Ina Parlina and Hans Nicholas Jong, Jakarta Chief of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman denied on Saturday an allegation that his agents had held former ruling Democratic Party (PD) chairman Subur Budhisantoso captive.
Many have accused the agency of "kidnapping" Subur to prevent him from speaking in a seminar organized by loyalists of another former party chairman Anas Urbaningrum.
Supporters of Anas first made the accusation. Subur was scheduled to be one of four speakers in a seminar titled "Dynasty versus Political Meritocracy" organized by the Indonesian Movement Association (PPI), a mass organization founded by Anas in September.
Following Subur's no-show, only former General Election Commission (KPU) member and University of Indonesia's (UI) lecturer, Chusnul Mariyah, and Anas spoke in the seminar. Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo failed to attend the program because he was sick.
"That's not true. Why do we have to summon him [by force]? We don't have the need to do such a thing," Marciano told The Jakarta Post.
The kidnapping rumor circulated after the PPI uploaded a video about the dialog on the popular video-sharing website YouTube, late Friday. In the video, PPI's spokesman and an Anas loyalist M. Rahmad gave details about the incident.
"Sri Mulyono, PPI's liaison officer told us that Subur had told him in a phone call that he was being prevented from speaking in the seminar. It seems he [Subur] was restrained to speak in the PPI [dialog]. That's the information we received from Mulyono," Rahmad said. "It's strange that such a practice still happened in a democracy like ours," he said.
Rahmad said that Mulyono failed to pick up Subur at his house on Friday morning and was told that the first Democratic Party chairman was at the BIN headquarters in Pejaten Timur, South Jakarta. A man claiming to be a BIN agent picked up Subur just shortly before Mulyono arrived, he said.
After failing to meet Subur at BIN headquarters on Friday noon Mulyono then called Subur on his cell phone. Subur took the call and said that he was told to wait for Marciano as the BIN chief was still at the palace. "It's weird; we knew that the President was in Yogyakarta at that time," Rahmad said. "So the seminar went on without Subur."
Marciano rejected the claim, saying that "On Friday noon I was having a meeting with Vice President Boediono at the State Palace until late in the afternoon. Before that, I was at my office." "Last Friday, I had no schedule [to meet anyone]," he added.
He also blasted people who started what he called a rumor, maintaining that it was impossible for the BIN to summon an individual by force as it did not have the authority to do so. Marciano also said that he knew Subur, although he had never met him in person.
Subur also denied that the "kidnapping" incident ever took place. "It was wrong, such claims. It is manipulative," he said on Saturday.
However, Subur said he did come to the BIN headquarters to give company to colleagues from Aceh who had schedule to meet with Marciano. The meeting was scheduled at 10 a.m. on Friday.
Subur said, however, the meeting was postponed until 1 p.m. as Marciano had another meeting. Subur also claimed that the group finally met with Marciano's staff members. Subur said that he could have caused the confusion for not contacting Anas to cancel his appearance in the seminar.
"I apparently received an invitation from Anas via a Blackberry message that was delivered to my old phone. I was not aware that the seminar coincided with the BIN meeting. So, without realizing it, I said yes to PPI," Subur said.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrian Pasha said the news about Subur's detention could be false and damaging. "This is out of line and slanderous."
Julian said Yudhoyono had ordered an investigation to uncover the source of the information. "The President has ordered all law enforcement agencies to investigate this issue," he added.
Yogyakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono visited the Great General Soeharto Memorial at Soeharto's birthplace in Kemusuk village, Sleman, Yogyakarta, in Central Java on Friday.
The president and First Lady Ani Yudhoyono arrived at the memorial at 2:15 p.m., accompanied by members of the president's Cabinet, and received a welcome from Soeharto's half-brother Probosutedjo and Soeharto's daughter Siti Hediati Hariyadi.
President Yudhoyono and his entourage spent about an hour on site and ended the visit by signing a photo of the former president standing against a red and white background, representing the colors of the national flag.
"(We offer) our respect on behalf of the people of Indonesia to Bapak (Mr) Soeharto, the independence fighter and development leader. Thank you, sir," President Yudhoyono wrote on the photo he signed.
Among the Cabinet ministers accompanying the president were coordinating minister for political, security and legal affairs Djoko Suyanto, minister/state secretary Sudi Silalahi, minister of tourism and creative economy Mari Elka Pangestu, and forestry minister Zulkifli Hassan. Yogyakarta governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X was also at hand.
The Soeharto Memorial was built on a 3,620 square meter plot of land and comprises a "pendopo" (pavilion), the house of Notosudiro (Soeharto's great grandfather), the house of Atmosudiro (Soeharto's great-grandfather), a 63 square meter area marking the place where the late former president was born, a museum, and other buildings of interest.
At the entrance, visitors are welcomed by a statue of General Soeharto, standing over two meters high, covered in decorations, and holding a command stick.
The museum at the center of the Memorial Complex contains collections of pictures as well as a diorama depicting Soeharto's life as he became an increasingly important figure within and outside the country.
Some of the documents displayed inside the museum include the March 11 Order (Supersemar) signed by President Soekarno, letters from 14 national figures who declined to join Soeharto's latest Cabinet at the end of his leadership term, and the statement Soeharto read out in announcing his resignation in 1998.
The video at the exit gate, meanwhile, depicts Soeharto's burial on Jan. 27, 2008, at a funeral led by President Yudhoyono.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura Security officials at Freeport Indonesia's massive Grasberg Mine have detained nine foreign nationals who said they were mountain climbers, according to a source within the company.
The nine hikers allegedly entered the open pit mine in Papua province, which is the largest gold mine and the third largest copper mine in the world, at some point on Sunday and were detained by security later that day because they did not have a permit to enter the area.
The climbers have been identified by the anonymous source within the company as Swiss nationals Michel Wirth-Fragata, 44; Silvan Schenk, 57; Matthias Halchey, 34; Fritz Yacobv, 60; and Daniel Meyerhoff, 45; German national Reinhard Buscher, 61; Austrian national Alois Fuchs; and Matheus ven der Maulen, 59, from the Netherlands.
The ninth climber and the only female in the group, who has been identified only as Elen Anezlua, 42, was taken to the hospital in Tembagapura to receive treatment for severe dehydration.
The others were taken to the Freeport security office in Sugapa Grasberg. Local police were not immediately available to comment.
Freeport Indonesia, a subsidiary of US mining giant Freeport McMoRan, operates gold and copper mining in Papua's Timika district. The Indonesian government owns a stake in Freeport Indonesia as well.
Early reports received from West Papua Media stringers have described another serious and violent crackdown across West Papua on October 19 by Indonesian security forces, against peaceful gatherings commemorating the third anniversary of the brutal crackdown on the Third Papuan Congress in October 2011.
Initial but unconfirmed reports from credible sources suggest that over 60 people may have been arrested by police across Papua, as organisers from the National Federal Republic of West Papua (NFRPB) sought to hold prayers services and public speeches, but were banned from engaging in any acts of free expression by the Australian-trained Papua police chief, Tito Karnavian.
Just three days after Indonesian security forces used a massive show of force, intimidation, beatings and arrests to prevent the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) from commemorating the fifth anniversary of the founding of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua, Indonesian security forces increased sweep activities and similar tactics to prevent NFRPB supporters from exercising their rights to free peaceful expression.
Indonesian police in Papua had refused to issue permits prior to the commemoration, claiming in a press release to Bintang Papua that the gatherings could be prohibited as they were "inconsistent with the objectives of National Unity within the framework of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia".
In Jayapura, organisers were undeterred by the bans, saying they would go ahead to commemorate "the Restoration of Papuan Sovereignty" regardless, and were planning for at least 4000 people to attend. Chairman of the commemoration organising committee Engelberth Sorabut (formerly Chairman of the National Council of Papua), told Bintang Papua that a long march and worship service would be held at the gravesite of slain West Papuan independence hero Chief Theys Eluay in Waena, however acknowledged that it would not be allowed by the military and police forces.
"We asked the security forces... to not hinder us in commemorating the implementation of the Declaration of Sovereignty Restoration of West Papuans" Sorabut explained.
"We do not want to happen ever again the last event undertaken by military/police... at Zacchaeus Field, Padang Bulan some time ago, " he said, referring to the violent crackdown that left up to seven dead, and hundreds beaten severely on October 19, 2011.
However, security forces ignored the appeals, and blockaded the field of They's tomb with Barracuda armoured vehicles, water cannon, scores of plain clothes intelligence officers or police, and hundred of police and soldiers. Roadblocks were also manned to prevent people from attending the gravesite, turning away well over a thousand people, according to stringers for WPM who were monitoring the situation. Despite threats of major violence, only "normal" police violence occurred with pushing, shoving, and "uncommitted" beatings from police to rally participants in Jayapura, according to our correspondent.
The mass that did gather headed instead to the Papuan Customary Council office to hold prayers, but police dispersed that gathering with alleged beatings at 10:42am local time, according to witnesses. An altercation occurred between police and Alius Asso (30 years), who was taken away, and then the mass continued to the Honai (traditional house) to complete the worship.
In Yapen, in the heavily repressed village of Mantembu, the local police and military commanders announced on local radio on October 18, that all commemorations and demonstrations were banned, and threatened that any people who were found to be in "any imaginable breach of this order" would be met with arrests and shooting, according to WPM's stringer in Yapen, with this message being rebroadcast every hour on the local Radio Republik Indonesia station.
A combined military and police force of over 150 troops entered and occupied Mantembu village at 9pm on October 18, conducting house to house sweeps in search of "separatist" material and activists. This was done under the physical command of the Dandim (regional military commander) Lieutenant-Colonel Dedi Iswanto, and the Yapen Police Chief, Adjunct Senior Commissioner (AKBP) Mohammed Anwar Nasir, who then ordered the pursuit of Papua independence activists. The house of NFRPB figure Daud Abon who is in hiding in Papua New Guinea seeking protection from death threats from the Yapen Police and army was used as a command base for the operation, and civilians were forced from their houses.
One man, Absalom Maniani (33 years), was captured by TNI soldiers and is being interrogated for his alleged role in organising the commemorations. West Papua Media has received a list of the names of thirty-five civilians mainly women and children who amongst at least 50 civilians have been forced to flee into the forest for their survival in Yapen after Mantembu village was occupied by the army. For ethical and human security reasons, WPM will not identify these civilians.
Heavily armed police TNI and police continue to guard all roads and potential gathering points all the way into the end of the road and into Serui city, according to local sources who cannot be identified.
In Fak-fak, on the west coast of West Papua, at 1215 local time during a peaceful demonstration 18 heavily armed police arrested 22 participants, and charged Daniel Hegemur (34, action coordinator), Imbron Kutanggas (24, general coordinator), and Hindom Yanto (33, Field Coordinator) with unspecified charges.
In Sorong police smashed into a church Thanksgiving service at the old Maranatha Remu church hall commemorating the Third Papuans Congress anniversary, breaking up the service and forcing attendees to disperse, according to WPM stringers. There are unconfirmed reports that firearms were discharged during the dispersal in the church. This church was the scene on August 28 of Indonesian police arresting four leading Papuan customary leaders for organising a welcome celebration and prayer for the safe arrival of the Aboriginal-led Freedom Flotilla.
Meanwhile in Biak, relatives are still deeply concerned for the safety of 29 people arrested after the NFRPB commemoration and peaceful gathering was forcibly dispersed by the joint military and police forces. 6 women & 23 men, who have yet to be identified, were arrested forcefully by police and soldiers, and were taken away to Police headquarters in Biak where they are all currently undergoing interrogation. No contact has been allowed by local human rights observer as yet.
In several centres across West Papua on October 16, Indonesian police and army (TNI) have again cracked down violently on peaceful political demonstrations held by the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), resulting in the injuries of several participants, with unconfirmed reports of police opening fire in related incidents against KNPB members in Kaimana.
The demonstrations, called for October 15 by the KNPB to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the founding of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua, were delayed for a day out of respect for the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha. The rallies were also highlighting the historic speech made by Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Kalosil Carcasses to the United Nations General Assembly in late September, calling for the international community to take action on West Papua.
Despite formal permission being sought from the Indonesian police in Papua to conduct acts of free expression, Papua Police Chief Tito Karnavian rejected the permit due to the political and "separatist" nature of the rallies, according to KNPB spokesman Wim Medlama. Karnavian, the former commander of Australia-funded anti-terror police unit Detachment 88, authorised the deployment of thousands of heavily armed police and military to prevent the commemorations from occurring, according to local human rights sources.
Police banned rallies from going ahead in Jayapura, Waena, Sentani, Boven Digul, Merauke, Biak, Kaimana, Nabire and Timika, however participants were allowed eventually to hold prayer sessions under tight military and police surveillance and a show of force in Biak and Nabire, according to KNPB sources. In Timika, according to West Papua Media sources, several thousand people ignored the police ban and show of force and joined the KNPB event at Jayanti field in Timika.
Credible human rights sources have also reported that in several centres across Papua, combined Indonesian security forces of the Army (TNI), Brimob paramilitary police, and plain clothes members of Detachment 88 physically blockaded and prevented demonstrations from going ahead with dispersals and beatings in several centres. In Merauke, police and undercover personnel said by credible sources to be members of Detachment 88, were conducting heavy surveillance of local people whilst blockading roads to prevent people from accessing the commemorations at the KNPB Merauke office.
In Jayapura, rally participants met anyway from 5 am at the gravesite of Theys Eluay, where they began music, prayers and political speeches before dawn under the rising morning star, the celestial inspiration for the banned Papuan freedom flag. KNPB Secretary-General Ones Suhuniap told WPM stringers, "The Jayapura police began violently dispersing them at 6:30am with full force and weapons, with members of the TNI. The violent dissolution by the police also involved confiscation of KNPB member's valuables, such as a camera and all the KNPB's flags."
While this peaceful demonstration was dispersed, another gathering at the Highland people's housing complex Perumnas III in Waena, was blockaded by police under the command of Jayapura Police Chief Commissioner Alfred Papare. This gathering was then surrounded by the police and army and were forced out of the area, according to the KNPB and confirmed by WPM stringers.
Suhuniap explained "Until the afternoon the demonstrators were violently dispersed by the combined police and army forces and assisted by the Papuan police's special operations forces," referring to uniformed members of the Australian trained counter-terror unit Detachment 88.
KNPB activists told WPM that they observed the army and police were prepared to suppress KNPB members with force, heavy weapons, assault vehicles and armoured vehicles. Over 200 police, including 50 fully armed Brimob paramilitary police and a platoon of TNI soldiers, and scores of plain clothes intelligence said by KNPB to be members of Detachment 88 - participated in the dispersal and blockading the peaceful demonstrators of KNPB.
West Papua Media has been unable to confirm independently if any people in Jayapura were injured during the dispersal.
Meanwhile in Boven Digul, KNPB sources reported that Indonesian police took to local radio stations to announce the prohibition of freedom of expression, telling local people not to participate in KNPB actions. All local people were stopped and searched, with police allegedly confiscating cameras from citizen journalists.
In Kaimana, on the south west coast of Papua, Tabloid Jubi has reported that rally organisers decided to hold a prayer service instead to commemorate the IPWP anniversary. However, police banned that too and came to arrest organisers.
A night of terror and shootings was reportedly unleashed by Indonesian security forces against KNPB members' families after the commemorations in Kaimana. Police Special Forces raided the KNPB Kaimana offices three times during the night of October 16, with the first raid occurring at 2130. Six shots were fired into the house from Police rifles during the first raid. Three residents, Barias Wesfete, Demianus (Luter) Baunu and Jesse Irini were severely beaten and arrested by police.
However, according to KNPB spokesman Medlama when interviewed by WPM partner Tabloid Jubi, Police returned twice more during the night, with at least ten bullets shot by Police to the house at different times throughout. "The first shooting at 9:30 pm, was 6 times (shots.) The second shooting at 2 o'clock at night up to 2 times, and the third time at 4 am as much as 2 times," Medlama told Jubi. The three Kaimana arrestees returned home the morning after, however no information has been received of their charges, if any.
Jubi reports that the KNPB assessed that police are just looking for an excuse to put extreme psychological pressure on Papuan people, in ways that make no sense. "We are not concerned with their efforts to pressure us. We only know one word LAWAN".
Jenny Denton, Melbourne Swedish pension fund authorities have followed the lead of counterparts in Norway and New Zealand in divesting all holdings in the American company Freeport McMoRan, which operates the world's biggest copper and gold mine in the contested province of Papua, in Indonesia.
Following the recommendation of their ethical advisory council, Sweden's state-owned pension "buffer funds" AP1 to AP4 elected to exclude shares of the Phoenix, Arizona-based company from their investment portfolios on environmental grounds.
Freeport McMoran's Grasberg mine in Indonesia. The mined out Ertsberg pit, filled with acid rock drainage, is dwarfed by the Grasberg mine above it, 2006.
In a statement the Ethical Council said Freeport was "linked to serious adverse environmental impacts that contravene the UN Convention on Biological Diversity" through its mining operations in Papua.
"Freeport's Grasberg mine in Indonesia is located in an area of high biological diversity and is adjacent to Lorentz National Park, a UNESCO world heritage site. The Grasberg mine releases large quantities of mining waste into a nearby river," the statement said.
The Grasberg mine is located in the remote highlands on the western half of the island of New Guinea. Mining operations began in 1973 and are expected to continue until 2041.
PT Freeport Indonesia disposes of tailings from its "Grasberg minerals district" high up in Papua's central mountain range directly into a natural river system.
Hundreds of thousands of tonnes of processed ore are dumped every day into the Aghawagon River, and make their way down a steep valley into a "sacrifice zone" in the coastal lowlands.
Environmental groups claim the waste which is visible from space contains unacceptably high levels of copper, mercury, arsenic and cadmium and has smothered and poisoned the rivers and surrounding forest. Indigenous inhabitants of the area have long complained about impacts on their health and livelihood.
According to the "New York Times," a report prepared for Freeport by American consultants in 2002 noted that the rivers and wetlands affected by the waste were "unsuitable for aquatic life."
Freeport McMoRan says its "riverine tailings disposal" system was decided on after intensive assessment and review processes and is approved by the government of Indonesia.
"More conventional management systems were rejected due to the extreme terrain in a seismically active area with high precipitation, which created unacceptably high risks of catastrophic failure," the company states on its website.
In detailing the funds' decision the Swedish Ethical Council said attempts to influence the behavior of the company through engagement had failed and further dialogue was "likely to be ineffectual" as Freeport's CEO and chairman had "reserved the right to release waste into rivers" on both current and future projects.
In 2006 the Norwegian Ministry of Finance made a similar decision in relation to its global pension fund, citing "an unacceptable risk of complicity in severe and irreversible damage to the natural environment" in relation to the Grasberg mine.
The Norwegian fund took the further step of divesting holdings in the British-Australian metals and mining corporation Rio Tinto, which has a significant stake in Freeport McMoRan's Papuan mining operations, worth US$816 million, at today's rates.
In September last year New Zealand's Superannuation Fund announced it would exclude Freeport McMoRan from its investment portfolio on human rights grounds.
"Freeport McMoRan has been excluded based on breaches of human rights standards by security forces around the Grasberg mine, and concerns over requirements for direct payments to government security forces by the company in at least two countries in which it operates," said the New Zealand Superannuation Fund statement.
"Despite improvements in Freeport McMoRan's own human rights policies, breaches of standards by government security forces are beyond the company's control. This limits the effectiveness of further engagement with the company," said the New Zealand Superannuation Fund.
The Freeport mine is a highly controversial presence in the Papuan provinces. Through its security arrangements with the Indonesian military the mine has been linked to severe human rights abuses, including 160 documented killings of indigenous Papuans in its project concession area over a 45-year period. In May this year 28 workers were killed in a tunnel collapse at the mine.
Antioch University New England human rights researcher Abigail Abrash said, "As evidenced by this decision, Freeport's top management continues to rebuff the long-standing concerns of institutional investors, including the New York City Employees' Retirement System and others. What will it take to change this company's egregious practices?"
In its 2012 annual report Freeport McMoRan reported sales of over US$2.5 billion of copper and US$1.5 billion in gold from its Indonesian operations.
Amahl S. Azwar, Jakarta Following months of delay, PT Freeport Indonesia and the company's workers union on Wednesday said they had agreed on some basic premises in their pay talks for the 2013-2015 period.
In the tentative agreement, the subsidiary of US-based giant mining company Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc. and the workers shared ideas on the new labor contract as well as new wages within next two years.
"We are motivated by the latest development. Both the management and the union finally agreed on the best solution for the welfare of the workers as well as the company," Freeport Indonesia president director Rozik B. Soetjipto said in a statement.
Details about the agreement were unavailable but the outcome of the deal was lauded by the workers and the union leader.
Sudiro, chairman of Freeport Indonesia Workers Union, said the union was upbeat about the latest tentative agreement, saying his organization would not have to go on strike to ensure its demands were heard.
"We hope the management will be committed to the principles of equality and partnership for the sake of the company as well as the welfare of workers and their family," he said.
The talks on workers' wages, benefits, rights, obligations and pensions were delayed in May when Freeport ceased operations following a fatal incident at the company's training facility in Papua, in which 28 died. Freeport Indonesia resumed operations at the mine in July this year.
The Grasberg open-pit mine produces 140,000 tons of gold and copper ore per day, or 64 percent of Freeport's daily production of 220,000 tons of ore per day. The Deep Ore Zone mine, an underground block a few kilometers from Grasberg, which remains closed, contributes the rest.
In an interview with Reuters earlier this month, Rozik said the mine was currently operating at 85 percent capacity.
Freeport, the country's largest miner, expects that the company and union's negotiating teams would finalize the details by the end of October this year. The new labor contract, he said, would be effective on Oct. 1 retroactively.
Under the 2009 Mining Law, miners operating in Indonesia must process their ore domestically starting in 2014, meaning that they won't be allowed to export raw mineral ore.
However, Rozik said the company would still ask for "flexibility" with the 2014 ban. Earlier this year, the company said that current regulations would make it impossible for Freeport to operate in 2014 and, thus, would mean worker redundancies.
Freeport, along with PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara, refused to establish its own smelters, claiming it would not be economically feasible.
But Freeport said earlier that the company would have no objection to supply copper concentrates to local smelting plants in a bid to comply with restrictions on unprocessed ore exports. The company has recently signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with two local firms, PT Indosmelt and PT Indovasi Mineral Indonesia.
Indovasi Mineral's US$1.5-billion smelting plant, planned to be located either in Tuban or Gresik in East Java, is expected to begin construction by the end of 2014 and become operational in 2017 with an annual production of around 200,000 tons of copper cathode.
Meanwhile, Indosmelt's $1.5 billion-smelting plant in Maros, South Sulawesi, is also expected to begin production in 2017 and is estimated to produce around 120,000 tons of copper cathode.
Currently, Freeport Indonesia allocates 40 percent of its annual production of around 2.5 million tons of copper concentrates to a local smelter belonging to PT Smelting in Gresik, of which Freeport owns 25 percent of its stake. PT Smelting currently produces 300,000 tons of copper cathode per year.
Rozik said that all of the copper concentrates the company produced annually could be allocated domestically should the two smelting plants begin production in 2017.
Legal uncertainty in the mining sector resulted in the Canadian Fraser Institute in 2012 dubbing Indonesia "the worst" among the 10 least- attractive countries for the mining industry.
Overall, Indonesia was ranked bottom out of 96 countries reviewed by analysts from the Vancouver-based think-tank, a significant fall from 85 out of 93 countries in 2011.
Organisations and politicians from the US, Asia and the Pacific have written to leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, calling for sustained efforts to give Papuans a voice and welcoming MSG leadership on the issue.
The MSG, currently under the chairmanship of New Caledonia, is considering a Papuan application to join the Group.
Paul Barber, coordinator of the UK-based organisation TAPOL, a human rights body focussing on Indonesia, says 98 international organisations and NGOs have written to the MSG.
Presenter: Sen Lam
Speaker: Paul Barber, coordinator, TAPOL.
Barber: This is a letter which has been written by 98 international organisations, written to the leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, supporting West Papua's formal application for membership of the group, but also in solidarity with the thousands of West Papuans who've demonstrated over the past year, calling support from their Melanesian neighbours to acknowledge their suffering and to have their Melanesian identity recognised through being granted membership of the group. This is a range of signatories from around the world, including Pacific island countries, Fiji, New Zealand, Australia, regional signatories in Thailand and the Philippines, as well as the USA and the UK.
Lam: This group has applauded the MSG's efforts for showing leadership on the rights of Papuans, but is the message being heard in Indonesia particularly, the TNI, the Indonesian military, which of course has a heavy presence in the province?
Barber: Yes, well, we hope so, and you're right to say that the MSG has taken leadership on this issue, and we particularly welcome the fact that Vanuatu for example, has spoken out about human rights violations in West Papua at the UN General Assembly and called for the UN to appoint a special representative to investigate. We hope that this will lead to increased attention to the human rights situation in West Papua, and perhaps even more accountability of the TNI.
Lam: The letter, I understand also made mention of the Melanesian population in Papua province itself, that it seems to be dwindling what evidence is there to support this?
Barber: Well, it is a fact that the Papuan population of West Papua is becoming increasingly marginalised, as a result of a process of migration, which is happening from other parts of Indonesia. And now, the population, the indigenous population of Papua is under 50 percent.
Lam: Are there any signs that the Melanesian Spearhead Group is moving on the issue of Papuans joining the grouping?
Barber: Well, certainly the application for membership is under consideration. Indonesia has invited the MSG foreign ministers to West Papua for a visit and of course, they must honour that commitment and ensure that the ministers are allowed and able to visit the province, and to have freedom of movement, when they go there.
Lam: What issues would you like the MSG leaders to raise with the Indonesian authorities, when they do visit Papua province?
Barber: The human rights issues, which I've mentioned, including freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly, but I would also hope that the Melanesian Spearhead Group can also become a forum, in which there can be some kind of dialogue, to take place between the West Papuans and Indonesia, which would help to promote a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the territory.
Lam: And what's your intelligence telling you about the situation in Papua, where human rights is concerned?
Barber: Well, the situation is not good at the present time. There're constant violations of the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Earlier this year, in May, the UN Human Rights Commission expressed concern over a crackdown on mass demonstrations in the provinces and called for the Indonesian government to allow for peaceful protests and hold those accountable for violence. So the situation is not good, we're monitoring quite closely the situation of political prisoners in the territory, those who're in detention, in violation of their rights to freedom of expression, and currently, there're over 53 political prisoners in Papuan jails, so the situation is not good at the present time, no.
Patrick Winn, Bangkok As retired death squad captains go, Anwar Congo is surprisingly brash and suave. He struts the side alleys of Medan, a grubby second-tier Indonesian city, in mustard-colored suits and gold watches. He has Shaft's fashion sense and in his mind, it seems Sidney Poitier's fetching looks.
For decades, Anwar's movie-gangster panache has helped divert attention from an ugly truth: He's a mass murderer. By his own boastful admissions, Anwar was a mid-level player in a 1960s anti-communist killing spree that racked up at least half a million deaths, quite likely more. Estimates run as high as 3 million.
Anwar, now 72, is the unlikely leading man in The Act of Killing, a highly acclaimed documentary executive produced by Errol Morris and Werner Herzog. Recorded over eight years by Texas-born director Joshua Oppenheimer, the film challenges Anwar and his silver-haired cohorts to re-enact the bloody scenes from their youth, when they pursued and slaughtered their countrymen en masse. Anyone suspected of communist activity or sympathy was targeted; simply looking Chinese sufficed.
That these men so gleefully act out the horrors stored in their memory banks is jarring. Their swagger is owed to the fact that their murders were led and sanctioned by the government, which feared the communist wave rocking every Southeast Asian nation from Vietnam to Burma.
The men are doubly fearless now that their deeds are enshrined in Indonesian history as heroic. "I felt as though I'd wandered into Germany 40 years after the Holocaust," Oppenheimer said, "only to find the Nazis still in power."
The film is filled with 1960s and '70s Americana: Aging killers drunkenly jamming to Creedence Clearwater Revival, Anwar dancing the cha cha cha on a rooftop where he'd strangled men with wire, withered gangsters' fetish for cowboy hats and tangerine turtlenecks. "Al Pacino," Anwar says in the film, "he's one of my favorites."
Their Western pop culture fetish recalls an uncomfortable truth: The US government, busy exterminating communists in Vietnam, once cheered on and supplied Indonesian paramilitaries willing to wipe out their own homegrown insurgents.
The film also showcases the ugly cost of impunity. Though Anwar's clique is no longer free to slay suspected communists, the men roam markets extorting Chinese shopkeepers with violent threats all while being filmed by Oppenheimer. His expose into contemporary crime and his unflattering portrayal of powerful men factored into his Indonesian crew's decision to remain anonymous.
Oppenheimer spoke to journalists in Bangkok via Skype earlier this month. Here are his thoughts edited for length on angry reactions from former death squad members, America's influence on Indonesia and the murky ethics of filming real-life shakedowns.
On feeling "love" for a mass murderer: Anwar and I are in touch every three or four weeks. We've been through an intense, personal and intimate journey together that has transformed us in different ways. I don't know if it's friendship... It's him running away from his pain and trying to deal with it at the same time. Me trying to expose a moral vacuum borne of impunity for genocide. But I think there is love between us.
On filming shakedowns against Chinese merchants: I raised the question with my crew: Maybe we shouldn't shoot this. I don't want to be an accessory to their crime. My crew said this happens in every market in Indonesia. Every day. Nobody ever films it. You have a responsibility to document it.
What I did is asked (the extortionists)... to move along 50 yards and wait for me. I told them I was getting a release form signed. What I was really doing was explaining why we were there and paying everybody back. That transformed what would have been inexpensive into one of our most expensive days of shooting because we filmed 30 such encounters.
On potential threats to the Indonesian crew: The anonymous Indonesian crew, these are people who gave up eight years of their lives to work on this film. Risking their safety. Knowing they may never be able to put their names on this work.
Many Indonesians, helpfully, have only one name. It's hard to find a member of this crew even if they know their names. There have been no safety repercussions since the film has been released though we remain vigilant. I have been threatened repeatedly. I could probably go to Indonesia now but I don't think I'd get out again.
On the killers' reaction to the film: When (Anwar) saw the finished film, he was very moved. Very quiet, tearful... and then he pulled himself together and said, "Josh, this film shows what it's like to be me. I'm grateful to have finally had the chance to express these feelings."
The high-ranking politicians who joined the film for their own personal reasons certainly don't like the film and must feel betrayed a little bit. And I think they should be... if they like the film, that would mean I've failed in my work.
On Indonesia's ties to the West: So long as [Indonesia] has been a convenient client for US corporations, the narrative has always been positive... This film is a corrective. It's a mirror held up to society... but also to all of us. Everything we buy, everything touching your bodies right now and my body, every article of clothing, is haunted by the suffering of the people who make it.
All of them work in places like the Indonesia in "The Act of Killing," places where there's been mass political violence, where the perpetrators have won. That means we depend on Anwar and his friends. If you call them monsters and I certainly do not, they're human but if you call them monsters then we depend on monsters for our everyday living.
It's the underbelly of our reality. I said when I started premiering this film that, in a way, we're guests of Anwar and his friends' cannibalistic feast. But, in fact, we're hosts of that feast.
On the Indonesian public's response: It's come to Indonesia like the child in "The Emperor's New Clothes" pointing at the king and saying, "Look, the king is naked." Everybody knew it but they were too afraid to say it.
This film has opened the space for the fearless sharing of stories... people who no one ever knew had family killed or imprisoned are coming forth and saying, "This happened to us."
The head of Indonesia's leading newsmagazine, Tempo, called me after a screening and said, '"Josh, there was a time before 'The Act of Killing' and a time after 'The Act of Killing.' Our magazine has censored stories about this period for decades. I don't want to do that anymore. I don't want to grow old as a perpetrator like the men in this film... we're going to break our silence on this genocide and, in doing so, break the media's 47-year silence."
In one fell swoop, it told Indonesians, "Look, you can talk about this." You can be open about this. And perpetrators no longer boast about what they've done.
Margareth S. Aritonang The House of Representatives is expected to adopt a United Nations convention that would serve as a legal foundation to criminalise practices of enforced and involuntary disappearances by the end of this year.
The House of Representatives' Commission I, overseeing defense and foreign affairs, has recently completed deliberations on the adoption of the convention with the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), human rights groups, experts and relatives of victims of enforced disappearances; all of whom supported the ratification of the convention.
House Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said however, he was concerned about how the ratification could potentially be used to thwart the presidential candidacy of politicians who were alleged to have been involved in past human rights abuses.
Mahfudz, a Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) politician was referring to Great Indonesian Movement (Gerindra) Party chief patron and former commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) Lt. Gen. Prabowo Subianto; and chairman of the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party and then TNI commander Gen. Wiranto. Both were named by Komnas HAM in 2003 as being responsible for human rights violations that occurred during the 1998 riots that preceded the fall of former president Soeharto's regime.
Prabowo was in particular singled out for the disappearance of 13 pro- democracy activists.
Mahfudz said he was concerned that the country would pay a political cost internationally for ratifying the convention now.
"We are considering potential political costs in the global arena as several major countries, some of which claim to be democratic countries, have yet to ratify the convention," he said.
The United States and Russia are among the major countries that have yet to ratify the convention. He said that the UN should be more aggressive in promoting the convention.
"We need to anticipate cases of enforced disappearances from the deployment of foreign military. If major powers ratified the convention, they might be less aggressive in their foreign policies [toward Indonesia]," he said.
Other lawmakers from Commission I have also raised similar concerns. Lawmaker Evita Nursanty of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) questioned the urgency for Indonesia to ratify the convention now.
"I wonder why there is a sudden rush to ratify it now. It seems that this country is forced to comply with international regulations," Evita said in a recent hearing at Commission II.
Ninety three countries have signed the convention and 40 have ratified the document as of September this year. Countries that have ratified the UN Convention include Cambodia, Iraq, Japan and Kazakhstan. Indonesia signed the convention in September 2010.
Legal expert Muladi said that by ratifying the convention, Indonesia would show goodwill in international relations. "[...] We cannot force other countries to ratify it. We don't need to worry if they refuse to follow our lead because our choice doesn't depend on other countries. But, goodwill in diplomacy is important," Muladi said.
When the UN Convention is adopted into law by the House, the government must first find the whereabouts or remains of the victims who went missing in a variety of cases, which according to the data from various human rights watchdogs could reach 50,000.
Syamsul Huda M. Suhari and Nadya Natahadibrata, Jakarta/Gorontalo Resentment grew in the serene province of Gorontalo, a five-hour flight from Jakarta, as residents vented their anger over attempts by the overly powerful police force to cover up the alleged involvement of nine officers in the gang rape of a teenage girl.
The scandal captured the attention of Jakarta after activists and residents staged a rally on Monday at the Gorontalo Police headquarters as no progress had been seen in the investigation of the case.
Police watchdog the National Police Commission (Kompolnas) and government- sanctioned Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) have stepped in to help protect the victim, a 16-year-old high school student identified only as IU, and pressed for a transparent probe into the case.
"There is an indication that the Gorontalo Police have defended their personnel implicated in the case by not arresting them. The police tend to blame the victim," said Kompolnas member M. Nasser.
He said several Kompolnas members would fly to Gorontalo on Thursday to seek clarification from the police there.
He also said a representative from the Witness and Victims Protection Agency (LPSK) would go on the visit. "The LPSK will directly meet the victim and study the case. The agency will determine whether the victim needs protection," Nasser added.
IU has named nine police officers, three security guards and a bank employee as perpetrators. According to the victim, she had accepted a ride to school from a policeman, identified only as IG, in July this year.
The two exchanged cell phone numbers and after numerous meetings, the policeman took the girl to his house, where the first rape allegedly occurred.
On Oct. 4, the victim's father found her in the boarding house of one of the perpetrators after having gone missing for three days. The father was told he would be shot if the crime was revealed.
The victim's family filed a police report on Oct. 8 as the victim was allegedly subjected to repeated gang rapes between July and October.
On Tuesday, the victim fell unconscious during harsh questioning by the Gorontalo Police, in which she was forced to describe the chronology of the incidents and point out her body parts.
"Cases involving law enforcers will most likely make slow progress. Until now, no one has been named a suspect despite strong evidence," KPAI deputy chairwoman Latifah Iskandar said.
The police's reluctance to follow-up on the case was evident when Gorontalo Police chief Brig. Gen. Andjaja said the police thus far had found no evidence of rape.
It is unlikely that the investigation will be taken over by the National Police headquarters in Jakarta as National Police spokesperson Insp. Gen. Ronny F. Sompie has denied the incidents occurred.
"The accused officers have been questioned. There is no rape case despite what has been reported by the victim," said Ronny. "Based on preliminary findings, the victim is known as a 'social person' and is also well-known in the community," he said.
Local resident Andi Inar Sahabat, who is also an activist with the Woman Institute research Institute (Wire-G), said there had been attempts to shift public opinion by describing the victim as a seductress. "Since the very beginning, we have predicted that there would be such attempts to distort the real facts."
The Gorontalo incidents have added to a string of unresolved rape cases allegedly involving police officers.
In April, a police officer assigned to the narcotics unit in Poso, Central Sulawesi, allegedly raped a detainee identified only as FM. However, FM's family later dropped the charges.
In February, a 5-year-old boy from Ciracas, East Jakarta, was sexually abused by two men, one of whom was allegedly a police officer.
Medical examination results from the National Police Hospital revealed no abuse, however, a second opinion from Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital (RSCM) hospital stated otherwise. No one was charged in the case.
Crimes allegedly committed by officers are usually dealt with internally, with few ever reaching the courts as the graft-infested police force have an extreme lack of external and independent supervision.
Although Kompolnas is authorized to supervise the police, the agency is deemed toothless as it has no authority to question or sanction recalcitrant officers.
Along with the civil service, the police force, which is directly under the supervision of the President, are the only institutions that have been largely untouched by reform since the fall of Soeharto in 1998.
Sulistiyono, Jakarta Labour Movement National Committee (KNGB) member Said Iqbal has confirmed that a national strike will be held in late October and will be joined by millions of workers and include, among other things, demands for the abolition of outsourcing.
"Three million workers will take part in the national strike. The action is evidence that workers are not playing around and will struggle for their three demands", said Iqbal in Jakarta on Wednesday.
Iqbal added that the three demands are for decent wages, social security and the abolition of contract labour or outsourcing. "The government has not responded to dialogue despite the actions that have been carried out by workers", he said.
Moreover the government is insisting on limiting minimum wage increases to no more than 20 percent and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has issued Presidential Instruction (Inpres) Number 9/2013 on minimum wages.
"Three million workers will paralyze the Indonesian economy by halting production, paralyzing air and seaports, as well as centres of business and trade in Jakarta and the regions", he explained.
The national strike will take place over five consecutive days and be held simultaneously in 20 provinces and 200 regencies and municipalities. It will be joined by a number of labour organisations including the Confederation of Indonesian Trade Unions (KSPI), the Joint Labour Secretariat (Sekber), the National Solidarity Committee (KSN), the Association of Independent Trade Unions (GSBI), the Metal, Electronics and Machinery-All Indonesia Trade Union (SPSI-LEM), the 1992 All Indonesia Workers Union (SPSI 92), the All Indonesia Workers Union Vanguard Front (Bapor SPSI) and the Indonesian Metal Trade Workers Federation (FSPMI). (sls/ant)
Presidential Instruction (Inpres) Number 9/2013 on minimum wages was signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on September 27. The instruction places a cap on minimum wages increases for labor intensive industries based on the basic cost of living (KHL), economic growth and the labour productivity.
Jakarta Thousands of workers from various associations staged a protest in front of the House of Representatives on Jl. Gatot Subroto on Monday morning, occupying the main thoroughfare and causing congestion in the surrounding area.
The Traffic Management Center (TMC) announced diversions on its official Twitter account at 10:15 a.m. as the protesters began to arrive at the rally location.
The police closed some parts of the road and redirected Slipi-bound vehicles to Jl. Asia Afrika and Jl. Gerbang Pemuda in Central Jakarta, while Transjakarta buses did not use their regular lane, entering the inner city toll road instead.
Jakarta Police Spokesman Sr. Comr. Rikwanto said 8,565 personnel from the police, the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the city's Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) joined forces to secure the workers' rally.
After the rally ended at 11:45 a.m., traffic congestion continued around Pancoran and Mampang Prapatan in South Jakarta. Traffic in front of the House of Representatives returned to normal at around 2 p.m.
The workers held the rally to demand a more than 50 percent increase in the minimum wage. They also urged the government to implement social security (BPJS) on January 1, 2014 and to ban the practice of outsourcing. Currently, the provincial wage (UMP) in Jakarta is Rp 2.2 million (US$202) per month, the workers are demanding an increase to Rp 3.7 million.
The workers left the streets to gather at the Istora Stadium in Bung Karno Sports complex to join a national dialogue and musical performance.
Aris Siswadi, a member of the Indonesian Metal Workers Federation (FSPMI), said the demonstration on Monday aimed to remind lawmakers about their demands. "This is a warm-up for the upcoming strike that will be held on Oct. 28 and 29 if our demands are not met," he said.
The protesters gave the state-owned enterprises minister a deadline of the end of this month to ban the practice of outsourcing employees in private and state-owned companies, otherwise the workers at state-owned companies would join the nationwide strike that could be prolonged to Nov. 1.
Earlier, the Jakarta Labor Forum also announced their plan to join the nationwide protest. They also plan to camp for three days outside City Hall.
The forum has called on Jakarta Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama to improve the standard cost of living (KHL) index, including house rental and transportation costs. The forum claimed that the demand to raise the minimum provincial wage to Rp 3.7 million was reasonable as the country's economy and per capita income were improving.
Fitri, Mataram As the bodies of four Indonesians shot dead by Malaysian police last week arrived and were subsequently buried in their hometown here on Thursday, demands are mounting for the Indonesian government to lodge a protest and seek explanation for the deadly incident.
The bodies of the men, identified as Hafat bin Angang, 44, Heri Setiawan, 33, Ikno Riansyah bin M. Saleh, 25, Wahyudi bin Kuling, 28, were returned to their families shortly after arriving at Lombok International Airport in West Nusa Tenggara on Wednesday evening.
Cradling a toddler in her arms, Ikno's wife Ika screamed and cried hysterically as the coffin carrying her husband's body was packed into the hearse that would carry his body home to Sumbawa for the last time.
Ika first heard about her husband's death on television, and said she did not believe the Malaysian police's claim that her husband was shot dead because he was a part of a gang of armed robbers.
"My husband was working in Malaysia as a construction worker. How is it possible he was accused of being a robber? If he really was a robber we would have been rich by now, but we can only afford a rented room," Ika told the Jakarta Globe.
Families said the funeral for the four men were held on Thursday afternoon because Indonesian authorities had not requested an autopsy.
Dino Nurwahyudin, a counselor at the Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, assisted repatriation of the men's bodies. He said that Indonesia had retained several lawyers to handle the case and was now awaiting results of the official autopsy conducted by Malaysian authorities.
"This is definitely not the first time such an incident has happened. Last year, three Indonesian migrant workers were shot dead in Malaysia," Dino said.
He said it was very possible for Indonesia to lodge a formal protest in Malaysia to prevent similar incidents in the future. "For now let's wait for the autopsy results. The Malaysian government said it would take one or two weeks," he said.
Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa has expressed concern that the incident is the latest in a series of frequent shootings that have been taking place since 2007.
In 2012, Malaysia's then-minister of home affairs, Hishammuddin Hussein, confirmed that 300 people had been shot to death since 2007. More than half 151 of those killed were Indonesians.
Indonesian human rights activists and legal experts are skeptical of Malaysian authorities' claims that lethal force was necessary against all of the Indonesians shot dead in recent years.
"We don't know what really happened. The media quoted only the Malaysian police as sources. That's why we need a thorough investigation. The Indonesian Embassy should demand it," lawyer and activist Frans H. Winarta said. "They should not just shoot people because they are Indonesians," he added.
Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the Malaysian minister responsible for internal security, suggested at a gathering last Friday that police should "shoot first" when confronting criminal suspects.
"What is the situation of robbery victims, murder victims during shootings? I think that the best way is we no longer compromise with them.
"There is no need to give them any warning. If we get the evidence, we shoot first," he was quoted as saying in an audio recording made public by the online news portal Malaysiakini.
Outraged Malaysian opposition and rights groups quickly demanded the minister's resignation over the remarks.
Malaysian police have staged a nationwide crackdown on criminal organizations in recent months as a wave of violent crime stoked a public outcry.
More than a dozen criminal suspects have reportedly been killed in police shoot-outs in recent weeks.
Haris Azhar, the chairman of the Jakarta-based Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), called on the Indonesian government to conduct a criminal investigation into all the shooting deaths of its citizens. He said the government should actively pursue all information to ensure the shootings were justified in each case.
"This is not the first time this has happened. There should be a very rigid mechanism to ensure that Malaysian authorities follow proper procedures, considering the large number of Indonesians living in Malaysia, both legally and illegally," he said.
"A similar incident occurred last year. It suggests the Indonesian government has not learned from past experience."
Haris said Indonesia should demand that Malaysia explain the apparently disproportionate use of immediate lethal force on Indonesian citizens, and provide justification for each killing.
"If Malaysian police can arrest them, why the need to kill them? We need to find out everything that was really happening. The families deserve that much," he said.
If it is later revealed that Malaysian authorities used excessive force against the four men, then Indonesian should file a strong protest with Malaysia, Haris said.
"If it's true that the shootings were not done according to procedure, Indonesia should fight for justice and bring this to the United Nations level," he said.
Were Indonesia to seek recourse in the United Nations, it is unclear if any mechanism exists to handle its complaint. Neither Indonesia nor Malaysia is a party to the Rome Statute, the treaty underlying the International Criminal Court.
Even if both states accepted the court's jurisdiction, Indonesia would likely have difficulty making a case that crimes against humanity were committed.
Rights group Voice of the Malaysian People (Suaram) called for a complete overhaul of standard operating procedures for police before more people were killed.
"We call on civil society to join the campaign calling for the immediate sacking of Zahid as home minister," said Nalini Elumalai, the executive director of Suaram.
Last year, three Indonesian migrant workers from Lombok were shot dead by police in Port Dickson, a city in Malaysia's Sembilan state.
The incident prompted calls to reinstate Indonesia's moratorium on sending migrant workers to Malaysia.
Families of the men accused Malaysia of organ harvesting after discovering long scars and sutures on the bodies of the deceased. The National Police's medical chief, Brig. Gen. Musaddeq Ishaq, said the stitches came from the initial autopsies conducted in Malaysia.
The men's families demanded copies of the autopsy reports from both countries, and remain suspicious.
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) challenged the police explanation, and vowed to conduct its own investigation.
Jakarta The Global Slavery Index 2013, published by the Walk Free Foundation, an Australian-based organization dedicated to eradicating modern-day slavery, reveals that there are more than 200,000 slaves in Indonesia.
The Walk Free Foundation's inaugural Global Slavery Index, which was released at Chatham House in London on Thursday, estimates that there are more than 21 million slaves in Asia, accounting for more than 72 percent of the global total of 29.8 million. The index ranks Indonesia 16th with an enslaved population estimated at between 169,650 and 217,350.
However, in number of slaves per capita, the archipelago of 240 million ranks 114th out of the 162 countries surveyed. Three other Southeast Asian nations also appear in the top 20 of total population in slavery, with Thailand ranked seventh, Myanmar ninth and Vietnam 15th.
Per capita, the African nation Mauritania ranks first, having 140,000 to 160,000 slaves out of a population of only 3.8 million.
The organization defined modern-day slavery as a practice where its victims are denied their freedom and exploited by another person for profit, sex or the thrill of domination. It added that in 2013, modern-day slavery takes many forms and is known by many names, including human trafficking and forced labor.
A statement from Walk Free Foundation made available on Thursday said that within Indonesia, debt bondage is a common practice in many sectors used to keep people enslaved. Forced and child labor are also rampant, particularly in the palm oil industry.
"Indonesia's geography as a country made up of over 17,000 islands as well as its cultural and topographical diversity, make law enforcement, monitoring and detection very challenging, especially in areas outside of Jakarta," the foundation said.
"We also must not forget the even larger number of Indonesians facing exploitation outside of the country," Nick Grono, CEO of Walk Free Foundation, said.
Current data from the Agency for the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Migrant Workers records that there are around 6.5 million Indonesian migrant workers abroad.
"Indonesian nationals who have sought work abroad [through both regular and irregular channels], particularly in the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific region, have been sexually exploited, found in forced labor, domestic work, construction, fishing and hospitality," the foundation reported.
Illegal status makes Indonesian migrant workers particularly vulnerable to exploitation and slavery.
The foundation said that Indonesia had recovered remarkably since the Asian Economic Crisis, but under-employment and unemployment remained at high levels, which left workers with no choice but to accept poor working conditions.
The foundation acknowledged the Indonesian government's development of a new anti-trafficking action plan for the period of 2009-2014 and the establishment of a National Action Plan for the Worst Forms of Child Labor.
"Most governments don't dig deeply into slavery for a lot of bad reasons. There are exceptions, but many governments don't want to know about people who can't vote, who are likely to be illegal anyway. The laws are in place, but the tools and resources and the political will are lacking. And since hidden slaves can't be counted, it is easy to pretend they don't exist. The index aims to change that," said Kevin Bales, the lead researcher on the Global Slavery Index.
Responding to Indonesia's ranking in the index, National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) commissioner Natalius Pigai said that the number of people who had fallen victim to modern-day slavery in Indonesia could be far bigger than 217,000 and that the number "could even reach into the millions."
"Many small to medium scale enterprises in Indonesia use forms of slavery by breaking existing employment laws. Even the government seems unable to monitor these companies due to lack of law enforcement officers and the companies' reluctance to report their employment data to the authorities," Natalius said.
He said that currently there were around only 11,000 officers monitoring hundreds of thousands of companies in Indonesia.
A notorious case of modern-day human bondage was discovered earlier this year in a factory in Tangerang, one of Jakarta's satellite cities. As many as 34 workers from Lampung and Cianjur in West Java were freed in May from a kitchenware factory in Bayur Opak village, East Sepatan district, Tangerang regency, where they had experienced long working hours and torturous treatment meted out by their employer.
They were forced to work 18 hours with only two meals a day without pay despite being promised a monthly wage of Rp 600,000 (US$53). "The Tangerang case is only the tip of the iceberg," Natalius said. (hrl)
Raka F Pujangga, Semarang An Indonesian labour movement workshop at the Pandanaran Hotel in the Central Java capital of Semarang facilitated by the Trade Union Rights Centre (TURC) has been forcibly closed down by police who claim they did not have a permit for the event.
Six representatives were escorted to the Semarang metropolitan district police (Polrestabes) to explain the purpose and aims of the event. The six were Dono Raharjo (Central Java Federated Trade Union regional leadership board chairperson), Ilhamsyah (Indonesian Transportation Trade Union of Struggle spokesperson), Nanda (Semarang Legal Aid Foundation), Yovita Octaviani (TURC committee member), Rahma (TURC committee member) and Abu Mufathir (National Human Rights Commission researcher).
Octaviani explained that they had organised similar activities throughout Indonesia but had never had a problem related to permits. "We've held [similar] activities but never had an incident such as this", he explained to Tribune News East Java on Friday October 18.
Octaviani said that they were disappointed with the police's actions, who were arrogant and had no grounds to close down the workshop. "This shouldn't be the way to do things, the police should have an official document in order to close down [an event]. Arrests also should have an official warrant", he explained.
Dono Raharjo said that the police asked them to close the seminar and if they did not, it would be forcibly closed down. "We didn't want there to be any violence here. So I temporarily halted the activities immediately and negotiated first with the police", he explained.
East Java regional police headquarters intelligence and security agency chief Assistant Superintendent Wahyudi Triyono said that the even was closed down on the orders of his superior, namely the East Java regional police chief. However because it was held in an area under the jurisdiction of the Semarang metropolitan district police (Polrestabes) it was turned over to the metropolitan district police chief (Kapolrestabes).
"Notification about the planned activity should have been provided to the police before hand. [If] a letter of notification is made out then the event can recommence", he explained.
Jakarta Thousands of workers from Jakarta and surrounding areas demonstrated demanding welfare improvements on Thursday October 17. The action created traffic jams between Jl. Jenderal Sudirman, Jl Thamrin, the Indonesia traffic circle and in the vicinity of the State Palace. Similar protest were held in West and East Java.
In speeches in front of the State Palace, protest leaders demanded the cancelation of Presidential Instruction (Inpres) Number 9/2013 on minimum wages, which they said sides with employers and restricts efforts to achieve decent wages.
Arriving on scores of busses, the workers marched from the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle towards the State Place, although police prevented them from approaching the Palace grounds. During the action the workers unfurled banners with demands rejecting low wages and calling for the abolition of contract labour (outsourcing).
The demonstrators filled Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara in front of the State Palace and spilling onto Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat in front of the Radio Republic Indonesia building. Scores of security personnel from the national police headquarters, the Central Jakarta Metro Jaya municipal police and Gambir sectoral police watched over the action.
Also on Thursday, in Tangerang, Banten, hundreds of workers employed by the company PT Wingoh Albindo from the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions (KSBI) also held a strike action making similar demands. They occupied the streets and closed the gates of the company located on Jl. Yos Sudarso in the Aster industrial zone in Rawa Bamban, Tangerang city.
The strike action and blockade was held because negotiation between the workers and company management had broken down over issues related to the social security program (Jamsostek), the municipal minimum wage (UMK) and other work agreements. The action proceed peacefully.
"The company is still refusing to come to an agreement with workers. The company's attitude gives the impression that they don't want to be responsible", said action coordinator Murdi. Related to this, said Murdi, workers have reported the company the Tangerang City Labour and Transmigration Office (Disnakertrans).
In the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya, thousand of workers also demonstrated rejecting Presidential Instruction Number 9/2013. "We are calling on the president to revoke the Inpres and that the 2014 UMK for the East Java 1 ring to be increased to a minimum of 3 million rupiah a month and by a minimum of 50 percent for other areas", said Jamaludin, the deputy secretary for the East Java Confederation of Indonesian Trade Unions (KSPI). The East Java 1 ring area covers Surabaya, Sidoarjo, Gresik, Pasuruan and Mojokerto.
In Sukabumi regency, West Java meanwhile, around 100 workers went to the Sukabumi regent's official residence to hold a dialog with the Regent Sukmawaijaya. Earlier, the Sukabumi regency wage board had set the reasonable living cost index (KHL) for 2013 at 1,560,000 rupiah a month. (PIN/INK/DEN/HEI)
Presidential Instruction (Inpres) Number 9/2013 on minimum wages was signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on September 27. The instruction places a cap on minimum wages increases for labor intensive industries based on the basic cost of living (KHL), economic growth and the labour productivity.
Kanupriya Kapoor Thousands of Indonesian workers took to the streets of the capital on Thursday, demanding that the government raise wages and adding to fears that labor costs in Southeast Asia's biggest economy are becoming uncompetitive.
About 7,000 members of the country's largest labor unions marched through the center of Jakarta to the presidential palace to press their case for a 50 percent increase in the minimum wage and improved social welfare.
The demands add to pressure on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to improve the lot of low-income workers ahead of next year's parliamentary and presidential elections. His government has said it would announce an inflation-linked basket to set minimum wage but manufacturers worry that rising costs are already threatening to make Indonesian products less competitive.
"For sure, some investors are worried that the government will give in like they did last year," Sofjan Wanandi, head of the Employers' Association of Indonesia (Apindo), told Reuters. "Everyone understands that it's totally unsustainable for business because we had to lay off thousands of workers, especially in the labor-intensive industries. This year, we have hope that the government is more serious about protecting the investors."
The government-set minimum wage rose 44 percent last year in greater Jakarta, where the bulk of the country's factories are based. The minimum wage in greater Jakarta is on average 1.9 million rupiah ($172) a month.
Despite years of some of the world's fastest economic growth, nearly 40 percent of the population live on about $2 a day, and the gap between the rich and the poor is widening, an issue that is likely to top the election agenda next year.
Economists say that they are concerned the government will buckle to populist demands to win votes and shy away from any serious economic reform to help counter a slowing growth.
"The government should be on the workers' side," said Yana Santhia, a 36- year-old worker from a textile factory outside Jakarta. "The workers are suffering because prices have gone up, above what we can afford... But so far the government has only prioritized policies that support the business model of foreign companies."
Inflation has jumped to a 4-1/2 year highs after June's sharp increase in fuel prices, while interest rates have been pushed to their highest in almost four years in part to defend the fast falling rupiah, Asia's worst performing currency this year.
The government has said it plans measures for labor-intensive industries such as textiles to prevent layoffs. But it has yet to implement the measures and there is widespread concern that Indonesia's manufacturing industries are losing out to more competitive neighbors.
A presidential spokesman declined to comment when asked how the government intended to respond to the latest demands. Union leaders said they planned more protests in the next few weeks, including a national strike in late October.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will enter his last year in office on Monday knowing that only about 40 percent of his people approve of his performance, according to the latest opinion poll.
With the general elections due to be held in less than six months' time and with campaigning set to begin in January 2014, the ruling government is running out of time to alter public perception.
A survey by the Pol-Tracking Institute, released on Sunday, shows that most people think the President has made no significant progress since he was elected for a second term on Oct. 20 four years ago.
According to the study, only 40 percent of the 2,010 respondents from 33 provinces said they were satisfied with the government's performance, while 59.5 percent were far more critical, citing soaring prices of staples, high unemployment, the high cost of education and health care as well as poor infrastructure.
By way of contrast, Yudhoyono's approval rating stood at 54.5 percent in April according to a survey conducted by Kompas daily, and 51 percent in June, according to the National Survey Institute (LSN).
Yudhoyono is barred from seeking a third term by the Constitution, but some of his family members, including his brother-in-law, Pramono Edhie Wibowo, have entered the political arena to help him retain his clout. With his party now languishing after being hit with a slew of damaging graft scandals, his declining popularity deals yet another blow to Yudhoyono.
Pol-Tracking's executive director, Hanta Yuda, said it would be difficult for Yudhoyono to turn the tables with the election only months away, and many of his ministers from his coalition partners too busy preparing for the polls. "Four of the ministers are chairmen of political parties. It is unthinkable that they will not do whatever it takes to have their parties win the election," he said.
He added that the fact that 55 percent, or 19 of the total 34 Cabinet ministers, were members of various political parties would make it even harder for Yudhoyono to end his leadership on a high note.
The President received a poor mark over the economy, with 70.9 percent of respondents saying they were dissatisfied with the United Cabinet's economic policies, citing the rampant increases in the price of staple food items. The ruling government also fared poorly in law enforcement and security, according to the survey.
Democratic Party lawmaker Didi Irawadi Syamsuddin dismissed the survey results, saying people had no knowledge of the government's successful programs.
"I know that the government isn't perfect. But we must be honest about the programs that have been successfully implemented. People in several regions have told me that they actually benefited from the government's policies," Didi, who also attended the press briefing on Sunday, said in response to Pol-Tracking's survey.
Didi, a lawmaker from the House of Representatives' Commission III on laws and human rights, cited the massive efforts to eradicate corruption as being among the government's successes.
"Previously, it was impossible to charge those who were close to the powers that be. This is not the case anymore. These days, as we can see, several senior officials have been convicted of corruption," he said.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha was less critical of the survey, saying the President would use the results as input to improve his performance.
"The results of the study will definitely be useful to further enhance efforts to improve the government's performance before the end of its term next year," he told The Jakarta Post. "However, I must say that some of the government's programs are actually working, such as in the economy, although some issues, such as law enforcement, remain a struggle."
SP/Yeremia Sukoyo Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo and former general Prabowo Subianto aren't considered real contenders in the upcoming election, despite their high chances of being elected as president based on their popularity, a survey showed.
Adjie Alfaraby, a researcher at the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI), told reporters on Sunday that Prabowo, founder of Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), might do what he did in 2009 by forming a coalition with Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served as president from 2001 to 2004, is chairwoman of the PDI-P.
"In the end Prabowo submitted to the real politics and joined the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle," Adjie said. He added that LSI found that Prabowo's electability has not been able to boost the popularity of his party Gerindra.
"Based on several surveys LSI conducted we found that Gerindra was only favored by fewer than 10 percent of the respondents, a lot less that the top three political parties: Golkar, PDI-P and Democratic," he said.
The Democratic Party is the ruling party chaired by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, while presidential hopeful Aburizal Bakrie is chairman of the Golkar Party.
Meanwhile, Joko, whose name has been mentioned repeatedly as the most likable presidential candidate, would not be able to join the race unless he received consent from Megawati, Adjie said.
"Joko is not the structural leader of PDI-P. Even though he has high electability, his potential nomination as the presidential candidate is still causing a division within the party," Adjie said.
However, he said, Joko's massive popularity could be used as a very effective vote-getter for his party, just as Yudhoyono did in 2009 for his re-election. "If Joko is nominated as the president or vice president, there's a possibility that PDI-P can benefit from his electability," he said.
Adjie said PDI-P's hesitation to nominate Joko as the presidential candidate could hurt the party's chance to win the legislative election. "If Joko's nomination is announced after the legislative election, PDI-P will not be able to get the maximum 'Jokowi effect,'?" Adjie said, referring to the governor by his nickname.
Adjie said that despite Joko and Prabowo's popularity, there are only two "real" presidential candidates Megawati and Golkar's Aburizal. Previous elections showed that most presidential candidates were usually party chairmen, Adjie said.
The Indonesian Survey Circle poll, conducted from Sept. 12 to Oct. 5, involved 1,200 respondents. The survey also found that Golkar was favored the most, attracting 20.4 percent of respondents, while PDI-P and the Democratic Party scored 18.7 percent and 9.8 percent, respectively.
Adjie said Golkar has never been internally coherent and rarely found easy agreement on presidential nominations because of internal competition.
Recently a survey conducted by the United Data Center (PDB) announced that Joko remained secure at the top of the electability list of potential presidential candidates. PDB founder Didik Rachbini said that 36 percent of those polled would choose the Jakarta governor for president.
In second was Gerindra founder Prabowo with 6.6 percent, while in third place was State Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan with 5 percent. Placed fourth was former Vice President Jusuf Kalla with 4.6 percent, followed by former military chief Wiranto with 4 percent.
Didik said the survey also showed that the names put forward for the Democratic Party's convention to select its presidential candidate had failed to strike a note with voters polled.
The survey showed many members or supporters of PDI-P had clearly shifted their favor to Joko, as evidenced by the 2 percent vote garnered by Megawati. The results of the survey also showed that Prabowo was losing ground. While his electability not long ago was not far behind Joko's, latest numbers showed him to be trailing the governor by some distance.
Jakarta Analysts have said that political dynasties, grounded in the constitutional right of every citizen to run for office, are commonplace in the country.
"Political dynasties are not foreign to Indonesian democracy. Besides Banten, take a look at Yasin Limpo's clan in South Sulawesi," researcher Wawan Ichwanuddin, from the Indonesian Science Institute (LIPI), told The Jakarta Post recently.
Yasin Limpo, who is a former regent of Gowa, Maros, Takalar, has a number of children who hold important positions in South Sulawesi. His son, Syahrul Yasin Limpo, is currently serving his second-term as governor of South Sulawesi after having served two tenures as Gowa regent. Syahrul was succeeded by his brother, Ichsan Yasin Limpo, who is in his second-term as regent. Another son, Haris Yasin Limpo, is a legislator in the Makassar Legislative Assembly. Yasin's daughter, Tenri Olle Yasin Limpo, is Gowa Legislative Assembly speaker. Yasin Limpo also has a grandson, Adnan Purichta Ichsan Yasin Limpo, in the South Sulawesi Legislative Assembly, as well as a granddaughter, Indira Chunda Thita Syahrul Yasin Limpo, who is a lawmaker in the House of Representatives. What the Limpo family has created over the years is similar to the family of Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah, whose clan has been in the spotlight recently after her brother, Tubagus Chaeri Wardana, was apprehended for allegedly bribing former Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar.
Atut's brother, Tubagus Haerul Jaman, is the mayor of Serang municipality while her sister, Ratu Tatu Chasanah, is the deputy regent of Serang. Her stepmother, Heryani, is Pandeglang deputy regent, her sister-in-law, Airin Rachmi Diany, is the mayor of South Tangerang, her son Andika Hazrumy is a Regional Representatives Council (DPD) member from Banten and her daughter-in-law, Adde Rosi Khoerunnisa (Andika's wife), is deputy speaker of the Serang legislative council. Her husband, Hikmat Tomet, is a House of Representatives (DPR) lawmaker from the Golkar Party.
"The goal of a political dynasty is to control a particular region, be it at the provincial or regency level. There are actually a number of political dynasties in Indonesia," Wawan said.
In Lampung province, Governor Sjachroedin Zainal Pagaralam currently has two sons who have been elected regional leaders: Rycko Menoza won the post of South Lampung regent in 2010 and Handitya Narapati was installed Pringsewu deputy regent in 2011.
University of Indonesia political analyst Arbi Sanit said political dynasties were unlikely to become an issue in the 2014 presidential election because none of the major contenders, including the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Democratic Party, had solid dynasties within their party structures.
"Relatives of a particular clan in a region usually have strong support, that's why political dynasties are alive and well in the regions," Arbi said.
Wawan said political dynasties should be prevented as they could compromise democracy. "I support the government's move to recommend endorsing a bill on local elections that would limit the possibility for relatives of incumbent officials to run for office. The bill is currently being discussed by House Commission II on political and home affairs," Wawan said. (hrl)
With elections looming, dozens of young Indonesians sprawled out on a driveway roar with laughter as a comedian pokes fun at the country's politicians, many of whom hark back to the days of dictatorship.
Indonesians between 17 and 31 will represent 30 percent of the vote in parliamentary and presidential elections that begin six months from now, and they are demanding fresh faces with new ideas.
"We need a leader who will get things done, but I don't want to see another president with a military background," 30-year-old writer Nelvia Effendi told AFP at the event, a discussion on the role of social media in the elections.
Indonesia has long been ruled by military leaders the current president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, is a former general. And aging ex-military commanders accused of bloody human rights violations are among current presidential candidates.
"We are looking for someone different. These politicians with military backgrounds, they offer nothing new. Their programs are abstract with nothing concrete," Nelvia said.
The discussion was held by AyoVote (Let's Vote), an organisation started by young Indonesians concerned that their peers did not have the tools to make an educated vote. They invite comedians and bands and deploy young celebrities as their ambassadors, and communicate through YouTube, Twitter and Facebook.
While young Indonesians know they want something different, many are "clueless" about the political process, said 28-year-old AyoVote co-founder Pingkan Irwin. "A lot can't even name their local member of parliament," she said.
While this might also be the case in other countries, it marks a sharp turn from 15 years ago in Indonesia when students spearheaded the downfall of the Suharto dictatorship after more than three decades of iron-fisted rule. "But now we're safe and the economy is booming. So I guess we got complacent," said Pingkan.
Many Indonesian youths say they are simply jaded by the lack of progress since the downfall, with representatives regularly photographed asleep during parliamentary sessions.
They are fed up too of the rampant corruption that oozes from every level of government, with even the president's party rocked by several corruption scandals.
Whether or not the youth turn out to vote in large numbers, parties are taking the gamble and fielding more young candidates. Faisal Yusuf, 35, is running for a seat with the marginal NasDems Party, selling himself as a green, clean, man of the people.
On a recent visit to the rundown Melayu village in his East Jakarta electorate, Faisal knelt on the ground among scores of women and stuck his hand in a gooey pile of mulch to teach them how to turn kitchen waste into compost.
He wants to differentiate himself from old-style campaigning, where candidates go from village to village buying the poor's vote with cash and rice handouts.
"I'm so sick of seeing candidates just throw money at people and then leave them with nothing," Faisal said, with hundreds of fading candidate stickers from past visits covering the walls around him. "I want to do things differently and offer something that will actually help these people. That's how you win their hearts."
Like many young leaders, he is emulating the wildly popular Joko Widodo, who won the Jakarta governorship a year ago for his transparency and style of leadership.
Young Indonesians in particular are drawn to Joko, 52, who has no ties to the military or authoritarian past and is known for his love of heavy metal music.
Millions are pushing for Widodo's party leader 66-year-old Megawati Sukarnoputri, a former president and daughter of the nation's first president to step down and let him run for president, hopeful for a real change.
Older candidates eyeing the presidency are scrambling for a slice of the affection Joko has won, with many turning to social media.
The unpopular presidential hopeful Aburizal Bakrie, 66, tried to shed his image as a ruthless business tycoon by posting a photo of himself donning a feathered hat with indigenous Indonesians on his Twitter account.
Prabowo Subianto, a 62-year-old presidential candidate, has garnered more than three million "likes" on his Facebook page, calling social media a "revolution" and an election "game-changer."
But for Subianto, social media is a double-edged sword that has also exposed his bloody past as commander of an elite military unit accused of kidnapping and killing students during the riots that toppled the dictatorship.
"A lot of people on Twitter are already saying, 'don't forget what Prabowo did.' I'm sure many young voters would not have even known about his past before reading it on social media," said Arief Rakhmadani, strategy director of digital agency XM Gravity. "So social media will be important in these elections from an education point of view, and young people could act as a watchdog."
Jakarta Golkar Party deputy treasurer Bambang Soesatyo criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's comments on political dynasties, saying he needed to take a cold, hard look in the mirror.
"Given the fact that 15 members of his extended family are in the running for legislative candidate positions, SBY should really think twice before blurting out such a statement," Bambang said on Monday as quoted by kompas.com.
Edhi Baskoro Yudhoyono, his son; Sartono Hutomo, his cousin; and Hartanto Edhi Wibowo, his brother in law, are among those relatives with legislative aspirations.
Yudhoyono's criticism was aimed at Banten Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah, who is also Golkar politician, whose brother Tubagus Chaeri Wardana was recently arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in connection to the graft case surrounding suspended Constitutional Court chief justice Akil Mochtar.
Sutan Bhatoegana of the President's Democratic Party rejected the allegations of Yudhoyono's political dynasty. He said the President was unaware that some members of his extended family members had even decided to run for legislative office. (dic)
Yogyakarta State Owned Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan gave money to students attending a seminar on journalistic ethics.
During the seminar, which was held at Yogyakarta Muhammadiyah University (UMY) in Yogyakarta on Saturday, Dahlan asked students to define the difference between a job and a profession and why the latter needed code of ethics.
Several students stepped forward and 10 of them received Rp 500,000 (US$44) each from Dahlan for their answers, Tempo.co reported.
Dahlan was a former journalist and is also the owner of the Jawa Pos media group. The Indonesian journalistic codes of ethics forbid journalists to receive gifts, including money, in any shape or form.
Environment & natural disasters
Oreo cookies and Gillette shaving cream are among products driving the destruction of Indonesia's forests, Greenpeace said Tuesday, accusing agri giant Wilmar International for supplying "dirty palm oil" to make the grocery items.
In its report "Licence to Kill," Greenpeace said that Singapore-based Wilmar, the world's biggest palm oil processor, was sourcing its oil from illegally cleared land and destroying the habitat of critically endangered Sumatran tigers.
"Until Wilmar commits to a no-deforestation policy, their trade of palm oil to big household brands... makes consumers unwitting accomplices in the extinction of Indonesia's 400 remaining Sumatran tigers," head of Greenpeace's Forest Campaign in Indonesia, Bustar Maitar, said.
Wilmar supplies more than a third of the world's palm oil, according to the company's website, and its oil can be found in Oreo cookies, Gillette shaving cream and Clearasil face wash, among an array of grocery items in more than 50 countries.
Greenpeace said Wilmar was continuing to source palm fruit from plantations on illegally cleared land within Sumatra island's protected Tesso Nilo National Park, prime tiger habitat.
The report also said that fire had hit the permit area of another of Wilmar's suppliers in June, when blazes swept through Sumatra's forests for weeks, covering Singapore and Malaysia in a blanket of hazardous smog.
Indonesian officials said most were deliberately lit to clear forested land and grow palm oil.
Wilmar denied suggestions its supplier had deliberately lit land-clearing fires, saying in a statement the blaze was on a plantation that was likely ignited by surrounding flames.
"We are currently reviewing our business practices, including our sourcing policy, working with certain international supply chain experts," Wilmar spokesperson Lim Li Chuen told AFP.
The company said it had issued "a stern reminder to all staff" of its policy to only source palm fruit grown legally and that any supplier trying to sell illegally grown fruit would be "dropped altogether".
Wilmar is the latest company to be targeted by Greenpeace, which has taken aim at several high-profile firms and campaigned for responsible consumer spending. Nestle and paper giant Asia Pulp & Paper have pledged zero- deforestation policies after Greenpeace exposed their unsustainable practices.
Indonesia is home to around 10 percent of the world's tropical forest and has struggled to curb rampant illegal logging.
The government has suspended the issuance of new land-clearing permits for certain types of forest for more than two years in a carbon-cutting scheme, which began with the backing of $1 billion from Norway under a UN scheme.
Indonesian government figures show that land-use change and forest degradation account for 85 percent of greenhouse gas emissions in the country.
Dessy Sagita Indonesia's reluctance to impose stricter smoking regulations and accede to the World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control has made it a global laughing stock, activists say.
"Every single civilized country has taken action by ratifying the FCTC, but in spite of being one of the biggest democratic countries, Indonesia is still acting very much uncivilized," Sudibyo Markus, the vice chairman of Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's second-largest Muslim organization, and an advisor to the Indonesia Institute Social for Development told the Jakarta Globe.
The FCTC is a treaty adopted by the UN World Health Assembly in 2003. It has been ratified by 168 of 192 countries and it is legally binding in 177 countries, accounting for more than 85 percent of the world's population.
The treaty requires signatories to adopt tax and price measures to reduce tobacco consumption by banning tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship, creating smoke-free work and public spaces, putting prominent health warnings on tobacco packages and combating the illicit trade in tobacco products.
Indonesia is the only country within the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations that has not ratified the convention. "Can you imagine, even East Timor a country much younger has ratified the convention? This is beyond embarrassing," Sudibyo said.
Within the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, which consists of 57 member states, only Indonesia and Somalia have not ratified or acceded to the FCTC. Sudibyo said the Ministry of Health's efforts to accelerate the accession have been challenged by the tobacco industry and even some state institutions.
"Indonesia is the only country that stands outside this most important global public-health treaty in Asia, the Pacific and the G-20," Tara Singh Bam, an adviser at the International Union Against Tuberculosis and Lung Disease, said.
Last month, the Indonesian government received heavy criticism after it challenged Australia's decision to implement unbranded cigarette packaging, calling it a blatant act to protect the tobacco industry.
The World Trade Organization said Indonesia had made a formal request for consultations with Australia on the issue, which under its rules is the first step in a trade dispute.
Indonesia is the fifth country to challenge Australia at the WTO over its pioneering legislation passed in 2011 and implemented last December. The measures require tobacco products to be sold in drab green boxes with neutral typeface and graphic images of diseased smokers.
"As a part of the United Nations, we have been thoroughly embarrassed in various international forums, and we all know tobacco lobbyists are behind this," Sudibyo said.
The WHO's most recent FCTC meeting held in New Delhi last July singled out Indonesia's reluctance to accede to the convention.
Amir Tejo The nation's corruption fighters called on the government to postpone its issuance of the new criminal code, which it claimed would hamper the organization's efforts to crack down of graft.
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas said the new criminal code currently discussed by Commission III of the House of Representatives, overseeing legal affairs, would include corruption.
He said corruption should be classified as an extraordinary crime and therefore the legal instruments used to handle the case should be extraordinary as well. "If corruption is included in the new criminal code it will be an ordinary crime," he said.
Busyro also criticized the government and the House for not including the KPK and other stakeholders while drafting and discussing the new criminal code.
"This is such an important discussion. It would be wonderful if the government and the House of Representatives invited us. If we were invited, we would not come alone. We would ask civil society to come along. But the fact is, we are not invited," he said.
Busyro said though KPK was not invited to the discussion, the antigraft body could still give input on the criminal code. He said the KPK and academics would study the bill and submit their opinions to the House.
Busyo said the KPK's request to postpone the endorsement of the new criminal code was not aimed at challenging the government and the House. Instead the body only wanted to be considered a partner who could ensure that the new criminal code would not endanger ongoing corruption eradication programs.
"If that happens, the government and the House would suffer public distrust," he said.
Airlangga University legal analyst Nur Basuki said the new criminal code could limit the KPK's authority and restrict its power to handle corruption cases. The new criminal code has also drawn criticism for potentially endangering the witness protection agency.
Farouk Arnaz The House of Representatives and the National Police are mulling the establishment of a special detachment for corruption, a senior police official said on Monday.
"The issue has been discussed in the National Police. We will form [its structure]. We still have no definite conclusion," the head of the National Police's security department Cmr. Gen. Badrodin Haiti said.
He said the National Police have set up a team to discuss the possibility of forming a special corruption detachment.
Badrodin said if the special detachment has been formed it could be integrated with the directorate of corruption that currently exists under the National Police's detective unit.
Previously, Bambang Soesatyo, a member of House commission III, which oversees legal affairs, criticized the National Police for its failures in handling major corruption cases.
"The corruption case involving Siti Fadilah Supari as a suspect is still unfinished," he said, referring to the former minister of health who was named in a hearing at the Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court in 2012. She is alleged to have abused her powers in procuring medical equipment for the ministry's crisis center in 2005.
Corruption cases reported to the National Police are currently being handled by a directorate led by Brig.Gen. Idham Azis, which operates under the detective unit. However, it is frequently criticized for its inability to solve major corruption cases.
The suggestion to set up a special detachment for corruption cases has sparked debate among experts and politicians. Bambang Widodo Umar, a security analyst and retired senior police official said there has been no urgent need to set up a special detachment for corruption.
Bambang said special detachments should be formed only for serious emergencies. For instance, he said, the police were forced to set up anti- terror squad Densus 88 when, following the Bali bombing, the National Police did not have a special division that focused on fighting terrorism networks.
"A special detachment for corruption is perplexing. What is the urgency? We already have the detective unit now, and the National Police are also allowed to move and act anytime there is an alleged graft case," he said.
Bambang said the police should have been satisfied with the authority and funding provided to support their operations to eradicate corruption, including major cases involving the country's high-ranked officials. At least Rp 206 million ($18,000) has been allocated to investigate one corruption case.
He added that the police only needed to optimize their available resources while at the same time clean their house of outside intervention and bribery. "The investigation should remain independent and free of intervention, especially while handling cases involving people with power," he said.
Bambang said the special detachment could also widen the rift between the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). "The KPK has earned the public trust. It is only logical that if corruption cases are being handled by them, the National Police should work hard to earn back the public trust," he said.
Bambang said if the National Police managed to fulfill its function of solving corruption cases and earn back public trust, the KPK would no longer be needed in the future and it could then focus more on preventing graft.
The idea to set up a special detachment for corruption cases first emerged during the fit-and-proper test for incoming chief of the National Police, Com. Gen. Sutarman in front of Commission III.
Commission member Ahmad Yani suggested forming the detachment to help police accelerate their efforts to solve corruption cases.
Bambang Soesatyo denied the suggestion was meant to weaken KPK's authority. "The most important thing is to entrust corruption eradication to KPK while strengthening the National Police," Bambang said.
The National Police has been cited by several surveys as one of the nation's most corrupt institutions.
Sutarman, 56, testified during his nomination hearings that he could not immediately investigate his soon-to-be subordinates' allegedly "fat" bank accounts, as many in the public wished he would.
The National Police Commission (Kompolnas), a watchdog established by the state, recently alleged a number of police officers, including top generals, had amassed suspiciously large amounts of personal wealth. Some of those it named were even among the candidates for police chief.
The discovery earlier this year that a low-ranking Papua Police officer's bank account was used to funnel suspicious transactions totaling Rp 1.5 trillion, uncovered in an investigation by the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), tasked as the state's anti-money laundering unit, further fuels suspicions of corruption. Adj. First Insp. Labora Sitorus, an officer with the Sorong District Police in West Papua, was arrested in Jakarta in May and named a suspect in a fuel-smuggling case, following the seizure of 400,000 liters from a boat registered in his name. Around a million liters of fuel linked to the suspect was confiscated.
Labora was also allegedly involved in illegal logging. Police at Surabaya's Tanjung Perak Port seized 115 containers packed with 2,264 cubic meters of illicit merbau timber allegedly belonging to Labora last May. The wood was traced to West Papua's Sorong district.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho A lawmaker warned the national antigraft body of the potential dangers of recruiting military personnel as investigators.
"The law has mandated that the Indonesian Military [TNI] should stay professional and focus on national defense tasks," Eva Kusuma Sundari from Commission III of the House of Representatives, overseeing legal affairs, said on Wednesday.
Eva was responding to a broadcast message circulating among journalists and politicians that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had recruited 20 members of the military as investigators to handle the Hambalang sport center graft case.
Eva said the TNI should be focusing on reforming its institution because defense reformation was still hampered by TNI's rejection of the inclusion of corruption as a special crime, which should been handled by KPK or the Supreme Audit Agency.
Therefore, she said, recruiting TNI members as KPK investigators would disturb two reformation agendas eliminating the military double function in defense and politics, and corruption eradication.
"Such maneuvers and dragging TNI into politics will only bring democracy a few step backwards like it used to be during the New Order era where the TNI was manipulated and used as the means of power by the leaders," she said. Eva said the public trust for the TNI has never fully recovered because of its failed reformation.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi immediately denied the circulating report that the body has recruited members of the military as investigators for the Hambalang sport center graft case.
"It's not true that KPK has recruited investigators from TNI," Johan told Indonesian news portal Tribunnews.com. He said the KPK was only coordinating with the TNI for the detention of suspects and the conclusion of investigations.
Last year President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono signed a new government regulation that would allow investigators on loan to the antigraft body from the National Police and the Attorney General's Office to stay on for as long as 10 years.
The regulation also forbids the police and the AGO from recalling these investigators while they are working on a case. The KPK relies heavily on investigators on loan, who can only stay on for a maximum of eight years.
Former Youth and Sport Minister Andi Alfian Mallarangeng was detained by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on Thursday over the Hambalang sports center case.
Andi arrived at the KPK at 10 a.m. and was questioned by antigraft investigators for six hours. He was seen leaving the building at 4 p.m. wearing the orange jacket given to those arrested on corruption charges.
"Today I start my detention at the KPK," Andi said outside the antigraft agency's headquarters. "I accept this as a process to accelerate the investigation of this case. I expect this to be a fair trial at which the truth will be revealed who's wrong and who's right. Thank you."
Andi was taken straight to a car and driven away by the KPK. "After questioning [Andi] on Friday last week and today, KPK investigators have concluded that A.M. should be detained," KPK spokesman Johan Budi said. "He is being charged with Article 2, Subarticle 1 as well as Article 3 of the 1999 Law No 31 [on Anti-Corruption]. The KPK will continue the investigation by questioning witnesses and suspects in connection with the corruption of the Hambalang project."
Andi's younger brother, Rizal Mallarangeng, said, however, that the KPK did not have sufficient evidence to press charges.
"The KPK has many achievements, but for me this is the first time the KPK is wrong," he said. "We uphold the law. We will prove in the court that Andi is innocent. How can you detain someone only based on someone's statement?"
Andi arrived outside the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for questioning on Thursday again maintaining that he was ready to be arrested by antigraft investigators. "I've prepared my suitcase," he said, not for the first time, flanked by his legal counsel.
Questioning on Thursday focused on the allegations that he accepted kickbacks as part of the graft-ridden Hambalang sports center project in East Java.
The Hambalang center allegedly cost the state as much as Rp 471.7 billion ($42 million). So far, the KPK has named four suspects: Andi; former Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum; former state-owned construction firm director Teuku Bagus Mokhamad Noor; and former Youth and Sport Ministry financial controller Dedy Kusdinar.
Andi has consistently maintained that he played no part in Hambalang. He was questioned on Friday, with his suitcase in tow, but the former minister was not detained. "I am always ready to follow procedure and KPK regulations," he said last week.
A source within the KPK told the Jakarta Globe earlier, however, that the commission would likely detain Andi on Thursday, because a sprinhan a letter authorizing the arrest had been signed by KPK chairman Abraham Samad on Wednesday.
Andi's detention has meant the other man arrested over Hambalang has been transferred away from KPK detention. Former Youth and Sport Ministry financial controller Dedy Kusdinar has been moved to South Jakarta Police detention center.
"They are two suspects in the same case," Johan said. "The capacity of the KPK detention center is limited. Up until today, there were 13 detainees in KPK detention center."
Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) says it will only hire retired Indonesian Military (TNI) members, to be assigned as prison guards.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said that the KPK would not hire active TNI personnel and particularly not as investigators. "If we decide to hire TNI personnel, first they will have to be retired and then will only be appointed as prison guards," Johan said as quoted by tribunnews.com.
Johan had earlier rejected speculation that the commission would recruit members of the TNI as investigators.
Johan also denied that the move to recruit TNI members was part of an effort to 'safeguard' the Hambalang sports complex graft case, which involves politicians from the ruling Democratic Party.
SP/Fana FS Putra City officials threw their support behind an embattled East Jakarta church as hard-line Islamists rallied against the house of worship in Cipayung, lobbing accusations that the building's renovation project lacked city permits.
An unknown group of hard-liners began to hang banners outside GPIB Pelita last Sunday in protest of the ongoing renovation of ageing sections of the building, Rev. A.H. Lowing said. The project is expected to wrap up this week.
"This is only renovating the broken parts, the structure of the building is not changing," Lowing said. "It will remain the same as it was when it was built in 1981. But then there was this protest and one of them came here. We explained to him that it is not the construction of a new building, only a renovation."
Cipayung subdistrict chief Iin Mutmainah dispatched local police to the site in anticipation of an announced rally by the city's hard-line groups. The protest never materialized, but local police and officials will continue to secure the church as the renovation work concludes.
"Hopefully there won't be any anarchy," Iin said. "The Lubang Buaya urban ward chief and the neighborhood unit chief have guaranteed the church's security. But if people want to hang banners and make a statement [in protest], that's their right as a citizen."
GPIB Pelita officials informed the local government of the planned work. Renovation projects like this do not require a building permit from the city, Iin said.
"The renovation committee had also informed us that this is only a renovation, not the construction of a new building, which would have required certain documents, such as a building permit (IMB) and other documents," she said. "This is not a new construction, it is just a renovation."
East Jakarta Mayor H.R. Krisdianto urged parties opposed to the church to submit their complaint through official channels. The unknown people behind the protest likely come from outside the community, the mayor said.
"The point is, it should be discussed in a persuasive way to prevent friction," Krisdianto said. "I think the rejection is not from local residents, but someone from outside."
Cipayung Police chief Comr. Ua Triyanto said the hard-liners needed to apply for a protest permit before holding a demonstration.
"If there is a rejection [of the church], please follow the procedures," Ua said. "Please coordinate with local government officials so [the protest] will be conducted according to regulations."
Police will patrol the site throughout the coming week, Ua said. "There was a rumor of a planned demonstration, but it hasn't proven to be true," Ua said. "But [still] we will secure the church for some days ahead."
Arya Dipa, Bandung Residents of Jatisampurna subdistrict, Jatisampurna district, have filed a lawsuit against Bekasi Mayor Rahmat Effendi for issuing a building permit for the construction of the St. Stanislaus Kostka Catholic church in the Kranggan area.
The lawsuit was read by presiding judge Edi Firmansyah in a court hearing at the Bandung State Administrative Court on Thursday.
The plaintiffs urged the judges to suspend the church's construction as the permit was still being processed in court. They also urged the panel of judges to order the mayor to revoke the permit.
The lawyer for the plaintiffs, Achmad Ardiansyah from the Indonesian Muslim Legal Aid Institute, expressed hope the judges would grant the petition. "There was a manipulation in the license-issuing procedure," he said after the hearing.
The residents, added Ardiansyah, protested against the church project as the construction committee had never asked for permission and had not consulted with local residents. They also alleged the construction committee had misused the ID cards and signatures of residents.
They said the church construction committee had held a social activity distributing food and cash to residents in Jatisampurna, in which, residents were asked for their signatures and copies of their ID cards.
The complainants claimed their signatures had been misused as proof of their approval of the planned house of worship. "The committee used the ID cards of the residents without having the right to do so," said Ardiansyah.
The regulation on the construction of houses of worship in Indonesia is regulated by joint religious and home ministerial decrees No. 8/2006 and No. 9/2006. In Article 14 (2), the regulations stipulate the construction of a house of worship should meet a special requirement of endorsement from the local community of at least 60 residents and is legalized by the subdistrict or village head.
Therefore, the plaintiffs alleged the mayor had not been prudent in issuing the building license for the church.
The Bekasi mayor's lawyer, Sugiarto, said his client had gone through the entire procedure before issuing the permit and the church authorities had obtained the endorsement of 60 residents living around the church and of 90 church members. "We have even conducted field verifications to ensure the residents' approval. We called them one by one," said Sugiarto.
Separately, church construction committee head Binar Sunu said the committee had gone through the proper procedures to obtain the building license. "We complied with Mayoral Regulation No. 16/2006 on houses of worship construction. We've tried to obtain the building permit since 2009 and it was granted in 2012," said Sunu. He added the church was located on a 4,958-square-meter plot of land.
The land, bought by the Jakarta Archdiocese, has been handed over to the Santo Servatius parish to prepare the church's construction in Kranggan, which is located one hour from the Bekasi city center. Currently, the number of church members is estimated at 450 families, or around 2,000 people.
Anastasia Winanti Riesardhy The government has vowed to minimize political influence in the civil service, particularly in the appointment of senior bureaucrats, including ministers.
Azwar Abubakar, the minister for state administrative reform, said on Thursday that the new measures would be enshrined in the civil service bill, currently being deliberated at the House of Representatives to eventually replace the 1999 and 1974 laws on the civil service.
He said one of the key points in the bill was a provision for the establishment of a Civil Service Committee, or KASN.
"The committee will ensure that job promotions are given based on a system of merit, and that the recruitment process is free from corruption, nepotism and political interest," Azwar said. "To clean up a very dirty place, you have to use a special method."
The Indonesian civil service had long regarded as corrupt and highly inefficient, sapping at least a third of the total state budget every year just for the salaries of government workers. To reduce the bloat, the government instated a moratorium in September 2011 on recruiting new civil servants, but lifted it in December last year.
In October 2011, a month after the moratorium went into force, the country had 4.64 million civil servants, according to the Civil Service Administration Board. At the end of 2012, when the moratorium was lifted, the number was down slightly to 4.46 million as a result of older bureaucrats retiring and no new ones being brought in.
Eko Prasojo, the deputy minister for state administrative reform, previously said it would take five years before the benefits of the ongoing reforms to the bureaucracy would become apparent, given the messy and disorganized management of the current system.
The government has drafted a master plan for bureaucracy reform comprising nine elements, including improving the structure of the bureaucracy; improving the quantity, distribution and quality of civil servants; and ensuring a transparent selection process and system of merit-based promotion.
Other programs include developing an online system for public administration and registration services, dubbed an e-government system; simplifying the procedures for businesses applying for permits; requiring civil servants to submit wealth reports; improving the benefits for civil servants; and ensuring efficiency in the use of facilities and infrastructure.
The government is also seeking to ensure civil servants are placed based on their competency and establish supervisory bodies for state institutions, as well as to restructure ministries and government institutions and improve budget efficiency and integrity enforcement.
Eko said the problems in the bureaucracy were complex because they involved a huge number of people, and changing attitudes and mind-sets would not be easy.
He said the success of the bureaucratic reform effort could be gauged through public satisfaction and corruption perception indices. The government is aiming for a public satisfaction score of 85.5 by 2014, on a scale of 0 to 100. Its score last year was 76.6, up from 60 in 2010 and 50 in 2009.
Sofian Effendi, the deputy chairman of the government-sanctioned Independent Team for Bureaucracy Reform, said the bulk of the problems with the civil service could be attributed to the fact that many of the positions in the bureaucracy, both in the central government and at the regional level, are sold to the highest bidders rather than filled by the most qualified candidate.
He said those vying for the positions typically paid Rp 150 million ($13,700) in bribes to get the seats. He added it was the need to recoup this high cost that often led bureaucrats to take bribes or extort money from businesses and individuals seeking permits or other official documents.
SP/Deti Mega Purnamasari Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo did not say a word to the employee caught playing video games during a surprise visit to the offices of the city's small-and-medium enterprises agency.
But on his way out of the building, Joko told his assistant to take down the employee's name so that he could be fired.
"It's actually alright to play games, but they should be able to process [permit applications] in five minutes," Joko said later, according to Indonesian news portal Merdeka.com. "But if they need two weeks to process [permits], how can they play games?"
He visited the East Jakarta offices unannounced on Friday the second time he has done so. Accompanied by East Jakarta Mayor H.R. Krisdianto and integrated services (PTSP) head Husnul Chotimah, Joko proceeded directly to the PTSP offices.
"How does one get a SIUP [business permit]?" he asked an employee. "How many days does it take? Where should I go after this?" "Three days, sir," the official reportedly replied. But an applicant named Rofi Nata who was in line for a permit told the governor that the process takes two weeks.
Joko went to the third floor, bringing with him a list of the companies and business that had registered for permits. He asked office staff there to teach him how to input the information so that he could do it himself.
"How do I input this?" he asked. "What's the password?" Office staff told him that agency head Johan Afandithe was the only one who knew the password, but he was nowhere to be found and no one knew where he was.
At this point, Joko reportedly saw an employee trying to covertly close down a computer game he had been playing.
The governor threw the papers he had been holding onto a table, asked for the names of all third floor staff, and while two officials tried to explain the situation, he walked to his car without speaking and slammed the door.
PTSP is still a pilot project in Jakarta. The governor made his first unannounced visit there on July 16.
Back at City Hall, Joko said the agency needed to become more efficient. "The speed should be faster," he said. "Just type some sentences, input the information, fill in the form, type it, enter, sign it and issue it. It's not difficult."
Rangga D. Fadillah and Fikri Zaki Muhammadi, Jakarta Despite a high satisfaction level with their general performance, Governor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Deputy Governor Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama have not impressed Jakarta's residents in the way they have handled the city's notorious traffic congestion, a survey has found.
As many as 54.3 percent of 400 respondents believe Jokowi has not made any difference compared to his predecessors, Sutiyoso and Fauzi Bowo, in solving traffic congestion, Indo Barometer's survey says.
"As many as 28.7 percent of respondents also think that in terms of providing good public transportation for Jakarta residents, Jokowi has failed to draw a clear line with his predecessors," said Indo Barometer executive director Muhammad Qodari on Thursday.
The survey reveals that 64.3 percent of respondents blame the high volume of private vehicles for the congestion, and according to 26 percent of them, the most reasonable solution is to limit the number of vehicles on the streets.
However, Qodari underlined a phenomenon he termed as an "anomaly", where the satisfaction level of Jokowi and Ahok's performance was higher than the vote they garnered in the election. Usually, after a year, the level of satisfaction decreased as the public began to see the real capabilities of the top leaders, he added.
"As many as 87.5 percent of respondents say they are satisfied with Jokowi's performance, while 85.8 percent are satisfied with Ahok's," he explained.
The survey also says that 81.7 percent of respondents think the Jakarta Health Card (KJS) program is a success, with 72.6 percent saying the same for the Jakarta Smart Card (KJP) program.
"Positive perceptions of Jokowi and Ahok's performances run parallel with their willingness to listen to people's aspirations, communicate the problems they are facing and put forward solutions. They are also supported by strong media coverage," Qodari argued.
City councilor Igo Ilham of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) claimed despite the positive reviews Jokowi and Ahok received from the public, they did had not offered any new programs. Almost all their ideas had been introduced by previous governors, he continued.
"KJS and KJP, for example, were introduced during [former governor] Sutiyoso's tenure. Jokowi and Ahok just give them new names. The difference is the coverage is larger because the current budget allows it, while in the past, the budget was limited," he said.
Achmad Izzul Waro from the Busway Mania community criticized Jokowi and Ahok's priorities in their attempts to resolve the city's chaotic traffic by launching the long-awaited mass rapid transit (MRT) project and restarting the construction of the monorail. Achmad said choosing the two giant projects over the expansion of the Transjakarta fleet was a mistake.
"The two megaprojects will certainly worsen the traffic in the next four years. Unfortunately, after they're done, the MRT and the monorail will not be able to carry as many people as Transjakarta. There are only a number of lines being served," he said on Thursday.
Achmad said more traffic misery would especially occur on Jl. Jendral Sudirman in Central Jakarta. "This road is already a mess on normal days. The situation will become a disaster when the construction of the underground MRT stations begin," he said.
According to him, the station's construction will require huge excavations on the road, limiting space further. The technique is referred to as an "open cut".
Jakarta Transportation Council chairman Azas Tigor Nainggolan added the administration should focus on passing the transportation bylaw, to serve as a basis in developing mass transportation in coming years.
Fikri Zaki Muhammadi and Corry Elyda, Jakarta During the 2012 Jakarta gubernatorial election campaign, then governor candidate Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and his running mate Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama promised to put an end to several of the capital's unresolved issues.
Out of the 19 campaign promises they mentioned, seven focused on key issues, including the procurement of 1,000 new Transjakarta buses to provide proper public transportation, moving street vendors inside market buildings to address traffic chaos, performing transparent and corruption- free governance and moving squatters on river and reservoir banks to low- cost apartments.
Jokowi and Ahok revealed even more grandiose ideas when they got in office, raising skepticism and criticism from politicians and observers.
The skepticism was not unfounded: no administration has been able to resolve the mess in Tanah Abang market in Central Jakarta, for example. But it was part of Jokowi-Ahok's program and it was their litmus test to prove otherwise.
The administration relocated 700 street vendors who used to invade Jl. Jati Baru to the nearby Blok G building in fuss-free manner, ceasing traffic congestion in Southeast Asia's biggest textile market, in September.
The top priority of the city's programs, however, directly affects the welfare of the residents in the low-income bracket.
In November last year, Jokowi-Ahok launched a Rp 1.2 trillion (US$107.88 million) healthcare scheme dubbed Jakarta Health Card (KJS) for its citizens.
The program was designed to support 4.7 million Jakarta residents with free health services. By October, two million people had received the health card.
It was not without its flaws. Some hurdles occurred after the launch, including when overwhelmed hospitals denied admission to an ailing child due to a lack of equipment. However, Jokowi managed to make some adjustments and the program went ahead.
The World Health Organization (WHO) praised the program and examined it as to whether it could be implemented in other provinces in the country.
In December 2012, taking more action than the central government that has funded schools through School Operational Assistance (BOS) scheme, the administration launched additional financial aid for underprivileged students, called the Jakarta Smart Card (KJP).
The KJP, one of Jokowi and Ahok's campaign promises and Jokowi's old program when he was a mayor in Surakarta, Central Java, targeted fulfilling students' personal needs like uniforms, books and transportation. The program, which took 25 percent of the total budget of Rp 49.9 trillion, or Rp 12.5 trillion, ran smoothly.
Jakarta Education Agency deputy chief Agus Suradika said on Tuesday that his agency had distributed 292,142 cards to the students as of June and was distributing another 410,767 for the period of July to December.
The only issue that taints the program is the monitoring of the aid use. "We are now evaluating the use of the fund. Students should make a report on how they spend the budget," Agus said.
The Jokowi-Ahok administration also made a breakthrough by introducing an open-call recruitment system for local leader jobs in April, the first of its kind in the country.
The merit-based selection system aimed to fill 44 district head and 267 subdistrict head positions in the capital, the faces of the administration in providing public services.
After being selected, the administration supervised the new leaders' performances in every six months. Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) lauded the system, citing it as "an exemplary model of a recruitment process" for strategic positions in local administrations and even at ministerial level.
The residents said that public services in district and subdistrict offices improved after the selection, which included computerized written tests, interviews and program pitching.
In its latest move, the Jokowi-Ahok administration managed to move squatters on the Ria-Rio reservoir banks to the Pinus Elok low-cost apartments in Cakung, North Jakarta.
As many programs are now already in place, the Jokowi administration has shifted its focus on easing the total traffic gridlock anticipated next year.
Two giant transportation projects the mass rapid transit (MRT) system and the monorail that have been halted for 24 and 9 years respectively, will commence construction in October, exactly one year after Jokowi and Ahok assumed office.
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Joko Widodo wildly popular as Jokowi has been running the city administration in top gear since day one of his leadership in the capital, home to more than 10 million residents.
The city administration employs at least 75,000 civil servants and spends tens of trillions of budget allocated funds every year, however, until now residents have not seen a lot of results.
"In order to realize programs and wisely use its overwhelming budget, the city administration should first reform its bureaucracy and place the right people in the right places. I once said that 60 percent of city high- ranking officials were incompetent. Pak Jokowi corrected me, saying that it must have been 80 percent," The University of Indonesia public policy expert Andrinof Chaniago said in Jakarta recently.
To get an effective team, Jokowi and his bad-cop cohort deputy Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama introduced a series of bureaucratic-reform programs, including the open call to recruit subdistrict and district heads earlier this year.
Jokowi also rearranged the combination of his subordinates, removing or transferring officials within the first few months. The former furniture entrepreneur demanded a high-speed change in work performance and it was no joke.
"It is indeed tiring. We have been working at full speed over the past year. But I enjoyed it," Energy and Industry Agency head Andi Baso told The Jakarta Post in a recent interview.
Andi said that the city administration, under the leadership of Jokowi and Ahok, was like "half a private company" in terms of work attitude. "The previous administration was very bureaucratic," he cited.
East Jakarta Mayor Krisdianto felt the same way. "If we officials failed to keep up with the governor's pace, we'll be lost. There has been a tremendous change of attitude within the city administration," he said.
Krisdianto understood that Jokowi had high expectations of him and other officials. "The governor only demanded that we respond to problems quickly. He said he didn't need any loyalty whatsoever," he pointed out.
Jakarta Public Works Agency head Manggas Rudy Siahaan, who was appointed in March to replace Ery Basworo who was transferred to the Jakarta Disaster Mitigation Agency, acknowledged that Jokowi's leadership style brought changes into the office.
"Everything is now very transparent. We can discuss almost everything; we can discover problems and respond to it immediately," said Manggas, whose agency has been tasked with one of the governor's priority programs. "There are only three words to describe the current administration: work, work and work," he added.
Manggas believed that the upcoming introduction of the e-catalog, which enables the city administration to carry out direct procurement, would even expedite the agency's work speed.
Two-way communication between Jokowi-Ahok and their agency heads was deemed as a factor that made their programs work. "We are very comfortable working with them, the communication has become fluid. My unit gives its full support," Administrative Building and Housing Agency head Yonathan Pasodung said.
Changes in bureaucracy had apparently affected the relationship of the executive and legislative. Wanda Hamidah, member of City Council's Commission E overseeing administrative affairs, acknowledged that communication processes between the city administration and the council had been improved.
"Pak Jokowi and Pak Ahok are both very open, both with the public and the council. We often meet directly and discuss things our relationship is very harmonious. It didn't happen during the previous administration. [Then governor] Pak Fauzi Bowo often sent his personal assistant to meet with City Council speaker, who also sent his assistant, whereas the two came from the same political party," said the National Mandate Party (PAN) politician.
Indah Setiawati, Jakarta One year after Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama assumed the reins of the Jakarta administration, the public has a good idea of their distinctive style of leadership and personal traits thanks to intensive media coverage from the get-go.
Unprecedented in previous administrations, each media outlet deploys at least one team to follow both Jokowi and Ahok to cover their initiatives and reactions, even when they are in self-reflective mode.
It is now commonplace to see reporters from 20 companies TV, newspapers and news portals on stand by in the main lobby of City Hall, an area previously prohibited to the media.
Both Laksono Hari Wiwoho, an editor at kompas.com, and Abas Yahya, the head of news coverage at SCTV, said that Jokowi and Ahok were indeed newsmakers who attracted many hits on the website and high ratings on television.
"Jokowi likes to go around the city, so we assign one reporter to follow him. Another reporter is assigned to follow city agencies and Ahok because he often makes cool comments," Laksono said.
Retno Pinasti, a senior news anchor with SCTV, said audiences liked Jokowi's laid-back and informal character, so the station also covered seemingly trivial things about him to cater to people's curiosity.
"Jokowi's attraction lies in his sincerity. He gives short answers and he is not afraid to admit of he doesn't know all the details about certain budget allocations. Meanwhile, Ahok often delivers bold statements and makes interesting breakthroughs," she said.
Their different individual styles translated well into a division of tasks, with Jokowi focusing on blusukan (impromptu visits and talking directly with members of the public) and Ahok scrutinizing bureaucratic performance and budget use, said Donni Edwin, a political observer at the University of Indonesia (UI).
"Jokowi has introduced a new model of authority in Indonesia. He tries to get close to people, a pattern that is different from any other leader, from regents to the President," he told The Jakarta Post.
Donni said Jokowi showed his desire to eradicate the gap between those in authority and the people by wearing batik white or checked shirts instead of formal attire during his daily interactions with people.
He said Ahok's initiative to post recordings of his meetings with city agencies on YouTube as well as publishing his own and Jokowi's salary breakdown online sent a very clear message to the public, especially the middle class, that they believed in transparency.
"These actions aim to get people's trust. Ahok knows well that the middle class in Jakarta is thirsty for good governance, so he aims to assure people that their administration is different from those in the past," he said.
Urban campaigners have said Jokowi and Ahok were much more approachable than the leaders of the previous administration, namely Fauzi Bowo and Sutiyoso. Instead of sending low-ranking officials to discuss issues of concern, Jokowi and Ahok met personally with representatives of various groups protesting in front of City Hall; they even on occasion provided lunch boxes for the protesters.
A dialogue with squatters from the Pluit reservoir in North Jakarta, for example, was carried out over lunch. Jokowi, who remained quiet to listen to their concerns and complaints, talked only briefly about the importance of dredging the reservoir, and he promised to provide them with anything they needed, within reason.
Last December, Jokowi personally visited the sewerage system near the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle and, more recently, in June, he allowed free admission to the Ariah musical performance at the National Monument (Monas) to people outside the gates. He also at one point left his VVIP seat to mingle with them during the performance, which was held to commemorate Jakarta's 486th anniversary.
The deputy governor recently lashed out at Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi over the latter's suggestion that Lenteng Agung subdistrict head Susan Jasmine Zulkifli should be replaced following protests by a small number of local residents who opposed her tenure on religious grounds, as she was a Christian.
"Tell the home minister he should learn more about the Constitution," Ahok told reporters.
Jakarta A group of lawyers filed a request for a judicial review at the Constitutional Court (MK) on Monday challenging the regulation in lieu of law, known as a Perppu, issued by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to reform the graft-tainted court.
One of the lawyers, Habiburokhman, said that the Perppu was flawed because the prerequisite for its issuance was not met as there was no emergency requiring the regulation. "The Perppu is unconstitutional because there is no dire need to issue such a regulation," he said.
He said the Constitutional Court was not the only government institution mired in corruption, as other state institutions in both the executive and the legislature were also plagued by graft.
The group claimed to have prepared expert witnesses, including former Constitutional Court justice Jimly Asshiddiqie and constitutional law professor Yusril Ihza Mahendra, to testify to the court. Both Jimly and Yusril said they had not been officially requested to testify by the petitioners but said they would likely accept such a request.
Yusril, also former law and human rights minister, slammed the President's initiative, saying the Perppu had lost its urgency. "Issuing a Perppu almost three weeks after Akil's [Mochtar, former court chief justice] arrest is too late. There is no longer a reason to issue it. Moreover, the court is now recovering," he said. "Drafting a law on judicial monitoring would be more worthwhile."
Separately, when asked to comment on the issue, former Constitutional Court justice Mahfud MD said that if the pretext for the Perppu was the fact that "one justice has no moral integrity" then the President must issue more Perppus for other government institutions that were plagued by corruption. "The grounds for issuing a Perppu due to an emergency situation are not very solid, although I must raise my hat to its substance," Mahfud said.
Mahfud questioned other articles in the Perppu, such as that requiring justices not to have been active in political parties for a minimum of seven years before their appointment. The stipulation, he said, would have serious consequences for two justices, Hamdan Zoelva and Patrialis Akbar, because they had only recently quit their position in their parties. "The President must issue another Perppu to add a clause stating that current justices are deemed as already fulfilling all necessary requirements," he said.
Patrialis and Hamdan are former members respectively of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Star Crescent Party (PBB).
Currently the House of Representatives is split on whether to support or reject the Perppu. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party have voiced strong objections to the regulation, while the Democratic Party, and the National Mandate Party (PAN) have supported the President's regulation.
Previously the President issued a Perppu which mandated the creation of a permanent ethics council tasked with supervising the court. The President argued that the government needed to issue the Perppu to restore public trust in the court following the arrest of Akil on bribery charges.
In a speech he delivered only days after the case made national headlines, the President highlighted the need to oversee the court and protect it from political influence.
The regulation stipulates that the ethics council will be jointly formed by the Judicial Commission and the Constitutional Court.
Last week, Constitutional Court Deputy Chief Justice Hamdan Zoelva told a press conference that despite the regulation, the court would press ahead with its own plan to set up an ethics council without the involvement of the Judicial Commission. (asw)
Margareth S. Aritonang and Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Lawmakers have called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to drop his plan to issue a regulation in lieu of law, known as a Perppu, to launch reform of the Constitutional Court (MK), suggesting that the President amend Law No. 8/2011 instead.
Deputy chairman of the United Development Party (PPP) and deputy chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Lukman Hakim Saifuddin said on Wednesday that the issuance of a Perppu would not be effective.
"A Perppu is different from a law because it can't take into account public opinion the way a law can. Also, lawmakers have no authority to review a Perppu. An amendment to the law is the best possible option," Lukman said.
Member of the House's Commission III overseeing law and human rights Bambang Soesatyo also warned that lawmakers would object to the issuance of a Perppu regarding the Constitutional Court. "It seems to me that the President is attempting to weaken the court. The President must honor existing regulations," Bambang said.
Earlier this week, Yudhoyono said he would sign a Perppu on the Constitutional Court in the next couple of days, a move he believed would restore the court's credibility following the arrest of its now former chief justice Akil Mochtar.
Yudhoyono said on Tuesday that the regulation would have provisions regarding the requirements, selection and recruitment processes and the supervision of Constitutional Court justices.
"My hope is that with this Perppu, people's trust in the court will be restored and the court can continue to fulfill its duties. It would be very dangerous for such a powerful institution to lose its credibility with the people," the President said through his Twitter account @SBYudhoyono, late on Monday.
Yudhoyono also believed that the move would not be in contradiction with the State Constitution. He said the Perppu would help ensure that the selection of Constitutional Court justices would be free from any political interests.
"Although the Constitution allows the President, the House of Representatives and the Supreme Court to appoint and approve constitutional court justices, the process should be transparent and accountable," he said.
Critics have suggested that Yudhoyono's move to issue the Perppu was politically motivated. Under the current regulation, the court has the authority to adjudicate disputes related to legislative and presidential elections.
"I have information that the Perppu would position the Constitutional Court under the control and supervision of the government. Because it would undermine the court's independence, issuing this Perppu is not a wise solution," said Bambang Soesatyo, who is with the Golkar Party.
Fellow Commission III member Eva Kusuma Sundari of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said she was concerned over the possibility that the Perppu would abolish the role of the House in selecting Constitutional Court justices.
The remaining eight court justices have also openly opposed the government's plan, saying that Akil's alleged bribery should have not be considered as an indictment of the entire judicial system.
A Perppu is as powerful as a law and can become effective immediately after the President signs it. After presidential approval, however, a Perppu is handed over to the House, which then considers whether it is sustainable.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The House of Representatives on Tuesday approved the appointment of Sutarman as the new chief of the National Police.
"We hereby approve Comr. Gen. Sutarman as the National Police chief, replacing General Timur Pradopo," House deputy speaker Priyo Budi Santoso said before plenary participants.
The former chief detective was the sole candidate nominated to the House by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono the president normally nominates a number of candidates for approval by the legislature.
Sutarman's appointment was, however, unanimously approved last week by the House's Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, human rights and security, after a 12-hour fit-and-proper interview.
Tuesday's session finalizes the legislative approval of Sutarman. Yudhoyono is expected to inaugurate the incoming chief later this month, presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha has said.
Timur, 58, is due for retirement in January, while Sutarman, born on Oct. 5, 1957, is two years his predecessor's junior.
Sutarman joined the police force in 1982 as a member of the traffic unit of Bandung Police. He became Surabaya Police chief in 2004, before heading police forces in Riau, West Java and Jakarta.
He began serving as the head of the National Police's criminal investigation division (Bareskrim) in July 2011.
Arya Dipa, Bandung A member of the police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) identified as Chief Brig. Dian was detained by the West Java Police internal affairs department for assaulting Chandra Situmorang, a civilian.
According to West Java Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Martinus Sitompul, the altercation erupted between Dian and Chandra due to a traffic issue.
"Chandra warned Dian to drive his care more carefully as he drove dangerously close to his motorbike on Jl. Gardujati. Dian took offence at what he deemed to be rough words. He then chased Chandra, punched him in the face and shot at his motorbike three times before fleeing the scene," Martinus said on Saturday.
An eye witness managed to record Dian's registration number and reported the incident to the police. Dian was later arrested along with his three other people. The police confiscated three bullets and a revolver as evidence.
Bayu Marhaenjati A brawl between members of the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police at a Depok, West Java, karaoke bar left two Mobile Brigade (Brimob) officers injured and a soldier hospitalized with severe head wounds, police said.
The brawl started when Second Brig. Sugandi, of the Kelapa Dua Brimob, and another officer were reportedly jumped by four members of the TNI in the bar area of Venus Karaoke, in Depok Town Square, late Friday night. Four other Brimob members then entered the fray, according to the Jakarta Police.
Sugandi was stabbed in the stomach during the fight. Another police officer, Second. Brig. William, was slashed on his left hand. Both were admitted to nearby hospitals. Second Seargant Cholil, of the Ciluer Kostrad, suffered serious head wounds and was admitted to Gatot Subroto Military Hospital for treatment.
Local police have been in contact with the military to investigate the flight. Depok Police deputy chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Irwan told the state-run Antara News Agency that a motive was still unknown.
Violent altercations between police and the military have occurred with alarming frequency since the two security forces were split in 1999.
SP/Carlos Paath Indonesia's only candidate to head the National Police promised to crackdown on corruption, terrorism and drugs as the House of Representatives commission on legal affairs approved his bid on Thursday.
"What we will prioritize is law enforcement related to corruption, drugs and terrorism," Com. Gen. Sutarman said. "These three crimes are systemic and disrupt people's lives."
House Commission III approved Sutarman's bid in a 12-hours fit-and-proper test on Thursday. The approval was unanimous.
"We approve and appoint Com. Gen. Sutarman as the National Police Chief," said Pieter Zulkifli Simabuea, the head of the commission which oversees legal affairs after the session closed on Thursday evening.
The commission will now issue a report to the House of Representatives' Consultative Body, which will then forwarded it to the plenary meeting for final approval.
Sutarman said that he would support the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in handling corruption cases. That support, he said, would range from searches for wanted suspects to training and coordination.
He promised transparency and extensive coordination with institutions outside the police force.
"The KPK has the authority to supervise the handling of cases conducted by the police," he said, according to Indonesian news portal liputan6.com. We are open and willing to cooperate so that the process would not be too difficult."
Yuliasri Perdani, Jakarta Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) has called on the House of Representatives to make an assessment of the performance of outgoing National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo before naming his successor.
IPW chair Neta S. Pane said on Tuesday that the House's Commission III, overseeing law and human rights, needed to run an evaluation as to whether Timur had fulfilled all the promises he made three years ago when he underwent the fit-and-proper test for his current post.
"The evaluation should measure Timur's success or failure in instilling professionalism within the force. Commission III must conduct the evaluation. If not, what's the point of the fit-and-proper test?" Neta said.
Commission III has wrapped up conducting the fit-and-proper test for National Police criminal investigations chief Comr. Gen. Sutarman, who has been named by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the sole candidate to replace Timur.
The commission is set to announce its decision whether to approve or reject Sutarman's nomination on Thursday.
Timur responded to IPW's demand, by saying that the House had regularly assessed his performance. "In every hearing at the House, Commission III does an evaluation of me," he said after performing Idul Adha prayers in Jakarta on Tuesday.
Separately, National Police Commission (Kompolnas) member Edi S. Hasibuan said that the commission was now writing its report to be delivered to Yudhoyono on Timur's performance. "We see some achievements and several issues that need to be improved, such as the police's performance in handling corruption cases, providing a service to the public and better career management for their personnel," Edi said.
Meanwhile, with the nomination of Sutarman close to being endorsed by the House, rights groups have stepped up their criticism of Yudhoyono's decision not to provide information to the public on why Sutarman was the sole candidate for the position.
The National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) called on Commission III to demand the President account for the nomination. "We hope Commission III will not just be a rubber stamp for the President in the National Police chief selection process," said Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar on Sunday.
Kontras said that given Sutarman's resume, he should not be the only candidate for the job.
Haris said that Sutarman oversaw a number of high-profile cases that had not been solved while he served as the Jakarta Police chief between 2010 and 2011. "They include a Molotov cocktail attack on the office of Tempo weekly and the assault on [anti-graft] activist Tama S. Langkun," Haris said.
Bambang Widodo Umar, a criminologist at the University of Indonesia, however said that the appointment of a new police chief was by nature political, given that the process had to involve the House. "But generally speaking, the police force has to be an institution free from day-to-day politics," he said.
When asked whether the President should name other candidates, Bambang said that there was no stipulation on the least number of nominees. Bambang said that the police should improve its merit-based system to lessen subjectivity in promoting police officers, from junior officers to three- star generals. (asw)
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Members of the House of Representatives said on Tuesday that they would speed up the creation of a special committee to oversee the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to prevent possible abuse by the government in next year's elections.
The establishment of such a committee is mandated by Law No. 17/2011 on state intelligence, but neither the House's Commission I overseeing security nor the spy agency have reached an agreement on the monitoring mechanism.
The lawmakers said they planned to set up the committee by the end of this year at the latest. They said the creation of such a committee had become more urgent following allegations made by members of an organization founded by former Democratic Party (PD) chairman Anas Urbaningrum that BIN officials had prevented PD co-founder Subur Budhisantoso from attending a seminar organized by them.
BIN and Subur have denied the allegations, saying that the incident was merely the result of miscommunication. However, the claims have raised concerns that the government might abuse the intelligence body to advance its interests in the upcoming legislative and presidential elections.
"Political friction will most likely intensify as we approach the elections. We don't want BIN to be used to serve any interests, thus the monitoring committee must urgently ensure that the spy agency remains impartial," Golkar Party lawmaker Tantowi Yahya said. "BIN must serve the country, not only the people in power."
The 2011 State Intelligence Law stipulates that an external monitoring committee should consist of 13 lawmakers from the House's Commission I and is tasked with ensuring that BIN members comply with the institution's code of conduct and existing regulations in the country in carrying out their work.
The 13 lawmakers would comprise the four Commission I leaders Mahfudz Siddiq of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Agus Gumiwang Kartasasmita of Golkar, Tubagus Hasanuddin of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Ramadhan Pohan of the PD as well as representatives from each of the nine party factions in the commission.
However, none of the factions has nominated anyone to represent them in the monitoring committee.
According to Article 43 of the law, representatives of the party factions must not divulge any information on BIN surveillance activities even to their respective factions.
Among the contentious issues discussed by the House and BIN are whether the former should be involved in the purchase of wiretapping devices and the procedure for inquiries into alleged misconduct.
Commission I chairman Mahfudz said the monitoring committee should be involved in the process of procuring wiretapping devices from foreign countries.
"The procurement of wiretapping devices, for example, would definitely involve politics. We would let BIN decide the kind of device it needs, but we must be involved in determining from which countries such devices are procured," Mahfudz told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
Mahfudz added that Commission I and BIN were also still discussing regulations on the procedures for wiretapping as the country had yet to draft a law on the matter.
Tassia Sipahutar, Jakarta Indonesian foreign exchange (forex) reserves are at risk of depleting as no definite solution is in sight to end the current US fiscal impasse. Indonesia, along with 14 other oil exporting countries, held US$257.7 billion in US treasury securities as of July.
According to the latest data from the US Treasury Department, Indonesia was part of the "oil exporters" category along with Algeria, Bahrain, Ecuador, Gabon, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Venezuela on its list of major foreign holders of treasury securities.
The oil exporters were the fourth-largest foreign holders after China, Japan and Caribbean Banking Centers, the data showed. The securities' value was equal to 4.6 percent of the outstanding treasury securities, which stood at $5.59 trillion at the end of July.
The possibility of a default now looms over the US as its government scrambles to increase its debt limit by Oct. 17. The limit is currently set at $16.7 trillion.
Ahmad Erani Yustika, an economist with the Institute for Development of Economics and Finance (Indef), said that with the US heading toward default, the threat of a forex reserves depletion was imminent.
Data from Bank Indonesia (BI) on forex reserves reveal that for the past five years between 70 to 80 percent of the reserves have been placed in securities including in US treasury securities.
Securities accounted for 76.5 percent of the $93 billion reserves recorded in August. Total reserves rose to $95.67 billion in September, but no detailed data is currently available.
Ahmad said that if the US went into default, Indonesia would not be able to get some of its funds back for a certain period of time and that would surely affect the forex reserves, no matter how much it had actually put in the US treasury securities.
"Say we put around $15 billion to $20 billion. That is quite a large sum of money considering our current condition. With that amount, we can finance imports for one month," he said in a telephone interview on Tuesday.
However, even if no detailed data was available, Ahmad said that he believed BI put most of the securities-allocated funds in triple-A government securities, citing the least risk.
Germany and the US are currently two of several countries that are rated triple-A by major rating agencies, such as Fitch and Moody's. A triple-A rating is generally assigned to countries with the lowest relative risk. Jakarta-based economist at Standard Chartered Bank Fauzi Ichsan said that global financial markets would see a crisis far worse than the global crisis in 2008 following the bankruptcy of global financial services firm Lehman Brothers Holding Inc. if the US treasury bonds went into default.
And as most central banks held at least half of their forex reserves in US dollars, either in US treasuries or agency bonds, they stood to lose a lot, he said.
Meanwhile, according to data compiled by Bloomberg, about $417 billion in US short-term debt comes due between Oct. 17 and Nov. 7. This month alone, $120 billion will mature on Oct. 17, $93 billion on Oct. 24 and $150 billion on the last day of the month.
Bloomberg also reported on Tuesday that central banks had discussed contingency plans for the financial markets if the US went into default during the International Monetary Fund's annual meetings in Washington DC over the weekend. It said that the initial response from the banks would likely echo their actions after the collapse of Lehman Brothers.
"At the time, they pledged that they would provide ample liquidity, ease the collateral they lent against and boosted dollar swap lines with each other to ensure supply of the currency," it said.
Despite the grim outlook in the US, BI senior deputy governor Mirza Adityaswara said in Jakarta that the central bank was certain US lawmakers would find a solution at the 11th hour.
"I think this is something that the market also believes, that a deal will be made at the last minute. So we are optimistic," he said, adding that BI now had enough forex reserves, supported by the latest swap deals.
Pandaya What could be the best solution to Jakarta's horrendous traffic so that people can get to work on time without them having to leave at dawn and get home again at dusk every other day?
You can offer lots of suggestions but you have to accept these two solutions. One is the MRT proposed by Governor Joko Widodo and the other is low-cost green cars sponsored by top central government bureaucrats.
I know most of you prefer the high-cost MRT, which is underway, but it is impossible to reject low-priced cars because they are already selling fast. Since the small monsters were introduced to the public in the recent Indonesia International Motor Show (IIMS), major car makers and traders had every good reason to keep smiling upon seeing the long pre-order list.
Although sales agents would never reveal the identities of the people on the lists, they must be mostly rich townspeople who are duped by the capitalists clever catchphrase "low-cost green cars" that will lift their social status from motorcyclist to motorist.
Forget about the prophecy that Jakarta traffic would grind to a halt as soon as next year if car purchase continues at the present rate and construction of new roads is next to nothing and that the government has so far done little to put the brake on the roaring car buying rate through stricter legislation.
An assuring reply came from Vice President Boediono, a fierce advocate of the low-cost car scheme: "Traffic congestion is a common problem that we will solve together."
A populist defense for the green car was demonstrated by Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat, a famous proponent of locally-made products. He says the low-cost car will allow less wealthy citizens to shift from motorbikes to cars and speed up the transfer of technology.
Never mind a country like Thailand that abandoned its low-cost car scheme and shifted priority to MRT to make its roads passable. Now bureaucrats see Thailand as a serious threat to Indonesia's car market share when the ASEAN free trade goes into effect in 2015. So the low-cost cars are expected to protect the local market.
The Yudhoyono administration has provided huge incentives for the low-cost green cars to the delight of carmakers already making trillions of rupiah with their "expensive" cars.
Oops after a barrage of criticism, state bureaucrats quickly clarified arguments. They said that the low-cost cars are mainly intended for people outside urban areas. And they expect us to believe it. Anyway, is the disputed car really "low-cost", environmentally-friendly and attractive only to the less wealthy?
Designed with an engine running on at least a RON 92 (equivalent to the nonsubsidized Pertamax), the cars are priced below Rp 100 million (US$8.800) off the production line although one brand with security features added has up to Rp 120 million tag.
The "most competitive" price is Rp 76 million for a car which would be more suitable for a public minivan because it is not fitted with an air conditioner, let alone airbags.
So buy this minimalist car, open the windows for "natural AC", don't mind inhaling urban fumes from every other vehicle on the road and be forever prepared to jump out when you think a crash is unavoidable. Otherwise you have to add the standard convenience parts and for that, the money you must fork out of your pocket will be more than Rp 100 million!
Still "cheap"? I mean for an average employee who earns, say, Rp 10 million a month already comfortable with their Rp 12 million scooter which needs one liter of subsidized Premium gasoline to travel 50 km?
Chances are that most of the car buyers will be rich townspeople who want spare cars to take their kids to school or maids to the market.
Oh, they claim that the car can run at least 20 km for every liter of gasoline, which makes it a "green" vehicle but of course, the extremely fine print says it is achievable in an ideal road condition when the car is still brand new.
If the car is stuck in a sea of traffic in the city street during rush hour, the claim will be as empty as the car's gas tank will eventually become. Honk, honk...
Pandaya, Jakarta As expected, and despite critics' objections, the House of Representatives on Thursday endorsed Comr. Gen. Sutarman the only National Police chief candidate proposed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with practically no reservations.
The fit-and-proper test was an obvious formality: Senior House leaders had openly showered the 56-year-old National Police chief detective with praise, lauding him as the most experienced man for the job.
For example, Golkar Party legislator Bambang Soesatyo said that Sutarman was the best choice because, as the most senior officer, he would eliminate internal conflict among officers from different generations within the police force, which often occurred.
Yudhoyono proposed Sutarman to the House to replace Gen. Timur Pradopo. The announcement came surprisingly early as Timur still has several months before he hits retirement age but the President declined to talk about his reasons other than the need to secure next year's general elections.
It is understood that Timur's ability to make good the numerous promises he made during his fit-and-proper test three years ago is questionable. Under his tenure, the public's sense of security remained low; sectarian conflicts worsened; corruption within the police continued to be rampant; and bureaucratic reform within the police stalled. The police force remains one of the most corrupt institutions as surveys show. And Sutarman, of course, is partly to blame.
The lack of resistance is a sign that Sutarman secures a high degree of acceptability among the political parties, especially the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and People's Conscience Party (Hanura).
Sutarman held various posts in the course of his illustrious career. Before he was named National Police chief detective, he was chief of three regional commands, including Jakarta. He was also an adjutant to then president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid in 2000.
The Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) told the House ahead of his fit-and-proper test last week that Sutarman's bank accounts were not suspicious, like the accounts that belong to another 20 or so officers.
Sutarman, born in Sukoharjo, Central Java, has neither been implicated in corruption or any serious human rights violations well for the time being anyway.
But let us not be dazzled by this shiny clean image that his supporters paint of him. Behind him, Sutarman has a plethora of unfinished and delayed jobs waiting for him when he takes up his new post.
The recent murder of four police officers in Jakarta remains shrouded in mystery as the police are yet to report on any progress in the investigation. The police's inability to solve the case swiftly is not only putting its credibility on the line but may also inspire other groups to carry out copycat attacks.
Sutarman will have to do something serious to stop sectarian violence, which has seen murder and the forcible eviction of Shiites on Madura Island, East Java, and the closure by Islamic radicals of churches across Java.
Of critical importance is the police's political will to fight corruption along with the judiciary and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The police's commitment to fighting corruption is under scrutiny and public trust is evaporating: The force is as much part of the problem.
Sutarman demonstrated a glaring example of such a non-committal position when he sent dozens of his men to arrest Comr. Novel Baswedan, a police officer on loan to the KPK who was investigating a major graft case involving a top police officer. He said Novel was involved in a murder case while he was posted in Bengkulu.
The operation was botched thanks to popular support for Novel, which forced Yudhoyono to intervene. But the whole episode turned out to be suicide for the police as its decision to protect its corrupt leaders and withdraw its investigators from KPK was reported widely.
In an obvious bid to control the damage, Sutarman pledged during the fit- and-proper test to improve the police's relations with the KPK.
In another show of a lackluster commitment to put its house in order, Sutarman released two middle-level officers from Central Java who had been caught red-handed carrying Rp 200 million (US$17,600) in cash to the National Police headquarters in June. It was widely suspected that the suspicious officers intended to bribe their seniors for a promotion but investigators said they had no evidence to corroborate this story or charge either officer.
The police's reluctance to pursue major corruption cases is well-known. A case in point is the high-profile irregularities in the purchase of medical equipment involving former health minister Siti Fadillah Supari, which incurred Rp 6.3 billion in state losses. Supari had been named a suspect long ago and her dossiers sent back and forth between the prosecutors' office and police but her trial is yet to begin.
It is curious that legislators did not confront Sutarman with the numerous critiques from observers and NGOs, such as the Indonesia Police Watch (IPW), groups they had invited in an effort to obtain public "input".
As he is ascending to lead the National Police force, Sutarman has set 12- priority goals. On top of his agenda are the safeguarding of the 2014 general elections; the settling of graft cases in coordination with KPK and Attorney General's Office; the boosting of the counterterrorism effort; the resolution of the shooting of police officers; combating collusion and nepotism; and the improvement of the police intelligence capacity.
The pledges sound moderate but his promise to combat corruption sounds hollow unless the police shed its image as a corrupt institution. We need a dedicated, smart leader with integrity. Only time will tell if Sutarman will fare better as police chief than as detective chief.
Keith Bettinger, Wendy Miles & Micah Fisher A remarkable study published last week in the highly regarded scientific journal Nature detailed a new method for predicting specific dates for the onset of climate change for any location on the planet.
The study (hereafter known as the "Mora study" after first author Dr. Camilo Mora) has made waves around the world since for the first time it puts specific dates on "climate departure" for cities and regions. The implications of the study for Indonesia are immediately apparent.
The startling findings indicate that permanent alteration of climate is just around the corner for the expansive archipelago; the study pegs 2029 as the year for radical climate departure for Jakarta, and as early as 2020 for Manokwari in Papua, whereas the global average is 2047.
What this means is that the random, stochastic events, like increased flooding and extended drought conditions that now wreak havoc from time to time on the Indonesian landscape, economy and people, will become the new normal.
In other words, we will soon move from conditions of periodic perturbation to permanent and irreversible change. The study accounts for only one indicator, however rising temperature and acknowledges that additional social and economic factors could result in further unexpected pressures.
We see this startling new study not only as a call for greater urgency in preparing for climate change in Indonesia, but also as an opportunity for the country to move forward in providing global leadership in addressing these challenges.
Though generally framed as an environmental issue, for Indonesia the specter of human-induced climate change must be thought of as a multidimensional challenge as it has immediate and long-term economic, strategic and social implications.
In terms of economic effects, there are two basic scalar clusters at which the effects of climate change will be felt. The first is at the local, household, and individual level. According to World Bank figures, in 2011 43 percent of Indonesians, more than 100 million people, lived on less then $2 per day.
Empirical and model-based research indicates climate change has already affected rainfall patterns in Indonesia, decreasing the length of the rainy season in many places and concentrating precipitation over a shorter period of time. This has the double effect of increasing uncertainty for planting and harvesting schedules while inflating the risk of floods and other weather-related perturbations.
In addition, studies indicate climate change is and will continue to affect fisheries throughout the world, with Indonesia being among the hardest hit.
One study in particular conducted in 2010 estimated that catches could decrease by as much as 40 percent in Indonesia's exclusive economic zone. Though larger-scale businesses will certainly suffer, these changes will unfortunately fall hardest on those with the lowest capacity to cope, the tens of millions of Indonesians that derive their livelihoods from the land and sea.
Not only is their productive capacity in jeopardy, but decreased purchasing power due to rising prices threatens to undo many of the impressive strides Indonesia has made in combating poverty.
At the national level the economy stands to suffer because of the aggregate effects of the aforementioned dynamics combined with the country's overall reliance on primary sector activities.
Recent research by the International Food Policy Research Institute indicates that for every one-degree increase in minimum temperatures, rice yields could decrease by 10 percent. Hence gross domestic product will experience a slight drop due to the adverse impacts on the agricultural sector.
Moreover, the inherent uncertainty associated with how climate change will be manifested should be understood as a wildcard as Indonesia pushes to increase production of primary commodities such as palm oil.
It is impossible to say how changing regional climates will affect long- term viability of palm oil and other commodities, but it most certainly will have a disruptive impact, given that agricultural production is subject to complex interactions of biological, physical, and chemical systems.
Since these systems react to changing climates in different ways, the ensemble of geographic variables that create suitable conditions will likely change.
Sea level rise is another important consideration, as some estimates indicate that as much as 25 percent of national GDP is derived from activities located on or near the nation's 81,000-kilometer coastline. Salt water intrusion, more intense storm activity, other impacts will displace or disturb many activities near the coast.
As the government struggles to cope with these problems it will draw financial and other resources away from other problems and initiatives. Potentially more devastating, though, is the fact that, according to the new study, Indonesia will feel these effects much sooner than other countries, including those of Asean (for example, the Mora study predicts Bangkok will reach climate departure in 2046).
This means Indonesia's neighbors and regional competitors have a luxury that Indonesia does not: time to formulate strategies, adapt and act.
In other words, all of the aforementioned economic issues take on a strategic significance when considered in broader regional and global geopolitical contexts. Military planners throughout the world have long anticipated how climate change might affect security and stability.
Virtually all agree that climate change will increase the probability of domestic instability by altering access to vital economic and subsistence resources, which could exacerbate and inflame social tensions.
This is a key concern for Indonesia since some areas projected to be the first to experience permanent climate departure are also confronted with lagging economic and human development indicators.
The study underscores the urgent imperative to address not only the environmental issues, but also the socioeconomic issues that complicate the situation throughout the archipelago.
Furthermore, the rapid onset of climate change threatens biodiversity resources which could potentially become a significant economic asset in the future. Over time, states and their citizens have recognized the value of biodiversity at different levels.
At first, Western countries recognized the aesthetic value of biodiversity, both at home in their colonies. In many places this led to somewhat repressive policies that enforced a separation of local communities and their natural environments.
In the 20th century, with the advent of systems science and ecology, the value of ecosystem services is now recognized from scales ranging from local to global.
Indonesia, considered by some authorities the most species-rich country on Earth, is also home to the largest rainforests in all of Asia and some the most extensive and productive coral reefs in the world. Because of this the country has long been acknowledged as a biodiversity hot spot by international conservation organizations.
However, properly valuing ecosystem services has proved to be a daunting task (though Indonesia is currently at the forefront of these efforts). Now, though, humanity is entering a new phase in terms of its collective evolution and history whereby biodiversity becomes a quantifiable resource providing genetic information that can be extracted, manipulated and used.
Indonesia's biodiversity then might be thought of in terms of an absolute advantage that it has over many other countries, especially those in the global north. Each of the myriad and multitudinous combinations of genes that constitute Indonesia's unparalleled biodiversity represents a uniquely successful adaptation to nature's challenges.
In other words they are natural solutions to problems posed by nature. Biodiversity could then be considered an irreplaceable knowledge resource that could potentially form the backbone of a wide range of economic activity.
There is something of a silver lining for Indonesia, though. As the world's third-largest single national emitter of greenhouse gases, the country can exercise at least some control over the timing of changing climate trends.
The vast majority of Indonesia's emissions come from burning of forests to clear land for plantation agriculture; in fact, carbon emissions from deforestation in Indonesia have been estimated to account for as much as 6-8 percent of all global emissions.
This is a structural part of the primary sector economy that has been encouraged in Indonesia since it began in earnest in the 1970s, when the interests of business conglomerates began to be privileged at the expense of environmental management.
This upside comes with an inescapable caveat, though, and the rapidly approaching zero-date for irreversible climate change creates a unique imperative for policy makers and political leaders. Indonesia must choose its future economic development trajectory. Will it continue to promote a form of economic development that will hasten the arrival of new climate conditions?
Global warming and climate change are not new problems, nor are they problems that Indonesia is responsible for creating. But the findings from the Mora study uncover a new urgency and underscore the fact that it is time to get beyond the blame game, time to get beyond politicking, and time to take concrete steps to mitigate the adverse effects from climate change and anticipate the "new normal" that is beating down the door.
The unfortunate reality of the situation is that Indonesia does not have the luxury of waiting for others to act. The Mora study compares its revelations to an imminent car accident. The more that can be done to slow down the impending collision, the greater the chances to survive.
The effects of global warming are clearly being felt in the form of more frequent storms, catastrophic flooding and shifting growing seasons. These will only get worse. Now we know such challenges will come sooner to Indonesia.
Moreover, the rising temperatures predicted by the study are only one indicator of changing climate, and while temperatures have known direct and indirect relationships with other factors such as ocean acidity, other effects on complex biological, chemical and physical systems are less well understood.
Hence the unprecedented nature of this climate departure, and the unpredictability of its manifestations on other climate components makes it imperative to buy as much time as possible so that we can understand the full socioeconomic and physical implications of the changing climate. Thus steps must be taken to anticipate the coming changes and increase Indonesia's adaptive capacity and strategic position.