Sydney The indigenous struggle for liberation in West Papua on the western half of the island of New Guinea in the south-west Pacific, with the loss of thousands of lives, is far from ending. But, despite political uncertainties, a united coalition of pro-independence leaders has reignited hope of freedom by galvanising the support of a Pacific Islands inter- governmental organisation.
Indigenous Melanesian resistance to Indonesian governance of West Papua dates back to a United Nations supervised Act of Free Choice on independence in 1969 that was criticised as fraudulent after less than one percent of the population was selected to vote. That resulted in a vote for Indonesian integration.
In April this year the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL), representing 29 pro-independence organisations, applied for membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). The inter-governmental group comprises the Melanesian states of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of New Caledonia with headquarters in Port Vila, Vanuatu.
"Support within the Melanesian region is vital to building a strong foundation for gaining international support and recognition," Dr John Ondawame, WPNCL's Vice-Chairman in Vanuatu told IPS. "The struggle of the people of West Papua is no longer an internal Indonesian issue."
The West Papuan coalition was, for the first time, invited as official guest to the Melanesian leaders' summit held in Noumea, New Caledonia, in June. Indonesia, which has MSG observer status, was also present.
During an address to the summit, Ondawame called on the Melanesian group to support the re-inscription of West Papua onto the United Nations decolonisation list and send a fact-finding mission to the Indonesian provinces to investigate human rights abuses.
The meeting ended with Melanesian leaders endorsing the "inalienable rights of the people of West Papua towards self-determination" and efforts to raise concerns about atrocities with the Indonesian government.
It was announced that a foreign ministers' visit to the Indonesian provinces would take place within six months ahead of a decision on West Papua's membership of the MSG. But, although Indonesia invited Melanesian leaders to Jakarta to be briefed about developments in West Papua, an MSG- led visit to the disputed territories has not taken place.
An MSG Secretariat spokesperson in Vanuatu advised IPS that "dates for the mission to Indonesia are still being discussed," and members are keen for it to occur in early 2014. Ondawame added that "so far Jakarta has not provided any invitation letter for the team to visit the respective territories."
Indonesia has long claimed that West Papua is an internal matter, but the suffering of its indigenous population is stirring growing solidarity amongst Melanesians in the Pacific Islands.
In 2001, the Indonesian government responded to grievances by granting special autonomy to the provinces of Papua and West Papua, and increasing funding to the region, which amounted to more than 190 million dollars last year. It recently appointed a government unit to address infrastructure, public service and social issues.
However, West Papuans still suffer severe socio-economic hardship and have few freedoms. Twenty-seven percent of people in Papua and 31 percent in West Papua live in poverty, compared to 13 percent in East Java and 3.7 percent in Jakarta.
The Indonesian military controls civilian life and is regularly accused of killings, brutality, corruption and involvement in drug smuggling and illegal logging activities. Last year Amnesty International reported that 90 political activists were imprisoned for peaceful political activities and "security forces faced persistent allegations of human rights violations, including torture."
"West Papua's struggle for independence is not just West Papua's struggle, but Melanesia's struggle, and the people of Melanesia must take ownership," said Fred Mambrasar of the civil society group, Melanesian United Front in Papua New Guinea.
Up to 500,000 West Papuan lives were lost in the past 50 years due to Indonesian military and government policies in the territory, according to a University of Sydney report.
During the past six months public demonstrations in support of West Papua have increased across the region. A concerned group of indigenous people from Australia and West Papua sailed to West Papua in September in a Freedom Flotilla that was a symbolic voyage to the shores of the Indonesian province to highlight issues of freedom and justice.
In Papua New Guinea, the Melanesian United Front launched a campaign and petition to boost public pressure, and urban demonstrations were supported by Port Moresby's Governor, Powes Parkop. A letter of international solidarity signed by 98 international and Pacific non-governmental organisations was sent to the MSG in October.
Politically West Papuans see hope in the MSG's promotion of decolonisation elsewhere in the region, such as in East Timor, New Caledonia and French Polynesia, and the resolute support of Vanuatu's leadership in recent years.
In September, Moana Carcasses, Vanuatu's Prime Minister, called on the United Nations General Assembly to "rectify some historical errors" and appoint a special representative to investigate human rights abuses and political issues in the beleaguered territory.
But the Melanesian United Front's Patrick Kaiku is concerned that "observer states, such as Indonesia, which wield significant diplomatic resources and experience, will dictate the terms of West Papuan membership in the MSG if they are allowed to exert their influence". "The independence of the MSG must be maintained," he asserted.
Papua New Guinea, an influential Melanesian state with observer status at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), has substantial trade ties with Indonesia, and also security concerns about its shared land border. In June its leaders accepted an invitation to business talks in Jakarta instead of attending the MSG Leaders summit. Solomon Islands leaders were briefed separately by the Indonesian government on developments in West Papua during a bilateral visit in August.
However, Ondawame is confident his coalition has "won the diplomatic battle in the region" and that an unstoppable political momentum has begun. He remains adamant that the MSG holds the key to progressing political dialogue and addressing a human rights crisis that many believe has been met with silence from the international community for too long.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura A group of gunmen fired on a convoy of trailer trucks owned by US mining giant Freeport Indonesia in Timika, Papua on Friday.
The trucks were driving from Timika to Tembagapura. During the convoy's journey, a group of shooters opened fire from both sides of the road, but the trucks continued onward.
Adj. Sr. Cmr. Pujo Sulistyo, a Papua Police spokesman, confirmed the shootings. "Yes, the convoy of trailer trucks belonging to Freeport was fired on. No casualties were reported in the incident," he said on Friday. "The trucks kept driving despite being shot at."
Each truck suffered damage from the gunfire. Pujo added that police were still investigating the scene of the crime in search of projectiles.
The unidetified perpetrators are still being hunted by the police. "We are still looking for the perpetrators, as we know their identities," Pujo said, without providing further details.
The Asian Human Rights Commission is adding its voice to concerns at the death of West Papua separatist militia leader, Danny Kogoya.
Mr Kogoya died in hospital in Vanimo in Papua New Guinea last week, reportedly of liver failure due to the presence of unusual chemicals in his body. A doctor in Vanimo has suggested poison was administered while Mr Kogoya was a patient at the hospital he had been there receiving treatment.
A year earlier Mr Kogoya had been shot by the Indonesian military which subsequently amputated his leg, an operation for which he had not given permission. The death has been officially classified as a murder and the court in Vanimo last week ordered that an autopsy to be carried out.
But the Commission says Indonesian officials are preventing the hospital in Vanimo from going ahead and it says this raises suspicions of Jakarta's involvement in Mr Kogoya's death. The Commission has called for a letter writing campaign to put the issue before political leaders in Indonesia and PNG.
A West Papuan activist in Papua New Guinea's Vanimo says they are still to resolve a dispute with Indonesian authorities over the body of a former Papuan military commander, Danny Kogoya.
Mr Kogoya, who had been a regional commander in the separatist militia, the OPM, lost a leg in an attack by Indonesian security forces in Jayapura more than a year ago.
He died last week in Vanimo where he had been in hiding after escaping across the border. There are claims he was poisoned.
Jeffrey Bomanak says Indonesia's Vanimo consulate is stopping an autopsy being carried out on the body but he says it is vital this is done before the holiday and to allow Mr Kogoya's funeral to go ahead in Jayapura.
"We have to complete the post mortem process. And then after that I want Papua New Guinea government, especially Indonesian government, have to give a good guarantee so I can bring the body to Jayapura."
Jayapura The Free Papua Organisation (OPM) through Secretary General Anton Tabuni has refuted a statement by Puncak Jaya Regent Henock Ibo in relation to 100 OPM members under the leadership of National Liberation Army (TPN) commander Goliath Tabuni who came down from the mountains to rejoin society.
Speaking to Bintang Papua by cell phone on Sunday December 22, Anton Tabuni explained that what was conveyed by Henock Ibo was incorrect. "It was incorrect and nonsense, which 100 people? It was an irresponsible statement, we're all at our headquarters", said Tabuni.
"What was conveyed [in the statement] was simply a political game that doesn't make sense, and is completely irrational, we under military commander General Goliath Tabuni are fighters, we're not like government officials who go off to curry favour with the president by saying that Goliath and Anton Tabuni have surrendered, it's nonsense", explained Tabuni.
Tabuni also questioned the number of 100 people has been repeatedly mentioned. "It's hard to believe that the total could be exactly 100 people? What's going on here? We've been fighting for more than 50 years, and there have been many sacrifices, so there is no such thing as the word surrender, it's just propaganda, there are no grounds for us to surrender, it never happened", he asserted.
Earlier, Puncak Jaya regent Henock Ibo announced that 100 OPM members had surrendered and were being trained to become public order agency officers or Satpol PP members in Mulia, Puncak Jaya. (bom/don/l03)
Alison Bevege He was just a little kid, maybe six years old. Walking through the garden with his mother and two teenage aunties. Then the Indonesian soldiers came.
"My mum was in front, leading me in the middle and my aunties behind," said Benny Wenda, now 39. "My mum knows they will rape and she tries to defend."
A soldier smashed her in the head with the butt of his gun. "The Indonesian military beat my mum down in front of my eye," he said.
"She fell down bleeding. They took the two girls, my aunties, and made them take all their clothes off. They to go the river and clean their body and come back. Five or six military men raped them. They were 14 years old and 18 years old. I cried. This sentiment I will never forget."
Benny Wenda is small, slight and softly spoken. In an ordinary business shirt and trousers he looks more like a mild-mannered maths teacher than a revolutionary. This year he was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize and he has been compared to Nelson Mandela.
But his work to expose the secret war in West Papua and his campaign for a referendum to give the people a chance to vote for independence has made him one of the Indonesian military's most hated targets.
Benny Wenda had the misfortune to be born on the wrong side of history. An arbitrary line splits the island of New Guinea and after 1961 the western half was the wrong place to be.
It had been a Dutch colony and Indonesia made it clear they wanted the territory as the Netherlands prepared to leave. But the native population wanted independence.
They shared no cultural ties with Indonesia. They were tribal, Christian melanesians and they did not want to be swallowed by a nation ruled from Jakarta by mostly Javanese muslims.
So the Dutch prepared them for self-rule and on December 1, 1961, the West Papuans raised their new morning star flag and sang a national anthem. Within three weeks Indonesia called for the "liberation" of the new West Papua and sent in armed infiltrators.
In 1963 the UN agreed to let Indonesia administer the province as long as they held a plebiscite to let the people choose whether they wanted independence.
Instead Indonesia chose 1024 West Papuans to vote in a show of hands on whether to integrate. It was called the "Act of Free Choice" and like other tinpot votes, the result was unanimous.
Indonesia's 1969 annexation of the territory was formally recognised but immediately rejected by the native population.
West Papuan leaders Willem Zonggonao and Clemens Runawery tried to travel to New York to complain about the way the vote was being conducted and stopped over the border in Vanimo, in Australian administered Papua New Guinea.
Journalist John Martinkus described in "Paradise Betrayed" how Australian authorities detained them at Manus Island from where their complaints were never heard. The fuzzy wuzzy angels who saved Australia's World War II diggers had been forgotten in favour of a strong Jakarta.
West Papuans fled to the jungles and attacked the Indonesians with bows and arrows, sticks and rocks, and any guns they could capture.
The Indonesians retaliated with bombing raids, military occupation and aerial strafing. Thousands of refugees fled across the border into Papua New Guinea (PNG) and they have been coming in waves ever since.
More than 10,000 refugees now live in PNG where they say they cannot officially work as they are not citizens.
Back in West Papua it is illegal to raise the morning star flag which is considered by Indonesia to be an act of treason. Tales of arbitrary beatings, arrests and murders are rife among those who have fled.
Since 1969 more than a million Indonesian migrants were moved to West Papua under a government transmigration program. They now nearly outnumber the native melanesians who make up just 52 per cent of the population in their own land.
The Papuans call them the "comers". It stands for "newcomers" and the two groups do not mix.
It was the racism of the comers that sparked Benny Wenda's decision to devote his life to the independence cause. He was spat on at high school for being melanesian.
"I said: 'I clean my body. I'm black. I'm trying my best.' Then I think: why are my people treated in this way. We are human beings just the same. I cannot change my colour. That is the start of where I am coming from."
At school the children learn nothing of how West Papua came to be a part of Indonesia. The lessons are in Bahasa and the names of all the roads, the mountains, the trees and the rivers have been changed to Indonesian names. "But we already had names," Mr Wenda said.
So he began organising his people in protest, asking for a referendum and for the UN to return.
He was arrested in 2002 for allegedly inciting an attack on a police station. He faced 25 years in jail but says his only crime was raising the banned morning star flag.
Australian human rights lawyer Jennifer Robinson was in West Papua at the time as a young graduate volunteering for an NGO.
She worked on Mr Wenda's trial. "I found it so compelling because it was so unbelievably unjust," she said.
Ms Robinson said the charges were politically motivated and Mr Wenda was accused of a crime he did not commit. No evidence was produced but it was obvious the court would convict him anyway, she said.
West Papuan independence leaders have a short life expectancy and Benny's name had been on a police list that circulated before another independence leader, Theys Eluay, was assassinated.
It was clear Mr Wenda would not survive 25 years in prison if sentenced.
He was attacked as the trial continued. One time he was sitting down watching other inmates play football when a large prisoner came over with a bush knife the size of a man's forearm.
He jumped on Benny's slight frame with the intent of hacking him to death, but a fellow prisoner leapt to his rescue and was severely cut in the process.
"They tried to kill me three times," he said. "I think: if I stay I will be killed like a pig."
He looked for a chance and one night managed to break the ventilation in his cell to escape, making it over the border before gaining the safety of asylum in the UK.
Indonesia pursued Mr Wenda and in 2011 issued an Interpol red notice seeking his arrest and extradition, flagging him a "terrorist". But Interpol found the allegations were a politically motivated abuse of the system and took the red notice off.
Ms Robinson said it was crazy how easy it was for Indonesia to have him flagged as a terrorist using the same false allegations he had been granted political asylum to escape.
"It's not just that he couldn't travel internationally... it meant he was suddenly on financial watchlists and asset control lists," she said.
Mr Wenda's wife Maria, 33, said Indonesian agents had pursued them all the way to their new home at Oxford in the UK. An Indonesian man approached her in the street one day and asked if she knew Benny Wenda.
The mother-of-six was terrified. "No, I've never met him," she told him. "He said: 'I've been watching you over 2 months'. He was a scary man." The couple reported the incident to the police.
But times are changing for the independence leader and now he is not afraid. With his new-found freedom he is able to tell the world what is happening in West Papua.
Earlier this month PNG's Governor of Port Moresby, Powes Parkop, invited both Mr Wenda and Ms Robinson to attend an official raising of the morning star flag over city hall on December 1.
It was the first time in history that the banned pennant has been flown over a PNG government building in the capital and it coincided with the official opening of a new West Papua Campaign Office.
But the day before the flag raising Prime Minister Peter O'Neill asked for the flag not to be flown. Mr Parkop defied him, saying PNG was a nation with rights and freedom of speech.
Immigration officers raided the hotel where the West Papuan activists were staying and demanded to see a list of names. They threatened both Mr Wenda and Ms Robinson with arrest, prosecution and deportation if they engaged in "political activities" and they were not able to speak at the flag raising.
Police blocked activists from marching so they travelled in utes and mini- buses to city hall for the raising of the flag. Mr O'Neill denied any pressure had been brought to bear from either Indonesia or Australia.
But Mr Parkop openly blamed Indonesia, speaking out against Jakarta's interference at the flag raising despite intense pressure from his own Government not to do so.
"We won't be silent anymore," he said. "We must send a clear message to the Indonesian regime. The time to put our people in jail just simply for raising the flag is over."
Three activists were then arrested for no apparent reason and Mr Parkop escorted them personally to the police vans. The flag that was supposed to be flown for a week was taken down in a day.
Neither the Indonesian nor Australian governments responded to questions on the issue.
Ms Robinson said that kind of harassment was common in Indonesia but unprecedented in PNG. Mr Wenda said PNG was afraid that they might be invaded. The crackdown message was heard by the refugees.
Despite promises they can now apply for PNG citizenship without fees the refugees are afraid the PNG government is co-operating more with Indonesia. They say Indonesians have been crossing into PNG, taking photographs of activists and mapping out where they live.
"There are many Indonesians here, many," said Fanny Kogoya, 20, a refugee and activist from Wamena.
Some are scared of the new extradition treaty signed by PNG and Indonesia in June, less than a month before former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd announced the Manus Island detention centre.
The NT News has seen the extradition treaty and while it contains a nominal provision protecting political activists, that protection is overridden by any alleged terrorism related offenses.
Those aware of Benny Wenda's Interpol episode fear the treaty could be used to silence or deport any West Papuan activists or leaders sheltering in PNG.
If PNG clamps down on West Papuan refugees their closest and only hope for safety is Australia but Prime Minister Tony Abbott has said they are not welcome.
"Australia will not give people a platform to grandstand against Indonesia," he said in October during his visit to Jakarta.
In September, Australia's Immigration Department dumped seven West Papuan asylum seekers in Port Moresby.
They had fled from Indonesia to the Torres Strait island of Boigu in a tinnie after being persecuted for taking part in the Freedom Flotilla ceremonial protest at sea.
Immigration did not process the Boigu Seven like the thousands of Middle Eastern asylum seekers who simply transit Indonesia.
Australia flew them to Papua New Guinea within 48 hours of their arrival and dumped them not in Manus Island for processing, but in Port Moresby for resettlement.
Immigration Minister Scott Morrison did not respond to questions about why the Boigu Seven were treated differently to other asylum seekers.
After just three days the PNG authorities brought Indonesians to take their photograph in the nearby town of Kiunga. The men said they were from PNG LNG but locals said they recognised them from the Indonesian consul's office in the northern border town of Vanimo.
They were sent to the East Awin Iowara refugee camp on the border of Indonesian Papua where fear runs like a dark tide in the jungle.
Rumours spread quickly about activists abducted, killed and burnt so nothing is left but the stones who tell no tales. The border is porous and the might of Indonesia's $8 billion military sits just over the western edge.
Amnesty International has confirmed they are still unable to enter West Papua despite headlines in October claiming the reverse. "Amnesty International: banned, Red Cross: banned, BBC, ABC: banned," said Mr Wenda. "Why? It's a war zone."
In response to pressure the Indonesian Government gave the region "special autonomy" in 2001 and has since split it into two jurisdictions: Papua and West Papua, creating new layers of bureaucracy.
But Benny Wenda says his people reject autonomy. He has opened a campaign office in the UK and will be opening one in Perth in January so he can resist peacefully and ask for the referendum long ago promised but never delivered.
This year Reading University nominated him for a Nobel Peace Prize along with fellow West Papuan Filep Karma who is still in jail on a 15-year treason sentence for raising a morning star flag.
For Mr Wenda it was an unbelievable moment of recognition after years of struggle. "It meant a lot," he said.
Jayapura The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Papua says violence against journalists doubled in 2013 from the previous year.
AJI Papua chairman Victor Mambor said in Jayapura on Sunday that the trend of this year's violence against journalists' was similar to that which had happened in the period of 2010-2012.
"Police officers appear to have been responsible for a large part of the violence against journalists," said Victor as quoted by Antara news agency.
He said despite improving relations between the police and journalists in Papua, the police had continued to be accused of frequent violence against journalists.
Citing data, Victor said officers from the Papua Police were allegedly responsible for eight of a total of 20 cases of violence and intimidation against journalists recorded by the AJI Jayapura in 2013. "This figure shows a significant increase from 2012 in which there were only 12 cases of violence against journalists," said Victor.
The report further revealed that 16 of the total 20 cases occurred in Papua while the remaining four cases took place in West Papua.
The most commonly experienced types of violence were verbal intimidation and physical abuse, such as threatening and abusing journalists with vulgar language, forcefully entering and damaging media offices and physically attacks on journalists.
"Meanwhile, the cases of violence against journalists perpetrated by civil society groups in 2013 were mostly carried out by a group of people in order to protect an official or public servant in a legal case," said Victor.
He said there were six cases of intimidation and violence against journalists included in this category throughout 2013.
This showed that public officials in Papua had not yet educated their supporters to understand journalists' roles and responsibilities as stipulated in Law No.40/1999 on the Press.
"In the same context, press institutions should play a more active role in promoting the 1999 Law on the press to both the public and officials," Victor said. (ebf)
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Shariah police in Aceh have confiscated thousands of fireworks, firecrackers and trumpets in the provincial capital as they enforce local ulemas' call for a ban on New Year's Eve festivities.
The items were seized from dozens of shops and street vendors in Banda Aceh on Monday evening, said Reza Kamilin, an official with the Banda Aceh Shariah Police. Members of local police and public order agency (Satpol PP) joined the shariah police officers in the raid, he said.
"The raid was conducted to anticipate 2014 New Year's Eve celebrations by people in Banda Aceh because, in accordance with a joint call by the Banda Aceh administration and an edict by the Banda Aceh office of the Ulema Consultative Assembly [MPU], there should no celebrations of any kind for New Year's Eve," Reza said on Tuesday.
He added that his office had announced the ban two weeks because "it is haram, according to the MPU edict."
Female officers were seen patrolling and using loud speakers to inform locals not to organize or engage in such celebrations.
The Banda Aceh office of the MPU issued the edict in November. It also forbade extending Christmas greetings to Christians.
Reza said none of the sellers of the seized items protested the raid. "They did not protest because they feel guilty for selling banned items," he said. "Some of the confiscated firecrackers are high explosives. We haven't decided if we should destroy the seized [items] or return them to the owners after New Year's."
Reza said that his office would continue to patrol the capital's main arteries, hotels and cafes to prevent any New Year's festivities. "If we meet any crowd, we will disperse it," he said. "And if anyone carries firecrackers, fireworks of trumpets, we will confiscate them."
Aceh, Indonesia's westernmost province, is the only region in Indonesia implementing shariah-inspired bylaws.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Nearly half of infant deaths in Aceh were caused by poor nutrition, an official said on Saturday.
"More than 45 percent of babies who died in Aceh did so because they did not get sufficient nutrition," Sulasmi, section head of the Aceh Health Office's mother, children and nutrition divison said.
The health officer recorded 1,034 babied died in Aceh in 2013, the figure increased by 5 percent from last year. Sulasmi said most babies who died in Aceh started to suffer poor nutrition while in their mothers' wombs.
"Low nutrition highly affects children aged under five years old," she said, adding that the provincial government has set a target to reduce the number of undernourished children to less than 15 percent. That target was in line with targets set out in the United Nations' Millennium Development Goals.
Malnutrition affects 36 percent of Indonesian children, whose growth has been stunted by ill health and a lack of vital micronutrients in their diet, according to Health Ministry figures.
East and West Nusa Tenggara provinces face the worst cases of malnutrition and growth stunting, with the number of underweight children in East Nusa Tenggara currently standing at a staggering 34 percent, according to the 2010 National Health Survey.
Stunting, one of the consequences of malnutrition, is linked to a decrease in cognitive function and negatively impacts both educational development and employment prospects.
Studies suggest that those who have been stunted receive 20 percent less earnings over the course of their lives than those from similar backgrounds who receive adequate nutrition.
A UN report released in September noted that while the Indonesian government had made great strides toward ending malnutrition among children under five, the pace of progress was slowing.
The report stated that there was a danger Indonesia could fail to slash two thirds of its national malnutrition rates by 2015, thereby missing its target in the Millennium Development Goals.
Andreas Harsono Here's a seasonal snapshot from Indonesia's Aceh province: on 20 December, dozens of militant Islamists rallied outside one of the largest hotels in Banda Aceh, the provincial capital, threatening violence if the hotel management attempted to organise Christmas or New Year's Eve celebrations. The protest was to support an edict from the province's leading Islamic cleric's organization, the Consultative Ulama Council, prohibiting Muslims from any recognition of the Christmas season.
Welcome to Aceh, nine years after the Indian Ocean tsunami that devastated the province and left 221,000 of its people dead or missing. The unprecedented international response to the tsunami, which affected 14 countries including Indonesia, included US$8 billion for emergency assistance to Aceh's survivors and to fund reconstruction of roads, schools and housing. The massive destruction also jump-started peace talks between the Indonesian government and the insurgent Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, which ended the province's long-running civil war in return for significant autonomy for its provincial government. Australian military personnel were among the first foreign responders to the Aceh tsunami zone, quickly establishing an emergency field hospital. Since then, the Australian government has spent or pledged at least A$151 million to deliver what it described as "real impact in the quality of people's lives" in Aceh.
The quality and security of the lives of many Acehnese remains in peril, though, and this time the threat isn't a natural disaster. Instead, women and religious minorities are the target of discriminatory laws, intolerance and abuse.
An October 2007 regulation in Aceh on the construction of houses of worship has resulted in unreasonable limitations on the ability of religious minorities to build and renovate churches and temples. In May 2012 alone, that law prompted authorities to forcibly close 17 Christian churches and a house of worship for one of Aceh's many indigenous native faiths. On 17 June 2012 Islamist militants destroyed the GBI Peunayong Protestant church on the pretext that it was illegal. Governor Irwandi Yusuf had inflamed the situation by declaring in May 2011 that several non-Sunni sects and religions followed "deviant teachings."
Such intolerance is becoming distressingly common across Indonesia. Indonesia's Setara Institute, which monitors religious freedom in Indonesia, documented 243 incidents of physical violence in the first 10 months of 2013, compared with 264 in all of 2012, up from 216 in 2010.
Women in Aceh are under siege from four Sharia-inspired criminal bylaws enacted in July 2003 that impose punitive restrictions on freedom of association and expression. These laws apply to both women and men, but local activists say that the Sharia police, who enforce them, apply them more often and more harshly against women and girls.
One of the laws imposes "seclusion," making it a crime for two adults of the opposite sex who are not married or related by blood to be together in an isolated place. This broadly worded law has been interpreted to prohibit merely sitting and talking in a quiet space with a member of the opposite sex. The authorities have even targeted people eating or studying together. Sharia police officials say they sometimes force women and girls suspected of violating the seclusion law to submit to "virginity exams," which are invasive and demeaning. Violators face between three and nine lashes from a rattan cane.
Another restrictive bylaw imposes "Islamic" public dress requirements for Muslims. In practice it imposes far more onerous restrictions on women, requiring them to cover their hair with the hijab headscarf in public and forbidding them from wearing body-hugging clothing. In Banda Aceh, the Sharia police regularly organise sweeps against women with tight jeans. Aceh's Sharia police chief told Human Rights Watch, "We focus on everybody, but it's usually women that make mistakes." Police arrested Putri Erlina, 16, in 2012, allegedly for violating her town's seclusion law. After local media reported her arrest, Erlina wrote a note saying she could not endure the shame and hanged herself.
A series of bylaws enacted in recent years in Aceh's 23 regencies have further restricted women's rights. The city of Lhokseumawe rolled out a regulation last January banning women from straddling motorcycles only riding side-saddle is permitted. In neighboring Bireuen, a local regulation enacted in May prohibits women from dancing. In Meulaboh, in western Aceh, a decree imposed in January 2010 forbids women from wearing pants.
These discriminatory laws have become increasingly common across Indonesia. An August 2013 update by Indonesia's official Commission on Violence against Women reported that the national and local governments have passed 342 discriminatory regulations since 1999, including 79 local bylaws requiring women to wear the hijab, backed by various sanctions.
At the nine-year anniversary of the tsunami that hit Aceh, Australia can take pride in the spirit of generosity and friendship it expressed through assistance to survivors and reconstruction efforts. But Australia's substantial investment in post-tsunami Aceh is under attack from intolerant forces intent on depriving the province's women and religious minorities of "real impact in the quality of people's lives."
The Australian government should bolster its financial investment in Aceh with a human rights one by making clear to the Indonesian government that discriminatory laws and rights violations against women and religious minorities in Aceh and across Indonesia are unacceptable.
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh For almost the last eight years, Mairia, 33, has been living with her four children in a 3-by-4 meter room since the Indian Ocean tsunami swept her house away on Dec. 26, 2004.
There was only a dirty mattress and kitchenware scattered on the floor. "This is where we've lived since 2005. It hasn't changed much since we first started living in this shelter," Mairia said.
Mairia's family is one 28 families living in evacuation shelters provided for the 2004 tsunami victims in the Ulee Lheue Beach area in Banda Aceh.
Two elevated-style shelters were erected in the area to accommodate dozens of tsunami victims. Years after the catastrophic disaster, the supposed-to-be temporary shelters, which have been partly damaged, are still used by the victims.
"We have no choice but to stay here because we have yet to receive new housing from the government," Mairia, whose husband died around four months ago, went on. Mairia said the government had promised her a new house, but had yet to see the promise fulfilled.
Coordinator of the Ulee Lheue shelters, Andi, confirmed the situation. The evacuees are Ulee Lheue fishermen whose land was swept away by the tsunami.
Andi said that the local administration and several NGOs had aimed to build new housing for the unfortunate residents, but there was no land to build on. "If we had land, the problem would've have been resolved years ago," Andi said.
He said the administration had planned to relocate the residents to other regions, but they rejected the idea as the proposed area of relocation was far from the sea, while the villagers relied on fishing as their only source of income.
"The administration later decided to relocate us to a region near the beach, but when it was time for us to move [to the new housing], the houses had already been taken by other people. So we chose to go back to the shelters," Andi went on.
The 2004 tsunami swept up to 6 kilometers inland over the shorelines of Aceh and surrounding islands. The disaster claimed the lives of more than 126,000 people in Aceh.
Some 500,000 survivors lost their homes, while as many as 750,000 people lost their livelihoods. In all, the tsunami resulted in the deaths of about 230,000 people in 13 Indian Ocean countries, including Thailand, Sri Lanka and India.
Following the devastating tsunami, and the Nias earthquake in March 2005, the government established the Agency for the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of Aceh and Nias (BRR NAD-Nias) in April 2005, which was in charge of coordinating and implementing recovery programs. The BRR service in Aceh and Nias came to an end in 2009.
According to data from the BRR, during its four-year mandate, the agency managed to build 140,000 houses, 3,600 kilometers of roads, 12 airports or airstrips, 20 seaports, around 1,500 schools including training units for 39,000 teachers more than 1,100 healthcare centers and 987 government buildings.
Many tsunami victims, however, accused the agency of failing to disburse funds promised to them so they could rebuild homes destroyed by the 2004 tsunami. The victims said they had been waiting for years but had yet to receive any money.
Meanwhile, commenting on the Ulee Lheue issue, Banda Aceh Deputy Mayor Illiza Saaduddin Djamal said the city administration had tried to find a solution for the 28 remaining evacuees to get proper housing.
"We are trying to provide housing for them, but they are required to have land. Because the Banda Aceh administration has no land-provision program [for residents]," said Illiza.
"If they don't have land, they can actually rent low-cost apartments provided by the administration so they can live a decent life," Illiza added.
Jakarta The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) says it has completed 5,234 investigations out of the 6,600 complaints it received throughout 2013.
The commission's head of human rights violation monitoring and investigation sub-commission, Natalius Pigai, said in a press statement in Jakarta on Tuesday that the figures were much higher compared to the number of complaints it received in 2012, which reached only 5,200 cases.
"This shows that Komnas HAM has public's trust in helping to resolve their human rights-related issues," said Natalius as quoted by Antara news agency.
Such an increase, he said, was due to the implementation of a new complaint service system that was put in place as in order to fulfill the people's constitutional rights as stipulated under Law No. 39/1999 on Human Rights.
"So we are positioned to give service to the people's constitutional rights. Before 2012, as many as 2,500 complaints submitted to Komnas HAM had not been followed up, but by mid 2013 the commission managed to complete investigations on those cases," said Natalius.
He said cases related to legal issues had dominated the complaints it received, followed by cases concerning financial issues. Among entities reported to the Komnas HAM included the National Police, local administrations, corporations and judicial institutions, he added.
"Complaints related to agrarian sector ranked the highest, followed by problems in the labor sector," said Natalius. (ebf)
Yeremia Sukoyo Court charges and physical abuse topped the list for the most common threats against witnesses in criminal cases in Indonesia in 2013, a witness care body said.
"Out of 1,555 reports submitted to us in 2013, 128 witnesses claimed they had been taken to court on defamation or other charges, 127 were abused and 118 witnesses suffered from psychological torture," Edwin Partogi, deputy chairman of the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK), said Friday.
In 2013, many witnesses also experienced unfair work termination, terror and murder attempts, Edwin said.
He said even though corruption cases were often considered the most pressing issue in Indonesia, LPSK found that most witnesses filing for protections were the victims of major human rights violations.
Cumulatively, there have been more than 1,100 witnesses of major human rights violations requesting extra protection from the LPSK. The witness protection body also received requests from victims of human trafficking, witnesses in corruption cases, domestic violence victims and witnesses in terrorism cases.
LPSK's chairman, Abdul Haris Semendawai, said the growing number of requests for protection indicated an increasing public trust for LPSK, which was established in 2006. In 2012, there were only 655 requests for witness protection and in 2010-2010 there were only less than 500 requests.
Edwin said the drastically increasing number of protection requests from witnesses in 2013 indicated how threats against witnesses in legal cases was still rampant. "Witnesses and victims still have to endure criminalization and even murder attempts," he said.
Edwin said many victims and witnesses who reported criminal cases were reported back to the police and some were even tried in courts.
Threats were also looming for witnesses' family members. For instance, he said, a witness in a graft case involving Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah was told his business could be shut down because of his testimony.
LPSK said justice collaborators were also threatened with prison time should they cooperate with government players.
LPSK cited the case of Agus Condro Prayitno, a former legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), who revealed a Rp 24 billion ($1.9 million) bribery racket to select the senior deputy governor for Bank Indonesia, the central bank, in 2004, as highlighting the need for legal clarity.
Agus, whose testimony led to the conviction of 29 other legislators in addition to the official in question Miranda Goeltom, and the briber, Nunun Nurbaetie Daradjatun was controversially detained just moments before being released on parole. Minister of Justice and Human Rights Amir Syamsuddin blocked the move, saying that as a graft convict Agus was not entitled to early release.
Abdul said LPSK needed to minimize dependency on the National Police in 2014 by having its own security squad. He explained that ideally, the security squad would still be members of the police force or another law enforcement institution, but instead of reporting to their institutions, officers would coordinate and report directly to the LPSK.
Currently the officers assigned to LPSK can be pulled back by the National Police anytime.
LPSK previously has pushed the government and parliament to approve revisions to the 2006 law on witnesses and victim protection as it looks into expanding its role in the nation's law enforcement sector. In the proposed revisions to the 2006 bill, the LPSK asked to expand its work by having regional representatives across the archipelago.
As of today, the Jakarta-based institution has been handling work across the country from its headquarters in the capital.
In addition, the LPSK emphasized that the revision in the law would need to provide a clear definition of individuals categorized as whistle-blowers and justice collaborators.
Abdul emphasized that the blurred definition of the two terms had resulted in the lack of clear policy on the type of protection individuals are entitled to.
Jakarta The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said on Thursday that the number of alleged human rights abuse cases in the country rose from 448 cases in 2012 to 709 cases this year.
It said that about 4,500 people had become victims of rights abuses, leading to hundreds of fatalities.
After 15 years of democratic reform, justice in Indonesia had stagnated and human rights violations had escalated, Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar told The Jakarta Post.
He said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had turned a blind eye to the many cases of abuse that occurred under his leadership. "There is no commitment from the government to resolve human rights violations, only promises," he said.
The underlying issue of injustice in Indonesia is that there is no accountability for enforcers of the law and human rights, he went on. "By doing nothing, the government can be considered an accomplice in support of human rights violations."
Kontras said that many of the human rights violations cases in 2013 were related to natural resources exploitation and conflicts arising from it, totaling 115 cases. "The cases revolve around the unlawful detention of citizens that led to serious injury and even death," he said.
Cases of religious intolerance came second, followed by abuse of power by public officials, police officers and soldiers.
Kontras also highlighted alleged rights abuses committed by the National Police's counterterrorism squad, Densus 88. It recorded at least 29 cases involving Densus 88 members this year.
"Case in point, in Poso, Central Sulawesi, a civilian who was suspected of being a terrorist was shot dead even though he was unarmed," Haris said. The activist said there was no clear evaluation mechanism on standard operating procedures in the fight against terrorism.
Kontras, which was cofounded by slain activist Munir Said Thalib, recorded around 100 cases of torture, 55 of which involved the police and 10 the military.
"Surprisingly, 35 cases implicated prison guards," Haris said. Abuse in this category consisted of physical beatings, drowning in fish ponds and electric shocks. (asw)
Corry Elyda, Jakarta Supporters of breast-feeding and government officials are encouraging state and private companies to provide proper lactation rooms at workplaces, saying that they not only benefit working mothers but also firms.
Indonesian Breast-Feeding Mothers Association (AIMI) general secretary Faradibha Tenrilemba said during a seminar, entitled Breast-Feeding Friendly Workplaces, on Tuesday that firms that provided lactation rooms for their working mothers could gain several advantages, specifically related to business productivity.
"Research reveals that breast-feeding increases a mother's productivity and the frequency of working mothers missing work decreases 27.3 percent after an office provides a lactation room," she said.
Faradibha said most working mothers wanted to be productive after taking maternal leave, but breast-feeding their babies was a call of nature. "Pumping milk for their babies left at home is one of the ways to facilitate that," she said.
Faradibha said breast-feeding also affected the productivity of working mothers in the long term.
"Breast milk is really good for a child's immunity, so it rarely gets sick. If their children are healthy, the mothers will not often skip work," she said.
Faradibha said that if mothers were facilitated and enabled to pump their breast milk, the turnover of working mothers would be low as currently many of them eventually quit their jobs.
She said, however, that many companies did not realize these benefits. It resulted in many working mothers in Jakarta pumping their milk in improper places like lavatories, storage rooms and prayer rooms.
Based on research by AIMI and Save the Children in three cities in 2012, of the total 37 government offices surveyed, only four or 10.81 percent provided lactation rooms. Meanwhile, only two or 11.11 percent of the total 18 private offices surveyed dedicated a special space for nursing mothers.
The Health Ministry's Food Consumption Development sub-general directorate head, Titin Hartini, said providing lactation rooms for breast-feeding workers during the six-month of exclusive breast-feeding and its continuation until the age of 2 was an obligation of every company.
Titin said that Law No. 36/2009 on health affairs stated that families, the central government, local governments and the public must support breast- feeding mothers by giving them facilities and time to do so.
Titin said that although the government had not determined the procedure to implement sanctions ranging from verbal warnings to permit revocation for those in violation of the law, she encouraged private and state firms to provide such rooms. "Having productive mothers who don't often skip work because their children are sick is also a gain, isn't it?" she said.
Titin said creating a lactation room was not difficult as the requirements were quite easy to meet.
"Companies need only spare a 3-by-4 meter room equipped with chairs, a table, a sink and a refrigerator to store the milk," she said, adding that they also needed an internal regulation for the use of the room.
Fanina Andini, a spokeswoman for electricity company PT Indonesia Power, which provides lactation rooms, said the implementation of the regulation was not hard but had a positive impact for the company.
"Providing lactation rooms enables the company to manage the time and the place, so that women workers do not do it just anywhere, anytime," she said, adding that the company gave one hour for working mothers to pump breast milk.
Fanina said that providing lactation rooms had also strengthened the bond between the management and the female workers as they felt that their needs were being met. "It is not costly, but the benefit is big," she said.
Surabaya The problems faced by Indonesian migrant workers are not only that their salaries are being held back by their employers or that they have been forced into slavery.
Up to 265 are also facing the death penalty in several countries, including Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and China, says one migrant worker activist.
"It's not just salary and slavery practice issues," founder and executive director of Migrant Care, Anis Hidayah, said in Surabaya, East Java, on Friday. "Our migrant workers are also facing the death penalty."
Anis told hundreds of National Democratic Party (NasDem) female legislative candidates in Surabaya that 213 Indonesian migrants in Malaysia were currently being processed by the legal system there.
"Seventy out of 213 cases have already been handed the death sentence," she said. "In Saudi Arabia nine cases involving migrant workers from Indonesia have resulted in the death sentence and 33 cases were still being processed."
Anis said another nine Indonesian nationals were facing the death penalty in China and 18 were still being processed, adding that she found the numbers "sad."
There have already been instances where foreign governments have followed through on death sentences for Indonesian migrant workers with executions, such as Basri Masse (1990) and Karno Marzuki (1991) in Malaysia; Yanti Iriyanti (2008) and Ruyati (2011) in Saudi Arabia, and Darman Agustiri (2010) in Egypt.
Wifrida Soik, a migrant worker from Atambua, East Nusa Tenggara, is on trial in Malaysia's northern state of Kelantan for allegedly killing her employer. She too faces the death penalty.
However, Wilfrida is believed to have been a minor at the time of the murder. Wilfrida's defenders also cite that she was lured abroad by labor traffickers with false promises.
Wilfrida's murder trial has fueled a public controversy over the working conditions of Indonesian migrant labor in Malaysia. Wilfrida has said she was trying to defend herself at the time of the incident.
"What happened to the Indonesian migrant workers can be contributed to mistakes related to illegal documents," Anis said. "101,067 illegal migrant workers applied to be legalized but only 17,306 obtained their working papers, and 6,700 people received exit permits," she said.
Anis said there was still only a partial or an ad-hoc understanding of the protection of migrant workers, which in turn led to reactive and delayed treatment of migrant worker issues.
She pointed to the "Rp 1,000 to Bring Workers Home" drive to buy return tickets for laborers stranded in Saudi Arabia by the Indonesian government.
"To minimize or even stop such incidents, the regional governments that send migrant workers overseas should take more proactive roles [in safeguarding their welfare]," she reminded.
Anis said regional governments should provide sufficient information, services, affordable and good facilities. Regional governments must also set up integrated services to ease the burdens of migrant workers, she added. "Provide facilities and infrastructure for migrant workers so that they have the qualification," Anis said.
The representatives of the central and regional governments overseas must also make efforts to get job orders from employers overseas and the government and legislators have to finalize the migrant workers law revision," she said.
Tangerang Hundreds of factory workers held a rally in Tangerang regency on Friday, disrupting a ceremony to commemorate the regency's 70th anniversary.
Workers from detergent producer PT Sinar Antjol gathered at the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) in Tigaraksa and demanded that the councilors and Regent Ahmed Zaki Iskandar Zulkarnaen intervene in a dispute between them and their company's management.
"The management dismissed 348 of our colleagues last month for being involved in a series of strikes and rallies. The Manpower and Transmigration Agency has tried to mediate the dispute, but the meeting ended in a deadlock. Since there is no clarity over the rights of the dismissed workers, we are once again taking to the streets," said Aris Kristianto, chairman of Sinar Antjol's labor union, the PUK-SPSI.
Meanwhile, during the commemoration at the DPRD, Banten Deputy Governor Rano Karno said that the regency administration should focus more on development and public welfare.
Rano, formerly Tangerang's deputy regent, said the administration still had much room for improvement. "I hope that the Tangerang regency will prioritize welfare for its residents," he said.
Jakarta As many as 25 companies have sought dispensation to not apply the provincial minimum wage (UMP) for a certain period of time next year.
The new monthly wage, which would be effective in January, was set at Rp 2.44 million (US$201) or 11 percent higher than this year's Rp 2.2 million.
Jakarta Remuneration Board member Sarman Simanjorang told kompas.com on Saturday that most of the companies requesting dispensation were from the intensive labor industries from the National Business Belt (KBN) in Cakung, East Jakarta.
According to Manpower and Transmigration ministerial decree No 231/2003 on UMP postponement procedures, the firms should fulfill two requirements: financial reports and minutes of meeting (MOM) of an agreement between firm management and workers' representatives.
Sarman said that after the board and the Transmigration and Manpower Agency evaluated the requirements, they would make a recommendation for Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to decide on.
Sarman said he hoped the UMP issues would not be a prolonged polemic, as it would affect the investment climate in the city. A number of labor unions are still opposing the 2014 minimum wage. The workers demanded the governor raise the minimum wage by 68 percent to Rp 3.7 million.
Edi Hardum National Mother's Day, which is celebrated in Indonesia on Dec. 22 every year, should serve as a reminder to everyone to improve the safety of the nation's female workers both at home and overseas, Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar said on Sunday.
Muhaimin said all parties concerned should pay attention to meeting the special needs of female workers and to eliminate discrimination against them.
"The commemoration of Mother's Day should serve as impetus to improve the protection of female workers in Indonesia," Muhaimin said during an event coinciding with National Mother's Day in Jombang, East Java.
He said the government would continue to push for increased protection of female workers because of their role as mothers. "Women get pregnant, give birth, breast feed and raise children these facts should not affect their status as female workers," the minister said.
"One of their basic rights at their workplace is to be treated equally and not to be discriminated against," he added. "Equal treatment at the workplace is important for the development of fair and harmonious professional relationships."
Muhaimin has therefore urged heads of manpower agencies at the provincial, district and city level to get companies in their respective areas to protect female workers.
"The efforts to provide special protection for female workers are given based on the consideration that female [workers] have special [needs]," he said.
Muhaimin acknowledged that many companies have still not fulfilled the basic rights of women in the workplace. He pointed, by way of example, to the fact that women were denied their full salaries when they took maternity leave.
Another example Muhaimin pointed out was the fact that women are often dismissed from their jobs when they get married or become pregnant. He added that companies should treat female workers equally in terms of wages, family allowances, social security, training opportunities and promotions.
Muhaimin claimed that the government was putting special focus on Indonesian female migrant workers because many of those women working abroad were still experiencing violence in their places of work.
He added that the government was focusing on various sectors in an effort to protect migrant workers in terms of their human resources skills, education, health and law.
Muhaimin said gender-related discrimination at workplaces had to be stopped. He added that equal treatment without any discrimination was the basic right of all workers regardless of their gender, religion, and physical health.
Muhaimin said such rights were stipulated under the International Labor Organization conventions, number 100 and number 111. Both conventions guaranteed every worker fair and equal treatment.
The conventions also stipulate that any violations should be met with justice, without exceptions and without regard to a person's race, skin color, gender, religion, political or faith.
Fathiyah Dahrul & Kanupriya Kapoor More than a hundred workers at Indonesia's biggest port in Jakarta have gone on strike demanding the port operator CEO step down, but authorities said shipping operations were unaffected on Monday.
Indonesia is the world's largest palm oil producer, No. 2 for rubber and robusta coffee and No. 3 for cocoa. It is also the world's top exporter of refined tin, nickel ore and thermal coal.
The strike at Jakarta's Tanjung Priok port, which handles around 50 percent of oil, containers, and dry bulk goods in and out of Indonesia, started late Sunday and is expected to continue until Tuesday evening, union officials said.
"I've been at the Tanjung Priok site since 3 a.m. and everything is running as normal," Rima Novianti, corporate secretary for port operator Pelabuhan Indonesia II (Pelindo) told Reuters.
"There are strikes but they are only limited to a small number of personnel," said Novianti. Global commodity markets were not impacted by the strike, traders said.
Port workers union chief Kirnoto told Reuters he hoped more union members from other ports would also take action. The union is demanding the resignation of Pelindo CEO R.J Lino, who they blame for a lack of transparency issues surrounding the expansion plans at Tanjung Priok.
Pelindo is scrambling to expand and modernize its port facilities at Tanjung Priok, as it struggles to meet rising demand following years of economic growth above 6 percent. The port operator said they were aware of the union's demands but that it was up to the government to decide on Lino.
"There has been a huge transformation recently in the operations with human capital and port facilities development," Novianti said. "Some of the workers are unhappy with that transformation."
Union strikes at the port are not unusual, with the last one occurring in June without any disruption to operations.
The company expects the first phase of its new Kalibaru Port to begin operations by 2017, which will add 4.5 million twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU) worth of capacity to the existing Tanjung Priok port.
Tanjung Priok handled 5.7 million TEUs in 2011 and is expected to handle 7.2 million TEUs this year, straining its capacity.
Rizky Amelia The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) announced on Sunday that it had whittled down to five contenders the selection pool for the party's 2014 presidential nomination.
"We have held a plenary meeting," said PKS secretary general Taufik Ridho. "The results come from 22 names that we supported. The top five are: M. Hidayat Nur Wahid, M. Anis Matta, Ahmad Heryawan, Tifatul Sembiring and Nur Mahmudi Ismail."
Taufik said the names were chosen in an internal party election (Pemira) across 33 provinces. Pemira result showed that Hidayat received 55,670 votes, Anis the PKS chairman received 48,153, West Java governor Ahmad received 46,014, Information and Telecommunication minister Tifatul recieved 31,714 and Depok mayor Nur Mahmudi received 20,429.
Although Hidayat emerged as the frontrunner, Taufik said that the party's Consultative Council (Majelis Syuro) would make the final decision.
"The Majelis Syuro will choose one, three or five candidates to be announced for public approval [in Janurary]," he said. The PKS would not speculate about whether or not their nominee could wind up as a vice presidential candidate, Taufik said.
The results might also serve as a bargaining tool for coalition building in the run-up to the July 2014 elections.
The party said previously that it would not conduct a Pemira and wouldn't announce its candidate until after the legislative elections, but decided to hold one after all due to internal encouragement.
"We were in the fourth position [in the 2009 general elections], Taufik said, "If other parties dare to [run presidential candidate selections] why can't we too?"
Haeril Halim, Jakarta The Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party and People's Conscience (Hanura) Party appear to have bested the country's major political parties in terms of financial support.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) said all political parties taking part in the 2014 elections had submitted their bank account details and initial campaign fund reports on Friday.
"We will publish details of the reports three days after the deadline on the KPU's website," the KPU's Ferry Kurnia Rizkiyansyah said on Friday night.
Ferry said the reports submitted by political parties included details of the sources of campaign funds. "In March 2014, political parties will submit reports again on how they have used or spent their campaign budgets," he said.
According to information collected from political parties, Gerindra reported the highest campaign funds with Rp 144 billion (US$11.7 million). The party claimed the total campaign funds were collected from legislative candidates across Indonesia.
"We have yet to receive funds from other sources such as companies and individuals. The total also does not include the party's own cash [but is purely from legislative candidates]," Gerindra treasurer Thomas Acquinas Muliatna said in Jakarta on Friday.
Hanura, which is backed by media tycoon Hary Tanoesoedibjo, who the party has nominated as its vice presidential candidate, submitted its initial campaign fund report of Rp 135.5 billion, higher than the ruling Democratic Party's (PD) Rp 135 billion.
Meanwhile, the largest opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), reported initial campaign funds of Rp 130 billion.
Political parties that reported no more than Rp 100 billion were the National Mandate Party (PAN) with Rp 86 billion; the Golkar Party with Rp 75 million; the National Awakening Party (PKB) with Rp 53 billion, the United Development Party (PPP) with Rp 45 billion; the National Democrat (NasDem) Party with Rp 41 billion; the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with Rp 32 billion; the Crescent Star Party (PBB) Rp 26.9 billion; and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI) with Rp 19 billion, Antara news agency reported on Friday evening.
In the 2009 general election, Gerindra also topped the list of political parties' reports of campaign funds, with Rp 308 billion, followed by the PD with Rp 234 billion; Golkar with Rp 164 billion; the PKS with Rp 36 billion; Hanura with Rp 19 billion; the PAN with Rp 18 billion; the PDI-P with Rp 10 billion; the PKB with Rp 3 billion; and the PPP with Rp 1 billion.
Ezra Sihite A rare meeting this week between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Prabowo Subianto, one of the front-runners to replace him next year, has rekindled long-running speculation about a possible coalition between the two former Army generals' parties.
The meeting took place behind closed doors on Tuesday morning at the State Palace, with Prabowo, the founder and chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), telling reporters afterward that he and the president had seen eye-to-eye on many of the economic and social issues affecting the country.
"I told him that Gerindra wishes to nurture close ties with all stakeholders in the best interests of the people and the country, and he was very welcoming of Gerindra's stance and my stance," he said.
He stopped short of saying whether they had discussed the possibility of a tie-up between Gerindra and Yudhoyono's Democratic Party the determining factor in whether Prabowo gets a presidential ticket in next July's election but hinted the president was amenable to the idea.
"He has expressed his desire to step down gracefully and wants to set a good example for the transition [to the next president] in a friendly manner," he said.
The meeting between the two men, who served in the Army during the same period and rose to the rank of general before retiring in contrasting fashion Prabowo was discharged following an investigation into the abduction of student activists, while Yudhoyono went on to join the reform-era cabinet comes at a critical moment in the months before the 2014 legislative and presidential elections.
Opinion polls have long ranked Prabowo as one of the front-runners to win the presidency, behind only Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo. However, the latter has publicly denied any presidential ambitions, and his party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), has suggested in recent weeks that it may in fact nominate its chairwoman, Megawati Soekarnoputri who lost two elections to Yudhoyono, the former chief security minister in her cabinet.
While this may favor Prabowo, the main hurdle in his path is the low number of votes that his party is expected to garner in April's legislative election. Under the electoral law, only parties or coalitions that win 25 percent of votes in the legislative election or have 20 percent of seats at the House of Representatives may nominate a candidate for the presidential election.
Gerindra's traditional partner, the PDI-P, has made it clear that no matter which party it joins forces with, its own candidate will get the presidential slot much to the chagrin of Gerindra officials who say the PDI-P owes Prabowo the ticket for agreeing to run with Megawati in 2009.
With the Golkar Party determined that its chairman, Aburizal Bakrie, will be its candidate in 2014, that has left Gerindra with just the option of the Democrats who have no strong figureheads to take Yudhoyono's place as the last major party to help boost its vote count.
The prospect of a Gerindra-Democrat coalition has come as little surprise, both to party insiders as well as outside analysts. Sutan Bhatoegana, a Democrat legislator and member of the party's central executive board, said on Tuesday that it was not out of the question.
"The Democrats are very open to embracing anyone. From the very beginning Yudhoyono has made it clear that there's no way the Democrats can manage the country alone," he said as quoted by Detik.com.
He emphasized that while a coalition was possible, it would have to be based on shared ideologies and platforms. "I need to remind any party that wants to form a coalition with us that they need to be on the same page as us in terms of thinking about the country," Sutan said.
The question of the presidential candidate to be nominated by such a coalition, he said, should be determined by which party in the bloc draws the most votes in the legislative election. "If we get more votes [than the coalition partner], then the candidate should be one of ours, and vice versa," he said.
Muhammad Qodari, the executive director of Indo Barometer, a polling agency, said on Wednesday that a Gerindra-Democrat coalition was "the most logical" combination out there.
"I believe Yudhoyono can already see the possibility of a coalition with Gerindra," he said as quoted by Republika, noting that poor poll results indicated the Democrats, unlike Golkar and the PDI-P, would not get enough votes in April to be able to nominate their own candidate in July.
The polls also show Prabowo to be a far stronger potential candidate than any of the 11 people currently vying for the Democrats' nod in that party's much-hyped "presidential convention."
The convention has been written off by some analysts as mere window dressing, with Pramono Edhie Wibowo, one of the contestants and Yudhoyono's brother-in-law, expected to be handed the nomination regardless of the results.
Qodari said partnering up with Gerindra would give Yudhoyono a pretext to cut short the convention process and appoint Pramono, the former Army chief of staff, as Prabowo's running mate. While a ticket featuring an ex-general is common, and almost considered de rigueur in Indonesian politics, the prospect of two former Army top brass on the same ticket is unprecedented something that Qodari said could play to the pair's advantage.
"Prabowo and Pramono both have a military background, and that's what makes them unique. What they need to do is embellish their credentials as strong leaders who don't do things by half measures," he said.
However, he noted that even if all these possibilities played out, the success of the Prabowo-Pramono ticket at the polls would still depend to a large extent on who the PDI-P chose to nominate. If Joko gets the nod, Qodari said, then the race is effectively over.
"All of the surveys that we've conducted show Joko ahead of all the other presidential contenders," he said.
Another possible running mate for Prabowo, should the Gerindra-Democrat coalition take shape, is Hatta Rajasa, the coordinating minister for the economy and also chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Democrats' closest partner in the current six-party coalition.
Hatta, whose daughter is married to Yudhoyono's youngest son, is considered one of the president's closest advisers, and was believed to have been instrumental in bringing about the meeting with Prabowo, with whom he held coalition talks earlier this year.
Viva Yoga Mauladi, the head of the PAN's 2014 election team, said Hatta and Prabowo had "good chemistry and would complement one another. "Hatta and Prabowo share the same political and economic visions. Indonesia really needs this pair" in 2014, he said.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The recent meetings between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and presidential hopefuls Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto and Yusril Ihza Mahendra have caused speculation about possible political turbulence ahead of the 2014 elections.
The President held a closed-door meeting with Prabowo, the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chief patron, before courting Yusril, his former minister and the Crescent Star Party (PBB) chief patron, at the State Palace on Tuesday.
The meetings were held amid speculation that the graft-ridden Constitutional Court (MK), now led by a former PBB lawmaker, will rule in favor of Yusril in his petition against the Presidential Election Law.
Yusril has requested that the legislative and presidential elections be held simultaneously in a bid to scrap the presidential threshold as stipulated by the law, which he claimed had denied him his constitutional rights. The petition, if granted by the court, could change the political constellation ahead of the polls.
A day before the meetings, the State Administrative Court (PTUN) ruled that the President's appointment of Patrialis Akbar as Constitutional Court justice was illegal. Patrialis is a former politician from the National Mandate Party (PAN), which is headed by Hatta Rajasa, the father of Yudhoyono's daughter-in-law, Siti Rubi Aliya Rajasa.
Speaking to reporters after his meeting with Yudhoyono, Prabowo said that they did not discuss a possible coalition between their parties, but the President did tell him that he wanted to "leave the stage" in the right way. "He wants to give an example that the transition [of power] can be conducted amiably and amicably."
Prabowo is now seen as the most popular presidential candidate after Jakarta Governor and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, whose nomination still hangs in the balance amid rumors that PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri insists on running for president for the fourth time despite her low approval rating.
Yusril said that the major parties were jittery over his move to challenge the Presidential Election Law, which has practically barred him and Prabowo and other presidential hopefuls from minor parties from joining the presidential race.
According to various surveys, only the Golkar Party and the PDI-P could garner more than 15 percent of the popular vote in the legislative election, which would mean that they would be the only parties that would have the opportunity to nominate a presidential candidate.
The law has set a threshold of 20 percent of seats at the House or 25 percent of the popular vote for a party to take part in the presidential election without forming a coalition.
Yusril said that if the court granted his petition, the General Elections Commission (KPU) would have to delay the legislative election so that the two elections could be held simultaneously. Voters, he said, would likely vote for a party that endorsed the presidential hopeful they supported.
"Those who vote for Prabowo will also vote for Gerindra. There will be extraordinary political changes," he argued. "It will create problems for PDI-P and Golkar. But PBB and Gerindra will be happy."
The former law and human rights minister claimed that the President asked him about possible scenarios should the election fail to produce a new president.
"I told him that it would be better to return the authority to the People's Consultative Assembly [MPR] as the highest state body to anticipate a constitutional crisis. For example, if the KPU failed to organize the election by October, which would create a power vacuum at the House and the Cabinet and no new president to be sworn in while the current presidential term expired."
Gun Gun Heryanto of Paramadina University said the meetings were more to see the future political map if Yusril's petition was granted.
"Yudhoyono has a psychological barrier in communicating with the PDI-P. He turned to Prabowo as it is easier for him as he has no communication barriers. However, it would be premature to predict a coalition between Yudhoyono and Prabowo," he added.
Political observer Arie Sudjito said Yusril's petition had already scared Yudhoyono as it would draw a new political map. "One thing is for sure, if the petition is granted, the situation is going to be messy. New coalitions will emerge," he said.
Ezra Sihite President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono met with presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto on Tuesday to discuss political and economic developments ahead of the 2014 general and presidential elections.
"We have the same vision that the next political year must be conducted orderly and peacefully so that all major decisions can be made," Prabowo, founder of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) party, said after the meeting, which began at 10 a.m.
He said that Yudhoyono told him that he wanted all presidential candidates to compete fairly and democratically during next year's contests.
Prabowo also praised Yudhoyono's commitment to democracy. "[Yudhoyono] wants... to end his term well," Prabowo said. "He also wants the transition period to be conducted in harmony."
In the meeting, Prabowo, who was Yudhoyono's junior during their tenures in the military, also said that he discussed the controversy surrounding the final voters lists (DPT) with the president.
"I reported the issues on the DPT, and he said that he had called the KPU [General Elections Commission] and asked for the issues to be settled," Prabowo said.
Answering journalists, Prabowo also didn't deny the possibility of Gerindra forming a coalition with Yudhoyono's Democratic Party next year, saying that his party wanted to coordinate with others in order to serve the nation's interests.
"Gerindra appreciates Yudhoyono's leadership over such a big country with many ethnicities, religions and no shortage of problems," he said. Prabowo met with Yudhoyono in March to discuss similar issues.
With Indonesia preparing for elections in 2014, one underdog candidate is promoting himself in the United States as a president who would crack down on Islamist extremists.
The United States has taken a growing interest in Indonesia, with President Barack Obama who spent part of his childhood in Jakarta seeing the world's largest Muslim-majority country as a ideal partner due to its embrace of democracy and its historically moderate brand of Islam.
But wealthy businessman Hashim Djojohadikusumo, brother of candidate Prabowo Subianto, said that violence in recent years against Christian, Ahmadiyah and other minorities showed a "total failure" by outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration on ensuring religious tolerance.
"I would give them an F-minus grade," Hashim told AFP during a recent visit to Washington to promote his brother.
Hashim said that Prabowo as president would enforce laws that protect religious freedom a key foreign policy issue for many US lawmakers. "The US government should be more active in voicing displeasure about the abdication of the Indonesian government in promoting minorities," he said.
Hashim's billing of his brother as a defender of minorities comes despite charges that Prabowo, then a military commander, led the torture of pro- democracy activists during the fall of strongman Suharto in the 1990s. The United States has denied Prabowo a visa on human rights grounds.
Hashim argued that his brother was not alone in his military role. He also defended his brother's populist economic platform, which includes charges that the banking sector is too open.
"Whether that's considered nationalist, it's certainly not considered xenophobic. We just want fairness," Hashim said. Prabowo, he said, supports foreign investment and "is not another Hugo Chavez," the late leftist Venezuelan leader.
None of the leading candidates in the July elections are considered close to Islamists or hostile toward the United States.
Joko Widodo, the laid-back mayor of Jakarta known for his love of heavy metal, is often considered the frontrunner. Other potential candidates include businessman Aburizal Bakrie and Dino Patti Djalal, who recently resigned as ambassador to the United States.
Hashim called for the United States to support election monitors, warning of a high potential for fraud.
A senior US official said that the United States was open to providing election support but added that problems during the last vote in 2009 were technical in nature and not seen as an effort to rig the outcome.
"Overall, I think we're pretty bullish on Indonesian democracy," the official said on condition of anonymity.
The official said that the Obama administration which has made growing ties to Asia a key priority was neutral in the election and expected warm relations no matter who wins.
While the Obama administration has boosted defense ties that had been stalled on human rights concerns, the US official said that most areas of cooperation were in relatively uncontroversial areas such as the environment, health and education.
"Much of the stuff that we're doing with Indonesia is not politically sensitive," he said.
The official praised Indonesia for advising Arab Spring countries on their democratic transitions "places where having an Indonesian face rather than a US face might be better" and said that the United States may look to increase support for such training.
Despite the calm in relations with Washington, Indonesia is in the midst of one of the worst crises in years with Australia after American intelligence leaker Edward Snowden revealed that the US ally tried to bug the phones of Yudhoyono and his inner circle.
Jakarta Coordinating Minister for Economy Hatta Rajasa leads other potential presidential candidates from Islamic parties, a survey said.
Hatta is the general chairman of the moderate Islamic National Mandate Party (PAN), which joins the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party in a coalition government.
Around 11 percent of respondents, included in the survey by Indo Barometer, favored Hatta, followed by Yusril Ihza Mahendra of the Crescent and Star Party (PBB) with 6.6 percent and Muhaimin Iskandar of the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) 5.3 percent.
Two other party leaders Suryadharma Ali of the United Development Party (PPP) and M Anis Matta of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) were each favored only by 0.7 percent of the respondents. Around 45.5 percent of the respondents said they have not decided and 22.5 percent did not answer.
Indo Baromater said the survey followed growing calls on Islamic parties to form a coalition to present a presidential and vice presidential candidates in the forthcoming elections.
The country will hold legislative elections in April next year to be followed with the presidential elections later.
Bigger and nationalistic parties like Golkar, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), Gerindra and the ruling party are expected each to have their own candidates.
The past elections in this worlds largest Muslim nation have always been won by non-Islamic parties.
Combination of the Islam-based parties could garnered 20 to 25 percent of the votes in the legislative elections meeting the requirement to present a presidential and vice presidential candidates.
A party could contest the presidential election only if it won at least 20 percent of the parliamentary seats or it has to seek additional votes through coalition.
The survey, which was held from Dec 4 to 15 this year, was to see the electability of the leaders of the Islamic parties in facing the forthcoming elections, the survey agency said.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta A new public opinion survey has found that supporters of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) dislike the idea of party chairman Megawati Soekarnoputri running again for president and would instead prefer Jakarta Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo to contest in 2014.
The survey, conducted by the Jakarta-based pollster Pol-Tracking Institute, which was released on Sunday, showed that of respondents who said that they would vote for the PDI-P if an election were held today, 69.25 percent said they would vote for Jokowi. Only 14.97 percent said they would vote for Megawati, who has led the party since 1999.
In the survey, Pol-Tracking also found that Jokowi is the most popular PDI-P politician among general voters, with 58.37 percent saying that they would vote for him in a presidential election, against Megawati's 7.16 percent and her daughter Puan Maharani's 0.59 percent.
"Compared to other potential presidential candidates from the PDI-P, the public would prefer Jokowi, a tendency that we also found among the party's supporters," Pol-Tracking executive director Hanta Yuda said.
Pol-Tracking conducted the study from Sept. 13 to Oct. 11 this year, involving 2,010 respondents from the country's 33 provinces. Pol-Tracking found that 18.5 percent of respondents in the survey were PDI-P supporters.
Pol-Tracking's latest finding has further confirmed what other pollsters have found in their surveys: That Jokowi is the candidate to beat in the 2014 presidential election.
Last month, the Jakarta-based think tank, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), found that Jokowi would top a presidential poll by garnering 34.7 percent of the vote; leaving chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto, in second place with 10.7 percent.
Another public opinion poll conducted by Indikator, which is also based in Jakarta, revealed that Jokowi would get 47.4 percent of the vote if an election were to take place today. Prabowo came in a distant second with 15.8 percent.
Commenting on the survey findings, PDI-P central board member Maruarar Sirait said that Megawati was aware of the fact that Jokowi was more popular than her, but that did not affect their personal relationship.
"Mbak Mega fully understands that she is not as popular as Jokowi, but she has a big heart. On the other hand, Jokowi pays the utmost respect to Mbak Mega," he said.
Maruarar also believed that Jokowi would not go ahead with his presidential ambitions without Megawati's blessing. "We believe that Jokowi will still be loyal to the party regardless of the decision [on the nomination]," Maruarar told reporters.
In spite of the fact that Jokowi is now the most popular candidate for the 2014 presidential election and that his nomination would increase the vote for the PDI-P, the party has yet to decide on his candidacy.
Earlier this month PDI-P deputy secretary-general Hasto Kristianto said that an internal survey of party members revealed that there was a possibility of pairing Megawati with Jokowi in the presidential election.
The plan has apparently raised concern among several PDI-P executives, including Megawati's younger brother, Guruh Soekarnoputra, who have called on the PDI-P chair to drop her putative plan to run again for fear it could backfire. Megawati's late husband, Taufik Kiemas, had also warned Megawati against running for a third time.
When asked about the PDI-P's presidential nomination, Megawati peremptorily called on the Indonesian public to wait until April next year, when the country will hold the legislative election.
"Wait until April 9, 2014," she sharply told reporters when asked about the party's plans for the presidential election on the sidelines of a ceremony to commemorate Indonesia's Women's Day on Sunday.
Despite the party's efforts to restore the its reputation, not a single figure joining the Democratic Party convention to select a presidential candidate is popular enough to win the election, a new survey has shown.
The survey conducted by Indo Barometer found that Dahlan Iskan, the state- owned enterprise minister, was still the most popular, although he was only favored by 12.1 percent of the respondents.
Dahlan was followed by Pramono Edhie Wibowo, the former Army chief of staff and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's brother-in-law, who could only garner 1.9 percent.
Other contestants such as Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan, chairman of the Regional Representatives Council Irman Gusman, House Speaker Marzuki Alie and former ambassador to the United States Dino Patti Djalal each scored a rating of less than 1 percent from the respondents.
However, more than 80 percent of those polled did not select any candidate, preferring instead to say they had not yet decided (47 percent), did not know (24.8 percent), would not vote, or refused to tell.
"From the results of this poll it was revealed that the electability of the presidential hopefuls from the Democratic Party is not strong enough to compete with other political parties," executive director of Indo Barometer M.Oodari said on Thursday.
The survey was conducted between Dec. 1-15 in 33 provinces, involving 1,200 respondents. Dahlan has been repeatedly declared as the most well-known contender among another candidates competing in the convention.
An Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) survey released in October also found Dahlan as the leading candidate in terms of electability in the Democratic Party's ongoing national convention.
Pramono ranked second with 5.3 percent, followed by Marzuki with 3.2 percent and Gita with 2.2 percent. No other Democratic candidates passed the 2-percent mark in that particular poll.
Dahlan's electability, however, is still below that of the other major parties' candidates. Megawati Sukarnoputri of the Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) tops the list at 29.8 percent and Golkar's Aburizal Bakrie has 28.6 percent.
Neither party has settled yet on a final candidate; Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo has received growing grassroots support within the PDI-P and internal uncertainly over Aburizal's electability may lead Golkar to nominate a different candidate.
Many politically figures and analysts, however, have expressed their concern over surveys and their findings. Pramono said a popularity survey of candidates does not necessarily mean voters would select that person.
"The results of the survey were complied from a limited number of respondents, perhaps 1,500 to 2,000. But there are 186 million eligible voters in the country," Pramono said.
He said while political surveys could be used as input and a source for discussion, he chose to believe that the public have their own preferences, which may differ from the polls' findings.
Pramono went on to say surveys could be manipulated by certain parties or persons to produce results that could favor certain candidates or parties.
"The eligible voters who were used as the respondents in the survey might have certain preferences while other voters who were never included as respondents might chose other candidates," he said.
Pramono said Indonesians were intelligent enough to make up their minds to choose a competent leader who had a commitment to develop the nation and despite his own poor ratings, he said would continue to meet with people and discuss their concerns.
"I will keep communicating with the constituents, but I will let them choose the best candidate," he said.
Igor Dirgantara, a political analyst at Jayabaya University in Jakarta, echoed Pramono's sentiment.
Igor warned that opinion polls of presidential candidates will produce increasingly conflicting results as the July 2014 elections approach, with pollsters acting to influence rather than reflect the public mood. He said that while the surveys would continue to be presented as entirely objective academic endeavors, the polling agencies would not disclose who was funding them.
"There will be a sort of hegemony of opinions, where the polls will be plugging certain figures as worthy and others as not as worthy and hence bound to lose," he said.
He added that the lack of transparency about the surveys would only grow more marked in the coming months and would be the main factor in the polls' lack of credibility. "Pollsters often cite anonymity for not publicly disclosing where they get their funding from," Igor said.
As the campaigning intensifies and the candidates without a realistic chance get left behind, the polls will reflect a snowballing of support behind different candidates, he said.
"There will be a bandwagon effect, so certain figures will always come out on top according to certain pollsters, who will almost deify them," he said.
Some pollsters, he added, would continue to publish genuinely objective surveys alongside the more "tendentious" ones, throwing the actual political map into more confusion.
Most polls conducted this year have named Joko Widodo as the front-runner, should he decide to stand, followed by Prabowo Subianto, the founder and chief patron of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra).
However, there are large variations between the polls on the projected votes for each man and the gap between them.
A survey released by the survey Poll Tracking Institute on Sunday also revealed that Dahlan Iskan remained the most popular figure among the contenders in the Democratic Party convention with 16.9 percent of the votes.
Marzuki Alie followed with 4 percent while Pramono received only 2.3 percent of the respondents vote.
Executive director of Poll Tracking Institute Hanta Yuda said only 30 percent of the 2,000 respondents selected one of the 11 convention contenders.
The rest, he said, claimed they were not familiar with the candidates, while others said they have not yet decided who they would choose.
Jakarta A public opinion survey has shown that the public deemed the second term of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono a failure, with more than 85 percent of the respondents saying that they were dissatisfied with the current situation.
The survey, conducted by the Jakarta-based Reform Institute, found that Yudhoyono had failed to capitalize on the high level of support that he had during the early part of his presidency.
Chairman of the Reform Institute Yudi Latif said that Yudhoyono and members of his administration had simply failed to perform their job.
"The job approval rating is so low. How can an administration that came to office with 60 percent of the popular vote have fallen this deep? This means that all they had was an image without actual results," Yudi said as quoted by tribunnews.com.
Earlier in June, a public opinion poll, conducted by the National Survey Institute (LSN) revealed that 49 percent of 1,230 respondents thought that Yudhoyono, since winning his second five-year term in 2010, had created no significant improvements for the country.
Thirty percent of respondents perceived the country to be worse off under Yudhoyono's second term.
Environment & natural disasters
Suherdjoko and Ainur Rohmah, Semarang Thousands of people in a number of regions across Central Java have been forced to flee their homes after parts of the province were affected by floods and landslides that began on Friday.
In Purworejo regency, as of Monday floods forced nearly 4,000 residents to find higher ground as their houses were submerged by up to 2 meters of water.
Previously on Friday, the landslides in Plipiran subdistrict, Bruno district, in Purworejo, killed a mother and her eight-year-old daughter. Purworejo Regent Mahsun Zain has issued a decree to establish an emergency flood response.
Also on Friday, landslides killed four people in Kaligending subdistrict, Karangsambung district, in Kebumen regency.
In Banjarnegara regency, landslides hit 43 spots spread over 25 subdistricts in 12 districts, killing one. Eighteen houses were reported as having suffered serious damage while nine others experienced moderate damage, 52 had minimal damage and 62 were at risk of landslides. Ten families were forced to flee their homes because of the disaster.
"The number of displaced persons will decrease as the flood has begun to recede," the National Disaster Mitigation Agency (BNPB) spokesman Sutopo Purwo Nugroho said in a media release on Monday.
He said the Purworejo-Kebumen main road in Butuh district that had been previously closed because of the flood had been reopened allowing vehicles to pass through from both directions. He said the rainy season would peak in January and February.
Separately, spokesman for state railway company PT Kereta Api Indonesia's Operational Region V/Purwokerto, Surono, said that the company tightly controlled all railway tracks as floods were inundating regions in southern Central Java.
He said floods were approaching tracks in a number of spots between Prembun, Butuh and Kutoarjo stations, although so far train services had not been affected. Meanwhile, Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo instructed his staff to focus on rescuing disaster victims. "Rescue the people first, then provide assistance for them," Ganjar said Monday.
He said his administration had sent thousands of sandbags to deal with breached embankments. Together with local officials, he added, residents had started to mend the damaged embankments on Monday.
"I continue to monitor it through the Provincial Disaster Mitigation Agency [BPBD]. I am thankful that people are willing to work together [to deal with the problem]," he said.
Indonesia has seen a dramatic decline in the number of Javan and Sumatran rhinos over the past eight years, according to a director of an organization dedicated to preserving the animals.
"Rhinos can no longer be found in Jambi, South Sumatra and Bengkulu places that were once the main habitat for those populations," Indonesia Rhino Foundation (YABI) executive director Widodo Ramono said, as quoted by Antaranews.com.
According to him, the rhino population not in captivity in Java and Sumatra has fallen from 800 eight years ago to an estimated 100 now. Thirty of them are in Way Kambas National Park, Lampung. The remainder, he said, now live in South Bukit Barisan National Park, spanning the Sumatran provinces of Lampung, Bengkulu and South Sumatra.
Speaking at a workshop and socialization event for law enforcement against the killing and trade of protected animals, Widodo called on the government and public to make serious efforts to protect the animals, which are on the brink of extinction.
Rhino horns remain a sought-after ingredient in traditional Chinese medicine, and demand for it in countries such as China and Vietnam has led to thousands of the animals being killed across Africa and Asia in recent years.
"Rhinos are part of what supports humans' ecosystem," he said. "Poaching and forest encroachment have become the main cause of their decline."
Widodo said YABI was committed to ensuring local rhinos were well protected. "It is such a shame conservation efforts cannot balance out the speed at which they are going extinct," he said.
Novy Lumanauw President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Monday officially revoked two presidential decrees he had signed on Sunday, which allowed ministers and other high-ranking government officials to seek medical treatment abroad at the taxpayer's expense, following a public outcry.
Speaking to reporters on Monday, Yudhoyono said the two decrees were no longer needed following the upcoming implementation of the National Social Security Scheme (SJSN) and Social Security Organizing Body (BPJS) services, scheduled for Jan. 1.
"I have decided that the two presidential decrees will be revoked and will not be implemented," he said. "I have taken into account voices and input from the public which regarded such regulations as unfit and unnecessary."
The president said he was aware that many saw the regulation as a way of giving special treatment to high-ranking government officials and that the move proved unfair for the public.
The revocation was announced after the president held a meeting discussing the implementation of Indonesia's ambitious new national security scheme, the BPJS and SJSN.
"We have concluded, and I have decided, that we already have the BPJS and SJSN system. So everything will be integrated there and government officials, their wives and families will be included in the BPJS system," he said.
The decrees have become the subject of public criticism since their signing and contradicts Yudhoyono's own rhetoric discouraging Indonesians from seeking health treatment abroad.
In July, Yudhoyono called on hospitals to improve their services and facilities to win back the public's confidence in their services, echoing similar statements in previous years.
"Honestly, I'm not really happy if Indonesian people mainly the wealthy go abroad for medical help," he said. "The ones that benefit are our neighboring countries."
His statement came just a month after his wife traveled to the United States for treatment for a nerve problem.
In the controversy that erupted over the lack of consistency, it was revealed that Yudhoyono himself had undergone a medical checkup at a Malaysian clinic in 2005, despite claiming he had done all his checkups domestically since becoming president in 2004.
Under the decrees signed on Sunday and revoked a day later, government ministers and certain top officials would have been allowed to bill the taxpayer for their overseas medical expenses.
Several ministers have defended the decrees on the grounds that they were part of a health insurance scheme, which means eligible public officials would still have to pay monthly insurance premiums.
"The cost is coming out of the officials' salaries," Hatta Rajasa, the coordinating minister for the economy, said on Saturday as quoted by Kompas. "The only ones being paid for by the government are the poor."
A. Hasyim Muzadi, a leader of Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's biggest Islamic organization, was among those calling for the government to revoke the decrees.
"Giving excessive financial facilities for state officials even as people continue to suffer from poverty and natural disasters is a mistake," he said as quoted by Antara.
"Government officials with a sense of responsibility toward the people should oppose such a facility, although I am sure those officials make up a minority of state officials," he continued, adding that the signing of the decree ahead of the legislative and presidential elections next year would only amplify the public's skepticism toward government officials.
Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator Rieke Diah Pitaloka criticized the signing of the decrees as a careless move by Yudhoyono.
"Today, after a meeting with his helpers, Yudhoyono said he will be revoking the decrees following intense criticism. Such an argument does not reflect the qualities of a leader," she said as quoted by Tribunnews.com. "[It is] careless, and it's as if he's toying with the public. Yudhoyono should not have signed the decrees in the first place."
Rieke also added that the two decrees had been sneaked in by Yudhoyono among other presidential decrees approved to assist with the implementation of the BPJS and SJSN in January. "None of the articles in the SJSN and BPJS laws say anything about such a regulation," she said.
Said Iqbal, president of the Confederation of Indonesian Workers Union (KSPI), also condemned the decrees, saying there were approximately 10.3 million poor Indonesians who would not be eligible for coverage under the new health scheme.
"Why, then, are there special privileges for high-ranking officials to seek free medical treatment abroad?" he said. "When it comes to their own personal interests, it seems there is always enough money."
Meanwhile, Yudhoyono on Monday said BPJS will not only boost the nation's welfare but also enhance social justice.
"The BPJS will make our development more just, especially for our less fortunate brothers and sisters," Yudhoyono said during a limited cabinet meeting in Bogor. The president said much could still be done to improve the scheme, but believed such issues could be dealt with after its implementation.
Officials have said that the new health care system will see some 172.84 million Indonesians joining. The government is aiming for every Indonesian to be covered under the BPJS by Jan. 1, 2019.
SP/Robertus Wardi & Edi Hardum, Bogor President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Tuesday launched the government's new health insurance scheme, the first step toward its target of covering all Indonesians by 2019.
The scheme, managed by a new body called the Social Security Organizing Body (BPJS), will in its first phase see 121 million citizens covered.
They include the poor and underprivileged communities previously included in the national Jamkesmas program, a health program launched for impoverished Indonesians, and the regional-run Jamkesda program.
Also included are civil servants insured under Askes, those covered by state-run insurance firm Jamsostek and 1.2 million members of the Indonesian police and military.
In the second phase, Indonesia's entire 240 million population is expected to be covered by the BPJS Health program by Jan. 1, 2019.
"We're introducing BPJS Health to speed up the availability of a national social security system for the entire population of Indonesia," Yudhoyono said during the launching ceremony of the program at the presidential palace in Bogor, West Java. "With such a huge coverage, this program will be unbeatable by any insurance agency."
The BPJS insurance scheme is divided into two sections: BPJS Health and BPJS Manpower. The 2011 Law on BPJS rules that the health segment will be taken care of by three state-run firms: Taspen, Asabri and Askes. The manpower section will be run by Jamsostek.
BPJS Manpower will cover work-related accidents, retirement benefits and life insurance. The scheme is expected to start operations by Jan. 1, 2015 and cover 31 million members of Indonesia's workforce by 2017.
Jamsostek currently has 11.6 million members, managing more than Rp 132 trillion ($10.8 billion) in investment funds as of the end of 2012. The figure is projected to more than double to Rp 272 trillion by 2017.
"I'm asking Jamsostek to immediately make the best preparations, so that it can carry out the noble task when the time comes," the president said.
The BPJS scheme, said Yudhoyono, is a mandate of the 2004 Law on the National Social Security System, which rules that every Indonesian citizen must be covered by social insurance. "Thank God, after a long process, 10 years after [the law was passed]... we can implement the mandate," he said.
Earlier on Monday, the president said the government allocated Rp 19.93 trillion of the state budget to pay for the premiums of 86.4 million poor and underprivileged people under BPJS Health in 2014.
A set of government regulations and derivatives of the BPJS and social security laws are expected to start taking effect on New Year's day on Wednesday.
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) plans to target corporations that have been implicated in graft next year to boost its efforts to combat rampant corruption plaguing the country.
KPK commissioner Bambang Widjojanto said on Thursday that the plan was aimed at creating a deterrent effect. "[The KPK plans to do such things] so that there is punishment for corporations because thus far, only individuals are being netted, while corporations are still free to commit other crimes," he said.
According to him, while the law allows for corporations to be charged with corruption, there have been very few cases of such in the world, let alone in Indonesia.
The KPK, therefore, will be testing the waters by attempting to net corporations using Article 20 of Law No. 31/1999 on corruption. "The article has seven items. But there are some problems [in the law] that have to do with the procedural law. It's not complete yet."
Bambang admitted that the law contained a legal loophole since it did not clearly stipulate who constituted a person representing a company's interests. Thus, the KPK needed to ask the Supreme Court to issue a stipulation that would improve the law, Bambang added.
"We are trying to push the court to issue a letter containing the matter so that if we wanted to do something [charge a corporation], the procedural law is clear," he said.
Besides creating a strong legal foundation, the KPK will also make other preparations so that it is well-equipped in its battle against rogue corporations, according to Bambang.
"The preparations have to ready from the very beginning, they cannot be made in the middle [of the battle]. We will prepare the investigators so that they will be really integrated [with our efforts]," he said.
Recently, many officials from private and public companies have been dragged into graft cases, with the most recent one being Singapore-based oil trading company Kernel Oil Pte Ltd., a US subsidiary of France-based conglomerate Alstom and meat importing company PT Indoguna Utama.
Kernel Oil directors Widodo Ratanachaithong and Simon Gunawan Tanjaya have been accused of bribing former Upstream Oil and Gas Regulatory Special Task Force (SKKMigas) chief Rudi Rubiandini.
The bribes, amounting to US$700,000, were given to Rudi in return for a pledge to allocate oil blocks to Fossus Energy Pte. Ltd., another company represented by Widodo. Simon himself has been sentenced to three years' imprisonment while Widodo has yet to be questioned by the KPK on his alleged role.
Indoguna, meanwhile, is at the center of a bribery case revolving around the government's beef importation program implicating many members of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Three directors of the company, including its owner and president director Maria Elizabeth Liman, have been accused of paying Rp 1.3 billion ($106,600) to then PKS chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq through his aide, Ahmad Fathanah.
The bribe was to be given to Luthfi to influence Agriculture Minister Suswono, another senior PKS politician, to raise the overall national beef import quota. The government has imposed a quota on beef imports to protect local producers, a move widely opposed by importers.
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician Izedrik Emir Moeis, meanwhile, has been accused of accepting $423,985 in bribes from Alstom Power Inc. in exchange for helping the company secure a tender for the construction of a coal-fired power plant in Tarahan, Lampung, in 2004.
Haeril Halim and Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has warned that the country's high-cost election campaigns will encourage politicians to misuse their power and commit graft in their attempts to find easy money in the days leading up to the 2014 general election.
Speaking in a discussion with The Jakarta Post on Tuesday, KPK deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto predicted that graft in the banking and financial sectors would soon intensify due to its ability to offer liquid financial rewards.
"Compared to other graft techniques, like collusion in a government project tender, graft in these sectors allows corrupt politicians to pocket cash much more quickly," Bambang said, citing the Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) scandal and the controversial Bank Century bailout, which took place ahead of the 1999 and 2009 general elections respectively.
Irregularities surrounding the BLBI fund concerns the fate of Rp 702 trillion (US$57.6 billion) in bailout funds disbursed by the central bank during the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis.
Following advice from ministers, including former state-owned enterprises minister Laksamana Sukardi, in 2002 former president Megawati Soekarnoputri issued Presidential Decree No. 8/2002, which regulated the "release-and- discharge" letters, freeing recipients of the funds from being obliged to pay their debts in full.
KPK prosecutors previously summoned a number of Megawati's former ministers from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and grilled them about their role in the BLBI case.
The Bank Century case, meanwhile, centers on the government's controversial decision to give the ailing bank a Rp 6.7 trillion bailout package in 2008 a considerably larger amount than the previously agreed-upon Rp 632 billion. The government claimed that had it not intervened at the time, Bank Century's collapse would have caused systemic failure in the banking sector.
Other potential instances of graft that may take place prior to the upcoming election, according to Bambang, are those related to the disbursement of the government's social assistance funds (Bansos) and to the issuance of concessions in the mining and forestry sectors.
"Our study three years ago confirmed that local governments had issued major concessions to the forest and coal sectors ahead of local elections," Bambang added.
Many have condemned the failure of political parties to maintain grassroots support and develop reliable recruitment systems as the main factors behind the soaring costs of election campaigns.
Democratic Party (PD) lawmaker Didi Irawadi Syamsuddin, for example, said he prepared at least Rp 1 billion to fund his re-election bid. Most of the money, he said, was allocated for purchasing campaign materials.
Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta In a move that critics say shows the extent of Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah's political corruption in the province, the Banten Legislative Council (DPRD) has decided to keep her leadership intact even though she is currently detained on corruption charges.
The council said following a meeting on Tuesday that Atut was still the governor of Banten with Rano Karno as her deputy. "According to the law, the governor is still Ibu Atut and her deputy is still Pak Rano," DPRD speaker Aeng Herudin said as quoted by Antara.
Aeng reasoned that Atut had been doing a good job as governor since taking office in 2005. "The management of the provincial and regional administration has been going well, nothing has been abandoned by the governor," said the Democratic Party (PD) politician, who has been accused of accepting a luxury car from Atut's brother, Tubagus "Wawan" Chaeri Wardana.
Both Wawan and Atut have been charged in a bribery case involving former Constitutional Court chief Akil Mochtar. According to Aeng, Atut can still govern the province by signing documents that need to be authorized by her from behind bars.
Antara also reported that Rano would visit Atut at Pondok Bambu penitentiary to discuss his tasks. "To ensure that the administration continues to run well, I am ready to meet with Ibu Atut to talk about responsibilities."
The council's move has drawn a spate of criticism as well as allegations that it has been bribed by Atut and her family members.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political analyst Siti Zuhro said on Wednesday that the council's decision undermined the government's efforts to combat rampant corruption. The DPRD, she said, was being insensitive to the political situation in Banten,.
"Maybe for the members of the DPRD it's not a problem [if Atut remains governing the province], but for the public, the government's ethical code and leadership morale has to be prioritized," she said.
She argued that the KPK's decision to arrest Atut should be enough for the DPRD and the Home Ministry to decide that Atut should be stripped of her position.
A political observer from Banten's Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa, Dahnil Anzar, said that the council's decision was proof that Atut had control of the council, which is dominated by PD and Golkar Party politicians. "[The move] has confirmed the belief that the legislative body in Banten is nothing but legislatut," he said as quoted by republika.or.id.
The Home Ministry has said that Atut could only be suspended after being indicted and would be dismissed if found guilty by the court, as stipulated by the law.
The ministry, therefore, would also inaugurate graft suspect and Gunung Mas Regent Elect Hambit Bintih in his prison cell at Guntur penitentiary. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)-backed Hambit is currently facing bribery allegations related to the Gunung Mas regency elections.
An antigraft official has called into questioned why a district head arrested in a major bribery scandal in October is still set to be inaugurated tomorrow by the Home Affairs Ministry.
Bambang Widjojanto, a deputy chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), said on Monday that allowing Hambit Bintih, the re- elected head of Gunung Mas district in Central Kalimantan, to formally take office would only allow him to appoint his cohorts to key positions in the district administration.
"He's currently being investigated and has been named a suspect," Bambang said. "I'm not saying he's definitely guilty, but the preliminary findings are strong enough."
The KPK has a near 100 percent conviction rate against those it has charged with corruption.
Bambang urged Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi to seriously reconsider the planned inauguration of Hambit, saying that although it could be legally justified, it was still morally questionable.
"The government should learn from previous mistakes, because there will potentially be a lot of trouble arising from this inauguration," he said.
Hambit, the incumbent in Gunung Mas, was declared the winner of the Sept 4 election with 52 percent of votes, with his closest challenger, Jaya Samaya Monong, getting 38 percent.
However, Jaya contested the results at the Constitutional Court, claiming widespread poll fraud, including the mobilization of minors by the incumbent's camp to casting votes, as well as the recognition of hundreds of votes in favor of Hambit from a nonexistent ward and the disqualification of hundreds of ballots from one of challenger's strongholds.
Hambit was arrested in Jakarta on the night of Oct. 1, in a series of raids that also netted Akil Mochtar, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, and charged with bribing the judge for a favorable ruling in the dispute.
Akil was also charged in the case and accused of taking up to Rp 3 billion ($246,000) in kickbacks, as well as another Rp 1 billion in connection with another dispute being heard over an election in Lebak district in Banten. The KPK is investigating whether he took bribes in any of the dozens of other election disputes that he heard during his four years at the court.
Despite the controversy, the court went on to rule on Oct. 9, just eight days after the arrests, that Jaya did not have a case, effectively upholding the victory for the now-jailed Hambit.
The Home Affairs Ministry did not immediately respond to the issue of Hambit's inauguration. It remains unclear whether the event will go ahead, although the KPK said it had not received any request from the ministry to allow Hambit to attend.
The scandal over the bribery of the country's top judge has continued to unfold, and claimed as its latest victim Ratu Atut Chosiyah, the governor of Banten, who was arrested last Friday for her alleged role in overseeing the kickbacks in the Lebak case.
In his response to Akil's arrest, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a regulation in lieu of law, or perppu, on Oct.17 aimed at putting in place measures to prevent similar cases in future.
The perppu, when first issued, made two primary amendments with regard to the appointment of Constitutional Court justices.
First, that a candidate must not have been a member of a political party within the seven years prior to admittance. Akil previously served as a Golkar Party legislator for 10 years before quitting in 2009 and joining the court that same year.
In the Lebak case, the losing candidate contesting the election result was from Golkar, as is Ratu Atut.
The second key change introduced in the perppu was for the establishment of a seven-member panel of experts by the Judicial Commission, which oversees the conduct of the country's judges, to screen candidates for the Constitutional Court and draw up a shortlist to be submitted to the House for final vetting.
The government, the House and the Supreme Court will each put forward one candidate for the panel, while the Judicial Commission will choose the other four.
The perppu was formally ratified by the House of Representatives on Friday. In addition to the two central amendments, the now ratified legislation also ensures the establishment of a permanent body tasked with monitoring judicial conduct, and requires that all future Constitutional Court candidates be in possession of a doctorate in a legal field.
Vento Saudale, Bogor The embattled GKI Yasmin congregation in Bogor, West Java celebrated yet another Christmas in a makeshift worship space this year, in exile from their own church, which remains sealed off despite two Supreme Court rulings in the congregation's favor.
"It has been several times that we've kept our religious conduct hidden, from one place to another place," Dori Susanto, a 60-year-old congregant, said on Christmas. "We will keep doing this until we can do it in our rightful place of worship."
The congregation obtained a permit to open the church in 2006, but it was promptly revoked by the municipality, at the behest of Muslim-majority local residents and hardline groups.
Bima Arya Sugiarto, who was elected mayor of Bogor in September, has pledged to review the situation, but he is not slated to assume office until April.
On Wednesday at 7 a.m, Dori set out from her house in Curugmekar, West Bogor, to the congregation's makeshift shelter on Jalan Kayumanis in Curug, West Bogor. In the he shelter, which has a roof but no walls, dozens of congregants, led by priest Nathan Setiabudi, began a simple, solemn service at 7:30 a.m. sharp.
Dori said she would never tire of attending church meetings with her family, regardless of the conditions, because she saw it as part of a bigger fight. "We do the right thing and we are not afraid," she said.
Congregation spokesman Bona Sigalingging said that the group did not wish to continue operating off the grid but that they were determined to continue until the situation could be corrected.
"Underground religious activities are actually a message for the government that in this democratic country, there is still the discriminatory practice of sealing religious places," Bona said.
At the congregation's shuttered church in Taman Yasmin, Bogor, some 300 policemen, soliders and local public order officials (Satpol PP) stood guard. Members of hardline groups were also seen on the premises.
"My decision remains the same: GKI Yasmin members will be sent away if they insist on conducting their Christmas activities at the church location," Mayor Diani Budiartosaid on Tuesday.
Ngatwono, 57, also a congregant, said he hoped the new mayor would break the five-year seal. "I believe that under Bima Arya the city administration will allow us to use our church," he said.
Bima, a member of the National Mandate Party, said he would take up the case of the church as one of his first acts as mayor. "It is a challenge for him, whether he is brave enough to follow the legal ruling of the Supreme Court," Ngatwono said.
Turmudi, a figure in the local Muslim community, attended the congregation's Christmas services in the temporary shelter. "It is also a religious activity for Muslims to keep ties with others," he said.
Bambang Muryanto, Sleman, Yogyakarta Sleman Regent Sri Purnomo has been criticized by activists of the Yogyakarta Anti Violence Community (Makaryo) for attending a discussion forum on Shia held on Sunday at Gadjah Mada University's (UGM) Masjid Kampus (campus mosque).
The activists issued a statement on Monday asking the President, the Home minister, Yogyakarta governor and Sleman legislative council to give the regent a stern warning to remind him to uphold the Pancasila state ideology and not to be involved in what they deemed narrow religious identity politics.
"As a public official he has to practice Bhinneka Tunggal Ika [Unity in Diversity], pluralism and solidarity in humanity and not be trapped in such politics that is far from the spirit of the founding fathers," Tri Wahyu KH of Makaryo said in a press conference on Monday.
He said Purnomo's presence at the discussion on a book published by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) titled "Mengenal dan Mewaspadai Penyimpangan Syiah di Indonesia' (Recognizing and being Alert to Shia Deviation in Indonesia) tarnished human rights and might violate the 1945 Constitution.
Quoting Article 28 (a) of Law No 32/2004 on regional administration, Tri said that as a regional head Purnomo was not allowed to make decisions that benefited or discriminated against a certain group. An online media outlet reported that during the discussion Purnomo led a movement to reject Shia teachings.
However, chairman of the UGM Shalahuddin congregation, Ali Ibrahim, expressed regret that the online media outlet had inaccurately reported the event.
Another Makaryo activist, Damairia Pakpahan, questioned why Purnomo himself had not denied the news if it was inaccurate. She expressed concern that without clarification the news would be used to legitimize anti-Shia movements.
"Certain groups could manipulate the news for their respective interests, especially as the anti-Shia movement is gaining momentum in Yogyakarta," Damairia said.
She also said that questioning Shia principles could tarnish human rights. "Freedom in democracy cannot be interpreted as freedom to attack other faiths," she said.
The same regret was also expressed by Yogyakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH) director Samsudin Nurseha, who questioned the absence of the state in cases of violence against minority groups. "The police have to be firm. The people will definatly provide support," he said.
Meanwhile, Purnomo was not available for comment. He did not answer calls made to his cell phone
Sleman Vice Regent Yuni Satia Rahayu said she had taken action to minimize the impacts of Purnomo's presence at the discussion over concerns that it might influence the security of Shiites in the regency. She also said she had asked the Yogyakarta provincial offices of the Religious Affairs Ministry and MUI not to fulfill the demands by some hard-line groups in the province to declare Shia as heretical.
The same call to protect Shia members, she added, had also been conveyed to the local police, GKR Hemas, a member of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) representing Yogyakarta who is also the wife of Yogyakarta Governor Hamengkubuwo and other related institutions.
"Even international Islam recognizes the Shia presence. Shiites also deserve to live," Yuni said.
She said she did not know why Purnomo did not clarify the news reported by the online media outlet. "I think he already knew about the news," she said.
Haeril Halim, Jakarta A coalition of NGOs has claimed the government has failed to implement properly Public Service Law No. 25/2009.
Information collected by the coalition revealed more than 95 percent of public service institutions had failed to deliver the goods.
A national meeting attended by 160 participants from civil society groups as well as government representatives from 28 regencies and municipalities on Dec. 10-12 in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, found that a majority of both state and private institutions lacked measurable standards, complaints mechanisms or adequate service provision for marginal groups as mandated by the law.
The coalition, Community Concerned for Public Services (MP3), also blamed the House of Representatives for failing to oversee the implementation of the law.
"Article 35 of the law stipulates that the House, as the institution that enacted the law, has the authority to oversee its actual implementation. Sadly, the House only focuses on political issues such as the Bank Century scandal, general elections and so on," said Desiana Samosi of the Indonesian Parliamentary Center (IPC).
The IPC is one of the NGOs in the MP3 coalition. Other members include Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam), the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), the Civil Society Alliance for Democracy (Yappika), the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) and The Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Jakarta).
Francisca Fitri, the director of Yappika, blamed the lack of decent public services for the country's increasing maternal and infant mortality rates. "According to the 2012 Indonesian Health and Demography Survey [SDKI], 228 out of every 100,000 mothers died in 2007, that figure climbed to 359 out of 100,000 in 2012. However, the target set for 2015 is 102. Most of them were poor people who lacked access to public services," Francisca said.
She added that the figures for infant mortality amounted to 40 out of every 100,000 childbirths in 2012, up from 34 in 2007. "The target for 2015 is 23 out of every 100,000 births," she said.
Against this dismal government performance, Desiana called on political parties contesting the 2014 general elections to establish programs to improve public services.
"Public services should become the priority of all political parties ahead of the 2014 election. A number of political parties already have programs related to the improvement of public services, but some have no programs at all."
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Total gridlock will occur next year as various construction projects will be carried out, an expert says.
"Traffic will increase by 10 percent next year, with an average speed in the capital expected to be between 8 and 10 kilometers per hour," Indonesia Transportation Society chairman Danang Parikesit said on Monday.
"Traffic gridlock will be at its worst in the next two years as the city will see the construction of various government projects, including mass rapid transit, monorail, airport train and elevated train loop lines," he said.
Deputy Transportation Minister Bambang Susantono pointed out that expanding rail-based public transportation in Greater Jakarta would be among the government's priority projects next year.
"We call it 'railvolution'. The ministry allocated the biggest budget to railway projects. We hope rail-based public transportation can reduce the burden of other means of public transportation," he said, citing that the government would allocate Rp 700 billion (US$57.4 million) to fund the first phase of the elevated train loop line project.
Bambang said the government would not delay any construction projects. "We should start right away to avoid even more complicated problems. The construction of transportation projects will be synchronized and integrated. Traffic engineering will be our priority," he said.
Danang added the city should reduce the impact of construction by gradually removing on-street parking and relocating illegal street vendors at markets.
Meanwhile, a newly-established Greater Jakarta Transportation Authority (OTJ) will start work next year. Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa said the authority would consist of representatives of transportation authorities in Greater Jakarta.
"The body will not nullify each agency's authority but will function as a coordinator. Its priority will be expanding the Greater Jakarta transportation network," he said.
Hatta explained the plan during his visit to Tanjung Priok Port in North Jakarta with Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, to inspect the latest delivery of Transjakarta buses.
A new fleet of Transjakarta buses has started to arrive in the capital, albeit later that expected. As many as 12 new Transjakarta articulated buses, which were procured from Chinese company Zhong Thong, arrived at the capital's port on Monday.
According to Jakarta Transportation Agency head Udar Pristono, the city expected to receive a total of 656 buses this year, comprising 310 Transjakarta buses and 346 medium-sized buses.
"Of the 310 Transjakarta buses, 102 are already assembled while the remainder must be assembled. They will all be ready by Dec. 29," Udar said. Udar explained that the new buses were expected to be fully operational in January.
Hatta said the central government was ready to share the city administration's burden. "We're ensuring the new buses will get sufficient CNG (compressed natural gas) supplies by building between 27 to 30 new CNG stations until 2015 through state-owned energy companies," he said.
SP/Yoseph Kelen, Kupang Police on Monday said they named the head of the East Nusa Tenggara district of Ngada as a suspect after he ordered the forced closure of a local airport following his failure to obtain a ticket on a fully-booked flight.
Marianus Sae instructed local public order agency (Satpol PP) officers to close the Turelelo So'a Airport in Ngada on Dec. 21, after state-run Merpati Nusantara Airlines refused to give him a seat on one of its planes.
The airport was closed for two hours that day, with airport officials saying they could do nothing to end the blockade because they were outnumbered by Satpol PP officers enforcing Marianus's orders.
"District head Marianus Sae, who has been named suspect, won't be detained because he is facing less than two and a half years in prison," East Nusa Tenggara Police chief Brig. Gen. I Ketut Untung Yoga Ana said in Kupang "But the legal process is ongoing... We will question Marianus Sae after the New Year."
Police earlier said 16 Satpol PP officers had been named suspects over the incident, including the chief of the local office.
Marianus's actions spurred criticism from the public and lawmakers alike. Legislators said he should be sanctioned for violating the Aviation Law for his hampering of airport operations.
National Police chief Gen. Sutarman last week said Marianus allegedly violated Article 421 of the law, which states that "anyone causing obstacles and or doing other activities in a flight operational zone, which may harm flights and aviation safety... may be sanctioned with a maximum of three years in prison and/or fined Rp 1 billion [$82,000]."
Ezra Sihite & Farouk Arnaz Police on Tuesday said 15 public order agency (Satpol PP) officers in Ngada district, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), have been named suspects in an investigation after carrying out an order from the district head to forcefully close a local airport on Saturday.
Turelelo Soa Airport was temporarily shut on Saturday morning after Marianus Sae, the district head, ordered for it to be closed after he was denied a ticket on an fully-booked Merpati Nusantara flight. Airport officials said they could do nothing to end the blockade because they were outnumbered by Satpol PP officers enforcing Marianus's wishes.
"Fifteen [Satpol PP officers] have been named suspects for violating the law and trespassing on the runway," East Nusa Tenggara Police chief Brig. Gen. I Ketut Untung Yoga Ana told Indonesian news portal vivanews.com.
He said it would need some time, though, before Marianus himself could be charged in the case. "Our law specifies that questioning of district heads requires permission, a recommendation from the governor," Untung said.
He added that Ngada Police were currently dealing with the case. "[They] are investigating others first those whose questioning doesn't require a letter," Untung said. "They need time. They're working in stages."
Separately in Jakarta, National Police chief Gen. Sutarman said Marianus allegedly violated Indonesia's Aviation Law. "Shutting an airport violates Article 421 of the 2009 Law on Aviation," he said. "Blockading an airport is punishable by three years in prison and Rp 1 billion [$82,000] in fines."
Sutarman added that police decided to commence the investigation into the case even though no one had filed a report against Marianus. He added that anyone involved in the closure might face legal charges.
"There are three [alleged] perpetrators: those who did it, those who helped and those who ordered it," Sutarman said. "The punishment will be the same. We will question [all of them]."
Aside from the Satpol PP officers, police said they have questioned officials from Merpati and airport operator Angkasa Pura, as well as airport security personnel, over Saturday's incident.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta In what could be seen as a fresh blow to the Constitutional Court (MK), the Jakarta State Administrative Court (PTUN) ruled on Monday to strip MK Justice Patrialis Akbar of his position within the court.
The PTUN ruled in favor of a group of legal activists who filed a suit to challenge the legality of Patrialis' appointment, by seeking to annul President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Presidential Decree on his appointment.
The lawsuit deemed Patrialis' surprise appointment by Yudhoyono illegal as it was conducted without a transparent and accountable selection process, which is mandatory according to the 2011 Constitutional Court Law.
The Constitution stipulates that the Constitutional Court formed in 2003 as part of the reform process following the fall of the authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998 must have nine justices and that the House of Representatives, the President and the Supreme Court are each entitled to appoint three justices to serve a five-year term.
But the 2011 Constitutional Court Law makes clear that the nomination of justice candidates should be conducted with transparency and participation by the public, so as to ensure an objective and accountable selection process.
Patrialis was inaugurated in mid August, replacing Achmad Sodiki, whose term had expired, after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono picked him.
Many suspected that Patrialis' appointment was politically motivated given that Patrialis is a member of the National Mandate Party (PAN), chaired by Hatta Rajasa, related by marriage to the President.
Patrialis was also known for his lackluster performance as law and human rights minister. During his tenure, the ministry was deemed an under- performing ministry. He was removed from Yudhoyono's Cabinet in 2011.
In Monday's ruling, the PTUN also annulled the re-appointment of Justice Maria Farida Indrati, which was also stipulated in Yudhoyono's presidential decree.
However, somewhat bizarrely the PTUN also annulled the dismissals of Maria and Achmad, which had also been stipulated in the decree, meaning that the two remain in their positions. Although the 2011 Constitutional Court Law stipulates the court requires nine justices, it also says the court can hear cases with only seven justices.
Erwin Natosmal of the Indonesian Legal Roundtable (ILR), one of the activists who filed the lawsuit, praised the PTUN's decision. "I think the PTUN tried to provide a solution [by annulling Maria and Achmad's dismissals] since it would be problematic if they annulled two justices without an exit strategy, as the Constitutional Court would be, without doubt, paralyzed," Erwin said on Monday.
Patrialis said he would file an appeal. "As such a ruling will harm our nation and will stop the Constitutional Court from working, the only way is to appeal," he said.
Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva, however, said the court would keep running despite the PTUN ruling. "Since he will file an appeal, the ruling has yet to take effect. Tomorrow will be business as usual for us; both Patrialis and Maria will still hear cases," he said.
Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta In 2013, the National Police saw 27 officers killed and 72 others injured on duty, with some falling victim to public outrage at the force's actions.
Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) data shows from 72 slain officers, 47 were killed by mobs. The number is higher than the 11 officers who were shot and killed by terrorist groups, separatist groups or criminals.
The latest victim was First Brig. Sudaryo, a traffic officer of Keerom Police Office in Jayapura, Papua. On Dec. 13, Sudaryo and his team warned local thugs who were extorting motorists in Arso Kota, Keerom. In response, the thugs chased and hurled stones at the police officers. Sudaryo was beaten to death by the mob.
"The attacks reflect that less people respect the police's authority. Many civilians aren't hesitant about taking the law into their own hands," IPW chairman Neta S. Pane said on Sunday.
Neta pointed out that some of the 47 slain officers were killed by individuals claiming to be members of mass organizations. Aside from local thugs and mass organization members, the IPW recorded instances of motorists assaulting police officers over traffic offences.
On Nov. 29, hundreds of residents hurled stones at the Buol Police headquarters in protest against police confiscating 15 motorcycles during a traffic operation. The attack damaged a mosque and a security post at the headquarters. The situation returned to normal after the police agreed to hand the 15 motorcycles back to their respective owners.
In Bandung, West Java, a motorcyclist, Holil, attacked three police officers with a knife after being ordered to pull over during a traffic operation. A police investigation suspected that Holil launched the attack as he was annoyed by being ticketed several times by the police.
"The police are perceived as a messed-up law enforcement institution. The force is disrespected by some. So when police try to enforce the law, people see it as an annoying thing," said Adrianus Meliala, a criminologist at the University of Indonesia (UI), on Sunday.
The corruption of some police officials has fueled public distrust of the force. This year, a Transparency International Indonesia (TII) opinion poll listed the National Police as the most corrupt institution. The poll questioned 1,000 respondents in five major cities.
Anggi M. Lubis and Tassia Sipahutar, Jakarta Despite having broken the all-time index record this year, the country's stock market failed to maintain year-on-year growth, hauled by a falling rupiah and lackluster performance in regional economies.
The Jakarta Composite Index (JCI), the main price barometer at the Indonesian Stock Exchange (IDX), ended trade this year lower at 4,274.18 on Monday or a 0.98 percent drop from 4,316.69 in year-end trade last year.
The year-end figure shredded the optimism shared when in 2012 the country recorded a 12.94 percent rise from the 2011 year-end index.
The bourse enjoyed a brief upbeat moment when the JCI for the first time reached the 5,000 psychological barrier on April 18 when it stood at 5,012.64. It continued its upward trend and hit a record high of 5,214.98 on May 20.
The index, however, slumped below 4,000 for the first time since July last year as it concluded trade at 3,967.84 on Aug. 27 also marking the lowest point recorded by the bourse this year.
Financial Services Authority (OJK) commissioner for capital market supervision Nurhaida said conditions in both the domestic and regional economy took a toll on the country's bourse.
"All Southeast Asian countries but the Philippines and Malaysia scored plunging indices on their year-to-date trade which affected the IDX as well," she said.
While other countries in the region recorded 1 to 7 percent index plunges, the Philippines booked a 0.49 percent increase in its year-to-date stock trade while Malaysia saw a 11.13 percent increase.
By the end of December, the year-to-date net sell amount on the IDX had reached Rp 20.6 trillion (US$1.68 billion), whereas at the beginning of 2013, the IDX still recorded around Rp 1.25 trillion in net buys.
Analysts said that in addition to fears over the US Federal Reserve's plan to scale down its stimulus package, foreign investors had sold their Indonesian stocks out of worry over the economy further affecting the emerging economies.
The rupiah, which traded at around 9,600 per US dollar earlier in the year, plunged by more than 24 percent to its lowest level in five years at 12,239 on Dec. 19, making it Asia's worst performing currency.
IDX president director Ito Warsito added that the high deficit the country experienced this year had also made investors speculate over whether it was the right time to invest in the bourse.
Indonesia has also seen its current account plunge, with its second-quarter deficit reaching a record high of $9.8 billion, representing 4.4 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP). Indonesia's trade balance has also been in deficit in seven out of 10 months this year.
Despite recording a negative market trend, the IDX said about 30 firms went public this year, boosting market capitalization by 0.87 percent to Rp 4.16 trillion compared to Rp 4.13 trillion last year when 24 companies entered the bourse.
Among companies that listed their stocks on the IDX this year included investment holding company PT Saratoga Investama Sedaya, event organizer PT Dyandra Media International and jamu (herbal medicine) producer PT Sido Muncul.
Kompas Gramedia-affiliated Dyandra and Sido Muncul made promising debuts with prices rising 20 percent higher than the offering price of Rp 350 and 13.79 percent from an initial public offering (IPO) price of Rp 580, respectively. Dyandra listed its shares on March 25 while Sido Muncul the first jamu maker to be listed on the bourse became the last firm to enter the stock market on Dec. 18.
Saratoga shares, founded by local tycoons Edwin Soeryadjaya and Sandiaga Uno, on the other hand, plunged 13.18 percent to 4,775 from its IPO rate of 5,500 during the first trading session on June 25.
Ito said the IDX had targeted another 30 companies to enter the stock market next year, adding that he was optimistic that the bourse would book positive growth in 2014 despite it being an election year. "But stock trade will likely face currency depreciation, just as this year," he said.
Companies to be listed on the stock market early next year will include Blitzmegaplex cinema operator PT Graha Layar Prima, tower company PT Bali Towerindo Sentra, media firm PT Intermedia Capital and transportation company PT Eka Sari Lorena.
Trust Securities research head Reza Priyambada said that macroeconomic improvements were expected to boost the JCI next year as the country hopes to see lower inflation and a current account deficit, as well as a more stable rupiah.
Pemeringkat Efek Indonesia (Pefindo) analyst Achmad Sudjatmiko said that the JCI stood a chance of breaking the 5,000 psychological barrier again next year, supported by past data.
According to Achmad, election years proved to be positive for the capital market as the JCI posted growth throughout 2004 and 2009 when Indonesia also held elections.
However, he acknowledged that the Fed's tapering off plan would continue to cast a shadow on foreign investors' movement.
Anggi M. Lubis, Jakarta The nation's beef self-sufficiency target for 2014 is unlikely to be met as the government is allowing the importation of more cattle to meet growing demand.
The Trade Ministry has increased next year's annual imports by more than 50 percent to 750,000 head of cattle from this year's 478,000. Of the imports, 70 percent will be feedlot cattle and the remaining slaughter-ready cattle. The latter is usually imported ahead of festivities to suppress inflation as demand usually rises at these times.
Meanwhile, Trade Ministry director general for foreign trade Bachrul Chairi said on Monday that his office had issued import permits for 35 companies to import 130,245 head of feedlot cattle and 22,860 head of slaughter-ready cattle for the first quarter of 2014.
"This move is a declaration that the government has given up on the attempt to attain self-sufficiency," Cattle Breeders Association chairman Teguh Boediyana said, adding that it was clear that cattle imports were inevitable given the shrinking local cattle population.
The Central Statistics Agency's (BPS) newly published live breeding census shows that the country's cattle population is only 12.6 million head, or only 75 percent of 16.8 million head of cattle required by the Agriculture Ministry to attain self-sufficiency.
Teguh said the current population resembled the cattle figure back in 2009, before the five-year beef sufficiency program kicked off, which underlined the government's lack of seriousness in trying to boost domestic supply. "We have to admit that instead of achieving the target, we're back at zero," he added.
According to Teguh, breeders are wary that another beef crisis will happen next year, resulting in sharp price increases. He said with Indonesia's shrinking cattle population and the weakening rupiah, the country would find it difficult to keep the price at the government's reference of Rp 76,000 (US$6.22).
University of Lampung economist Bustanul Arifin predicted that beef prices would increase even when supply was adequate. Bustanul said the core problem lay in the supply chain rather than in the availability of beef stocks, of which the government had failed to manage.
The flawed market, he said, was demonstrated in how beef prices remained high even after the government gave up imposing a beef import quota.
"There is an oligopsonistic practice in the upstream and oligopoly in the downstream of the country's beef trade. Don't ever dream that we can even out beef prices next year if the market structure stays like this," Bustanul said.
"Next year, we will probably see the price go even higher than this year, with our unaddressed market problems, a weakening currency and rising demand during Idul Fitri, which falls near the legislative and presidential elections mid next year," he said.
This year, the government imposed an import quota of 80,000 tons of meat, comprising 267,000 head of cattle and 32,000 tons of frozen beef.
Imports, however, nearly doubled to 478,200 head of cattle and 55,800 tons of frozen beef according to data from the trade and agriculture ministries as the government tried to address rising demand and push down inflation during major holidays.
Bustanul also stressed that the country's reliance on Australia as its main and only imported beef source could lead to price spikes, especially with ties between the two countries at a low after a spying row.
Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan said the government did not plan to stop importing cattle from Australia as it was needed to maintain the stability of the domestic meat market.
Linda Yulisman, Jakarta The slow recovery of the world's economy will continue to cast a shadow over Indonesia's exports as overseas demand for the country's commodities is likely to remain weak next year.
Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan forecast on Thursday that the country's total exports would amount to around US$180 billion in 2014, roughly the same level estimated for this year. He said that exports would be stagnant as demand from major trading partners such as the US and Japan would pick up only moderately.
"Overall, there will be some benefits for our exports from the global recovery. It will boost commodity prices and also increase demand for value-added goods. However, although there will be an improvement [in the global economy], it will not be of great significance," Gita told The Jakarta Post in a text message. He added that the nation might record a deficit of up to $8 billion next year, similar to this year, driven largely by imports of crude oil.
The government is expecting total exports to drop by 6 percent to about $178.63 billion this year from $190.03 billion last year on weak overseas demand.
The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported an unexpected trade surplus in October thanks to an increase in exports and a decline in imports. During the month, Indonesia recorded a trade surplus of $42.4 million, compared to a $657.2 million deficit the previous month.
Monthly exports increased 2.5 percent year-on-year to top $15.7 billion in October the first growth in exports in 19 months. Meanwhile, total imports declined 8.9 percent to stand at $15.6 billion.
BPS head Suryamin attributed the surplus to the sharp depreciation in the rupiah which made Indonesia's goods more competitive overseas. The weak rupiah also reduced imports as local businesses cut back on their overseas purchases as they became more expensive.
However, during the January-October period, the nation's total exports dropped by 5.46 percent to $149.66 billion from the previous year, while imports gained by 1.98 percent to $156.02 billion, causing a deficit of $6.36 billion.
Non-oil and gas exports declined by 3.01 percent to $123.19 billion, whereas imports also decreased by 4.4 percent to $118.92 billion, yielding a surplus of $4.27 billion during the January-October period.
Indonesia, Southeast Asia's largest economy, has seen a widening gap in its trade balance resulting from oil imports.
In the oil and gas sector, Indonesia suffered a deficit of $10.64 billion during the January-October period as exports dropped by 15.41 percent to $26.47 billion while imports rose by 6.69 percent to $37.11 billion.
To overcome the deficit from sizable oil imports, the government in June hiked fuel prices, but the impact has been limited, with imports, especially crude oil, remaining high.
Due to the sluggish recovery of the world economy, the World Trade Organization (WTO) recently cut its estimate for the growth in global trade to 2.5 percent this year and 4.5 percent next year from previous estimates of 3.3 percent and 5 percent respectively. The Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) economist Latif Adam said that the nation's exports would slightly improve due to a combination of external and internal factors.
"On the external side, positive developments in the US and Japanese economies are encouraging, and they will affect exports by driving up demand for our manufactured goods. As the situation in China and India revives, that will also likely increase the demand for our commodities such as palm oil and coal," he told the Post.
The Industry Ministry earlier this week said that manufacturing industry could expand by 6.4 percent, helped greatly by growth in the steel and base metal; automotive; textile; and footwear sectors. Latif said that rising prices would help increase the country's export earnings from commodities.
On the internal side, exports will get a boost from a fundamental change in the export structure resulting from the ban on the export of unprocessed ores. Exports of processed ores would lead to higher export earnings for the country, he said.
Latif added that the ban would not affect Indonesia's mineral exports as most of Indonesia's buyers would still buy processed mineral products from Indonesia due to limited supply from other countries.
I should thank Mr. Prabowo Subianto for his response (The Jakarta Post Dec. 27) on my article titled "What ever happened in Kraras, Timor Leste, 'Pak' Prabowo?" (The Jakarta Post Dec. 20). His response, however, is deeply disappointing a baseless denial.
First, he insists that he "was nowhere near the site of the "Kraras Massacre" that occurred in Viqueque district on Aug. 8, 1983". That was the day when a number of hansips (local civil defense) deserted form the Indonesian army's units stationed in Viqueque, attacked and killed 16 Indonesian soldiers.
Almost a month later, around Sept. 17, a number of massacres occured as reprisals killing about 300 unarmed locals (including those executed near the Luca, not Wituku, river). There is no doubt Prabowo was in East Timor in April and had covertly gone in and out of the country until at least August, perhaps even September.
Much throughout this period it was not clear his whereabout and what he was doing much to the anger and worry of Col. Gatot Purwanto who was the then local commander, as he reported it to Governor Mario Carrascalao. (See Timor Archives, http://timorarchives.wordpress.com/2013/01/17/revisiting- 1983/ and interview by Benedict Anderson etc with Mario Carrascalao in 'Indonesia 76', Cornell University, Oct. 2003. There should be more on this at the CAVR archives in Dili).
Second, he said he had never been near the site of the massacre, yet there was a report (in sources mentioned above) saying, I quote, "Prabowo went to Bibileo". Perhaps it will be helpful to refresh his memory: do you remember the field in Bibileo with a building and a stone with this written on it: "Sekolah Dasar Negeri 08. Riun Yudha. Bibileo, Viqueque, Tut Wuri Handayani" (at the unit's symbol)". It's still there.
The villagers I met were much younger in 1980s and naturally could not remember all details i.e. whether they had seen Prabowo on the days when the attacks and killings occurred in such a big field and when those events probably occurred in the afternoon or night. But why on earth could they three decades later have heard of and remember Prabowo's name, mention it as an important name, and put a poster with his photograph in their house? I could go on with more details should Mr. Prabowo pretend to forget.
Third, Mr. Prabowo appears to be naive or pretends to be so when he said "Would Xanana and other Timorese freedom fighters, our nation's former enemies, have befriended an Indonesian officer truly guilty of such despicable crimes..."
In doing so, he actually mistakenly transfers the issue to a political and diplomatic realm since this event, the so-called 'friendship', occurred indeed could only occur after the independence of Timor Leste. In other words, the geopolitics has dictated both sides, now those East Timorese are state officials representing their state, to act as politicians and diplomats. I happen to know and met with some of those freedom fighters when they were abroad during their struggle in the 1990's. They certainly took a very different attitude when they mentioned Mr. Prabowo's name. It is interesting that Mr. Prabowo now mentions them as "Timorese freedom fighters". Had he recognized this three decades ago, the massacres might not have happened.
It should also be stressed that having fought for decades and achieved freedom, the East Timorese resistance had also learned, not only from Indonesian struggle against Dutch colonialism, but in particular from Africa i.e. the Mozambique's and Nelson Mandela's struggle. At this point I fully agree with Mr Abdul Khalid response to Mr. Prabowo that "The East Timorese authorities are far more tolerant to you than a number of countries in the world".
Fourth, to conclude, the only way to resolve the controversy would be for Mr. Prabowo to honestly provide details of his assignments, his posting dates and the operations under his command in East Timor at least during the period of April to Sept. 1983.
Only then it would be fair for the Indonesian electorate, including the supporters of his political party, whether or not it is politically and morally responsible to vote for his party and his president candidacy.
I am writing this response to the article entitled "Whatever happened in Kraras, Timor Leste, 'Pak' Prabowo?" written by Aboeprijadi Santoso, which appeared in the Dec. 20 edition of The Jakarta Post.
This essay, and specific charges relating to the tragic events at Kraras, is clearly a personal attack on my military career and personal reputation, based on unproven allegations, innuendos and third-hand reports none substantiated, by either the United Nations or current Timor Leste authorities.
It is revealing that this issue, dealing with events that took place over 30 years ago, has been revived and finds its way into the press just 100 days before the coming Indonesian legislative election, in a manner clearly intended to cast serious doubt on me, as one of the leading candidates for the office of the president of the Republic of Indonesia.
I thus wish to protest in the strongest terms and to refute the scurrilous allegations, none of which are substantiated, contained in this article.
Let me ask you this. If indeed I am guilty of this massacre, and other such war crimes, how is it that I have been accepted and even photographed in meetings and friendly conversation with former Timor Leste president Xanana Gusmao (April 20, 2001), Lere Anan Timur (November 21, 2008) and Mari Alkatiri (June 20, 2013)?
Photographs and articles confirming this were published by the Post, which by the way should have done its homework before publishing Aboeprijadi's article.
Would Xanana and other Timorese freedom fighters, our nation's former enemies, have befriended an Indonesian officer truly guilty of such despicable crimes against civilians?
For the record, I insist I was nowhere near the site of the "Kraras Massacre" that occurred in Viqueque district on Aug. 8, 1983 and I seriously challenge anyone to offer proof that I was either in the vicinity or that I issued any order to abuse or kill civilians.
Neither the UN nor the government of Timor Leste have ever proffered charges of human rights violations against me, and the article in question reveals this, with its "[...]all had heard of Prabowo, but none said to have seen him in the area [...]", "allegedly involved in a number of human rights violations" and "the circumstances that led to renewed violence remain largely unclear".
If the facts remain unclear, what is the point of bringing up this tragedy and pointing the finger at an Indonesian presidential candidate, except to undermine and cast a shadow on his electoral campaign?
In fact, my name was cleared in an investigative article by Jose Manuel Tesoro, carried in the March 13, 2000 edition of Asiaweek, which states the following:
"The question is: How far did Prabowo participate in all this? To obtain details of his alleged abuses, Asiaweek contacted four separate non- governmental organizations monitoring military atrocities. These were TAPOL in London; Solidamor in Jakarta; the HAK Foundation, headquartered in Dili; and the East Timor Action Network [ETAN] in New York. We asked for eyewitness reports, transcripts of intercepted communications, leaked papers or anything that could substantiate these stories. None could provide them."
As a matter of fact, on many occasions I protected Falintil guerrillas taken prisoner by the Indonesian Military (TNI) and Timorese civilians from reprisals, in a complex and confused situation, where the Indonesian Army became involved in a civil conflict, one in which brother frequently stood against brother and the battle lines were unclear.
These tired and unproven rumors, as recited in this article (some three decades after the fact, conducted and written up by a journalist who apparently is well known for his grudges and animosity toward the TNI) are a matrix of lies, unsupported by history.
Ask the Timorese themselves what happened. I claim that this whispering campaign is most probably backed by an old guard of corrupt Indonesian politicians, frightened of a popular movement that appeals to the aspirations of millions of young people and the underprivileged poor, and which is determined to quash corruption and institute clean government.
Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto
Jakarta