia's National Counterterrorism Agency
(BNPT) to assemble a list of known terrorists in Syria. But there is little
immigration officials can do to discourage Indonesians from visiting Syria.
While the central government has issued a moratorium on sending foreign
workers to the war-torn country, anyone with a visa and a plane ticket is
free to visit Syria, he said.
"However, if people seek to enter Syria, we will surely interrogate them to
know what the purpose of their visit is," he said. "If we suspect anything,
we'll surely do a special investigation."
IPAC has warned in the past that returning mujahideen could provide order
and motivation for the nation's poorly organized domestic terrorists cells.
While Indonesia's current crop of terrorists remain committed to waging a
largely unsuccessful war of attrition with local police, the enhanced
skills of Indonesian jihadis who returned home from Syria may embolden
domestic groups, the report read.
But the situation in Indonesia, which remains peaceful, is unlikely to
provide fertile ground for a new jihad movement, the report concluded.
"The dangers should not be overdrawn," Jones said. "Indonesian terrorism
has always depended on local drivers, and without major internal conflict,
political instability or hostile neighbors, those drivers are weak. Still
it is worth keeping an eye on Syria."
Jon Afrizal, Jambi While thousands of people throughout the country have
had to flee their homes to escape flooding, the Suku Anak Dalam (SAD)
indigenous people in Jambi have been forced to lead a nomadic life, because
their land has been turned into oil palm plantations.
"This area used to be a forest 10 years ago, but now it has is an oil palm
plantation. We don't know where else to go," said Syargawi, SAD tribal
community chief in Pelakar Jaya village, Pamenang district, Merangin
regency, regarding their current plight. "Ever since the forest vanished,
we've been on the move seeking somewhere to live," said Syargawi.
For the time being, his community made up of 18 families, is temporarily
living on the farm of one of the villagers, but the owner has given them
notice to move on. "The farm owner allowed us six days to stay here, but we
have stayed for eight days now," he said.
According to him, the farm owner has asked them to move, but as a tribe
member has just given birth, Syargawi has asked for more time. "If we don't
move immediately, the farm owner will report us to the police to evict us,"
said Syargawi.
Besides the lack of a place to stay, they also face difficulties in getting
food. Since the forest has vanished, they are unable to hunt for animals
for food. "We have to hunt for wild boars up to Dharmasraya regency in West
Sumatra," he said, adding that unlike most people who ate three times a
day, they only ate once a day.
"There's nothing that we can eat. If we get an animal today, we eat it on
the same day and we don't know what to eat tomorrow," he said. Syargawi
urged the government to provide them with somewhere to stay so they could
settle and till the land like the other villagers.
Such is the situation faced by SAD members living along the central Trans-
Sumatra Highway. Other groups in Tebo, Bungo, Sarolangun and Merangin
regencies have suffered the same fate as Syargawi's community.
The Pundi Sumatera non-governmental group has recorded as many as 1,500
people from the SAD tribal community living along the highway. "The local
administration seems to have neglected them," Pundi Sumatera director
Mahendra Taher said.
Pundi Sumatera has discussed the matter with the Dharmasraya regency
administration which has agreed to provide land for the SAD tribe members
who often come to the regency.
By giving land, Mahendra said, the SAD members could till the land to
cultivate tubers, or they could also be provided with larger plots to
produce rubber or palm oil.
"If transmigrant families are entitled to land, why aren't they?" Mahendra
said, adding that the administration should take immediate action in light
of the emergency situation faced by the SAD community.
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta An alliance of the country's indigenous
communities called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to revoke a 2013
decree by the forestry minister that obliged indigenous people to provide
official documents to claim their customary lands.
The Indigenous Peoples' Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) said the decree
contradicted the Constitutional Court's decision on customary forests.
AMAN secretary-general Abdon Nababan said the decree showed the government
did not take the rights of indigenous people seriously despite their
crucial roles in protecting the country's forests from destruction.
"The ministry should revoke the decree immediately as it contradicts the
Constitutional Court decision. Indigenous people don't have official
documents to prove that land and forests belong to them since they have
been living on them for hundreds of years," Abdon said in Jakarta on
Monday.
The Constitutional Court ruled in May last year to scrap the word "state"
from Article 1 of the 1999 Forestry Law, which says "customary forests are
state forests located in the areas of custom-based communities". It also
ruled the government had to recognize indigenous communities' ownership of
customary forests, saying that "indigenous peoples have the right to own
and exploit their customary forests to meet their daily needs."
The ruling was seen as a victory for indigenous people who have long had
their rights denied by the state. However, the ministerial decree has been
seen as a repudiation of that victory.
"This decree shows the government is not consistent in uphold-ing the law
and protect rights. We want the President to come to the rescue by issuing
a decree to render the ministerial decree void," he said.
Data from AMAN shows 143 cases of violations against the rights of the
indigenous people occurred in the archipelago last year, three times more
than the previous year.
The Pagu and Sawai tribe in North Maluku, the Berbay tribe in Papua, the
Barambang Kakute tribe in South Sulawesi, the Karonsie in North Sulawesi
and the Dayak Ngaju in Central Kalimantan were among the victims.
National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) commissioner Sandra
Moniaga said the President and Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan had failed
to take corrective action on indigenous communities on agrarian rights.
"The government needs to acknowledge the human rights of indigenous people
are violated once their access to food and livelihood are taken. We're
going to continue to monitor this issue since we have not seen genuine
recognition [of the court's decision]," she added.
Noer Fauzi Rahman from the Sajogyo Institute, an agrarian study center,
said the government needed to set up a task force or special body to gather
data on customary forests.
Data collected by the task force could be shared with the forestry, home
and social ministries, the National Land Agency (BPN), the Geospatial
Information Agency (BIG) and other relevant institutions.
Forestry Ministry secretary-general Hadi Daryanto defended the decree,
saying legal documents were required to avoid false claims made by those
who wanted to exploit customary forests.
"This decree is to prevent those with vested interests from controlling
customary forests. It's concrete action to prevent people from violating
the rights of indigenous people that we protect," Hadi said.
Regional autonomy & government
Ina Parlina, Bogor, West Java The government said Tuesday it was
finalizing the draft revision to the 2001 Papua Special Autonomy Law for
the resource-rich region.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and a number of his senior ministers met
with Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and West Papua Governor Abraham O. Atururi
on Tuesday, during which the Papuan officials submitted a report on the
latest political and economic developments in the two regions.
The meeting was also attended by representatives from the Papua Legislative
Council (DPRD), the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) and Cendrawasih
University.
Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto
said the review of the law would yield improvements to the forestry,
maritime, energy and transportation sectors.
Djoko, however, stressed it was also important to quell armed movements in
Papua. "The two efforts must be parallel," Djoko said after the meeting at
Bogor Palace.
A recent series of shootings in Puncak Jaya regency, Papua believed to
be the work the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM) injured two
Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers. Djoko, however, said: "There is no
longer a military operation," and the incident was the work of criminals.
Lukas, who said his office had tried to initiate reconciliation measures,
also played down the incidents.
"What is happening now is a group of people whom I regard as criminals
committed crimes and asked for demands [...] They are not fighting for
independence," Lukas said. "Not every inch of Papua has conflict. [And]
conflict does not occur because [they] want independence, but because of
local issues."
Abraham agreed, saying they did not want independence. "Papua is Indonesia;
we declared our independence once and forever."
Djoko declined to comment on whether or not the existing law would be
totally overhauled, arguing it was merely a draft which he expected to be
ready by the next two or three months. The new policy is known as the
"special autonomy plus".
Last week, during a European Parliament Subcommittee hearing on Human
Rights in Brussels, Belgium, three activists, two of whom are Indonesian,
raised concerns about the unresolved human rights cases in Papua and the
limited access foreign journalists and NGOs experienced.
They called on the EU to put pressure on the government to uphold their
commitment to a dialogue with Papua. One of the activists, Zely Ariane from
the Jakarta-based National Papua Solidarity (Napas), slammed the governors'
claims.
"Such claims are hard to be verified as there are numerous armed groups in
Papua. But, we can be sure that law enforcers are often not transparent and
simply label them OPM. In this context, human rights violations often
occurr, particularly since there is no press freedom."
The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) documented 22 cases of
threats and violence against journalists in Papua in 2013 alone.
Zely said, if passed, it would not improve the welfare of Papuans, but
would follow the same path as the existing law, which is considered to have
failed to significantly improve the welfare of indigenous Papuans.
Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Surabaya Dozens of Russian-made BMP-3F amphibious
infantry fighting vehicles (IFV) made a formation as soon as they landed on
Asembagus Beach in Situbondo regency, East Java.
Operated by the Indonesian Navy's Marine Corps, the amphibious IFV column
then detected a target some 3 kilometers away to be neutralized.
With support from dozens of 70-mm rockets fired by a RM-70 Grad multiple
launcher rocket system (MLRS), and French-made 105-mm howitzer, the
amphibious IFVs approached the target with guns blazing. The installed
weaponry includes a 100-mm cannon, 100-mm rocket, 30-mm automatic cannon
and 7.62-mm machine guns.
The simulated target, located in the Marine Corps' Combat Training Center
(Puslatpur), was eliminated.
The simulation was held on Monday during a handover ceremony of 37 BMP-3Fs
from the Russian government to the Indonesian government. In December 2010,
the Marine Corps received the first batch of 17 IFV units.
"The vehicles fit into the development of our defense forces to turn the
Indonesian Navy into a world class navy," Defense Minister Purnomo
Yusgiantoro said.
In total, the Marine Corps now has 55 BMP-3Fs, including one BREM-L
recovery vehicle. The amphibious IFVs will be deployed to the 1st Marines
in Surabaya and to the 2nd Marines in Jakarta.
Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Moeldoko, who also attended the
ceremony, said that the new IFVs were part of TNI efforts to modernize its
ageing war machines, such as its Soviet Union-made PT-76 amphibious light
tanks and French-made AMX-13 light tanks.
The Marine Corps still has about 50 PT-76s, made in 1954, while the
Indonesian Army has hundreds of AMX-13, made between the 1950s and the
1960s.
"We cannot upgrade them anymore because they are already too old," Moeldoko
said. "AMX-13 and PT-76 will be decommissioned gradually and replaced with
newer models until the end of Renstra II."
Renstra II refers to the five-year Strategic Plan II in 2015-2019 to
modernize the TNI. Renstra I is in 2009-2014. Purnomo said more modern
weaponry would be procured in Renstra II, such as the Ukrainian-made BTR-4
armored personnel carrier (APC).
Russian Ambassador to Indonesia Mikhail Galuzin said he was very proud to
be able to supply the BMP-3Fs for TNI. "Because we are strategic partners
and we have deep trust in the future," he said on the sidelines of the
ceremony.
Purnomo said the Russian government had agreed to the sale of two Kilo-
class submarines to Indonesia, which included Klub-S cruise missiles with a
range of between 300 km and 400 km.
"We will send a team to Russia in February to asses whether Indonesia will
buy new submarines or used submarines and upgrade their capabilities," he
said. "We want the Klub-S missiles to be included because of their range."
After the handover ceremony, Purnomo went to Pasuruan regency to visit the
Eighth Cavalry Battalion/Tank, which will house German-made Leopard 2 main
battle tanks (MBT) and Marder IFVs.
The Eighth, part of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command's (Kostrad) Second
Division, will get 40 units of the MBTs and IFVs with the first delivery in
October and the rest sent in batches until 2015.
"All in all, we will receive 105 Leopard 2 MBTs and 50 Marder IFVs. They
will be deployed at Kostrad's First and Second Divisions," Purnomo said
after visiting the battalion. "There is also a discourse to deploy them in
border areas."
Balikpapan, East Kalimantan The Indonesian army will be strengthened
with 8 units of AH-64 Apache AH-64 combat helicopter, Army Chief of Staff
General Budiman said.
The helicopters would be delivered by phases starting next year until 2017,
Budiman said here on Thursday. The Boeing-made helicopters will be piloted
by army fliers, he said, adding the army will prepare a number of bases for
the helicopters.
One of the bases would be located in Berau, the northern most district of
East Kalimantan, he said. Various other types of war planes including
Agusta helicopters would be based in Berau.
Budiman said Indonesia will buy the latest variant of Apache helicopter, so
far used only by the United States and Singapore. The eight units complete
with weapons will cost US$600 million including for the training of pilots
and land crews.
Taiwan, India, Qatar, South Korea and Japan have also placed orders for
AH-64E. New Delhi even forced Boeing, the manufacturer, to transfer the
technology by producing part of the components in India. The main weapon of
Apache AH-64 is guided missile AGM-114 Hellfire, which is called tank-
killer, a nickname it has won in various battle fields.
An Apache AH-64 helicopter carries 16 units of Hellfire guided missile
placed in four launchers in its wings with a firing range of 12 kilometers.
In air defense the helicopter is equipped with AIM-9 Sidewinder and AIM-92
Stinger. The helicopter could also carry anti radiation AGM-122 to destroy
enemys radar installations.
Jakarta is seeking to modernize the countrys military equipment to
strengthen its defense over its far-flung archipelago.
The country is set to buy a number of units of Russian Kilo Class
submarines, which have guided missiles with a long firing range. The type
of Kilo Class submarine named Kiloklav could hit a target as far as 400
kilometers away from sub-surface to surface.
Earlier the Navy chief of staff Admiral Marsetio said a navy technical team
would be sent to Russia to study a submarine offer from that country.
Indonesia will also acquire three units of submarine from South Korea to
add to the two units the navy already has. One of the two units is the 209
class type from Germany and the other one was from South Korea with almost
the same type as the one from Germany.
"Indonesia still need more units of submarine to strengthen our navy and
protect the countrys sovereignty from the sea," Marsetio said.
He said seas make up two third of the countrys territory, therefore,
ideally the country would need at least 12 units of submarine. "If
Indonesia is to buy the Russian submarines, the country would be the first
in Asia to have kilo class submarines," he said.
The Indonesian military (TNI) has also ordered a number of Leopard tanks
which are considered among the best in the world.
From France and Britain, Indonesia plans to import equipment for air
defense system. TNI chief Gen. Moeldoko said TNI also needed Sukhoi 35, the
latest series of Russian Sukhoi jet fighter.
Novan Iman Santosa, Jakarta Saudi Arabia and Indonesia on Thursday
signed the first defense cooperation agreement (DCA) covering training and
education, counter-terrorism efforts and the defense industry.
The DCA was signed by Saudi Deputy Defense Minister Prince Salman bin
Sultan Abdul Aziz Al Saud and his host Lt. Gen. (ret.) Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin
at the Defense Ministry.
Sjafrie told reporters after the signing that the DCA was the first signed
since the two countries established diplomatic relations in 1950. It is
also the first that Indonesia has signed with a Middle Eastern country.
"This is the first time a Saudi deputy defense minister has visited
Indonesia," he said.
He said both countries agreed that terrorism affected nations across the
globe. The deputy defense ministers also agreed that terrorism should not
be linked to any ideology, in particular to Islam. "No religion in the
world teaches violence," Sjafrie said.
Recent terrorist incidents have painted a bad picture of Islam. Saudi
Arabia is one of the countries damaged by terrorism threats, the Indonesian
Defense Ministry said in a press release.
Saudi Arabia and Indonesia have suffered from numerous attacks linked to
certain Islamist groups. Both countries agreed to cooperate in capacity
building to increase professionalism by opening opportunities for joint
exercises.
"We have agreed to fight terrorism by holding joint exercises [that
involve] members of both countries' special forces," said Sjafrie. When
asked whether Indonesian commandoes will also learn desert military
tactics, Sjafrie said it might not go that far.
Sjafrie presented Salman with an SS2-V1 assault rifle made by state-owned
arms maker PT Pindad before the guest visited the headquarters of the
Army's Special Force s(Kopassus) in Cijantung, East Jakarta, and watched
Kopassus operatives showcasing their skills.
Salman, who served at the Royal Saudi Air Defense, shot a submachine gun
and a hand gun at the Kopassus shooting range. Salman also observed a
number of Anoa armored personnel carriers (APC) and a Komodo tactical
vehicle produced by PT Pindad in Bandung.
Sjafrie said that Indonesia had offered a joint investment, focusing on the
Anoa platform, which may suit Saudi needs in the defense industry. "We, for
example, would install an air-conditioning unit in the Anoa because it is
very hot there, reaching as high as 48 Celsius. "We have done this for Anoa
APCs deployed in Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia will be a lot hotter."
Before returning home via Halim Perdanakusuma Air Force Base in East
Jakarta, Salman observed two helicopters and two transportation airplanes,
which are assembled and produced by state-owned PT Dirgantara Indonesia
(DI).
Sjafrie said that the Saudi side had requested detailed specifications of
weapon systems made by Indonesia to be assessed and matched with the
kingdom's needs and geographical conditions.
"The assessment is at the observation phase. Today's visit was an
introduction to the Indonesian defense industry's capability," he said. "We
hope there will be follow up meetings in the future."
In other sectors, Saudi Arabia will donate an Arabic language laboratory to
the Indonesian Peace and Security Center in Sentul, West Java. "The
language lab will be used to train Indonesian soldiers who will be deployed
in Lebanon as part of the UN peacekeeping mission. "They will also build a
mosque," Sjafrie said.
Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta The Indonesian government said on Thursday
that it would stick to its guns on the export tax for unprocessed ores,
defying stern opposition and lobbying attempts from US-based mining giants
Freeport-McMoran Copper & Gold Inc. and Newmont Mining Corp.
Finance Minister Chatib Basri said on Thursday that the export tax scheme
was necessary to support the country's value-added industry, a statement
that came a day after Freeport CEO Richard C. Adkerson paid a visit to the
minister's office, holding a closed-door meeting to discuss the issue.
"This is a fiscal instrument to compel companies to build smelters it
isn't a policy for revenue collection," the minister said at an economics
seminar in Jakarta.
In implementing the new Mining Law, the government will effectively ban the
export of raw ores such as bauxite and nickel, among others, beginning Jan.
12, in its efforts to curb the country's dependency on raw resources by
pushing miners to process the ores domestically and to export more value-
added goods.
The government already made an exemption for copper ores, allowing Freeport
and Newmont, which control 97 percent of total domestic copper production,
to continue exporting them.
However, the reform-minded Chatib recently introduced an export tax of 20
percent for companies that process ores below their purity level, with the
tax set higher at 25 percent for copper concentrates, in a policy that is
seen as specifically targeting Freeport and Newmont.
The new export tax took Freeport by surprise, Adkerson said during a
conference call with analysts, as quoted by Bloomberg.
However, Chatib explained that the government needed to apply a
carrot-and-stick approach to ensure that the new Mining Law would be
imposed consistently.
"Our experience over the last few years shows that there has been no
pressure, no punishment, for mining firms to build smelters. We can not
afford to repeat the same mistakes again."
Wahyudi Soeriaatmadja, Jakarta Honda opened its second car manufacturing
factory in Indonesia this month, and Datsun is set to follow suit in April.
Toyota is also looking at expanding production in Indonesia, officials say,
as ongoing political uncertainty in Thailand sees businesses and investors
look elsewhere in the region.
Indonesian officials have made no secret that they want to compete with
Thailand for a large slice of the region's vehicle production.
Recent developments in Thailand could boost their efforts to woo big names
to invest more in Southeast Asia's largest economy, where car ownership
remains relatively low but is set to rise in the coming decade.
"We're improving our physical infrastructure, and have had good economic
growth and political stability," said Budi Darmadi, director-general for
high-technology priority industries, at Indonesia's industry ministry.
"Consumer spending power is increasing, and there is a more skilled labour
force. All this has attracted investors," he told The Straits Times.
He said Indonesia is ready to help accommodate new investments, citing
recent tax incentives, the growth of supporting car component industries
and a second terminal dedicated to handling vehicle cargo in North Jakarta
that will help exports, slated for operations later this year.
This week, Bloomberg news agency reported that foreign investors had
withdrawn some US$3 billion from Thai stocks since protests began three
months ago, and put $190 million into Indonesian shares this year.
Malaysia, too, has moved to compete with Thailand for investments in the
car industry. Two weeks ago, it eased restrictions on foreign carmakers by
allowing all hybrid and electric passenger vehicles to be produced in the
country.
Although Indonesia goes to the polls this year, investment coordinating
board chief Mahendra Siregar is confident it will meet its target of 311
trillion rupiah ($25 billion) in foreign direct investment, up from 270
trillion rupiah last year.
"The trust in the maturity of politics and democracy in Indonesia is far
greater than that in other countries. Elections are considered a positive
factor here," he said last week.
Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat recently said two big-name Japanese
carmakers had spoken to him about their plans to shift some production to
Indonesia because of concerns in Thailand, but he declined to reveal more.
Indonesia produced over 1.1 million cars, mainly for the local market, in
the first 11 months of last year, well behind Thailand's 2.3 million. The
ratio of people to cars in Indonesia remains low at 20:1, well below its
neighbours. Singapore's is 9:1 and Thailand's 5:1.
But demand is projected to grow, with more than 1.3 million cars expected
to be sold this year, and over 2 million by 2018, aided by backing for
green cars like the Toyota Agya and Daihatsu Ayla. This makes moving
facilities here more enticing, in spite of ongoing concerns about
infrastructure shortcomings.
Budi said Daihatsu, Suzuki and Toyota recently expanded their operations,
and BMW and Mercedes-Benz are expanding their assembly plants.
Toyota is the market leader, with over 434,000 cars sold last year,
followed by Daihatsu and Suzuki with 185,000 and 164,000 units
respectively, according to association of Indonesian carmakers, Gaikindo.
But while Toyota mentioned a review of its expansion plans in Thailand last
week, Bob Azam, Toyota Indonesia's general manager for external affairs,
told The Straits Times no concrete plans of relocation from Thailand to
Indonesia have been drawn up.
Christopher Foss of Car Keys Indonesia, which advises car companies, said
Indonesia's dilapidated infrastructure, unpredictable minimum wage hikes
and lingering questions about quality will see carmakers tread carefully
about doing more here, for now.
But he said the long-term investment outlook is overwhelmingly positive,
once demographics are factored in.
Indonesia's population will surpass 300 million in 2035, the government
said on Wednesday. Foss said: "The massive base of potential consumers who
are just starting to achieve middle-class status simply cannot be ignored."
Satria Sambijantoro, Jakarta Amid the recent financial turmoil in Turkey
and other emerging economies, Indonesia's biggest fund managers carry a
warning: Watch out for domino effects.
Though predicting increases in Indonesian equities this year as elections
boosted spending, UK-based Schroders and Canada-based Manulife Asset
Management warned that the recent sell-off among portfolio investors in
Argentina and Turkey might also hurt Indonesia, as they were all seen in
the same asset class of emerging economies among investors.
The local units of the financial services giants are the two biggest fund
managers here, with managed assets worth Rp 90 trillion (US$7.4 billion)
combined.
"Would there be any spillover into other emerging markets? Yes, there
would. What happens in Turkey may lead to spillovers in South Africa,
Indonesia, India almost all emerging economies will feel the impact,"
Michael T. Tjoajadi, the chief executive officer of Schroder Investment
Management Indonesia, said on Wednesday.
In response to recent capital outflows and a weakening currency, Turkey's
central bank held an emergency late-night meeting on Tuesday that concluded
with drastic interest rate hikes, with its one-week repo rate raised to 10
percent from 4.5 percent.
Recently, global fund managers also dumped their assets placed in
Argentina, after seeing the country grapple with alarming levels of
inflation and currency depreciation, both of which had already hit double
digits, raising the specter of a potential default in South America's
third-largest economy.
"In Argentina, people don't think the problem is over. There may be some
surprises, with further spillovers [to Indonesia] still expected," said
Michael, who leads the biggest fund management firm in Indonesia that
oversees $4.1 billion worth of assets.
The Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) declined the most in five months on
Monday before rebounding 1.7 percent to close at 4,417.35 on Wednesday, on
the back of improving global sentiment.
Indonesia's bonds market recently also saw sell-off pressure among foreign
investors, with the yield of the government's 10-year bonds touching its
three-year high of 9.18 percent before rallying to touch 8.83 percent on
Tuesday.
Analysts say the threats of contagion from overseas financial crises to
Indonesia will become more serious because of the widespread use of a
passive investment scheme called exchange-traded funds (ETFs), the
popularity of which has gained traction in the past few years.
ETFs classify all emerging countries into one basket of investment asset
class, instead of sorting countries based on their risks. This means that a
sell-off in one country might lead to similar scenarios in others,
eventually leading to broad-based outflows in emerging economies.
"An adjustment in one country in ETFs could affect others. So, if Indonesia
is included in the adjustment, then it may face sell-off pressure as well,"
warned Alvin Pattisahusiwa, the chief investment officer with Manulife Aset
Manajemen Indonesia, which manages $3.3 billion worth of assets.
However, Alvin argued that contagion effects from offshore developments
might be a threat in the short-run, as investors would notice that
Indonesia still had strong economic fundamentals compared to its peers in
other emerging markets.
"It's because the sell-off is driven by sentiment only. You have to
differentiate sentiment from the fundamentals," he said on Wednesday.
Bank Indonesia (BI) spokesperson Peter Jacobs said the country should be
better prepared against capital outflows this year due to improving macro-
economic indicators, but added that the central bank "would remain watchful
over potential contagion effects" from the latest troubles engulfing
emerging market economies.
Jakarta The Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) has
proposed a set of recommendations for the next government, which is
expected to take office in October, to deal with the current economic
slowdown.
"The new government must pay attention to several key issues that will
hugely affect business players," said Kadin chairman Suryo Bambang Sulisto
in a press conference on Monday.
He said the new government should shift fuel subsidy spending to
infrastructure development to facilitate the distribution of goods and
reduce logistics-related costs.
In Indonesia, a businessperson has to spend around US$2,225 on a 12-meter
container delivery with an average lead-time of 5.4 days, while according
to World Bank data, in other countries one generally only spends $341 and
has an average lead-time of only 2.8 days on a similar delivery.
Suryo said the next government could, for example, use the approximate Rp
300 trillion ($24.6 billion) the current government spent on fuel subsidies
to construct railways for transporting logistics without hassle.
"Kadin suggests that the new government build a new railway along southern
coast of Java, coupled with the construction of a railway connecting Java
and Sumatra islands," Suryo said, adding that the government needed to
prepare around $150 billion for such multiyear projects.
The construction of a new railway along the south Java coast would
potentially create new cities in the areas, he said.
He also highlighted another problem that business players faced as Bank
Indonesia (BI) had raised its key rate by 1.75 basis points to 7.5 percent
since June last year to tighten liquidity and maintain the stability of the
rupiah.
"With the high interest rate, many business players [particularly those in
non-oil and gas sectors] choose to delay their expansion plans," Suryo
said, adding that it was estimated that the sector slumped 5.8 percent last
year. The high interest rate had also resulted in a higher inflation rate,
he added.
The inflation rate increased from only 1.03 percent when the interest rate
was less than 6 percent in January last year to more than 8.3 percent
the highest in Southeast Asia when the interest rate hit 7.5 percent in
December last year, Central Statistics Agency (BPS) data shows.
University of Indonesia economist Lana Soelistianingsih said, however, that
the current government had made the right move in raising the interest
rate, taking into account external pressures.
"I expect that there will be no more interest rate hike during the first
quarter of this year, but there will probably be a hike at year-end," she
said, adding that the US would experience a higher inflation rate by early
next year as its economy started to recover. (koi)
Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta The seasonal floods engulfing many parts of
the capital may be the last thing bogging down Jakarta Governor Joko
"Jokowi" Widodo, 52, in his veiled attempt to secure the presidential
nomination ticket from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The more pressing matter on his side is probably the unpredictable mood of
PDI-P supreme leader Megawati Soekarnoputri, 67, who believes her crusade
to reinject the nation's leadership with the Sukarno bloodline is a worthy
fight.
While Jokowi has never publicly declared his aspirations for the top job,
there have been numerous and public instances of his laying on the
charm and proving his allegiance to Megawati to earn her blessing, while at
the same time attempting to nip any resentment against him in the bud.
Probably out of frustration, Jokowi went to the extent of kissing
Megawati's hand during the party's 41st anniversary celebration on Jan. 10.
The act was his first ever public display of obsequiousness.
But the jury is out on whether such fawning is sufficient to win Megawati
over, especially after she reaffirmed her previous pledge of withholding
the naming of the party's presidential candidate until the April
legislative election.
Even when faced with the obvious Jokowi-fever reflected in the results of
numerous surveys, suggesting the party grab the bull by the horns and
announce Jokowi's nomination, she continues to avoid the topic of the
party's preferential candidate.
Megawati's decision to defy the call has fueled speculation about her
desire to take a third shot at contesting the presidential race. She only
served as president for three years, between 2001 and 2004, lost in 2004
and again in the 2009 election against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"If you try to gauge what's inside Megawati's mind, you should position
yourself as a housewife, a very sensitive one," said one of Megawati's
confidants.
"There's also this ego that she wants to show the world that she is a
smart, popular and highly capable leader. Those party elites that look down
on her only [...] provoke her to run for the presidency."
Her longing for the grandeur of the president seat, flush with its VVIP
facilities and services, has also posed as a variable in her decision
making. However, Megawati's bitter experience regarding loyalty may have
consumed her so much that it will contribute immensely to her decision
making. Her refusal to amend ties with Yudhoyono is a blatant example of
how she was deeply hurt by an act of disloyalty.
In 2001, Yudhoyono, then Megawati's coordinating political, legal and
security affairs minister, assured her he would not run in the presidential
election: He went on to contest and snatch the presidential seat from her
in the 2004 election with the backing of his self-formed Democratic Party.
Bali governor Made Mangku Pastika and former Central Java governor Bibit
Waluyo, to name a few, are recent additions to Megawati's list of disloyal
followers. Both jumped ship to the Democratic Party in their bid to secure
second gubernatorial terms.
Loyalty is undeniably everything for Megawati, and that, according to her
buddies, seems to be lacking from Jokowi, who was not a PDI-P cadre until
he was elected mayor for Surakarta, Central Java, in 2005.
Although Jokowi has boasted of his profound adhering to the teachings of
Sukarno since he was a university student, the PDI-P was apparently his
fourth preference. He first approached the Islam-based Prosperous Justice
Party (PKS), then the National Mandate Party (PAN) and then the Democratic
Party.
An incident that seems to perturb Megawati is a report on how Jokowi did
not notify or seek permission from his Surakarta deputy mayor, FX Hadi
"Rudy" Rudyatmo, when he decided to run as a Jakarta gubernatorial
candidate in 2012.
Rudy, a senior PDI-P politician and among Megawati's confidants, is
Jokowi's political teacher and patron. Failure to file notification or seek
permission, known in Javanese as kulonuwun, is considered a big sin in
Javanese culture, indicating disloyalty.
Megawati probably fears that Jokowi's potential disloyalty may harm the
political future and presidential potential of her son Prananda
Prabowo, who is in his 40s. Prananda, a businessman, is known to be media-
shy and was not blessed with a silver tongue, unlike his half sister Puan
Maharani who is far more sociable and has much more experience in managing
the party.
Given the gloomy outlook for Jokowi's nomination, noise from the House of
Representatives is revealing several scenarios prepared by Megawati for the
party's presidency nomination.
Among the conjecture is that should PDI-P get more than 20 percent of the
legislative vote, Megawati will have the confidence to run for the
presidency with Jokowi as her running mate. If she wins, she would only
serve one term and allow Jokowi to run with Prananda for the 2019 election.
A larger share of the vote for the PDI-P will also open the chances for the
nomination of Jokowi as president in 2014 with Prananda, who has a penchant
for the Javanese spiritual teachings known as Kejawen, as his running mate.
There is also speculation that Megawati will run with former vice president
Jusuf Kalla, who would come not only with political funding but also the
prospect of a coalition with the Golkar Party, of which Kalla used to be
chairman.
Another idea making the rounds and the preferable scenario, but one that
would need Megawati to bow to public demand is that Jokowi will be the
presidential candidate with Kalla as his running mate.
The nomination for the ideal pair may not come very easily as Megawati's
doubts of Jokowi has also been fueled by certain party elements, who fear
that if Jokowi became the president, as those vying for "their" slice of
project fees will find their paths obstructed. Recalcitrant cadres have
already voiced concerns over the way Jokowi runs Jakarta as he refuses to
comply with such demands.
Imanuddin Razak, Jakarta The Constitutional Court took a bold and
landmark stride on Thursday, announcing its ruling that Indonesia would
hold the presidential election and legislative election concurrently
starting in 2019. The ruling will nullify the current practice of holding
the two elections on separate dates.
The court ruling was lauded by many, including the coalition of several
experts who had filed the request for judicial review on Jan. 10, 2013,
challenging Law No. 42/2008 on presidential elections, which stipulates the
legislative and presidential polls be held at least three months apart.
United under the Coalition of Civil Society for Simultaneous Elections
challenging the Presidential Election Law, the plaintiffs included
political communication expert Effendi Gazali, anticorruption expert Saldi
Isra, constitutional law expert Irman Putra Sidin, political analyst Hamdi
Muluk and political activist Ray Rangkuti.
In their petition, the coalition said that by holding the elections
simultaneously, the General Elections Commission (KPU) could prevent
horse-trading and transactional politics. A single election day would also
help improve voter turnout, the group argued.
The petition had initially received strong opposition, particularly from
major political parties, which allegedly benefit from having the elections
on separate dates as it provides them with room for horse-trading and
transactional politics.
The court's ruling has apparently satisfied the petitioners' concern that
the rampant vote-buying characteristic of past elections will no longer
occur, since having concurrent elections will preclude politicians' and
parties' opportunity of using the three-month interval to engage in such
undemocratic practices.
The ruling, however, was not without controversy. Though it was allegedly
decided back on March 26, 2013, many wondered why the ruling was only
issued Thursday.
At the time it was decided, the Constitutional Court was led by Mahfud MD,
with other justices including Achmad Sodiki, M. Akil Mochtar, Hamdan
Zoelva, Muhammad Alim, Ahmad Fadlil Sumadi, Maria Farida Indrati, Harjono
and Anwar Usman. Of the nine justices, only Maria Farida dissented to the
ruling. The verdict was read by a different bench, now led by Chief Justice
Hamdan Zoelva.
The ruling should have been released right after it was decided last year.
The court's argument for delaying its implementation until 2019 i.e.
that "a simultaneous election in 2014 would create 'chaos and legal
uncertainty'" would have been out of proportion, as the General
Elections Commission (KPU) would have had plenty of time to make the
necessary preparations.
It remains unclear who determined the timing in this case. Either Mahfud or
his successor, Akil, who is now facing prosecution for a number of
corruption cases, should explain why the court waited so long to announce
its ruling.
The delay was obviously not a simple administrative matter, as the
implications of it are great. If concurrent legislative and presidential
elections were to be held this year, there would be significant changes in
the scenarios and games played in this year's vote.
Apart from the court's controversial delay in reading out the ruling, it
also attached a clause explicitly pushing the implementation of the verdict
to 2019, which runs counter to established court practice. The textbook is
for the court to strictly stick to legal and constitutional considerations
and stay away from any political and technical considerations.
The coalition's petition was not the only judicial review filed against the
2008 law on presidential elections. Former law and human rights minister
and chief patron of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) Yusril Ihza Mahendra
filed a similar petition in 2009. But it was rejected as the court ruled
that Yusril did not have the legal standing to file such a review.
On Dec. 13 last year, Yusril, who is now a PBB presidential candidate filed
another petition challenging the law, specifically the stipulation that a
party must gain 20 percent of the seats in the House of Representatives or
25 percent of national legislative votes in order to nominate a
presidential candidate. The court only started reading his petition on
Tuesday.
Thursday's ruling is unlikely to close the door on legal issues related to
the legislative and presidential elections. There will likely now be a
legal vacuum ahead of 2019, as all laws related to the general election
will have to be reviewed to make sure they comply with the new ruling.
There is still a long way to go. And it will surely not be an easy road.
Banda Aceh where community spirit has gone but peace has lasted
The Guardian (Australia) - January 27, 2014
Protect the money
Through tragedy, came peace
A new demography
With greater awareness, more sex abuse victims speaking out
Jakarta Globe - January 27, 2014
Government told to protect migrant workers, families
Jakarta Post - January 26, 2014
Laid-off workers demonstrate
Jakarta Post - January 24, 2014
Calls mount for government to review ITE Law
Jakarta Post - January 27, 2014
Trade minister Gita Wirjawan announces resignation
Jakarta Globe - January 31, 2014
PKB declares Kalla third presidential nominee
Jakarta Globe - January 31, 2014
Government's election witness plan gets flack
Jakarta Globe - January 30, 2014
A Jokowi bid could change political landscape
Jakarta Post - January 28, 2014
Prabowo election team denies role in 'Satria Piningit' campaign
Jakarta Globe - January 27, 2014
Currency inscribed with Prabowo's name will be destroyed: BI
Jakarta Post - January 27, 2014
Suspicious transactions by political parties rise by 25%: PPATK
Jakarta Post - January 27, 2014
Politics could be behind MK ruling
Jakarta Post - January 27, 2014
Ruling stymies Prabowo's bid
Jakarta Post - January 25, 2014
Court rules one voting day in 2019
Jakarta Post - January 24, 2014
Watchdog warns of rising sectarianism, racism during polls
Jakarta Post - January 24, 2014
More would go to polls if Jokowi ran: Survey
Jakarta Post - January 31, 2014
Poll: Young presidential candidates the way forward
Jakarta Globe - January 27, 2014
Survey shows high public interest in presidential election
Jakarta Post - January 26, 2014
Communication and IT minister oblivious to the benefits of fast internet
Jakarta Post - January 30, 2014
Floods cause chaos across Greater Jakarta
Jakarta Post - January 30, 2014
Activists criticize death of green space as capital floods
Jakarta Globe - January 27, 2014
Controversy erupts over Yudhoyono's Karo visit
Straits Times/ANN - January 24, 2014
Indonesia still haunted by high number of maternal and post-natal deaths
Jakarta Globe - January 29, 2014
Corruption rampant in the health sector, says watchdog
Jakarta Post - January 27, 2014
Prostitutes are heroines: Regent
Jakarta Post - January 24, 2014
Syrian conflict draws Indonesian jihadis into fray: IPAC
Jakarta Globe - January 31, 2014
[Erwida Maulia contributed to this report.]
Indigenous people seek land, better lives
Jakarta Post - January 31, 2014
Yudhoyono urged to revoke decree on customary land
Jakarta Post - January 28, 2014
Mixed reaction to autonomy law review
Jakarta Post - January 29, 2014
Marine Corps gets more war machines
Jakarta Post - January 29, 2014
Indonesian military to have Apache combat helicopters
Antara News - January 24, 2014
Saudi Arabia, Indonesia ink defense cooperation agreement
Jakarta Post - January 24, 2014
Indonesia defies Freeport on export tax
Jakarta Post - January 30, 2014
Indonesia bids to woo carmakers away from Thailand
Straits Times/ANN - January 31, 2014
Indonesia warned of financial contagion
Jakarta Post - January 30, 2014
Next government told to focus more on infrastructure
Jakarta Post - January 28, 2014
Kadin's recommendations for next government:
Megawati's swinging mood to shackle Jokowi's nomination
Jakarta Post - January 28, 2014
[The writer is a managing editor at The Jakarta Post.]
Ruling on one voting day in 2019: Why the hold up?
Jakarta Post - January 25, 2014