According to Antara news agency, the incident started during a meeting between relatives of the recently deceased Papua affairs manager for Freeport, David Beanal, and the company's management.

Relatives of David and the mob that later converged on the office wanted Freeport's absent president director, Rozik B. Soetjipto, to be present at the meeting to discuss their demands, which included appointing locals to lead the company's community development division.

A daughter of the late Papua affairs manager stepped out of the meeting and spoke to the crowd gathered outside, not long after which the mob began destroying the building.

About 40 cars and 12 motorcycles were damaged, and two cars were burned. They also burned one room of the office, but the fire did not spread beyond that.

Freeport spokesman Ramdani Sirait confirmed the riot, saying that it happened during a prayer service for David, who died of meningitis. "No one was injured and police have stabilized the situation," Ramdani told Suara Pembaruan on Saturday.

According to local media Radartimika.com, some attendees of the prayer service had submitted three demands to Freeport.

The first was to give the position of people's empowerment division head to a member of one of the seven main tribes in Papua. They also asked Freeport to give the position of Papua affairs division manager, formerly David's title, to a member of the tribes. The third request was to promote all Freeport employees who were members of the tribes.

All the ingredients for genocide: Is West Papua the next East Timor?

The Conversation - September 21, 2012

Jim Elmslie – Allegations that Australia is funding death squads in West Papua have brought the troubled province back to Australian attention. Blanket denials by both Indonesian and Australian governments – standard policy for such reports in the past, no longer cut the mustard.

The players respond

The killing of Papuan activist Mako Tabuni by Indonesian police was for Jakarta a legitimate operation against a violent criminal shot while evading arrest. That Tabuni bled to death from his untreated wounds while in police custody did not rate a mention.

The Australian response was more measured. Foreign Minister Bob Carr took the allegation that Tabuni had been assassinated seriously because the partially Australian funded and trained elite anti-terrorist organisation, Densus 88, was accused of playing a role in the killing.

For once there was a direct Australian connection to the human rights abuses that have been happening in West Papua for decades. Australian taxpayers may indeed be helping to fund Indonesian death squads. Carr called on the Indonesians to make a full enquiry into the affair.

The Indonesian response was to appoint Brigadier General Tito Karnavian as Papua's new Police Chief. This sends the clearest possible message that Jakarta intends to deal with the Papuan separatists' insurgency with lethal force, rather than diplomacy and negotiation.

Many activists have been arrested and a concerted effort is underway to break the back of the urban based, non-violent Papuan rights organisations, such as Tabuni's KNPB (Komite Nasional Papua Barat).

Independence

Most Papuans would favour independence over Indonesian occupation. This is a recipe for ongoing military operations, repression and human rights abuse as the Indonesian military and police hunt down "separatists".

This seems to suit most players. West Papua is the Indonesian military's last zone of exclusive control after the loss of Aceh and East Timor. It's a fabulous prize to control as extensive (legal and illegal) logging, huge mining projects and massive development funds provide rich pickings for those in control, while incoming migrants are drawn in by economic opportunities unavailable elsewhere. It is really only the Papuans who are suffering in this massive free-for-all.

The plight of the Papuans is slowly but surely seeping into the global consciousness. While modern technology allows West Papua's riches to now be exploited, it also allows the stories and images of Papuan suffering to emerge. Increased Indonesian militarisation and repression only exacerbate this trend.

A new East Timor?

This is the same trajectory that East Timor's long struggle for freedom followed: an overwhelmingly dominant military on the ground but a growing sense of outrage within the international community, especially in the Western nations. This led Indonesia to be treated almost as a pariah nation and underpinned East Timor's rapid shift to independence in the wake of Suharto's fall.

While no other nation supports West Papuan independence, except Vanuatu sporadically, and the rule of the Indonesian state appears unassailable, a dangerous dynamic is developing.

As the situation in West Papua deteriorates, human rights abuses will continue, with the very real prospect of a dramatic increase in violence to genocidal levels.

The ingredients are there: stark racial, religious and ideological differences coalescing around a desire for Papuan resources and Papuans' land, on one hand, and independence on the other. Indeed many Indonesians, as well as the Indonesian state, already view Papuan separatists as traitors.

This should rightly concern Australians: we are in a quasi-military alliance with Indonesia through the 2006 Lombok Treaty. We are a player, albeit minor, in these events. When there is a divide in the opinion of the political, military and bureaucratic elite, and that of the wider population, as occurred in Australia over Indonesia's occupation of East Timor, the majority view tends to eventually prevail.

And the majority view, formed by such programmes as the ABC 7.30 report, is moving to one of sympathy for the Papuans and antipathy towards Indonesia for what many see as a re-run of East Timor's disastrous occupation. This does not bode well for relations between the two countries.

Words or bullets?

Indonesia runs the risk of having its widely heralded democratisation process stained by the Papuan conflict. There is also the fact that while West Papua remains a military zone the Indonesian army will continue to be unaccountable and largely outside of civilian control, stymieing anti- corruption efforts not just in Papua but through out the country. The consequences for the Papuans are abundantly clear: no basic rights and a life lived in fear.

While there are no quick or easy solutions to this conundrum, one choice is manifestly clear: does the answer lie in more words or more bullets?

Jakarta has so far rejected meaningful dialogue in favour of a beefed up security approach. Australia, and Australians, should forcefully criticise this as being against our own, and Indonesia's (let alone the Papuans') long-term interests.

If the West Papuan conflict continues to follow the East Timor trajectory this problem will continue to grow, relations will become strained and tensions rise. It's worth remembering that Australia and Indonesia very nearly came to blows over East Timor. Let's learn from the past and encourage, and promote, meaningful dialogue between all parties.

[Jim Elmslie is a visiting Scholar at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at University of Sydney.]

SBY told to ignore London 'bounty'

Jakarta Post - September 21, 2012

Jakarta – The bounty offered by a separatist group, the Free Papua Movement (OPM), for the arrest of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during his October visit to Britain has no legal basis, according to an observer.

Hikmahanto Juwana, an international legal observer from the University of Indonesia (UI), said on Thursday that the head of state should ignore the report because the OPM had no legal authority. He pointed out that the separatist group could not have the President arrested.

"The President should not be daunted," Hikmahanto said, adding that Yudhoyono should not cancel his visit, as he had done in October 2010 when he canceled his visit to the Netherlands.

Activists from the separatist group, the Republic of South Maluku (RMS), had at the time filed a request with a Dutch court for the arrest of President Yudhoyono ahead of his scheduled visit to the Netherlands.

Himahanto cited three reasons why he thought the OPM would not be able to have President Yudhoyono arrested. "First, they do not have the authority to ask the British government to issue an arrest warrant," he said.

In most countries, only the state has the authority to issue such an order, such as the one issued by the US government in its efforts to arrest Umar Patek.

Second, the British government had assured the President's safety and security during his visit to Britain at the invitation of the queen, Himahanto pointed out, as reported by Antara news agency.

Of course, there would be no legal proceedings against the President. If that were to happen, the British government would be embarrassed as such a move would be considered a diplomatic slap in the face, he said.

Finally, the bounty had no legal basis due to the OPM not possessing legal authority, Himahanto stated.

New Papua police chief vows to touch the hearts of Papuans

Jakarta Globe - September 21, 2012

Farouk Arnaz – Papua's new police chief vowed to take a grassroots approach to stopping the violence that has plagued this restive province during his swearing in ceremony on Friday.

"I will approach the Papuan society at the grassroots level," Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian said. "This is a matter of hearts that we have to touch. I don't think my background will be a problem because when we talk of matters of the heart, we no longer differentiate between ethnicity, religion or race."

The Palembang, South Sumatra, native was formerly the head of Indonesia's anti-terrorism squad Densus 88 from 2004 to 2011. He was then appointed as deputy chief of the recently formed National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).

Tito, 47, holds a masters degree in strategic studies and a certificate in terrorism studies from the Nanyang Technological University Singapore. He replaced outgoing chief Insp. General Bigman Lumban Tobing in a ceremony at the National Police headquarters in Jakarta on Friday.

Bigman attracted the attention of critics after a series of high-profile shootings grabbed national headlines. Critics say that Papua had gotten increasingly violent under Bigman's watch.

Tito told the crowd that the region's violence can be curbed through enforcement. He declined to detail the department's plan for addressing a recent spate of violent attacks near Freeport MacMoRan's Grasberg mine. "Give me time. This needs to be evaluated," Tito said.

Gunmen have opened fire on Indonesian Military (TNI) and Freeport security vehicles twice in recent weeks.

Indonesia has been fighting against a low-scale insurgency waged by armed pro-independence groups like the Free Papua Movement (OPM) since the resource-rich province was annexed in a 1963 vote that critics say was rigged.

The OPM and pro-independence groups have alleged that the central government has siphoned off the region's riches and committed numerous human rights violations against ethnic Papuans.

Indonesian police's pot of gold in Papua

Straits Times - September 20, 2012

John McBeth – It is time for the critics to forget about the Indonesian military's businesses for a moment and look at the money-making ventures of the national police that assumed responsibility for Indonesia's internal security over a decade ago.

During that time, the police have taken over many of the privileges and patronage systems which formerly earned the military some of its off-budget income but without earning any of the public trust the military still retains to a large degree.

By failing to investigate police generals with million-dollar bank accounts and only reluctantly intervening in yet another open war with the Anti- Corruption Commission, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono appears to have defined the limits of the war on graft.

Just as disturbing is a less documented development thousands of kilometers away in Papua, where the police have become the central player in the territory's lucrative artisanal gold-mining industry.

The police and the military initially shared the spoils of the $100 million-a-year panning operation in the river-borne rock waste from Freeport Indonesia's giant Grasberg copper and gold mine. Now the police are reportedly in total control.

Panners first appeared in the waste in 2004, at the same time the police took over guard duty at the mine, which had been the army's job since riots in 1996 led to the government throwing a security cordon around what it regards as a national asset.

For all the controversy that continues to surround the world's most profitable mine, there is a marginally effective government administration in the Mimika region where Freeport has made its home for the past four decades.

Not so in a remote corner of Paniai district, 100 km to the north-west. There, poorly trained local police are acting as a private security force for non-Papuan bosses controlling an alluvial gold rush along the Degeuwo River.

What has been called a struggle against separatist rebels is, in fact, mostly violence associated with 15,000 panners who in the mid-2000s began flooding into an area reachable only by helicopter or after a five-day trek from Enarotali, Paniai's capital.

The lack of genuine law enforcement means mercury is being used to separate the gold, causing serious health problems for the miners and their families, and poisoning the environment.

In the midst of all this is Australian company West Wits, working to establish a hydraulic alluvial operation along a stretch of the river where the miners have so far extracted 2,835 kg of gold, employing only primitive techniques. Apart from drilling farther afield for the hard rock source of the alluvial deposit, the firm plans to be producing 567 kg a year by 2014.

A new International Crisis Group report says police in neighboring Nabire restrict access to the Degeuwo workings. The police impose fees on the flow of goods and take protection money from the bars, karaoke joints and shops along the river.

The violence stems largely from the struggle for control of the trade and disputes with indigenous landowners who, on occasion, have sought help from ragtag Free Papua Movement (OPM) elements – even if they do engage in extortion and other criminal activity. OPM is a militant group coordinating the Papuan struggle against Indonesian rule.

That, in turn, has led to a disproportionate response called Operation Matoa, a major push against a handful of poorly armed rebels. Involving as many as 1,000 police and soldiers, some brought in from Jakarta and Jayapura, it saw over 10,000 ethnic Mee, Moni and Wolani tribesmen displaced. Only after a face-to-face meeting between President Yudhoyono and religious leaders was the operation called off last December.

Back in the New Order days, soldiers were often used to enforce land grabs by former president Suharto's grasping family members and his circle of business cronies across many parts of the country.

There are signs those days have returned. In April last year, police protecting a privately owned Lampung palm oil plantation were implicated in the deaths of seven local farmers, the latest victims in a long simmering land dispute dating back to 2009.

Last December, three people died and dozens more were wounded when police broke up a peaceful demonstration against the issuance of a mining exploration permit in Bima, West Nusa Tenggara.

In July this year, more than 100 police officers were questioned for their part in the fatal shooting of land rights protesters at a South Sumatra sugar plantation.

For a country rich in natural resources, all this is hardly surprising when market forces conspire to overpower the underfunded guiding hand of the state.

Yudhoyono miffed over plan for his 'arrest'

Jakarta Post - September 20, 2012

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has responded angrily over a move by pro-Papua independence activists who have offered a bounty for his arrest when he visits the United Kingdom next month.

Presidential spokesperson Julian Aldrin Pasha said that Yudhoyono was angry over what the group referred to as his planned "citizen's arrest and said that the publicity stunt could harm relations between Indonesia and the United Kingdom.

Julian said that the President, would not file a complaint with the UK government and that it would not affect the trip to London.

"We have spoken with the British Embassy in Jakarta about the issue, because, frankly, the campaign has hurt the relationship between Indonesia and the UK," Julian said on Wednesday.

Yudhoyono is scheduled visit Britain from Oct. 31 to Nov. 2 to attend celebrations for Queen Elizabeth II's diamond jubilee.

UK Prime Minister David Cameron delivered the invitation for the jubilee personally during a state visit to Jakarta in April. Julian said Yudhoyono's visit to London has been planned to enhance ties between the two nations.

"The Indonesia-UK relationship is too precious to be disrupted by such a cheap act. The British government, through its embassy in Jakarta, shared the opinion that we need not respond excessively. We do need clarification to ensure the public understands the situation," he said.

Julian said that the arrest plan made little sense. "It is not possible for the President, in his capacity as a head of a state, to be detained or arrested. The President's security and safety during his visit to the UK has been fully guaranteed by the UK government. The London Metropolitan Police have guaranteed that the plan will not materialize," Julian added.

The Free West Papua campaign, which is believed to be based in Great Britain, has offered a reward of #50,000 (US$81,325) to "the first person[s] to perform a citizen's arrest" on Yudhoyono during his state visit to the UK.

The activists have said Yudhoyono must be held accountable for "ordering ongoing genocide in West Papua where over 500,000 innocent people have been killed including women and children."

The campaign, posted on arrestpresidentsby.wordpress.com, also claims that Yudhoyono was wanted by the International Criminal Court for orchestrating the genocide. The information was posted on Sept. 1 and is the only item on the blog. The arrest plan itself appears only to be conducted as a publicity stunt.

The website said that anybody could claim the reward if they could "calmly and in a gentle fashion lay a hand on Yudhoyono's shoulder or elbow, in such a way that he cannot have any cause to complain of being hurt or trapped by you, and announce loudly, 'Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, this is a citizen's arrest for genocide and crimes against humanity in West Papua. I am inviting you to accompany me to a police station to answer the charge'."

The website added, "It is likely that British police officers will be accompanying Yudhoyono, so you should explain the charge to them, and encourage them to support you by arresting him. You are advised not to put yourself at risk of charges of assault or false imprisonment."

The attempt has also to be "reported in at least one mainstream media outlet". According to the website, the action would be "largely symbolic but will have great political resonance".

Britain promises to protect Yudhoyono from 'citizen's arrest'

Jakarta Globe - September 19, 2012

The British government has promised to guarantee the safety of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on his planned visit to the United Kingdom in October, following the announcement of a reward offer for anyone able to arrest him during the visit.

"We've got an assurance from the police in Great Britain that they won't let such a thing happen, and that [the president's security] will be fully guaranteed by the British authorities," presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said on Wednesday in Jakarta.

Julian was speaking in response to an announcement made by the UK-based West Papua pro-independence group Free West Papua Campaign, which offered a 50,000 British pound ($81,000) reward to anyone who places Yudhoyono under "citizen's arrest" during his visit to Britain, scheduled for Oct. 31 to Nov. 2.

The group accuses Yudhoyono of human rights offenses in his handling of the restive Papua provinces.

Julian said the reward offer had caused "discomfort," as Yudhoyono planned his visit at the invitation of Britain's Queen Elizabeth II. "The British government and especially the British queen have invited the president [to come] because he is known to be a figure who has played a significant role in advancing democracy in Indonesia," Julian said.

"To be honest, this is uncomfortable for us.... The reward offer to arrest the president is considered an insult to a state symbol, especially because it is made by a group of people who probably have certain political interests," he added.

Julian said, however, that the Indonesian government had yet to decide whether it would take any action against the group in response to the reward offer. (Antara/JG)

Government paves the roads with good intentions in Papua

Jakarta Post - September 19, 2012

The House of Representatives (DPR) recently set up a committee to examine the government's policies on the resource-rich province of Papua. Lawmakers blame the recurring violence in the province on the ineffectiveness of special unit UP4B set up by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in October 2011. To get some insight on the performance of UP4B, The Jakarta Post's Margareth S. Aritonang talked to Bambang Darmono, chief of the UP4B.

Question: Many people relate increasing violence in Papua to unequal development in the province. What do you think?

Answer: I reject such a notion. I admit there are development programs in Papua that have not properly been executed, that is why President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono established the UP4B. The job of the UP4B is to coordinate, synchronize, facilitate, evaluate and monitor all the government's development programs there. It is our responsibility to ensure that programs designed by central government in Jakarta fit the needs of the Papuan people. Our job is also to bring together all desks on Papua within all ministries and make sure that they all are in line with the grand design. Also, we have agents in all districts in Papua to help us connect with, and monitor, the people.

What do you do to make sure that Jakarta and Papua stay connected? How do you work to assess the needs of the locals?

We have around Rp 4 trillion [US$420 million] of funds this year. Some of the money is spent coordinating with our partners, including ministers, and we've allocated 75 percent for missions to Papua to monitor the area. I have visited all the districts, and I will keep visiting to keep abreast of the situation.

Through such trips, we get opinions and information from local administrations as well as from the people at large. We maintain our communication with them so that we know for example if people have an interest in cultivating coffee beans or farming groupers. Then we take their proposals to the related ministries in Jakarta to cultivate interest in the programs in Papua.

The House of Representatives Commission I [overseeing defense, foreign affairs, and information] recently criticized the UP4B for doing almost nothing since its establishment in October last year. Can you please share what you have done in Papua?

We are not obliged to tell you what we have done in Papua. We have created a website to provide updates about our programs. You can search for any information they need there. You must understand that our authority is limited. We are working with ministries like public works, education and culture, or the Health Ministry to carry out programs there, and we are ready to implement several programs this year.

For example, together with the Public Works Ministry we will improve the infrastructure. We will build roads to connect villages and districts.

We will also support community based economic projects especially in remote areas. Over and above this, we are finishing a Presidential Regulation to guarantee Papuan entrepreneurs equal access to the economy because they don't have it yet. The regulation lets Papuans actively improve the economy of their region, which is mostly managed by outsiders for the time being.

In addition, the government has programs to provide quality education for the locals. The Education and Culture Ministry has agreed to set aside 963 places at 32 state universities across the country for Papuan students. Around 747 students have registered. These students will undergo up to a year's training to help teach at schools across the province due to the limited number of teachers available. The ministry has agreed to house 1,000 students. We are proposing another 1,500 students.

In terms of health, we are working on improving mobile health services and health centers for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Overall, things are going to be much better in Papua.

What are the challenges in coordinating with other government institutions, including ministries, to carry out your programs in Papua?

I don't find any serious problem with that. We have the Vice President as our leader so he cares of things when they get tough. The government has good intentions. We just need better communication.

What do you think about human rights violation in Papua? What can UP4B do to minimize them?

All countries commit human rights violations. I guarantee that not one single country in the world that fully promotes and upholds human rights. I think, Indonesia is relatively good in handling this issue compared to countries, like Syria.

There are problems in Papua, but I don't focus on them. Improvements across the board are on the way. The government is committed to them. Trust me, life is getting better there. Protection and prosperity for the people comes through dialogue with all stakeholders in Papua. We are always open to dialogue on social issues in Papua. But, we will not talk about Papua's integration into Indonesia – there is nothing else to discuss. Papua belongs to Indonesia. Those who disagree may leave the country. Period.

Freeport minibus fired upon in Mimika

Jakarta Globe - September 19, 2012

Mimika, Papua – Another vehicle owned by mining giant Freeport Indonesia was fired on by unknown assailants while traveling along the dangerous Jalan Tanggul Timur road near Timika on Tuesday.

The minibus LWB was heading to Kampung Nayaro when a group of about 10 people shot at the vehicle, carrying five military members and a driver named Rustamil Dalle. No one was hurt or killed in the attack.

"We're still investigating it," Comr. Albertus Andreana of the Mimika Police told Antara news agency on Tuesday, adding that the car would be taken to the Mimika Police station as evidence.

Albertus said the military members had brought food to their colleagues assigned to secure the Kampung Nayaro area. Upon returning, shots were fired at the minibus, prompting the military personnel to return fire.

He said police had not returned to the scene of the crime for further investigation, given the insecure nature of Tanggul Timur at present. Albertus said police would conduct forensics tests on the car.

The attack was the second to take place on the same road in less than a week. On Friday, another Freeport vehicle with military members on board was also attacked by unknown assailants. One military member was lightly injured in that attack.

Prior to the latest incidents, the last shooting along the road came on Aug. 16 when a Freeport vehicle carrying three police officers deployed to help secure Freeport's Grasberg mine was attacked at the Mile 42 mark. No one was injured in that attack.

On July 10, a soldier was killed after snipers fired on the armored personnel carrier that he was in at Mile 43. Five accompanying soldiers sustained minor injuries.

On April 14, a convoy of Freeport cars was shot at twice, at Mile 26 and at Mile 36, despite having a police escort. No one was injured in the shootings.

Two Papuans working for the mining behemoth were injured in a shooting along the road on Feb. 9, two days after a police officer was shot dead in the same area.

UK Papua activists post reward for SBY's arrest

Jakarta Globe - September 19, 2012

A West Papua pro-independence group has offered a 50,000 pound reward to anyone who places President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono under "citizen's arrest" during his visit to the United Kingdom for human rights offenses committed in the restive Indonesian province.

The UK-based Free West Papua Campaign offered the reward to anyone who approaches Yudhoyono and holds him accountable for ordering what that they call "an ongoing genocide in West Papua where over 500,000 innocent people have been killed including women and children."

"We believe he should face justice as thousands of people are being killed in West Papua," spokesman Alex Regent told the Indonesian newspaper Harian Detik. "We hope that many UK supporters will attempt to arrest the president during his upcoming trip, to help bring into focus what Indonesia is doing in West Papua."

The president plans to visit Britain from Oct. 31 to Nov. 2 to attend the ongoing celebrations for Queen Elizabeth II's diamond jubilee. It is the first time an Indonesian president visited the UK since 1979, according to Metro TV.

The Papua independence organization, founded by activist-in-exile Benny Wenda, posted the reward after receiving a large donation, the organizations told Harian Detik.

A website lists the rules to claim the reward. An interested party has to approach Yudhoyono and inform him that he is under citizen's arrest "for genocide and crimes against humanity in West Papua."

The scene has to be reported by a major news outlet to receive the 50,000 pound reward, the website claims. The organization has no authority to issue a warrant for Yudhoyono's arrest.

"It is not possible for a head of state to be detained or arrested," Julian Pasha, spokesman of Yudhoyono, said on Wednesday. "The president's security and safety during his visit to Britain has been fully guaranteed by the British kingdom. We were also guaranteed by the British police that such things would not happen."

Julian added that Yudhoyono was invited to visit the UK by the British government as part of efforts to improve ties between the two countries. "The British government sees the progress [Indonesia has made] on human rights and democracy," he said.

In October 2010, a South Maluku pro-independence organization urged the Netherlands to arrest Yudhoyono for human rights offenses. The Dutch courts agreed to rule on the evidence in a hearing scheduled for the same day as Yudhoyono's planned arrival. He responded by canceling his trip.

Government urged to move on Papua leader's death

Australian Associated Press - September 18, 2012

The Australian Greens fear the death of a Papuan freedom fighter – and its links to Australian defence personnel – is being swept under the carpet.

Greens senator Richard Di Natale has urged the federal government to reveal what progress it has made with Indonesian authorities over the killing in June of separatist leader Mako Tabuni.

The leader of the West Papua National Committee was reportedly gunned down by Detachment 88, an Indonesian counter-terrorism unit trained by Australian forces.

At the time Foreign Minister Bob Carr voiced his concerns and said he would seek a full explanation from Indonesia. But the government had since gone quiet, Senator Di Natale said.

"The question is what have they actually done to progress a call for an inquiry and what representation has been made," he told AAP.

"The Australian government's got a responsibility to bring this to the attention of the Indonesian government and not sweep it under the carpet." FREE 28 Day Trial last Chance

Senator Di Natale said senior Australian government ministers were at odds over Papua. While Senator Carr had acknowledged human rights issues in the Indonesian province, Defence Minister Stephen Smith last week said he had no such concerns.

He said as much while announcing a new deal to sell military hardware to Indonesia.

"You can't claim that you have no concerns when the situation has been laid bare and your own foreign minister makes comments that completely contradict it," Senator Di Natale said. "There's been a litany of death, torture and political imprisonment."

He noted the case of independence fighter Filep Karma, who is serving a 15-year sentence for taking part in a flag-raising ceremony in 2004.

Senator Di Natale was joined by Democratic Labor Party senator John Madigan and about 20 others on Tuesday at a free West Papua rally outside Parliament House.

The pair have vowed not to back off, despite Senator Madigan's condolence motion for refugee advocate Vikki Riley being voted down last week. Riley, who championed self-determination for Papua, died in Darwin earlier this month after being knocked off her bicycle on her way to visit detainees.

The government and the coalition said they wouldn't support the motion because Ms Riley's involvement in Papua was out of line with their respective party policies. Senators Madigan and Di Natale said they would move a second, lengthier condolence motion in the next sitting week.

Freeport cars targeted in latest attack near Grasberg

Jakarta Globe - September 18, 2012

Farouk Arnaz – Unknown gunmen fired on two cars along the road between Timika and the Grasberg mine operated by Freeport Indonesia in Papua on Friday but no casualties were reported, police said on Monday.

Sr. Comr. Agus Rianto, a National Police spokesman, said there were two bursts of gunfire, one at 10:35 a.m. and the second five minutes later. The target in both cases were Freeport vehicles carrying security personnel.

"The shooting was carried out by unidentified people against cars carrying a group of Freeport security guards who were taking one of their colleagues to get medical treatment for an illness," Agus said in Jakarta.

He gave no further details on the incident other than that the vehicles sustained some damage and that an investigation was currently under way.

The road linking Timika, the main town in Mimika district, and Freeport's mining areas has seen a series of sniper ambushes on passing vehicles in the past, with the perpetrators taking advantage of the rugged and forested terrain to evade capture.

The latest incident shooting incident along the road came on Aug. 16 when a Freeport vehicle carrying three police officers deployed to help secure the mine came under gunfire at the Mile 42 mark. No one was injured in that attack.

On July 10, a soldier was killed after snipers fired on the armored personnel carrier that he was in at the Mile 43 point of the road. The five other soldiers sustained minor injuries.

On June 24, unknown attackers shot and wounded a police officer patrolling along the Mile 41 mark. The officer had been patrolling on foot when he was jumped by three men who tried to take his gun. The assailants managed to shoot him before fleeing when another officer rushed to the scene. On April 14, a convoy of Freeport cars was shot at twice, at Mile 26 and at Mile 36, despite having a police escort. No one was injured in the shootings.

Two Papuans working for the mining behemoth were injured in a shooting along the road on Feb. 9, two days after a police officer was shot dead in the same area.

Freeport claims to be targeted by the media

Jakarta Globe - September 18, 2012

Tito Summa Siahaan – There are two sides to every coin, but according to the chief of Freeport Indonesia, the local unit of US mining giant Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold, the media often go out of their way to tie the company to bad news, such as shootings near its Papua mine, or a royalty rate that is considered by many as too low.

"It is understandable because they probably don't get their information accurately," said Rozik B. Soetjipto, president director of Freeport Indonesia, which runs the world's largest gold mine in Papua.

Violence is a continual concern in the province. On Monday, gunmen fired on two Freeport Indonesia-owned cars along the road between Timika and the Grasberg mine operated by Freeport Indonesia, but no casualties were reported, police said.

On Friday, another Freeport Indonesia vehicle – this one carrying Indonesian Military officers – was shot at in the same area.

But those recent shootings are not the miner's only headache. According to Rozik, a former director general at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry, the media through their coverage are trying to back the company into a corner regarding the highly contentious issue of contract negotiations over the royalty rate.

But Rozik said that, in the rush to cover contract negotiations, the work that Freeport Indonesia has done to help the local community has been overlooked.

He said that company officials understood the need to renegotiate the royalty rate in order to speed development in Papua, which is one of Indonesia's poorest provinces. But in exchange, he added, Freeport Indonesia needs the government to support its massive investment plan.

"The resources in Grasberg are very large, and some said there will be enough to last until 2041," Rozik said. "Some say until 2055. To manage this massive amount of resources is not a simple task."

Rozik said Freeport Indonesia plans to spend $10 billion through 2021, and $80 billion through 2041 to further develop the Grasberg mine. "We need assurances that we can perform our work until 2041," he added.

Freeport Indonesia currently holds a contract that will end in 2021, but a stipulation states that it can be extended for another 20 years. New mining regulations have since been passed to force companies like Freeport Indonesia to increase their royalty rates. Freeport Indonesia's royalty is 1 percent, but the government is pursuing a 10 percent royalty rate.

Aceh

After Aceh teen's suicide, media to review reporting

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Hotli Simanjutak, Banda Aceh – Local journalists want the Press Council to investigate reports that Aceh's media reported unconfirmed allegations voiced by local sharia police that led a teenage girl to kill herself.

"We urge that the case be immediately addressed, as the media had a lot to do with the teen's suicide," Taufik Al Mubara, the head of the Banda Aceh chapter of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said.

The body of the 16-year-old girl, identified as PE, was found hanged in her home in Langsa, East Aceh, on Sept. 6. Several newspapers had printed the allegations of the sharia police that the girl was a prostitute.

"The media has committed a 'trial by press' by reporting that the arrested woman was a prostitute without confirmation and only using quotations and information provided by the sharia police," said Taufik.

The reports were published by ProHaba, a local newspaper operated by Serambi Indonesia, a regional media group owned by Kompas Gramedia; the Medan, North Sumatra, edition of Waspada, and the Medan edition of Rakyat Aceh, owned by the Jawa Pos group.

The tabloids published stories that said two girls were arrested by sharia police at Merdeka Square in Langsa, East Aceh, as they watched a concert on Sept. 3.

The next day, ProHaba published a report titled "Two teenage sex workers arrested by sharia police", while articles with similar headlines were published by Rakyat Aceh and Waspada.

Apparently wrought with guilt and shame, PE hanged herself, leaving a suicide note addressed to her father.

The note said: "Father, forgive me, for I have brought shame on you and others, but I swear that I've never sold myself to others. That night, I was just watching a concert in Langsa, and I was sitting on the field with a friend." The three newspapers allegedly did not verify the claims of the sharia police, according to Banda Aceh chapter of the AJI. "Without confirmation, the media immediately judged PE as a prostitute," Taufik said.

Langsa Islamic sharia office head Ibrahim Latif told the AJI that PE never mentioned that she was a sex worker, Taufik said.

Aceh's delay in establishing truth body a setback: Amnesty

Jakarta Globe - September 17, 2012

Ismira Lutfia – The Aceh provincial legislature's decision to further delay the setting up of a truth and reconciliation commission is a major setback to end impunity in the region, a leading human rights group says.

Amnesty International has been urging the Aceh parliament and central government to deliver on their promises made in 2005 and commit to ensuring truth, justice and full reparation for victims and their families during the era in which the province was militarized.

"There has been little progress in ensuring accountability for crimes committed during the armed conflict in Aceh, including murders, rape and other crimes of sexual violence, disappearances, torture and other ill- treatment," Josef Roy Benedict, Amnesty International's campaigner for Indonesia, said in a statement on Saturday.

The organization said that the 2005 Helsinki Peace Agreement and the 2006 Law on Governing Aceh contained provisions for the establishment of a Human Rights Court and an Acehnese branch of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. "However both have yet to be established," Benedict said.

Last week, Abdullah Saleh, a member of Commission A of the Aceh provincial council, said that the council would have to wait for the passing of the national truth and reconciliation commission law. "We have to delay setting up the commission while we wait for Jakarta to pass the law first," he said.

Amnesty said that the establishment of truth commissions did not relieve states of their obligation to bring those suspected of criminal behavior under international law to trial.

He added that an important step is to understand the circumstances that led to past violations, claiming that learning from the past will ensure that such crimes will not reoccur.

"All victims of gross human rights violations, crimes against humanity and other crimes under international law have a right to know the truth," the statement read. More than 15,000 people were killed and thousands more disappeared during Aceh's pro-independence movement from the 1970s to early 2000s.

The Indonesian Military (TNI) launched a crackdown on separatists until the state of emergency in the province was lifted briefly between early 2000 and 2003.

In 2003, the TNI again declared Aceh a military emergency zone and moved to quash the pro-independence Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Though fighting flared up again after that, a devastating tsunami in 2004 refocused the country's efforts toward rehabilitation and eventually led to a peace agreement.

Amnesty said it met with victims' groups from Aceh who told the organization they continue to demand to know the truth about the harm they suffered. They want to know the causes, facts and circumstances in which such violations took place.

The organization also met family members, particularly of those who were killed or disappeared, who wanted to establish the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones.

"They expressed disappointment that they continue to be ignored by the authorities," Benedict said.

Military ties

US to sell Indonesia eight Apache helicopters

Reuters - September 21, 2012

Washington – The United States said on Thursday it will sell Indonesia eight AH-64/D Apache helicopters to strengthen security ties with the largest country in Southeast Asia and the world's most populous Muslim- majority nation.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, speaking during a meeting with Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa in Washington, said Congress had been notified of the intent to sell the aircraft.

"This agreement will strengthen our comprehensive partnership and help enhance security across the region," Clinton said.

President Barack Obama's administration has sought to buttress defense ties with Indonesia as it refocuses its attention toward the Asia-Pacific following long years of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The United States has stepped up military cooperation with traditional allies such as the Philippines and Australia, and joined regional efforts to press China to accept a multilateral framework for solving flaring territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

Clinton did not reveal an estimated cost for the Apache deal, which Indonesian media have reported has been in the works for months. The attack helicopters, used by militaries around the world, are made by Boeing.

The United States last year announced it was giving Indonesia two dozen second-hand F-16 fighter planes, with Jakarta covering the estimated $750 million needed to refurbish the late-model fighters and overhaul their engines.

US officials say the delivery of US hardware will improve cooperation and information-sharing between the US and Indonesian militaries as they face common security threats.

The announcement of the helicopter sale came as Clinton and Natalegawa wound up the third regular US-Indonesia joint commission meeting, with both saying that ties between the two countries had grown stronger.

Clinton, who visited Indonesia this month as part of an Asia-Pacific tour, said trade topped $26 billion last year and that the United States would invest $600 million over the next five years in Indonesian clean energy development, child health and nutrition programs and government transparency initiatives under its Millennium Challenge aid program.

Indonesia has been among the nations hit by violent anti-American protests over the past week to protest against a US-made video seen as critical of Islam.

Clinton said that the United States had decided to temporarily close its diplomatic facilities in the country on Friday in case further protests erupt. But she praised Jakarta for its response to the crisis.

"We are very grateful for not only the cooperation and the protection that has been provided to our facilities, but also for the strong statements condemning violence," Clinton said.

US plans $1.4-billion arms package for Indonesia

Reuters - September 21, 2012

Jim Wolf, Washington – The Obama administration is proposing a potential $1.4-billion arms package for Indonesia, including eight Boeing Co Apache AH-64D attack helicopters, in a fresh tightening of security ties in a region rattled by China's growing territorial assertiveness.

The deal would include fire control radars, common missile warning systems, radar signal detecting sets and 140 state-of-the-art Lockheed Martin Corp Hellfire II AGM-114R precision-strike missiles, the Pentagon's Defense Security Cooperation Agency said in a notice to the US Congress published Friday.

Indonesia is Southeast Asia's most populous country and the world's most populous Muslim-majority state. Plans for several US arms transfers to it have been announced since late last year that would make Jakarta a more militarily capable regional partner.

Indonesia would use the twin-engine Apache helicopters to defend its borders, conduct counterterrorism and counter-piracy operations, "and control the free flow of shipping through the Strait of Malacca," the security agency said in its memo.

The proposed sale would provide Indonesia assets vital to deterring external and other potential threats, the Pentagon agency said.

The narrow and congested waterway is a potential choke point linking the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea and Pacific Ocean. The shortest sea route between the Middle East and growing Asian markets, it washes the shores of Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, and carries about 40 percent of the world's trade.

Piracy, including attempted theft and hijackings, is a constant threat to tankers, though the number of attacks has dropped following stepped-up patrols by the littoral states.

Regional security

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who announced the planned Apache sale on Thursday without providing details on the rest of the arms package, said it would boost a comprehensive partnership with Indonesia and enhance security across the region.

She spoke in Washington during a meeting with visiting Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.

Indonesia represents just part of an increasing US emphasis on the Asia- Pacific region for national security planning as China presses its claims on disputed territory, notably in the South China Sea.

The United States is also building Guam as a strategic hub, deploying up to four shore-hugging littoral combat ships on a rotational basis to Singapore and preparing a 2,500-strong Marine Corps task force rotation as part of a growing military partnership with Australia.

The arms and services called for under the $1.4 billion Indonesia package will provide key elements required for "interoperability" with US forces, the security agency's notice said.

Also included are "Identification Friend or Foe transponders," 30mm guns and ammunition, communication equipment, tools and test equipment, simulators, generators, personnel training and logistics support services, the agency said.

The Hellfire II, included in the package, is the primary air-to-ground precision missile of its size for US armed forces as well as the Central Intelligence Agency's paramilitary capabilities and many US allies.

The notice of such a sale is required by law. It does not mean that a deal has been concluded.

President Barack Obama announced in November plans to give Indonesia 24 decommisioned Lockheed Martin F-16 fighter jets, with Jakarta paying up $750 million to upgrade them and overhaul their engines, which are made by United Technologies Corp's Pratt & Whitney unit.

The Pentagon moved in August to supply Raytheon Co AGM-65 Maverick air-to- ground guided missiles and related gear valued at $25 million for Indonesia's growing F-16 fleet.

Human rights & justice

Human rights group says government displays 'weak' commitment

Jakarta Globe - September 22, 2012

Ismira Lutfia – The Human Rights Working Group has lamented Indonesia's refusal to accept specific recommendations to give foreign journalists access to Papua and to invite the UN's Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief into the country as advocated during the Universal Periodic Review.

Indonesia refused to accommodate 30 out of 180 recommendations made during the UPR and made its rejection known at the UN Human Rights Council meeting on Wednesday in Geneva.

M. Choirul Anam, vice director of the HRWG, said on Thursday that the group had already predicted that Indonesia would decline certain suggestions.

Indonesia also refused to reevaluate Law No. 1/PNPS/1965 on the Prevention of Religious Abuse and Blasphemy, a product of the New Order era.

"We deeply regret the government's decision to reject the recommendations, especially to revise Law No. 1/1965, [since] the Constitutional Court mandated a revision to this law," said Anam.

"The Indonesian government should have accepted the proposal to invite the UN's Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief to Indonesia," stated Anam, adding that it would serve as a good opportunity to prove to the international community Indonesia's acceptance of religious plurality. "Rejecting it means something isn't right," he said.

Indonesia also received general counsel that it needs to follow up on fighting any form of discrimination against followers of minority religions, punishing people who commit violence on the pretext of religion and to fight impunity practices in which these recommendations have also been mandated by the constitution.

Anam added that Indonesia's failure to implement the recommendations will indicate the government's weak commitment to such causes.

However, the HRWG welcomed the government's decision to accept several suggestions, including accelerating the deliberation of the criminal code bill, criminalizing torturers according to the UN Convention Against Torture and ratifying the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention Against Torture.

The HRWG also asked the government to encourage civilians to actively participate in implementing the recommendations.

One of the proposals that the government accepted was to ratify the ILO convention No. 189 on domestic helpers and to pass into law the bill on domestic helpers that was already included in the National Legislation Program.

The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) deplored the government's refusal to revoke the Health Ministry's regulation on female circumcision as recommended by the UNHRC.

"The government must also socialize the danger of female circumcision as seen from the aspect of violence and discrimination against women," said Andy Yentriyani, the commission's head of public participation.

In Geneva, Indonesia promises more action on human rights

Jakarta Post - September 21, 2012

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – Following its move to reject some recommendations from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), the Indonesian government made a face-saving gesture by offering to set up a long-awaited truth and reconciliation commission.

Speaking at the UNHRC's headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland late on Wednesday, Representative of Indonesian Permanent Mission to Geneva Edi Yusuf said that the government was working to finalize the bill on a truth and reconciliation commission.

"This bill is designed to strengthen our national legal framework in dealing with past human rights abuses," Edi said.

In its response to the UNHRC, the Indonesian government also offered to set up a so-called "human rights-friendly district" and establish human rights guidelines for local administration ordinances.

"Other legal frameworks are in the pipeline. First, we are finalizing a ministerial decree at Law and Human Rights Ministry on the introduction human rights-friendly districts. The other is a joint ministerial decree between the Law and Human Rights Ministry and the Home Ministry on establishing human rights parameters in the formulations of bylaws," he said.

None of the three proposals directly addressed the UNHRC's 30-point recommendation issued following its quadrennial Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in May.

The government decided to reject a recommendation from the rights body that urged Indonesia to repeal laws and regulations that curtailed religious freedom.

The UNHRC requested that Indonesia amend or revoke laws and regulations that banned religious freedom, including the 1965 Blasphemy Law, the 1969 and 2006 ministerial decrees on the construction of places of worship and the 2008 joint ministerial decree on Ahmadiyah.

In addition to rejecting recommendations on religious rights, the government also stated in its report to the UNHRC that it was unable to allow foreign journalists free access to Papua and West Papua, as proposed by the French delegation during the May meeting.

The Indonesian government also refused to allow the United Nations special rapporteurs on indigenous people and minority groups to enter the country. The Foreign Ministry said the government had abided by the Constitution when drafting its response to the recommendations.

Earlier in his presentation, Edi said that the Indonesian government decided to reject the 30-point recommendation based on considerations that the actions it contained were mostly irrelevant to conditions on the ground.

"Some of the recommendations are also subject to further national debates for possible inclusion in the next human rights action plan," Edi said.

The government's refusal to adopt the 30 key recommendations has raised criticisms at home, with rights groups blasting the government for engaging in an unnecessary publicity campaign abroad while continuing to undermine human rights protection at home.

"We don't need more regulations to ensure the promotion and protection of human rights, but at the same time we also have law and regulations that have continued to be used as legal foundations to abuse the rights of the people," Poengky Indarti of watchdog group Imparsial told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.

Poengky, however, applauded the plan for the truth and reconciliation commission, saying that it could bring justice to perpetrators of past human rights abuses, so long as its founding legislation did not provide amnesty for perpetrators of past violations.

Indonesia refuses to comply with UN on human rights

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – The country will likely register a bleak record in the protection of religious minorities in the next four years following the government's decision to reject a recommendation from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) urging Indonesia to revoke laws and regulations that curb religious freedom.

The UNHRC's quadrennial "Universal Periodic Review" in May requested that Indonesia amend or revoke laws and regulations that banned religious freedom, including the 1965 Blasphemy Law, the 1969 and 2006 ministerial decrees on the construction of places of worship, and the 2008 joint ministerial decree on Ahmadiyah.

In response, the Indonesian government has included them on list of items that "the government is unable to support". The government is expected to present its response at the UNHRC headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland, on Sept. 19. The government maintains that the 1965 Blasphemy Law, for example, is guaranteed by the Constitution.

National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) chairman Ifdhal Kasim said the Blasphemy Law had commonly been abused by the majority to suppress minority groups.

"It's crucially important that we amend the 1965 Blasphemy Law; otherwise, the government will gradually allow the majority to force those in minority groups to convert to its mainstream teachings," Ifdhal said.

A coalition of human rights watchdogs have urged the government to change its decision and adopt the recommendation in order to prove its commitment to upholding and protecting minority rights in the country.

"Religious intolerance will continue to grow in the future unless the government revokes discriminatory laws, such as the 1965 Blasphemy Law. Majority groups have been using that law as an excuse to attack minority groups, such as the Ahmadiyah and Shia followers," Choirul Anam, from the Human Rights Working Group (HRWG), said on Monday.

Choirul added that the government could amend or revoke some of the laws, although the Constitutional Court had upheld the 1965 Blasphemy Law when civil rights groups filed for a judicial review in 2010.

In addition to rejecting recommendations on religious rights, the government also states in its report for the UNHRC that it is unable to allow foreign journalists free access to Papua and West Papua, as proposed by the French delegation during the May meeting.

The Indonesian government also refuses to allow the entry of the United Nations special rapporteurs on indigenous people and minority groups into the country. The Foreign Ministry said the government had abided by the Constitution when drafting its response to the recommendations.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Michael Tene said the government's refusal to adopt the recommendation on the Blasphemy Law was simply because it was subject to the Constitution.

"The Constitutional Court ruled that the 1965 Blasphemy Law conformed with our Constitution. We must respect the Constitutional Court as it is the highest legal institution in the country," Tene said.

As for the government's refusal to allow foreign journalists to enter Papua, Tene said: "This doesn't mean that we prohibit foreign journalists from entering Papua. We can allow them to go there as long as they follow all the regulations laid out by the government," Tene said.

In its report, the government also rejects a recommendation to halt human rights violations by military personnel and police officers, and put an end to the general state of impunity in Papua, as recommended by Japan, arguing that "the recommendations do not reflect the actual situation in the province referred to".

Freedom of speech & expression

Supreme Court clears Prita of libel charges

Jakarta Globe - September 18, 2012

Ezra Sihite – The Supreme Court on Monday overruled a defamation verdict handed down to Prita Mulyasari over an e-mail that was originally deemed a violation of the Law on Electronic Information and Transaction.

In the verdict that was issued on Monday, a Supreme Court panel of judges acquitted Prita of all charges of defamation, and ordered the complete rehabilitation of her good name by the prosecutor's office.

"This ruling annulled the [Tangerang district] court ruling and appeal ruling issued by the Supreme Court," Supreme Court Spokesman Ridwan Mansyur said on Monday, as quoted by Tempo.co.

Presiding Justice Djoko Sarwoko along with several other judges agreed that the e-mail sent by Prita, who was accused of defaming Omni International Hospital, should not be categorized as libelous.

Thirty-five-year-old Prita's plight was quickly taken up by the public, and an online support campaign led to a popular nationwide fundraising effort to raise money for Prita's legal fees.

Prita originally received a six-month suspended prison sentence from the Supreme Court for violating the Law on Electronic Information and Transaction, a verdict that directly contradicted the same court's earlier acquittal in a related civil case in July 2009.

Lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of House Commission III overseeing legal affairs, hailed the appeal as "fair" on Tuesday.

"The verdict of this case review shows that the Supreme Court has rightly defended the rights in a formal understanding, based on legal and material evidence," Eva said. "From early on we all knew that Prita was not guilty."

Eva said to prevent similar cases from occurring in the future, law enforcement needed "a high level of integrity," to produce comprehensive laws that provided protection for the public.

"The laws are aimed at strengthening human rights protection for the people, so that these very rights do not put the people at a disadvantage," Eva said.

Prita and the hospital could not be immediately reached for comment. However, Kompas newspaper quoted Prita as being grateful for the Supreme Court ruling, adding that she hopes "there will be no one meddling with my life and that of my family anymore."

Surveys & opinion polls

Persistent terror threat increasing public insecurity, says survey

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

Jakarta – A survey has found that the majority of Indonesians feel insecure because of growing religious violence and acts of terrorism.

The survey, by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) found that in the past nine months, the number of respondents saying that they lived in a secure environment had reduced across the country.

LSI found in January this year that 84.1 percent of respondents said they lived in a secure environment. The figure had since dropped to 56.2 percent.

"The main reasons are the terrorist attacks that occurred recently as well as religious violence and rampant thuggery," LSI researcher Hanggoro Doso Pamungkas said.

The survey result showed that terrorism topped the list of sources of public insecurity, with 50.87 percent of 1,200 respondents citing the threat of terrorism.

More than 18 percent said that religious violence had given them reason to feel insecure. Thuggery came third with 18.82 percent then regular crime with 9.76 percent.

A string of shootings in late August targeting the police in Surakarta, Central Java, claimed the life of a police officer on night duty at a small post. The ensuing manhunt for the perpetrators ended in a fatal shootout that left a member of the police's Densus 88 counterterrorism unit and two young men whom the National Police chief later alleged belonged to a new terrorist group, dead. A third suspected terrorist was arrested.

Early in September an incident in Tambora, West Jakarta, where residents thought a house was on fire only to find out later that the smoke was caused by bomb-making ingredients, and an explosion at an alleged terrorist bomb-making facility in Depok, saw the police carry out a massive operation

LSI also found that 50.65 percent of the respondents were not satisfied with how the police handle terrorism. The survey showed that 66.86 percent of the respondents were pessimistic that the police could eradicate terrorism from the country.

"Around 86.64 percent of the respondents were concerned that terrorist attacks would still happen in the future," Anggoro of LSI said.

He also said 84.95 percent of respondents believed that some terrorist- linked incidents like bomb blasts in Tambora and Depok were caused by police negligence and 46.82 percent thought that the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) failed to perform its job.

Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) chairman Neta S. Pane said that he could understand if the public was not satisfied with the performance from the police. "Since the first Bali bombing in 2002, terror attacks continue to reoccur and come from the same terrorist network," he said.

According to Neta, the police have not done a good job in handling terrorism because they failed to coordinate with other institutions like BIN, Densus 88 and the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).

Neta also said that police only used terrorism as a ruse to get funding from abroad. "A large amount of funds have gone to the coffers of the National Police since the first Bali bombing," he said.

Neta also said the National Police also suffered from credibility problems, especially with a number of their senior officials being named graft suspects.

Neta said that the police were capable of rooting out the terrorist network in the country given the amount of information in their possession. He added that the police only needed to build a good rapport with the public. (cor)

Women's rights

An uphill battle to end discriminatory laws

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

Jakarta – The number of discriminatory bylaws are constantly on the rise despite efforts to repeal them, according to the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan).

"Removing discriminatory policies against women is a slow process. Let's say we're currently trying to repeal one bylaw. While we're doing that, several other new anti-women bylaws spring up. So it's really an uphill battle," Komnas Perempuan commissioner Andy Yentriyani said on Friday.

The organization's research shows that there were 154 bylaws across the country in 2009 that negatively affected the constitutional rights of women, a number which jumped to 189 in 2010 and 207 in 2011. As of August of 2012, there were 282 of these discriminatory bylaws.

"Of these bylaws, 96 criminalize women through regulations surrounding prostitution and pornography. Another 60 impose dress codes and religious standards. Some 38 restrict a woman's mobility," a Komnas Perempuan press release said.

These policies are scattered across hundreds of regencies in 28 provinces. West Java, West Sumatra, South Kalimantan, South Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara and East Java are the six provinces that have the highest tally of sexist regulations.

Aceh is one particular province that is under Komnas Perempuan scrutiny. The area is notorious for its use of sharia law, with 15 gender- discriminatory policies that are enforced through violent and coercive methods.

"They include punching, being bathed with sewage water, public parading, destruction of property, evictions and cases in which couples, regardless of age, were forced into marriage for public displays of affection" Andy said.

Her office recorded 46 of these types of punishments in 2011. Acehnese leaders justify their use of these measures by invoking regional autonomy in their defense.

Komnas Perempuan's Saur Tumiur Situmorang would have none of that. "Sharia law is no reason to ignore the 1945 Constitution. Aceh cannot use these reasons to override these basic pillars of Indonesia," Saur said.

She cited Article 27 as guaranteeing persons equal standing before the law regardless of gender. She also pointed out that articles 28D, 28G, 28I and 28B ensured that women, as citizens, were protected from the harmful effects of the hundreds of discriminatory policies her office listed.

According to Saur, to ensure that it stays true to these constitutional foundations, the government has to repeal these gender-discriminatory policies. She added that these regulations disproportionately affected women.

"Women in society are seen as symbols of purity and viewed as objects to control," Saur said. "When women are accused of violating these discriminatory laws, they have to suffer prolonged shame and stigma."

Some of the effects of these public shamings can be fatal. A recent case involved P.E., a 16-year-old girl in Aceh who sharia police accused of being a prostitute on Sept. 3. Collapsing under the psychological stress of these allegations, she committed suicide three days later. (png)

Labour & migrant workers

RI workers mostly SD graduates

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

The Manpower and Transmigration Ministry said that more than 50 percent of workers in the country are elementary school (SD) graduates.

Dita Indah Sari, adviser to Manpower and Transmigration Ministry Muhaimin Iskandar said that more than 54.2 million of the 109 million workers in the country only graduated from elementary school.

"So you can imagine the quality of our human resources," Dita said as quoted by tempo.co.

She said that most of the elementary school graduates worked in the informal sector or traveled abroad as migrant workers. Dita said that workers with higher education levels mostly worked in factories or were employed as low-ranking staff in companies.

Data from the ministry said that in 2011 more than 581,000 Indonesians worked abroad as migrant workers. Data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) said that 68.2 percent of 109 million workers in the country are employed in the informal sector.

Health & education

Anti-smoking activists rally against tobacco meeting

Jakarta Globe - September 20, 2012

Dessy Sagita – Hundreds of people rallied near the Jakarta Convention Center on Wednesday to protest the opening of the World Tobacco Asia 2012 exhibition.

The protestors were mostly students from various universities. They gathered at the JCC's main gate, protesting the holding of the event in Jakarta. It is the second time since 2010 that the event is being held in the nation's capital.

"We are saddened by the stance of the government that is letting its people be killed by cigarettes," Azas Tigor Nainggolan, the chairman of the Forum of Jakarta Residents (FAKTA), shouted at the gate.

The protestors later said that about 500 of their members managed to break through and enter the tightly guarded venue that was closed to the public and only open to members of the industry.

Other protestors made sure that the alternative gate to the convention center remained blockaded to prevent visitors from getting through.

Meanwhile, anti-tobacco activists on Wednesday strongly condemned the hosting of the exhibition in Jakarta.

"This [represents disrespect] against the entire legal territory of Indonesia. This WTA [conference] is illegal because not a single side assumes responsibility for it," Arist Merdeka Sirait, chairman of the National Commission for Child Protection, said.

Arist lamented that just after the Health Ministry announced the results of the Global Adults Tobacco Survey for 2011 that showed 67.4 percent of adults in Indonesia were smokers – the highest percentage in the world – the country was providing a welcoming atmosphere for the tobacco industry.

He said that it was clear that the government had failed to protect Indonesian children from the health hazards of smoking and had already been defeated by the cigarette industry.

Tubagus Haryo Karbyanto, a coordinator of the Anti World Tobacco Asia Society, said that the WTA summit was being held in Indonesia because the country was seen as a rising market for the cigarette industry.

"What makes us feel insulted is that our government is too friendly to the cigarette industry," Haryo said, adding that similar protests were also being held in several other Indonesian cities.

Haryo stated that Indonesia has already been alienated internationally because it has not yet ratified the World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. The holding of the WTA will only worsen matters, he added.

"The good name of Indonesia will become even worse in the eyes of the international [community], and Indonesia will be seen as uncivilized because it supports the death of millions of people" by encouraging cigarette smoking, he said.

Yoke, from the Women Network for Tobacco Control, said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must take firm steps to halt the degradation of Indonesia's image as the world's ashtray.

Zakia, a student in public health at the University of Indonesia, said that the Indonesian Student Movement for the Control of Tobacco Impacts firmly rejected the holding of the WTA meeting in Jakarta.

"While other countries refuse to host the WTA 2012, Indonesia invites [it] for the second time. This is a second insult for Indonesia," Zakia said.

Mary Assunta Kolandai, an international tobacco control advocate from Australia, commented, "this is unacceptable and clearly shows that the cigarette industry does not want the public to know what is currently happening in that industry."

Sofjan Wanandi, chairman of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) said that the government must be wise in the campaign against tobacco without killing the tobacco industry, because the tobacco industry contributes about 10 percent to 15 percent of national income.

Graft & corruption

KPK says thanks but no thanks to national police

Jakarta Globe - September 21, 2012

Rizky Amelia & Farouk Arnaz – The Corruption Eradication Commission no longer wants help from the National Police to investigate major graft cases and has decided to recruit independent investigators to replace the 20 police investigators that the police withdrew.

The independent investigators that the anti-graft agency known as KPK is preparing have received training from Australia and the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the United States.

"The KPK is in the process of recruiting independent investigators," chairman Abraham Samad said on Thursday. "We are recruiting personnel from within the KPK. "[They] were once trained in Australia and by the FBI," Abraham said, adding that the agency will send them again for more training.

The KPK needs about 80 independent investigators to help it solve major graft cases that often involve politicians and regional government officials. "But for the initial phase we have prepared around 30 people," Abraham said.

The chairman is confident that the KPK will not be criticized for its plan to recruit independent investigators from within. "It's allowed," he said. "There's no legal obstacle. Education and training will be conducted at the Supreme Court. There's no problem in terms of the law."

The National Police said it withdrew its investigators because the terms of the investigators were expiring. However, graft activists have accused the police of withdrawing its investigators as a way of exacting revenge against the anti-graft agency's probe into a procurement scandal involving several police generals.

They claim the police were worried that the investigation into the procurement case, which involved driving simulators, would net more generals in addition to the two already named by the anti-graft agency.

The police sent 14 new investigators, including 10 generals, to replace the 20 investigators, but the KPK rejected them. "Fourteen senior National Police officers were sent to the KPK, but none of them passed the test. Ask the KPK why," said National Police Deputy Chief Comr. Gen. Nanan Sukarna.

The KPK said the investigators failed the selection process because the agency adopts a certain standard which is used to fill the structural posts in the unit.

"If that's the reason, than how come those who didn't take part in the assessment process passed? Why not just return all investigators from the National Police if they are not going to be used," Nanan said, referring to Warih Sardono, a prosecutor from the Attorney General's Office, who was recently appointed as KPK's investigation director and prosecution deputy.

Concerns grow over 'dark forces' working against KPK

Jakarta Post - September 21, 2012

Jakarta – Anticorruption activists have criticized the House of Representatives (DPR) and the National Police for intentionally attempting to weaken the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) using a range of methods.

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) leader Tama S. Langkun said on Thursday that if the House and the National Police kept making counterproductive moves against the KPK, the public would see both institutions as fighting the commission, not the corruption.

Lawmakers and certain groups of people, Tama said, have tried at least three times, including seeking a judicial review through the Constitutional Court, to remove the KPK's authority to tape conversations.

"If the KPK needs a permit to tape conversations between officials, how can it investigate corruption?" Tama said, referring to a proposal from lawmakers.

The House's Commission III, overseeing legal affairs, recently proposed a draft revision to KPK Law No.30/2002, including sti-pulations weakening the KPK's authority.

House legislation body chairman Ignatius Mulyono confirmed the draft revision, saying at least two articles could be revised. "The first is about prosecution. Lawmakers want remove the KPK's right to prosecute, handing authority back to the Attorney General's Office [AGO]," he said.

The KPK is authorized to inquire into, investigate and prosecute corruption.

Ignatius said the second article was the KPK's authority to tape phone conversations. "The revisions say that KPK should gain a permit from the court first before taping phone conversation of any officials," he said.

Ignatius said there was concern that KPK would abuse its authority if the law did not limit it.

At a recent hearing with lawmakers, KPK chairman Abraham Samad said if the House removed both authorities – prosecution and phone tapping – it would be better to simply disband the KPK.

Refly Harun, anticorruption activist and a constitutional law expert, believes the existing KPK Law needs no revisions. "Even if lawmakers want to revise it, they are supposed to strengthen the commission, not weaken it," he said.

Lawmakers had also rejected a proposal from the KPK to build its own office building. "KPK was established because we lost faith in the police and AGO. We gave this authority to the KPK because we do not trust the others," he said.

The National Police, at loggerheads with the commission over driving simulators, recently withdrew 20 police officers working as investigators with the KPK.

KPK depends on the National Police and the AGO to supply its staff. All 78 KPK investigators are all from the police. The number is small, comparing to Hong Kong's anti-graft commission with around 900 investigators and more than 1,000 staff.

KPK spokesman Johan Budi warned on Wednesday that if the police did not extend contracts of the next two batches of investigators in November and January, the commission would be paralyzed.

"The chairman will send a letter to the National Police chief to ask for the extension of the 20 investigators' remit, at least until we recruit new ones," he said, adding that recruitment could take two months.

The KPK confirmed late Wednesday that they are recruiting internal investigators. "We are recruiting investigators from our own staffers who have been trained in Australia and with the FBI," he said. (cor)

KPK, police debate military detention facilities

Jakarta Globe - September 19, 2012

Ezra Sihite, Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Rizky Amelia, Farouk Arnaz & Arientha Primanita – A Corruption Eradication Commission plan to place its detainees in a military jail has stirred fierce debate, with one senior public figure saying it reflects doubts in the competence of the police and another suggesting it harkens back to a era in the nation's history in which the military was deeply involved in civilian matters.

The antigraft agency, known as the KPK, plans to use a military facility in Guntur, South Jakarta, to hold detainees. It comes at a time of poor relations between the KPK and the police, who traditionally arrange suspects' detention, due to an investigation into a procurement scandal.

"Personally I disagree because it looks too political," Gede Pasek Suardika, chairman of House of Representatives Commission III, which oversees legal matters, said on Tuesday.

Gede Pasek said the antigraft body, known as the KPK, should use the prisons owned by the police or prosecutors' offices, adding that using the military detention facility was a step back to the past.

The lawmaker said that the reform era should minimize the role of the military. "We want the reformation to stay pure," the Democratic Party lawmaker said.

Commission III Deputy Chairman Nasir Djamil said he did not understand why the KPK was developing its relationship with the military. "It's like the KPK doesn't trust the police and the Justice and Human Rights Ministry to hold its detainees," he said.

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) added that the KPK needed to persuade lawmakers to increase its budget. The KPK has previously asked Commission III to approve additional funding for a new building, but the request was rejected. "All it needs to do is make a request of us," Nasir said.

Fellow PKS lawmaker Aboebakar Al Habsyi earlier in the week said the KPK's action could worsen relations between the agencies. "Why not use detention facilities from the prosecutors' offices or the police?" he asked the KPK during Monday's House hearing.

Several lawmakers suspect that the military detention facility was being specially prepared for Insp. Gen. Djoko Susilo, the chairman of the police traffic division who has been named a suspect in a Rp 2 billion ($210,000) kickback scandal involving the procurement of driving simulators.

Djoko has refused to comply with a summons to be questioned by the antigraft body, and the military facility could be used instead of a police one to avoid conflicts of interest.

But KPK deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas denied this was the body's intention, saying: "We are merely borrowing space because at the KPK it is no longer possible [to accommodate more detainees]."

National Police detective unit chief Comr. Gen. Sutarman said police did not object to the KPK using the military facility. Sutarman denied that the planned recall of 20 police officers seconded to the KPK was an attempt to seek revenge for the probe into the driving simulator case, saying the timing was merely coincidental.

The antigraft body on Tuesday questioned Herry Purnomo, the director general of the Finance Ministry for budgeting, as a witness in the case of the simulators, which were procured by the Police Traffic Corps. KPK spokesman Priharsa Nugraha said Herry was questioned regarding Djoko.

Herry was called to appear at the KPK last week but did not attend because had to be at a budget meeting. Herry said he was questioned about the budgeting process of the procurement of the simulators.

The KPK has also questioned several police officers as well as Agus Suprijanto, the Finance Ministry's director general of treasury, over the case.

The two law enforcement agencies have long fought over which has jurisdiction to investigate the massive scandal, reported to have cost the state at least Rp 100 billion in losses.

The tension is just the latest installment in the conflict between the KPK and the police that has been dubbed the battle between cicak and buaya – gecko and crocodile.

In explaining the decision to recall the seconded officers, Sutarman told a House of Representatives inquiry on Monday: "[The recall] was because [the investigators'] terms [at the KPK] were over, that means it is illegal for them to stay [at the KPK].

"The [agency] training the investigators is the National Police and not the KPK, therefore the National Police had the right to recall them, as the investigation license was issued by us."

The recall will likely hinder the antigraft body's ability to investigate corruption cases, KPK spokesman Johan Budi said. "It is disturbing [that] 20 detectives [were recalled] while the KPK is handling so many cases," Johan said on Friday.

The detectives had been working with the KPK for a year, Johan said. Under government regulations, they could have been assigned to work with the antigraft body for four years, with the option to renew their contracts. Most of the detectives were handling more than one case, Johan said.

The National Police said on Tuesday that it had sent 14 officers, including 10 generals, to the KPK to replace the 20 investigators it was planning to pull out, but they were all rejected.

"Fourteen senior National Police officers were sent to the KPK, but none of them passed the test. Ask the KPK why [they didn't pass the test]," said National Police Deputy Chief Comr. Gen. Nanan Sukarna. A police officer who declined to be identified said the KPK was being unreasonable in rejecting the officers.

The generals turned down by the KPK included Ronny Frankie Sompie (supervision and investigation bureau chief), Syahrul Mama (South Sulawesi Police deputy chief), Ari Dono (criminal director), Moecgiharto (head of police school Kasespimma), Suedi Husein (Riau Police chief), Sigit Sudarmanto (former Southeast Sulawesi Police chief) and Nur Ali (antigraft director).

National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said that the 10 generals were nominated to KPK deputies while four others were submitted to KPK investigations directors. Boy refused to comment on the speculation that the KPK didn't want police officers as KPK leaders.

"Please make your own judgement. One thing is for certain, we have given our best officers but they were rejected. But there's no hard feelings," Boy said. National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said that the police were ready to help the KPK to carry out its duty by providing investigators. "Not just 20, we'll give the KPK as many as it needs," Boy said.

"The investigators are all professionals. The police officers that we offered to the KPK are the best ones," said the former Jakarta Police chief.

KPK will work slow after police withdrawal

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) says that its graft investigations will likely slow to an almost halt after the National Police recalled 20 officers seconded to the commission.

The cases that are most likely to be affected are the KPK's probe of the Bank Century bailout, which must be completed by December according to a deal with the House of Representatives, and the case said to have prompted the recall, the procurement scandal at the National Police Traffic Corps.

The recalled officers comprised almost a quarter of the commission's investigators, KPK spokesman Johan Budi said. "We must slow our investigations if 20 of our current 78 investigators can't work with us," Johan said on Monday.

Johan said that the KPK would negotiate with the National Police to retain the officers, as it would be difficult to hire replacements.

"The 20 investigators have worked for the KPK for close to four years. We can't just hire new investigators now because it takes at least three months for us to train them," he said.

Johan said that the police investigators were essential for the KPK to investigate the Traffic Corps scandal, which has implicated high ranking police generals, including the Traffic Corps' former chief, Insp. Gen. Djoko Susilo.

Separately, KPK deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas said that it would take some time before the commission could recruit and train independent investigators to replace the police officers. Busyro said that the replacing the officers would disrupt the KPK's ongoing investigations.

"We will recruit independent investigators in the near future. But we still need the current investigators that we have from the police, because of the large number of cases that we are dealing with," he said.

Earlier on Monday, National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said that his decision to recall the police investigators from the KPK was firm, claiming that it was mandated by personnel regulations.

"I disagree that we have been considered as recalling our investigators. It is not a recall but a rotation," Timur said.

"I think it's good to deploy new investigators from the police to work with the KPK to enable this new batch to have experience working with the commission. As for the outgoing investigators, they can share their experience with us here," Timur said.

Timur said that the National Police and the KPK had agreed to work together to train a new batch of investigators.

A source at the Presidential Palace who declined to be named said that the recall was evidence that the National Police had been spooked by the investigation of the Traffic Police.

The source alleged that Timur was aware of the driving simulators scandal, and aware that the money from the project had been used to bribe House lawmakers to pass laws to bolster the police.

"Timur and his colleague Comr. Gen. Sutarman [the National Police's chief detective] previously served at the Traffic Corps under Djoko Susilo. Therefore, both of them are familiar with the corrupt system in the institution," the source said.

A recent decision by the KPK to open prison cells for graft suspects in a military (TNI) detention center has also irritated the police force, which has been resistant to the TNI's public role, according to the source. (cor)

Police decision to pull officers from KPK an act of revenge, activists say

Jakarta Globe - September 17, 2012

Rizky Amelia & Rangga Prakoso – Activists have criticized a National Police move to withdraw its investigators from the Corruption Eradication Commission, claiming the action is an attempt to exact revenge against the antigraft agency's probe into a procurement scandal involving several police generals.

The announcement of the officers' removal from the antigraft agency known as the KPK will hurt the body's ability to investigate major corruption cases, antigraft campaigners said.

"The recalls have tarnished the police's image, as the public will see them as revenge against the KPK," Donald Fariz, a legal investigator from Indonesia Corruption Watch, said on Sunday.

National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said that 20 officers had been recalled from the antigraft agency because their assignments had expired, and that the matter was just a routine rotation of officers. He denied there was any other reason for the staffing change.

But Neta S. Pane, Indonesia Police Watch executive director, said the recall showed that the police were worried that the expansion of the KPK's investigation into the procurement case, which involved driving simulators, would net more generals beyond the two already named by the antigraft agency. "The recall will worsen conflict between the two institutions," he said.

The driving simulator project reportedly cost Rp 196.8 billion ($21 million), including a mark up of about Rp 100 billion. Insp. Gen. Djoko Susilo, chairman of the traffic division when the project started, has been named a suspect by the KPK for allegedly taking a Rp 2 billion kickback to award the contract. To date, however, he has refused to comply with summons for questioning by the antigraft body.

The KPK has named four suspects in the case, including the inspector general and his former deputy, a one-star general. Police have named five suspects, but the general is not included.

Bambang Widodo Umar, a police affairs analyst, said on Saturday that if the withdrawn officers were replaced by competent officers, the controversy would likely pass. But if they were replaced by officers of lesser quality, the public would assume the move was merely to protect Djoko, a two-star general.

On Friday, KPK spokesman Johan Budi said it was disturbing that 20 detectives were recalled at a time when the KPK was handling so many cases.

Watchdogs criticize police plan to recall investigators from KPK

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – Graft watchdogs blasted on Sunday the National Police's plan to withdraw 20 of its investigators currently posted at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), saying that it would be an act of retribution for the anti-graft body's ongoing investigations into high- level police corruption.

"The National Police are angry that the KPK investigation could implicate elite members of the police. This withdrawal is just one way to punish the KPK and cripple its investigations," Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) activist Emerson Yuntho told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

Separately, Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) chairman Neta S. Pane said that the higher echelons of the police were now terrified of the KPK's investigation.

"The police elites are frightened by the KPK's recent maneuvers. They're especially nervous about the recent joint effort by the KPK and the TNI [Indonesian Military] to use the Guntur detention center to hold graft suspects," Neta explained.

Neta referred to a detention center in Guntur, South Jakarta, which is allegedly being prepared to hold high-ranking officials implicated in the driving simulators graft case.

Neta said that the police intention to block investigations into its ranks could be seen by the fact that only one of the 20 KPK investigators was handling the driving simulator graft case.

"It is safe to say that the withdrawal plan could be seen as an act of vengeance against the KPK," Neta said.

The National Police have confirmed they are recalling their investigators from the KPK. KPK deputy chairman Adnan Pandu Pradja said on Sunday the police had been "insensitive" by hastily recalling 20 out of the KPK's 80 investigators.

"It's not like changing tires. Our investigators are professionals who have undergone long training programs to develop expertise in corruption investigation," Adnan said on Sunday, adding the KPK would file an official objection to the National Police.

The 2002 Anti-corruption Law allows the antigraft body to recruit its own investigators, but so far it has relied on other institutions, including the National Police, to contribute to its effort.

The revelation of the police's plan to withdraw the investigators came amid the stand off between the KPK and the National Police after the former launched an investigation into an alleged high-profile graft case centering on the procurement of driving simulators by the National Police Traffic Corps in 2011.

The state allegedly lost more than Rp 100 billion (US$10.52 million) in the Rp 198.7 billion procurement fraud.

National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said on Sunday the investigators had been asked to leave the nation's top antigraft body, because their tenures would soon expire. "We will replace them with our best detectives," Boy said.

KPK spokesman Johan Budi said only one of the 20 investigators was directly handling the simulator case. He agreed that the sudden withdrawal could undermine the KPK's overall performance.

Edi Saputra Hasibuan, a member of the National Police Commission, shared Johan's opinion that the withdrawals might hamper the KPK investigation.

NU calls on members to stop paying taxes

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

Jakarta/Cirebon – The country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) waded into the debate on eradicating corruption in the country by proposing the death penalty for graft defendants and calling on its members to stop paying taxes.

One of NU's senior clerics Saifuddin Amsir said that graft convicts should be subject to the death penalty, especially repeat offenders.

"Corruption is destroying our nation. It is difficult to eradicate without the death penalty. Corruption systematically kills the people," Saifuddin said during a national meeting of the organization in Cirebon, West Java.

He added that NU made no recommendation on the style of execution, deferring the decision to the government whether it should resort to poisoning, beheading, lethal injection, sending the convict to the gallows or firing squad.

Earlier on Saturday, NU clerics called on members to join a civil disobedience campaign by not paying taxes as part of a movement to curb the misuse of taxpayers' money.

Member of the NU central board Slamet Effendi Yusuf said that the massive irregularities in collection, management and use of money from tax were worrying. "The NU suggests that citizens should stop paying their taxes," he said.

NU chairman Said Aqil Siroj said on Sunday that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had called him to hear an explanation of the tax boycott plan.

"The President said he could understand our position. The tax issues were discussed here in Cirebon as part of NU's warning to the government to professionally manage taxpayers' money," Said said.

Said added that the NU demanded the government improve tax management. "Otherwise, NU clerics may ask for tax boycott," he said.

The leaders of the nation's largest Muslim social organization began their national meeting on Saturday to discuss a number of crucial issues including terrorism and liberal democracy.

The meeting was opened by NU lawmaking body chairman Sahal Mahfudz and will be closed by President Yudhoyono on Monday. Yudhoyono is expected to deliver a speech during the closing ceremony.

In the last two days, NU leaders have debated recommendations suggesting the government revert to indirect election of local leaders.

NU figure Malik Madaniy said the method applied during the New Order regime, where governors, regents and mayors were elected by members of local legislative councils, was much more efficient.

"The government must review the direct election system, not only for provinces, but also for regencies and municipalities. Direct election is the direct result of the reform movement but in reality it has led to money politics and horizontal conflicts," Malik said.

The government has finished drafting the local elections bill stipulating that governors are to be elected by members of provincial councils. The bill, however, retains the current direct system for regents and mayors.

Terrorism & religious extremism

Indonesian police arrest 10 terror suspects

Associated Press - September 23, 2012

Niniek Karmini, Jakarta, Indonesia – An elite Indonesian anti-terror squad has arrested 10 Islamic militants and seized a dozen homemade bombs from a group suspected of planning suicide attacks against security forces and the government, police said Sunday.

Eight suspects were arrested Saturday in Central Java's Solo town and a ninth in West Kalimantan on the island of Borneo, national police spokesman Brig. Gen. Boy Rafli Amar said.

He said a 10th suspect, Joko Parkit, was arrested Sunday in Solo. Parkit's brother, Eko Joko Supriyanto, was shot to death by police in 2009 during raids seeking Southeast Asia's most wanted Islamist militant, Noordin M. Top. Noordin was killed by police a year later.

Amar said two of those arrested, Badri Hartono and Rudi Kurnia Putra, worked to recruit young men and taught at least one member of the group how to make bombs.

"They were the central figures of the group who had planned several terror attacks," Amar said. "They recruited, invited young men to be trained in a military-style jihadi camp and bought bomb-making materials."

He said the group planned to bomb the country's Parliament, shoot police and attack members of the anti-terrorism squad as part of a plan to establish Islamic Sharia law in the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation.

Police seized 12 homemade bombs along with other partially assembled bombs, three rifles, four swords and several jihadist books.

Solo is the hometown of convicted radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir. Police are investigating possible links between the unnamed group and other terrorism networks, Amar said. Authorities believe it has now been largely broken up, but are continuing to search for other members.

Since March, more than 30 militant suspects have been arrested and seven others killed in a series of raids in Indonesia. All of the suspects are believed to have been plotting domestic attacks, and some attended a military-style training camp in Poso on Sulawesi island.

Another member of the group, alleged bomb maker Muhammad Toriq, surrendered two weeks ago in Jakarta while carrying a gun and wearing a suicide bomber belt that did not contain any explosives. A second militant, Yusuf Rizaldi, gave himself up to police in North Sumatra three days later. Both provided information that led to the arrests of other members of the group in Saturday's raids, Amar said.

Indonesia, a secular nation, has been battling terrorists since 2002, when militants linked to the Southeast Asian network Jemaah Islamiyah began attacking Western nightclubs, restaurants and embassies. More than 260 people have been killed in the attacks, many of them foreign tourists.

Recent terror attacks in Indonesia have been carried out by individuals or small groups and have targeted local "infidels" instead of Westerners, with less deadly results.

Indonesian cleric urges more violence

Sydney Morning Herald - September 19, 2012

Michael Bachelard – The spiritual leader of radical Islam in Indonesia has urged his supporters to greater acts of violence in retribution against the producers of the film Innocence of Muslims.

Speaking from his prison cell, firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir called for the closure of the US embassy in Jakarta, which was briefly besieged by petrol-bomb-throwing protesters on Monday night.

While other Muslim clerics are calling for calm, Bashir, who is serving a 15-year jail term for establishing a terrorist training camp, told radical website aslami.org supporters should admire the action in Libya, which resulted in the death of the US ambassador.

"We have to react strongly over this harassment. We should not apologise [for Monday's attack on the US embassy] and, if needed, we should close it down," Bashir said.

"It is worth following what happened in Libya. This defamation attacks Allah and his prophet. The punishment is capital punishment [for the movie's producers] no other consideration."

The Islamic Defenders Front, or FPI, whose white-clad paramilitary was at the forefront of the action, has promised another, larger protest soon.

"As long as Obama has not apologised and revoked the movie, we're not afraid of conducting other rallies. We're targeting 10,000 people in an upcoming protest," said the head of FPI's Jakarta chapter, Novel Ba Mu'min.

Other Muslim scholars in Indonesia called for calm after 11 policemen were injured by flying debris, including marbles fired from slingshots, and five hardline protesters were taken into custody during Monday's protest. (With Bloomberg)

Hard-line & vigilante groups

FPI targets 7-Eleven, nightclub in South Jakarta

Jakarta Globe - September 23, 2012

Bayu Marhaenjati – Police in South Jakarta broke up a hard-line Islamic mob on Saturday night after they forcibly closed a 7-Eleven outlet on Jalan Pejaten Raya in Pasar Minggu.

Comr. Adri Desas Furianto, the Pasar Minggu Police chief, said on Sunday that the mob of around 20 men from the Jati Padang chapter of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) stormed the minimart at 10:15 p.m. and demanded that the staff shut it down.

He added that the mob, led by a cleric identified only as H., stuck up a poster that read "This building has been sealed off by the people of Pejaten Barat, Jati Padang, because it doesn't have a building permit, business permit or approval from the community."

Police then sent in a squad to break up the mob. "We also warned them not to break the law," Adri said. "If they do, we'll take action. They immediately dispersed in an orderly fashion."

The FPI members then marched onto a nightclub on Jalan Raya Tanjung Barat. The establishment was closed, but the mob still attempted to get inside. They were prevented from doing so by the police.

"We were able to stop them before they got in. They protested fiercely, but in the end ustad [cleric] H. and his members promised they wouldn't do anything else," Adri said.

The FPI members then went to a prayer recital at the home of another cleric, where they remained until 1 a.m.

Adri said police continued their patrols in the area until all the members had left and gone home. He said the FPI and representatives from the targeted businesses would meet on Monday at the Pasar Minggu subdistrict office to discuss their grievances.

FPI seals 7-eleven outlet in South Jakarta

Jakarta Post - September 23, 2012

Jakarta – Some 20 members of hard-line group the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) sealed 7-Eleven convenience store in Pejaten, Pasar Minggu in South Jakarta on Saturday evening following rumors that it had yet to secure its building permit.

The Pasar Minggu police precinct commander, Comr. Adri Deras Furyanto, said Sunday that FPI members, riding several motorcycles, arrived at the store at around 10 p.m. Adri said that the group's members, who wore white FPI jackets, forced five shop attendants to close the store.

The group then put up a banner that read "This building is sealed by residents of West Pejaten/Jati Padang because it has not obtained building and business permits, as well as permits from local residents".

The FPI also objected the shop's sales of alcoholic drinks. Shop attendants immediately left the outlet after the FPI members up the sign.

Adri said that he and another 20 police officers talked to the FPI members, but did not impose any punishment on the mob, given the fact that they did not commit any acts of vandalism.

According to Adri, the group had planned another raid on an entertainment center just minutes after they sealed the convenience store. However, Adri said that police officers managed to convince them to cancel their plans.

"The FPI has promised us that its members would not do similar things in the future," said Adri, adding that he would gather all related parties at a meeting on Monday to look for solutions for the problem.

Separately, South Jakarta Police spokesman Adj. Comr. Aswin Sipayung said that the police had yet to determine whether or not to question the FPI members, who are known for radical action.

"We have yet to receive reports about vandalism or violence related with the sealing of the store. We are still waiting for investigations from the Pasar Minggu police precinct," Aswin said. (riz/lfr)

'We were framed,' says FPI of embassy protest

Jakarta Post - September 17, 2012

The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) is claiming that they were framed at Monday's protest against an anti-Islamic movie that turned violent in front of the US Embassy in Jakarta.

Hundreds of members of the FPI and the Islamic People's Forum (FUI) – among other Islamic groups – staged a rally from the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta to the nearby US Embassy on Jalan Medan Merdeka Selatan at noon on Monday, in protest against the movie "Innocence of Muslims" which mocks Islam and the Prophet Muhammad.

The rally began peacefully according to reports, (despite causing some traffic congestion), but turned violent when protesters arrived in front of the US Embassy, with some of them hurling Molotov cocktails toward police officers, and police retaliating by spraying tear gas and shooting water canons. Seven police officers and several protesters were reportedly injured in the incident.

"As soon as we arrived and were preparing for orations, members of an organization attacked police. I cannot mention yet the name of the organization," the secretary of the Jakarta office of the FPI, Novel Ba Mu'min, told BeritaSatu.com on Monday. "We're still confused as to why the organization played an agent provocateur," he added.

Novel said the FPI would investigate the incident, as four FPI members were injured, and four others detained by police. He added the FPI would nevertheless continue staging protests against the film "Innocence of Muslims," and would even dispatch up to 10,000 people in an upcoming protest.

"As long as [US President Barack] Obama has not apologized and revoked the movie, we're not afraid of conducting other rallies. We're targeting 10,000 people in an upcoming protest," Novel said.

Violence erupts at US embassy in Jakarta

Sydney Morning Herald - September 17, 2012

Michael Bachelard, Jakarta – A mob of Indonesian Islamists waving jihad flags attacked the US embassy in Jakarta, throwing rocks and bricks, but they were repelled by tear gas and riot police.

About 500 people from a number of radical groups were protesting against the movie "The Innocence of Muslims" by calling for the arrest and death penalty for movie director and filmmakers Sam Bacile and Terry Jones.

Shouting "Allahu Akbar" and "F--- - America", the mob, many of whom were masked, marched on the embassy and, when they arrived, promptly began to attack. Riot police were initially caught unprepared and without their shields.

Volleys of rocks and bricks, broken from the pavement, rained on the police and embassy guards. Local media also reported several petrol bombs being thrown at the embassy.

One guard was pursued by a mob. It appeared he was eventually caught by a large group of protesters and surrounded, though it's not known what happened to him.

A police officer was carried from the scene by his comrades, with reports variously suggesting he had been hit by a rock or stabbed in the face. The protesters also targeted western journalist. At one stage a mob surrounded us threatening violence, accusing us of being Americans.

The protesters were praying, chanting Islamic slogans and singing as they continued to block the road outside the embassy.

The protest, which began with the burning of a US flag, was spearheaded by the Islamic Defenders Front or FPI, and Majelis Mujahideen Indonesia, the two increasingly muscular Indonesian radical groups recently responsible for preventing US pop star Lady Gaga from performing in Indonesia. The groups want Islamic law imposed in Indonesia.

Many of the protesters were wearing masks and paramilitary uniforms. Some of the protesters marched under the black flag of the radical group Hizb ut-Tahrir, and another which signifies allegiance with al-Qaeda.

Hard-liners clash with police outside US Embassy in Jakarta

Jakarta Globe - September 17, 2012

About 1,000 protestors hurled stones and Molotov cocktails in a clash with police outside the US Embassy in Central Jakarta Monday afternoon during a protest against an anti-Islam film.

At least one police officer was seen bleeding from the head and being carried to safety by fellow officers. Protesters also tried to ignite a fire truck parked outside the embassy and Molotov cocktails exploded against a fence surrounding the embassy. Police used a bullhorn to call for calm.

The demonstration started off peacefully as the group of several hundred protesters, many dressed in white, marched toward the mission on Jalan Medan Merdeka Selatan.

But the protest turned violent outside the embassy as members of the hard- line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Islamic Peoples Forum (FUI) flooded the scene, throwing rocks at the embassy and police, Detik.com reported.

Live footage aired on Metro TV showed protestors dressed in white hurling stones at Jakarta Police officers.

The demonstrations were the latest protests in Jakarta against "The Innocence of Muslim," a film that insulted the Prophet Muhammad and set off a series of violent protests across the globe.

Demonstrations were also held Monday in the cities of Medan and Bandung. Over the weekend in the central Java town of Solo, protesters stormed KFC and McDonald's restaurants, forcing customers to leave and management to close the stores.

The US Embassy posted a warning on its website telling American citizens to exercise caution in Jakarta and Medan and avoid large groups.

"The US Embassy has been informed by the Indonesian National Police that approximately 150 police will be present in Medan and approximately 1,500 police will be present in Jakarta during the demonstrations," the warning read. "We advise, as always, that people should avoid large crowds and other gatherings that might turn violent." (JG/AP)

Freedom of religion & worship

Shia leader sentence increased

Jakarta Post - September 21, 2012

Prodita Sabarini, Jakarta – Shia leader Tajul Muluk's prison sentence has been increased to four years from the previous two-year sentence on Friday. Prosecutors at Sampang District Court, East Java had originally demanded a five-year imprisonment for Tajul in July.

Tajul is the local Shia cleric whose followers were attacked by a Sunni mob in late August that killed two people. The mob ransacked more than 30 houses leaving 200 people displaced.

However, instead of the perpetrators standing trial Tajul was convicted on blasphemy charges, on July 12. He filed an appeal to the court soon after the verdict.

Tajul's defender Abdullah Djoepriyono also questioned the verdict, saying that the judgment was unfounded. He said blasphemy charges would need a ministerial decree declaring his Shia teaching to be deviant. (iwa)

Government has role in irreconcilable Shia-Sunni split: Dialogue

Jakarta Post - September 19, 2012

Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta – The government must intervene to uphold the law if Shia and Sunni Muslims come into conflict over their irreconcilable teachings, a forum has concluded.

Shiites in attendance, however, were disappointed with the theological and historical focus of the forum, which was organized by the nation's second- largest Sunni Muslim organization, Muhammadiyah.

"This kind of dialogue only satisfies religious elitists, such as clerics or the scholars." Jalaludin Rahmat, chairman of the consultative council of the Indonesian Ahlul Bait Association (IJABI), a Shia organization, said after the dialogue in Jakarta on Tuesday.

"We have had had similar dialogues that were organized nationally and internationally. These dialogues will not help ease tensions among followers of both sects, unless the government upholds the law," Jalaluddin said.

"The government should also amend or revoke any laws discriminating against minority groups in a show of its commitment to guarantee citizens' rights to religious freedom," Jalaludin said. Citing an example, Jalaludin said that the 1965 Blasphemy Law appears to have been used by majority Muslims to determine which groups are heretical.

"Therefore, we suggest that the government revoke this law as it has been abused to legitimately discriminate against minority groups such as us," Jalaludin said.

Aside from Jalaludin, the dialogue was also attended by Husein Shahab from the Shia organization Ahlul Bait Indonesia (ABI); Fahmi Salim, from the Jakarta chapter of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and who is also an executive of Muhammadiyah; and Imam Addaruqutni from Muhammadiyah's youth group.

Husein said that he respected Sunnis who attempted to convert Shiites. However, he encouraged the Sunnis to follow the existing laws in carrying out their mission.

"I appreciate missionaries from the Sunni community who are trying to convert the Shiites to Islamic teachings. But, please do that according to the norms," he said.

He emphasized that both Sunni and Shia shared a similar core of teachings, and thus the followers had no reasons to deny each other's existence in this country.

"We share the same core teachings of Islam. So don't let our differences in understanding several minor elements of the faith tear us apart. Moreover, we have been here for years; therefore, we must learn to accept each other as we will remain here. This is our country as well," Husein said.

Meanwhile, Fahmi of the MUI said that Sunnis also respected differences in the way both communities understood the teaching of Islam. However, he demanded the Shiites not provoke them by highlighting such differences in public.

"We have previously agreed to not promote each other's religious understanding wherever the other is majority. The Shia community must stick to this otherwise conflicts will be inevitable," he said.

He added that different theological teachings between the sects would not be easily resolved through a dialogue, and thus the government's presence amid conflicts would be crucial.

"It's really difficult to reach a consensus in faith through a dialogue, you know, especially when the participants dearly hold onto their principles. Therefore, the government must take the control when conflicts occur. Meanwhile, religious figures must educate their followers to control themselves and not be provoked by religious sentiment," he said.

Legal scholars back Shiite cleric jailed for blasphemy

Jakarta Globe - September 18, 2012

Firdha Novialita – Legal scholars poring over the trial and conviction of a Shiite cleric for blasphemy earlier this year have lambasted the episode as a study in the miscarriage of justice and called for an investigation by the Supreme Court and Judicial Commission.

Muhammad Arif Setiawan, a lecturer at the Indonesian Islamic University's Law School, said at a discussion on Monday that the trial of Tajul Muluk at the Sampang District Court in Madura Island, East Java, did not meet "academic standards" and was "legally flawed."

"All trials, when they are studied in retrospect, must meet a certain set of academic standards, but this one didn't," he said.

Tajul was sentenced to two years in jail on July 12 for telling students that the Koran was not the original holy text for Muslims, and that Muslims should pray three times a day instead of five. A month later, the Shiite community in Sampang was attacked by a mob of Sunni Muslims, leaving two dead and several injured.

Legal analysts found several irregularities in the way the case was handled.

"First, there was a problem with the investigation on which the charges were based," Arif said. "Several of the witnesses who were questioned by police did not speak Bahasa Indonesia, yet their statements presented at the trial were given in Bahasa."

Arif said a far more serious issue was the court's decision on which witnesses were allowed to testify. "All of the witnesses were allowed, except the one who professed to being a Shiite and a follower of Tajul's. So the Shiite side of the issue was swept aside," he said.

Zahru Arqom, a lecturer at Gadjah Mada University's Law School, agreed that the selection of witnesses was unfair. He also took issue with the court's refusal to admit Tajul's personal Koran as evidence, which Zahru argued would have exonerated the cleric of the allegations against him.

"The court could have studied the Koran to compare its contents and teachings [with a mainstream Koran]," he said. He also argued that the blasphemy charge brought against Tajul was inapplicable in the case.

"He was accused of heretical thinking, but for that charge to apply, there would have had to be a formal warning issued first by the authorities," he said.

"So the charge was based purely on fatwas [Islamic edicts] on heresy, and the expert witnesses presented to expound on this charge were not testifying from any recognized legal base. Yet the court overlooked this."

Zahru said there was also a problem with the second charge, that of causing criminal mischief.

"This charge is a criminal charge and hence distinct [from the blasphemy charge]. Yet this distinction was never made clear at the trial and the court should not have used it as the basis for the sentencing. The defendant should have been freed," he said.

Zahru added that Tajul had since mounted an appeal with the Supreme Court, and said he hoped that this would lead to the Sampang District Court's proceedings being scrutinized by the nation's highest court.

"The Supreme Court and the Judicial Commission should be investigating this matter," Zahru said. "It is far better to free 1,000 guilty people than to jail one innocent person."

Islam & religion

Food group nixes halal certification rules

Jakarta Post - September 20, 2012

Jakarta – Local food producers say that the controversial halal certification bill slated to become law in October must be amended to make halal certification of their products optional, not mandatory, as planned.

Yusuf Hadi, the deputy chairman of the Indonesian Food and Beverage Association (Gapmmi), said on Wednesday that lawmakers in the House of Representatives should not force local businesses to get halal certificates.

"We have set up a team to keep an eye on the progress of the bill and we remain firm in saying that the new law should not be mandatory for local firms," Yusuf said.

"There are still a group of non-Muslims in the country who account for 10 percent of the total population of 240 million people. We ought to not forget their needs," Yusuf added.

While acknowledging that most Indonesian consumers currently favored products with halal labels, despite the sticky certificates used by the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI), Yusuf said that the proposed regulation would likely burden smaller businesses.

The central government and lawmakers on House Commission VIII overseeing religious affairs have yet to finalize a price tag for the mandatory certification program, although they have agreed that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) would be subsidized to ensure that their products passed muster.

Local businesses currently spend from Rp 250,000 (US$26.21) to Rp 4 million per product to obtain halal certificates from the MUI's food, medicine and cosmetic analysis body (LPPOM). The process can take anywhere from three weeks to several months.

The bill, which was initiated by lawmakers and not the government, was introduced to protect local consumers, most of whom are Muslim, from products containing non-halal ingredients, such as pork and alcohol.

Under the proposed law, halal certificates and labels will be required for three sectors: food, beverages, cosmetics and pharmaceuticals. Certifications will cover ingredients and the equipment used to make the products.

Contacted separately, Ina Primiana, a member of the Institute for Economic Study, Research and Development (LP3ES), said that in the end, consumers would be the ultimate factor behind producers' decisions to get halal certificates.

Ina said that under the current regulations, producers were already required to account for ingredients on product packaging. Consumers "already have a way to determine which products are halal and which are not," Ina said. (asa)

Contentious issues

Halal certificates and labels will be required for food, beverages, cosmetics and pharmaceuticals.
A certification body will inspect businesses suspected of offering or using non-halal products.
Businesses provide specific details on their products, the ingredients and raw materials used to make the products, and details on their production processes.
Imported products will be subject to the law, with exception of products that have been certificated as halal in their country of origin.
Violators will be subject to up to eight years' imprisonment or required to pay a Rp 6 billion fine.
Companies that violate the law will be required to pay a fine of Rp 8 billion.

House to pass controversial halal certification bill 'soon'

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Jakarta – The government and lawmakers in the House of Representatives are speeding up the deliberation of a bill on halal certification amid complaints from local businesses who reckon the new rule will increase production costs.

Religious Affairs Ministry secretary-general Bahrul Hidayat was "optimistic", after a closed meeting with House Commission VIII overseeing religious affairs on Monday, that the the bill would be passed in October.

"The [House] session will be over on Oct. 26 and therefore we are looking for conclusion of the draft a week before that," he told The Jakarta Post.

Under the planned law, halal certificates and labels will be required for three sectors – food and beverages, cosmetics and pharmaceuticals – not only for all ingredients but also for all equipment used during the production process.

Up to now, legislators are still in disagreement on whether certification will be compulsory or voluntary. A lawmaker with the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), an Islamic-based party, Ledia Hanifa, said that her faction would push for the new law to be mandatory for local businesses who wish to sell their products to Muslim consumers.

She insisted that the new rule would boost Indonesia's market overseas; citing that the Muslim community abroad would definitely prefer products with halal certificates.

In contrast, Democratic Party lawmaker Ingrid Kansil said the ruling party would insist the regulation be voluntarily, because it would "be more costly if the rule became compulsory".

The government and legislators are still bickering over whether the new law requires a new compliance body. Legislators want to establish a new body, the National Halal Products Certification Agency (BNP2H), to oversee certification under the rule.

The role of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), according to legislators, will be limited to setting the so-called "halal standards". The government, however, has proposed the task of supervision be undertaken by the Religious Affairs Ministry instead.

Bahrul said that his office had proposed a new commission comprised of the MUI, NGOs and officials of the ministry to oversee the process instead of establishing a new agency.

The bill, in discussion since 2004, has worried local businesses who expect the certification process to be lengthy, complicated and expensive.

Ina Primiana, a researcher with the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), said that it was "unnecessary" to oblige local businesses to obtain halal certificates, expecting it to "become a burden for small businesses".

"The government has a duty to protect consumers, who largely belong to the Muslim community. However, I do not think it is wise to make it compulsory for local businesses, especially small ones, to obtain halal certificates," she said.

Consumers can decide on the products they prefer, which, according to her, would be "halal products". "Gradually, more businesses will obtain certification to woo consumers," she said.

Deputy Trade Minister Bayu Krisnamurthi told reporters in Jakarta that he hoped the new halal certificates would be recognized internationally. (asa)

Land & agrarian conflicts

Paper mill deploys force in land conflict

Jakarta Post - September 22, 2012

Apriadi Gunawan, Medan – Pulp and paper mill PT Toba Pulp Lestari (TPL) acknowledged on Friday that it had deployed security apparatus to face villagers in the conflict over a land dispute in Humbang Hasundutan regency, North Sumatra, on Wednesday.

At least five people were injured and an excavator owned by TPL set on fire during the clash. Police have yet to name suspects in the incident and as of noon on Friday, the situation around the TPL area was under control.

Juanda Panjaitan, speaking on behalf of TPL said security had returned to normal. He acknowledged police had helped with security, including assistance during the clash with the area's residents. According to Juanda, security carried out by the police was official given that TPL is a vital national asset that should be protected from anarchic acts.

Juanda said that during the clash with residents TPL and police did not retaliate.

"Despite assistance from the police, we were in a defensive position when the residents attacked. As evidence, many victims were from our side. They even injured a police officer and seized his gun," Juanda told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

Based on reports, the clash in the forested area was sparked by the presence of heavy machinery owned by TPL, which was clearing fully grown kemenyan (incense trees) in preparation for building a road.

Residents objected to the forest clearance on the grounds that they believed the land status to be customary and still in dispute, while TPL claimed the land was located in the Industrial Forest (HTI) that had been lent to the company until 2035.

"The area is state property but the company has a permit to build a road here because the land is part of TPL's HTI," said Juanda.

Pollung resident Marbun, 35, said a village representative attempted to notify the TPL security guards of their objections and demand that the land clearance activities be stopped. However, he said they did not heed the notification and a police officer alledgedly shouted words deemed inappropriate.

"Residents did not accept the harassment and eventually the crowd attacked the security guards and Mobile Brigade personnel," said Marbun.

North Sumatra Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Heru Prakoso said due to the incident, Humabang Hasundutan Police chief Insp. Gen. Wisjnu Amat Sastro was removed.

"Wisjnu was not present in his jurisdiction when the incident took place as he was in Medan. He is regarded to have failed to carry out the duties authorized to him," said Heru.

"No one has been named as a suspect yet. An investigative team has just been appointed and they will examine the motives behind the clash," said North Sumatra Police Crime and Intelligence Unit deputy chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Mashudi.

Regional autonomy & government

Yogyakarta sultan gets local legislators' blessing on new term

Jakarta Globe - September 22, 2012

Yogyakarta legislators affirmed a new era for some old faces on Friday, declaring Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X and Paku Alam IX the province's next governor and deputy governor at a plenary meeting.

"Sultan and Paku Alam have been officially declared as governor and deputy governor of Yogyakarta for 2012-2017," the speaker of the Yogyakarta legislative council (DPRD) said on Friday, as quoted by Antara news agency. "All members of DPRD Yogyakarta who attended the plenary meeting have agreed on the decision." The Sultan has served as governor of Yogyakarta since 1998, but recent discussions out of Jakarta had threatened to upend the province's monarchy rule.

In a plenary session speech laying out his vision and mission, the Sultan said he had long-term aspirations of making the province Indonesia's educational and cultural center. "Beside [these things, Yogyakarta] should also be a well-known tourism destination in Southeast Asia," the Sultan said.

Following the DPRD's unanimous decision, the Sultan will await the approval of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who will then preside over the Sultan's inauguration. That ceremony is scheduled for Oct. 9.

Last month, the House of Representatives passed a law affirming that the Sultan would automatically become governor of the province. The national government had wanted Yogyakarta's governor and deputy governor to be elected, as in all other provinces, but locals pointed to the special status of the region awarded by founding President Sukarno in return for its services to the young Indonesian republic.

At the peak of the tensions, Yogyakarta residents staged rallies demanding that the region break away from Indonesia. Given the strong resistance, the central government eventually softened its stance.

Analysts have praised the 66-year-old Sultan as an able governor, with the province of more than 3.5 million people seeing rising economic prosperity since he took office in 1998.

Under his rule, Yogyakarta remains one of Indonesia's wealthiest and most religiously tolerant provinces. Muslim minority sects such as the Ahmadiyah have sought refuge in the semi-autonomous province.

Jakarta & urban life

Leadership lessons in Jakarta pave way for 2014 election

Jakarta Globe - September 23, 2012

Pitan Daslani – Joko Widodo's victory in the Jakarta gubernatorial election has caused many politicians to re-examine their approach in representing the people's wishes.

The victory of the governor-elect, known as Jokowi, has vindicated a new theory that many of Indonesia's major political parties actually do not connect with their constituencies.

Although they claim to represent millions of voters, the biggest irony in Indonesia today is that when it comes to electing a new leader, political parties' aspirations contradict the wants of the people they represent.

This extreme conclusion emerged during the Jakarta gubernatorial election. When the ruling Democratic Party joined forces with the Islam-based United Development Party (PPP), National Mandate Party (PAN), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and Golkar Party to support Fauzi Bowo, the challenger's camp reacted humbly.

Megawati Sukarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democracy Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said that she was "being mobbed by the big players."

Her candidate, Jokowi, reacted to the establishment of the big coalition by saying that he would "set up a coalition with the people" because he believed that "people power would be enough" to confront the power of the big coalition.

People power

Based on the result of the first round of voting on July 11, it looked like Fauzi would win the runoff because PKS, PPP and Golkar had joined the ruling party's coalition and, theoretically, their followers would vote for Fauzi in the runoff.

The coalition did not understand that those who voted for Fauzi during the first round could easily change their minds and go against him in the second round. The politicians did not understand that voters made their choices, not because they believed in the dictates of the political parties, but because they were smart and politically mature enough to use sound rationale and good political logic.

The politicians thought that Jakarta voters were the kind of people who could easily be misled and persuaded to buy into their ethnic and religious slurs.

They were wrong. Most of the voters refused to cast their votes based on religious and ethnic considerations. Even at the polling stations near the homes of Fauzi Bowo and his running mate, Nachrowi Ramli, most of the native Betawi voters opted for Jokowi and his running mate, Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama. Ahok is a Christian of Chinese ethnicity, but his background did not matter to Muslim voters who constitute the majority of Jakarta's population.

Learning their lesson

The first lesson that political parties need to learn is that voters are too smart to be fooled. They will abandon political parties that fail to understand what they want.

The most important characteristic of an increasingly prosperous society is that people want change and they want it to happen quickly to ensure justice, transparency, social solidarity and a better life.

The fast expansion of the middle class means that politicians need to redefine their approach to this economically powerful and well-educated segment of society lest they be abandoned. Outdated postures as well as ethnic and religious slurs come as an insult to such a level of society.

The second lesson that needs to be learned is that society wants a new generation of leaders. Old public figures will not "sell" well now because the Jakarta election, as the barometer for Indonesia, has produced young leaders with whom most of the voters, especially young people, associate themselves. Young voters look at Jokowi and Ahok as "one of us." Jokowi was born in 1961 and Ahok in 1966.

The third lesson politicians must now learn is that today's Indonesian voters hate bossy, bureaucratic-looking, aristocrat-like public figures running for office.

Such candidates will not be seen as "one of us" by the majority of voters whose new belief in democracy and human rights has torn down the walls that separated the haves from the have-nots. Jokowi's humble lifestyle was more powerful than anything money could create as a magnet to attract public sympathy.

Instead of giving the people money to support him, it was the people voluntarily supported Jokowi in many ways. Even in the speech immediately after the announcement of his quick-count victory, Jokowi told supporters that he had nothing to give them right away but would work for the sake of Jakarta's citizens and make sure that "nobody would be left behind."

The fourth and most notable lesson from Jokowi's victory is that money politics did not work here. Voters did not expect money from Jokowi, they only wanted a leader who could introduce change and live among them. So, it is political parties and transactional politicians who are spoiling society with money in order to satisfy their short-term selfish ambitions.

The fifth lesson for political parties comes from the televised gubernatorial candidate debates. Voters don't like to see officials exhibiting a defensive – as if flawless – posture. At one point during the first debate on JakTV, Jokowi used the phrase, "according to a stupid person like me..." when he criticized Fauzi's transportation policy.

Only a humble leader like Jokowi can do that. Public figures who hail from upper segments of society and who do no mingle with the lower walks of life would avoid using such a phrase because they think it would downgrade their image. That is wrong. Jokowi proved that by expressing such a humble remark, he drew millions of people to his camp with his humility.

A new lesson now is that in politics, arrogance is your biggest enemy and being defensive the quickest way to reveal your dishonesty and lack of self-awareness. Fauzi is actually a great leader, a smart architect who received a doctorate in Germany, specializing in city planning. But in terms of political communication, he failed to impress voters.

So, the sixth lesson politicians need to learn is that the power of a true campaign lies not in your appearance in front of the people's eyes but in communicating with their hearts.

Ours is a society fraught with hypocrisy. Appearing defensively flawless – the ultimate goal of all the image-building campaigns – is a confirmation of the opposite. People don't believe in appearances today. They believe in being one's self, transparent and humble.

A brand new day

A new awareness is now growing in society that a true leader is one who serves rather than one who seeks to be served. Jokowi knows this very well and puts it into practice.

But we must also acknowledge Fauzi's political maturity. He called Jokowi right after learning of his defeat and congratulated his challenger. This is the right attitude that must be socialized among political leaders. Objectivity and patriotism in politics as such must be perpetuated in our culture.

The Jakarta election represents a huge political mirror for all the big parties to examine themselves. If they don't make adjustments, voters will abandon them. This is a prelude to the presidential election in 2014.

Jokowi 'will remain' independent

Jakarta Post - September 23, 2012

Jakarta – Experts refute concerns that Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and his running mate, Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama, may have to compromise with power-hungry politicians at the Jakarta City Council after emerging triumphant in the gubernatorial runoff election.

Yunarto Wijaya, a political expert from the think thank Charta Politika, said that such concerns were unfounded because a governor still had more decision-making power than the council, which mostly consists of parties that backed Jokowi's competitor.

"Besides the executive, legislative and judicial bodies, we still have the media and civil society to monitor issues of governance," he said. "Just look at the case of the House of Representative [DPR]. The public are angry whenever House members want to build a lavish building or go overseas for a study trip," he added.

Jokowi and Basuki were nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), which hold a combined 17 out of 94 seats at the council. The rest of the seats are occupied by national parties that joined forces to support incumbent Governor Fauzi Bowo and his running mate, Nachrowi Ramli, in the Sept. 20 runoff.

To gain further public support, Jokowi and Basuki would have to be transparent in all of their work and programs so that the public could judge the pair's governance on their own, said Yunarto.

"If the public have the information that they need, then they will be able to support and protect Jokowi and Ahok's governance in case the council interferes," he said.

Jokowi recently said that he would make the city's budget more transparent. Basuki went even further by saying that he would disclose his salary by putting the information on a website.

Sharing a similar view, University of Indonesia (UI) social psychologist Hamdi Muluk also said that the power of the public could not be underestimated as it was what saw Jokowi and Basuki through the gubernatorial election, despite being backed by only two political parties.

He said that the pair would also be supported by the city's residents if they launched viable and justifiable programs.

Basuki was also optimistic that the council would not interfere with his work because political parties were sensitive about public perception ahead of the 2014 legislative elections.

"More than half of the voters chose us [in the runoff]. If they want to still have a seat at the council, then they won't have the guts [to oppose us]," he said on the sidelines of a discussion on elections, organized by Sindo Radio, on Saturday.

If the council did hinder his work, Basuki said, he would not back down or let it jeopardize the public's interest.

Based on quick count results by pollsters, Jokowi defeated Fauzi in the runoff by a margin of about 10 percent. The Jakarta General Elections Commission (KPU Jakarta) will release the preliminary results of the runoff by Sept. 29.

Jakarta will see its new governor and deputy governor inaugurated on Oct. 7, as long as no complaints are filed after the runoff results are officially announced. (han)

Getting ready to govern Jakarta with Jokonomics

Jakarta Globe - September 22, 2012

Pitan Daslani, Dion Bisara & Tito Summa Siahaan – As Jakarta's next governor Joko Widodo prepares to take the oath of office in early October, business leaders and analysts have cautioned that his bottom-up approach on the capital's economy should be in line with the development of the city's actual economic potential.

Final results of the Jakarta gubernatorial election are due next Friday and – should the result of the official vote-counting by the election committee be accepted by incumbent Fauzi Bowo – the new governor, known as Jokowi, will be sworn in on Oct. 7.

Jokowi, 51, and born in Solo, Central Java, would be the youngest governor in the past decade. The late Ali Sadikin and Henk Ngantung were each appointed governor of Jakarta when they were 39 at separate times during the 1960s.

Jokowi's actual policies will not be known until after he officially takes office. But based on remarks he and his running mate Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama made during the campaign, the new governor will most likely implement what the Jakarta Globe calls Jokonomics, in reference to the economic policies of Jokowi that emphasize bottom-up empowerment of society through various economic programs.

His emphasis on the need to redesign the city's spatial plan to allow for the establishment of low-cost apartments and integration of housing and transportation policies have created anxiety with some business leaders, especially in the property and retail sectors.

Jokowi has said that, while not being specifically against the construction of new shopping malls, he would make sure that such establishments will not encourage materialistic and hedonistic behavior. Therefore, he plans to modernize traditional markets as viable alternatives for city shoppers.

Didik J. Rachbini, head of the Institute for Economic Research and Development (LP3E) at the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), said that in order to reduce unemployment, Jokowi must prioritize the development of small- and medium-scale businesses (SMEs) and limit the growth of modern retailers.

But Handaka Santosa, the Jakarta chairman of the Indonesia Shopping Center Management Association (APPBI), said that developers expect the new governor to comply with the existing spatial master plan bylaw.

"The bylaw stipulates details of the parts of Jakarta that are meant for residences and the parts meant for business and commercial districts," said Handaka, who is also the vice president of Agung Podomoro, one of the country's largest property developers.

Agung Podomoro, controlled by billionaire Trihatma Kusuma Haliman, owns Senayan City and Kuningan City, both in South Jakarta, among other malls.

Handaka also called for the next governor to take into consideration that commercial districts are the main driver of the capital's economic growth. "Jakarta has no mineral resources or plantation business, but services, trade and tourism are flourishing here," he added.

Jakarta's economy grew 6.6 percent in the first half this year, faster than the national growth of 6.3 percent, driven by the logistics-communication sector, services sector and trade-hotel-restaurant sector. The province accounted for 13 percent of Indonesia's $820 billion economy last year – equivalent to $107 billion.

On the flip side, the unemployment level stood at 10.7 percent in February, higher than the national level of 6.3 percent.

Stefanus Ridwan, the national chairman of APPBI, said that big vendors are only a small part of shopping malls' business. "Actually, 90 percent of vendors in shopping malls are small- and medium-sized enterprises, and most of us use big vendors to attract them to set up shop," he added.

Destry Damayanti, the chief economist at Bank Mandiri, Indonesia's largest lender by assets, offered a different take on Jakarta's economic development, saying that the capital already has enough malls.

"What Jakarta needs is to be more productive, which will be good for the economy. And this can be done by solving the traffic issues, not building more malls," she said.

The Jokonomics concept that the new governor will implement is a broad- based economic empowerment strategy that includes streamlining of the bureaucracy and introduction of facilities to enable even the poorer walks of life to get better access to health care, housing and educational services – apart from government facilitation of SMEs.

The bottom-up planning will include introduction of health and smart cards to enable access to free health-care and educational services. Jokowi wants city residents to enjoy free education up to the high school level and for the poor to get free medication in all public hospitals. He will allocate at least Rp 800 billion ($84 million) for such free cards.

He plans also to build vertical and horizontal residences for the poor to be called Kampung Susun and Kampung Deret that would replace all slum areas.

Instead of waiting for days to get an identification card or a business license that is often associated with bribing city officials, the Jokonomics concept will abolish all illegal levies and expedite licensing processes. He wants ID cards to be issued in one hour and business licenses in six hours' time – the same length of process as in Solo.

He also will issue land certificates for residents who have occupied a certain area for at least 20 years. There will be no more stories of people being forcibly evicted from their homes because Jokonomics will ostensibly protect them.

To ease traffic jams, Jokowi plans to increase to 1,000 the number of TransJakarta buses, encouraging the use of public transportation. There are about 500 TransJakarta buses across the city. Housing and transportation policies will be integrated so that Jakarta residents do not have to travel far, thus alleviating traffic jams, to get to work.

The new governor will also provide Rp 2 million in burial funding for the city's poor. Being a devout Muslim, the new governor is against free sex, abortion, divorce and drugs, so he may issue rulings to ban or restrict such practices. But much of the city's revenue comes from the nightlife industry, which may become a bone of contention for the new governor.

Major political parties suffer setback supporting Fauzi Bowo

Jakarta Globe - September 22, 2012

Ezra Sihite & Lenny Tristia Tambun – Incumbent Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo's defeat to Solo Mayor Joko Widodo in the Jakarta gubernatorial race was a big blow to major political parties that backed him up for the governorship.

"It's undeniable that the [regional election outcome] is a big blow to parties that supported [him] and it was the political parties' failure to capture the wish of the Jakarta people who wanted change," said Teguh Juwarno, secretary of National Mandate Party (PAN) faction on Friday.

Teguh said that Jokowi and his running mate Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama are considered original and modest figures who promised to bring improvement and changes to the capital.

He said that what political parties should understand from the outcome is that the charisma of a candidate becomes an important factor in regional head elections and legislative elections.

Ramadhan Pohan, secretary general of the Democratic Party, said Jokowi's victory was not the work of the parties that supported him but that he won because the people wanted change.

Ramadhan said that Jokowi's victory surprised not only the party but also the Indonesian people in general. He emphasized that Jokowi and Basuki's victory is a warning that it was now time for the country be led by a younger generation.

"The Jakarta election result surprised us all. Surprisingly, Jokowi-Ahok won significantly. The people like them despite their younger age. This is a danger sign for old candidates," he said. "What happened in the Jakarta election could have an impact on the 2014 presidential election."

Meanwhile, M. Romahurmuziy, secretary general of the United Development Party (PPP), said political parties that supported Fauzi Bowo and his running mate Nachrowi Ramli had worked hard to get him to win but the efforts failed due to the candidates' lack of charm.

"Compared to the first round, Foke's vote-increase in the second round was higher than Jokowi's. Quick counts from several survey companies showed that Foke gained 47 percent of the vote. This means Foke's vote increased 13 percent from the first round, where he gained 34 percent of the vote in the real count. Compare this to Jokowi's quick count that estimated a 10 percent increase," he said.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhyono congratulated Jokowi via telephone from Cikeas, Bogor on Thursday night.

[Additional reporting from Suara Pembaruan.]

Jokowi-Ahok victory trumps race, religion

Jakarta Post - September 21, 2012

Andreas D. Arditya and Novia D. Rulistia, Jakarta – The victory of Joko "Jokowi" Widodo and his Chinese-Christian running mate, Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama, in the gubernatorial runoff, is, if anything, proof that Jakartans have overcome polarizing sentiments.

The capital saw a generally smooth and peaceful election day on Thursday, despite weeks of negative campaigning and racial insults since the first round of voting on July 11.

Jakartans were apparently more eager to vote in the runoff, with pollsters saying that an average of 65 percent of 6.9 million registered voters cast their ballots on Thursday, up from 63.7 percent in July.

The Jakarta Police also reported no substantial incidents during the runoff. All was quiet, for example, in Tanah Tinggi in Johar Baru, Central Jakarta – one area previously identified as a potential hot spot due to repeated brawling.

"There's no trouble here. Everything's fine," one local resident, Veronica, said while watching officials count ballots at polling station (TPS) 13 in Tanah Tinggi.

Meanwhile on Jl. Kebun Jeruk III in Hayam Wuruk, Central Jakarta, lines of voters were seen waiting to exercise the franchise. Some even stayed until the vote counting process began later in afternoon.

Enthusiastic voters were also seen lining up at their local TPS in Sawah Besar, Central Jakarta, "I have shown my support for this city. Whoever wins, I hope they can make Jakarta safe," Chandra Kurniawan, a local resident, said.

A similar mood was evident in Kelapa Gading Timur, North Jakarta, where most registered voters are Chinese-Indonesian, like Ahok.

One voter, Yulius said that she was excited to vote, as it was her obligation as a law-abiding citizen. "I felt that it was necessary to exercise my right to vote," the 60-year-old woman said.

As the runoff neared, messages circulated on social media websites and BlackBerry Messenger that riots might erupt targeting Chinese-Indonesians, as last happened in Jakarta in 1998.

Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst from the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI), said voters had not been swayed by threats of riots based on race and religion.

"The way voters viewed the incumbent's performance and their evaluation of Governor Fauzi Bowo were stronger factors in driving them to the polls," Burhanuddin said at the LSI offices in Menteng, Central Jakarta.

According to the quick counts compiled by several pollsters, Jokowi won from 53 to 57 percent of vote, while Fauzi garnered between 42 and 46 percent of the vote.

Jokowi finished first in July, receiving 1.85 million, or 42.6 percent of the 4.3 million votes cast, while Fauzi came in second with 1,48 million votes. As neither campaign secured a majority, Joko and Fauzi advanced to the runoff.

Burhanuddin said that voters who backed Jokowi were disappointed with Fauzi. "If he wins, Jokowi will not have much time to enjoy his victory. He has to get to work and show results quickly."

Jokowi faced a tough crowd, Burhanuddin said, given the capital's well- educated and relatively well-to-do middle class. "A large middle-class population is a source of political instability. Jokowi will face this if he wins," he said.

One disabled voter said that election officials had corrected some shortcomings on Thursday that hindered his ability to vote in July.

"I could read the Braille ballot faster simply because there were only two candidates. In the first round, there were six candidates, so I had to read it carefully," Roziin Fakih, 44, a blind resident of Cawang, East Jakarta, said.

However, Roziin said that his local election committee (KPPS) still blundered on Thursday. "An officer immediately accompanied me without asking if I had brought someone that I had trusted to accompany me."

Election law stipulates that polling stations must facilitate disabled voters at the ballot box. Officers at the regional committee are required to tell disabled voters that they can choose to be accompanied by a companion of their choice or by a member from the committee. (han/riz)

Outsider breathing new ideas into Jakarta election

New York Times - September 19, 2012

Sara Schonhardt, Jakarta – The campaign for governor of Indonesia's chaotic capital has, at times, resembled a rock concert, punctuated by guitar riffs, fist pumps and checkered shirts. At its heart is Joko Widodo, a candidate whose message of change has propelled him into the upstart contender for leader of one of Asia's most important metropolises.

In July, Mr. Joko, the mayor of Surakarta in Central Java, surprised pollsters by emerging from the first round of elections with 43 percent of the vote, ahead of the man who had been expected to win, Gov. Fauzi Bowo, who took 34 percent. With none of the six candidates winning a majority, Mr. Joko and Mr. Fauzi will compete in a runoff on Thursday.

This is only the second time Jakarta residents have voted for their city's leader directly, and Mr. Joko, with his signature checkered shirts and populist manner, has injected new enthusiasm into the process. In a country where politicians often come from a tight-knit elite or have ties to the late president and military strongman Suharto, Mr. Joko, best known by his nickname Jokowi, appears to represent a new breed of politician, analysts say.

A furniture exporter who entered politics for the first time when he ran for mayor in 2005, he is widely perceived as clean and capable in a country beset by corruption – Transparency International ranked Indonesia 100th out of 182 countries in 2011. As mayor of Surakarta, Mr. Joko helped relocate street vendors to ease traffic congestion and introduced a modern tram system. He streamlined business application procedures, widened access to health services and cleaned up slums, the last an issue with special appeal to Jakarta voters. In 2010, he was re-elected with 90.9 percent of the vote. He is on the short list for World Mayor 2012, an award given out every two years by the City Mayors Foundation, an international research organization.

The question now is whether he can replicate his success in Surakarta, a city of 520,000, in the country's sprawling capital, with its population of more than 10 million. His supporters hope so.

"He tackled the challenges in Solo and made it the best city in Indonesia," said Kiki Arpio, an insurance agent at a campaign event for Mr. Joko, using another name for Surakarta. "What's important is that he has a good vision for the city."

Analysts say Mr. Joko's first-round victory signaled that voters were eager for new leadership. It could also be a sign that traditional party affiliations and endorsements are waning in significance and could serve as a precursor to national elections scheduled for 2014.

"This election is a test to see if the political party apparatus is still an asset," said Wimar Witoelar, a veteran political observer who was a spokesman for Abdurrahman Wahid, a former president.

Mr. Fauzi, 63, has deep roots in the Jakarta establishment, having served more than three decades as a civil servant and politician, and enjoys the backing of many Muslim leaders, academics and city officials. Most of Indonesia's major parties are supporting him, including the Golkar Party, part of the governing coalition of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and led by Aburizal Bakrie, a presidential contender for 2014.

Mr. Joko, 51, has the support of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle, headed by former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who lost to Mr. Yudhoyono in 2004 and plans to run again in 2014.

Mr. Joko is also backed by the four-year-old Great Indonesia Movement Party, whose head, Prabowo Subianto, a former special forces commander with his own presidential ambitions, is helping finance his campaign. This has led some analysts to ask whether Mr. Prabowo intends to use an association with Mr. Joko to rehabilitate his own standing, which was tarnished by allegations of human rights abuses in the late 1990s under Mr. Suharto, his former father-in-law.

For now, at least, Mr. Joko's candidacy has shaken up politics as usual, they say. "He's a cute figure, a funky figure, him and his checkered shirts and naivete," said Mr. Wimar. "It's nice to have somebody busting the party oligarchy."

Douglas Ramage, an analyst with the Bower Group Asia and an expert on Indonesian politics, said: "Voters are looking for integrity and clean governance. Party identification has collapsed in Indonesia."

Mr. Joko has played up his outsider status. His supporters call themselves ants up against an elephant. "Now my alliance is with the people – a coalition with the people only," he said at recent gathering for campaign volunteers.

Whoever wins the governorship will control a $4.3 billion budget and oversee the financial and political heart of one of the world's fastest- growing economies. That makes it a bit of a "honey pot," said Mr. Ramage, noting that Jakarta's wealth has helped fuel official corruption, often cited as a deterrent to foreign investment.

A new administration in Jakarta could expose much of the cronyism that operates under the surface, Mr. Ramage said, but he cautioned that it would be difficult for Mr. Joko to overhaul an entrenched bureaucracy and clamp down on corruption, something that President Yudhoyono, who campaigned on such a platform, has found daunting.

Mr. Fauzi has defended his record against criticism that he has done little to improve the city's paralyzing traffic, decrepit infrastructure and poor access to clean water.

"Jakarta is one of the megacities of the world, and managing this is not as simple as ABC," he said in an interview. "You need experience, you need to prove you're capable, you need the heart for the city."

That point was underlined by a popular Jakarta comedian known as Mandra, who is quoted as saying on Mr. Fauzi's campaign Web site: "The mustache guy must continue with development," a reference to the governor's trademark facial hair.

After Mr. Fauzi's second-place showing in the first vote, he began speaking more assertively about his accomplishments: a 12-year compulsory education program, lower unemployment, higher per capita income.

"I'm trying to reach out to more people, consolidating my networks that are already established, and restructuring my campaign strategy to be more down to earth," he said. But even he admitted that Mr. Joko, whom he called a "media darling," has presented a formidable challenge.

Mr. Joko, meanwhile, is steadfast in his fight. Asked during a recent press gathering what it would mean if the "elephant" defeated him on Thursday, he chuckled and said: "Nah, the ants will win."

Fauzi accused of diverting $5.8 million into Jakarta governor's campaign

Jakarta Globe - September 19, 2012

Ronna Nirmala & Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Just days before Thursday's Jakarta gubernatorial runoff election, revelations have emerged that the administration of Fauzi Bowo may have laundered up to Rp 55 billion ($5.8 million) through welfare grants to finance his campaign.

Darwanto, a researcher with the nongovernmental Indonesia Budget Center, said on Tuesday that the signs of misappropriation were based on an investigation of grant payments by the city administration to charitable institutions and community organizations since May.

"Institutions or community groups with apparent political links to the incumbent received a total of Rp 17.14 billion in grants," he said. He added that all 12 recipient groups in this category were either known donors to Fauzi's re-election campaign or had ties to the campaign team.

Darwanto also said the IBC found indications that grants totaling Rp 20 billion were given to institutions and foundations chaired by Sri Hartati, the governor's wife. "There was also Rp 18 billion in grants given to two institutions where the governor himself chaired the board of trustees," Darwanto said.

Triple down

Other findings revealed in the IBC investigation included payments totaling Rp 225 million to eight institutions that turned out to be non-existent, as well as Rp 310 million to 10 institutions that had the same listed address, indicating that they were shell organizations.

There were also several institutions that received a combined Rp 140 million without even knowing that they were recipients of the city's social welfare funding program.

"What's really interesting, though, is that some institutions were offered funding by the governor's campaign team, but were denied any money after they refused to endorse the incumbent's bid," Darwanto revealed. "There were four of these institutions or community groups, which were expected to get a total of Rp 65 million."

Darwanto said the IBC investigation was prompted by suspicions about the huge increase in grant payments being made this year by the Jakarta administration.

The IBC noted that in 2008, Jakarta earmarked Rp 367 billion in grants to social and charity organizations, while the figure rose to Rp 434 billion in 2010. No elections were held in either of those years. This year, the city's budget for grants tripled to Rp 1.3 trillion.

Paging the KPK

IBC researcher Roy Salam previously said that welfare grants were particularly prone to misappropriation by officials because there were no stringent requirements for accountability.

"The funding is determined by the regional head and its use is never detailed in the region's annual accounting report," he said. "How this fund is used is at the discretion of the regional head and can easily be exploited to the advantage of incumbents seeking re-election."

Arif Nur Alam, the IBC executive director, said his organization has collected substantial evidence indicating the alleged misappropriation by Fauzi's administration. He planned to submit his information to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu).

He said the evidence pointed to electoral violations as well as criminal embezzlement. "We hope the KPK can follow up immediately on this report that there has been corruption by the governor in the management of the city budget for welfare," Arif said.

Arif also criticized the Home Affairs Ministry for not keeping closer tabs on how regions allocated their welfare budgets, saying this case highlighted the need for a moratorium on discretionary grants that were not transparent or openly accounted for.

"This should serve as a warning to the central government," he said. "There needs to be a policy in place whereby a moratorium on grants is imposed two years before a regional election. This is the way to prevent misappropriations for re-election funding."

Bureaucrats on the prowl

The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) has also leveled allegations of budget irregularities by the city administration in connection with the gubernatorial election.

Fitra coordinator Uchok Sky Khadafi said on Tuesday that his group found evidence that billions of rupiah allocated for the election had been spent on questionable projects that are seemingly designed to allow bureaucrats to siphon off the money.

This included Rp 8.5 billion to build election monitoring posts across the city, including some on unpopulated land in the Thousand Islands district.

Uchok also cited the case of a project to provide food for polling station officials in North Jakarta. The bid of Rp 298 million was won by a catering service based in South Jakarta.

Uchok pointed out there were two companies that had submitted bids – of Rp 285 million and Rp 259 million. He said that the higher bid was chosen because it allowed for a bigger kickback to the officials overseeing the project.

He said this project was typical of the myriad other projects linked to the polls, which he called "a windfall for the city's bureaucrats." "No matter who wins the election, the bureaucrats in the Jakarta administration will be the ones who come out ahead," Uchok said.

Justifiable funding

The city administration, however, has denied any wrongdoing with regard to the welfare grants, saying it can easily justify the marked increase in grants this year.

Sukri Bey, head of the Jakarta Financial Management Body (BPKD), said his office had repeatedly explained that there were a series of "large-scale activities" this year that the city was funding through grants, including sending a contingent of athletes to the National Games (PON) and an increase in school operational aid (BOS) for public and private elementary and junior high schools.

He pointed out that although the money for the BOS came from the central government, it was distributed by regional authorities through grants, under the terms of a 2011 decree from the Home Affairs Ministry.

"And finally, we're also funding the election this year, including the operations of the KPUD [Jakarta General Elections Commission] and Panwaslu, which is done in every election through grants," Sukri said.

Sidebar: Indonesia Budget Center reveals billions in funding 'irregularities' to support Fauzi

The Indonesia Budget Center has released findings of what it calls irregularities in allocations for grants and welfare funding, reportedly farmed out to support Governor Fauzi Bowo's re-election campaign. The following are some of the findings:

Welfare funding:

Rp 11.9 billion given to 11 organizations, including four Betawi groups and the Indonesian Council of Ulema, with direct ties to Fauzi's campaign team
Rp 20 billion given to 10 organizations chaired by the governor's wife
Rp 18 billion given to two organizations whose boards of trustees are chaired by the governor
Rp 140 million withheld from nine recipients, including eight Islamic foundations, previously approved for funding
Rp 65 million withheld from four recipients, including one school and two Islamic foundations, because of their alleged refusal to support the incumbent
Rp 135 million removed from funding for three Islamic foundations

Grants:

Rp 240 million given to 10 organizations, including five Islamic foundations, with direct ties to Fauzi's campaign team
Rp 310 million given to 10 recipients, including two Islamic foundations and six police- and military-linked institutions, with the same address
Rp 225 million given to eight recipients, including nine Islamic foundations, that do not exist

Intelligence & state security

Calls mount to reject government's national security bill

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Lawmakers and rights groups have rejected the deliberations on the contentious national security bill and called on the House of Representatives' leaders to return the bill to the government, fearing that it could undermine the country's fledgling democracy.

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker Sidharto Danusubroto, also a member of the House's Commission I on defense, foreign affairs and information, said on Monday that his faction, together with the United Development Party (PPP) and the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party factions, had decided to reject the bill.

The three factions accused the government of failing to heed their earlier calls. The House had earlier twice rejected the bill's draft.

"The bill considers almost all physical and non-physical dangers as threats to national security. And articles 17 and 54 of the bill give full authority to the national security council to determine which activities, meetings or information on national media can be considered national security threats. It also gives pro justicia [investigative] authority to the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Intelligence Agency (BIN)," he said.

Sidharto said the investigative authority would overlap with that of existing law enforcement agencies. He was concerned that the military could abuse their authority as it would be allowed to instigate raids, detain and interrogate criminal suspects.

"Investigative authority, under the pro justicia procedure, is clearly held by police and prosecutors under the Criminal Code," he said.

Separately, the coordinator of the National Committee for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Haris Azwar, accused lawmakers of accepting bribes for participating in the deliberations of the bill, which are expected to begin next week.

"All factions have agreed to discuss the bill, because they have been promised financial incentives in the coming sessions," he said.

He said Kontras was skeptical about the political commitment of Hanura and the Great Indonesian Movement (Gerindra) Party since the two parties possessed an entrenched militaristic culture.

Hanura is chaired by Gen. (ret.) Wiranto, a former TNI chief, while Gerindra is controlled by Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto, a former commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus)

Harris also alleged that the bill could be used by political parties and their leaders to protect their interests in the mining sector. "Regional heads, mostly from political parties, have given their full support to the bill as many dreamed of financially benefitting from the bill," he said.

Agus Gumiwang Kartasasmita, who is chairing the special committee assigned to deliberate the bill, defended the bill despite its contentious provisions. He assured that the special committee and the defense minister, representing the government, would make necessary adjustments to the bill.

"The House and the government will work together to make necessary revisions. Rejecting the bill is not a solution," he said.

Program director of human rights watchdog Imparsial, Al Araf, said the bill could herald the return of the moribund command for security and the restoration of order (Komkamtib), which was notorious during the New Order regime. Article 54 stipulates that soldiers and intelligence agents have the authority to detain and investigate whoever threatens national security.

"If the bill is passed into law, students, activists, workers, farmers and villagers may no longer be allowed to stage demonstrations, as they may be considered a threat to national security."

Mining & energy

House slammed for backing rate hike

Jakarta Post - September 19, 2012

Jakarta – Local businesses strongly criticized the House of Representatives' decision to approve a rise in electricity prices next year, stating that bureaucrats had decided "to murder local industry".

Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) chairman Sofjan Wanandi told The Jakarta Post that the 15 percent increase in power prices next year would have knock-on increases in operating costs for local industry.

"Aside from the electricity price hike, local industries have already been hampered by the government's recent approval of a 50 percent boost the price of gas for industry and the planned rise in Jakarta's provincial minimum wage [UMP] next year," he said Tuesday.

The Apindo chairman was commenting on approval by House Commission VII overseeing energy affairs of the government's proposal to increase electricity rates, which is expected to cut around Rp 12 trillion (US$1.2 billion) from government spending on subsidies. The government said that if there was no price increase, the electricity subsidy would increase to Rp 92.52 trillion from the Rp 80.93 trillion in the 2013 budget proposal.

The price rise, which excludes consumers from the small households and businesses using between 450 and 900 volt-amperes, would be implemented gradually, by between 3 to 4 percent a quarter from January, to lessen the impact on consumers, given traditionally intense public opposition to utility rate increases.

According to Sofjan, who claims the government and House had not discussed the decision with industry, local businesses already face declines in exports thanks to the global economic downturn.

The government, he added, must not blame businesses if they choose to import more materials next year to cut costs.

"It is the only thing businesses can do to cut costs other than cost efficiency, which of course, they will try to avoid," he said, adding that he had gathered businesses associations, including textile and glass industries to discuss the matter.

Sofjan said that the government and the House had decided to "murder" local industries by endorsing the power price hike, saying that if they wanted to increase government revenue, they should increase the subsidized fuel price instead.

"However, they aware that such decision will hurt their chances in the upcoming elections in 2014, so they chose this way. Alas, what can we say?" Early this year, the government proposed the price of subsidized fuel rise to Rp 6,000 from Rp 4,500 per liter. The plan was rejected by the House after a series of protests in the capital. (asa)

Fuel quota, power hikes get OK

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta – After weeks of deadlock, the House of Representatives has approved a government proposal to raise electricity rates and the subsidized fuel allocation.

Lawmakers on House Commission VII overseeing energy and mining approved an increase in electricity rates by 15 percent by the end of 2013.

The increase will be implemented gradually, by between 3 to 4 percent a quarter starting in January, to lessen the impact on consumers, given traditionally intense public opposition to utility rate increases.

Under the government's plan, the increase will not apply to small households and businesses rated to use between 450 and 900 volt-amperes (VA).

With the rate hike, the House and the government have agreed to allocate Rp 78.6 trillion (US$8.27 billion) for electricity subsidies for 2013, according to Commission VII chairman Sutan Bathoegana of the Democratic Party. Without the hike, the subsidy would have soared by as much as Rp 92.52 trillion.

Indonesia – with the highest economic growth rate in Asia in the second half of this year, after China and India – has not increased electricity rates since 2010.

Commission VII lawmaker Effendi Simbolon from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said that the opposition party had several concerns on the increase, particularly related to what he called the poor performance of state power company PT PLN in improving electricity production.

Debate on PLN's inefficiency was the primary reason behind the deadlock, according to Effendi, who said that PLN has also not been efficient "in managing its piling debts".

PLN has accumulated debts of Rp 367 trillion as of the first half of 2012, which mostly went to finance new power plants under the government's accelerated program to build a host of 10,000-Megawatt (MW) power plants in less than five years to prevent electricity shortages.

Separately, when asked if the increase would effect inflation, Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo said that if the actual increases were in line with the proposal, inflation might only increase by 0.3 percent.

The finance minister said the rate increase would allow the government increase its budget for capital expenditures by as much as Rp 7 trillion to a total of Rp 200 trillion in the 2013 budget.

In a separate meeting, Commission VII also agreed to raise the nation's subsidized fuel quota by 4.04 million kiloliters (KL), or by around 10 percent of this year's original quota of 40 million kiloliters, which was only sufficient until September.

With the additional allocation, the total government expenditures for the fuel subsidies for 2012 will be raised by 11.6 percent to Rp 153.4 trillion.

"We've approved the additional subsidized fuel as well as 0.22 million tons of three-kilogram LPG [liquefied petroleum gas] cylinders," Commission VII member Achmad Farial said as he read the lawmaker's determination.

However, Achmad said that the quota would be increased only after the government underwent an audit by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).

Commission member Satya W. Yudha said the lawmakers' approval should be followed up by several additional requirements to be determined by the House. "We want to ensure that the additional quota will be enjoyed by people who really deserve it," Satya said.

The lawmaker said that the government must take stiffer measures to prevent fuel hoarding based on reports from the downstream oil and gas regulator BPH Migas.

BPH Migas recorded that hoarding has been rife in regions such as Palembang in South Sumatra; Batam, Riau Islands; East Kalimantan; and Surabaya, East Java.

As fuel prices in Indonesia are far cheaper than in neighboring countries, smugglers have had brisk business in illicit cross-border sales.

Infrastructure & development

Indonesia's infrastructure can't keep pace auto sales

Jakarta Globe - September 23, 2012

Faisal Maliki Baskoro – With car sales set to hit a new record of one million units this year, more than double the amount just eight years ago, the rapid growth is not being matched by sufficient infrastructure development, the industry association said earlier this week.

In the past five years, the automotive industry expanded faster than manufacturing and for the economy as a whole, according to the Association of Indonesian Automotive Manufacturers (Gaikindo).

"The automotive industry growth is a blessing to us all because this sector now is among the largest contributors in tax revenue," said Johnny Darmawan, a member of the Gaikindo leadership board.

The association noted that in 2010, the automotive industry contributed Rp 80 trillion ($8.4 billion) to the country's tax revenues and the figure could be even bigger if added to by related industries like parts, components, car leases and financing.

In the same year, the automotive industry grew by 10.1 percent and shared 6.5 percent of the gross domestic product.

New car sales increased by 17 percent to 894,000 units in 2011 from the previous year and the figure is expected to reach a milestone of one million this year, according to Gaikindo data.

This target looked set to be fulfilled as sales already reached 630,000 units in the first seven months of 2012, representing a 26 percent rise from the comparable period last year, despite a regulation in June that raised the minimum down payment for car purchases on credit.

"With a big population and people's annual purchasing power above $4,000, we believe that Indonesia is going to be Southeast Asia's largest automotive market in the near future," Johnny said.

India's Tata Motors, which opened its local branch here just recently, also pinned hopes of acquiring a slice of the pie from the rapidly growing automotive market in Indonesia.

Automobile ownership in Indonesia is low at 40 cars for every 1,000 persons, compared to 140 cars for 1,000 people in Thailand and 300 in Malaysia, Tata Motors Indonesia president Biswadev Sengupta said in an interview at the Indonesia International Motor Show in Jakarta on Friday.

However, infrastructure continues to loom as the weakest link in the overall automotive industry.

According to Gaikindo's latest data from 2006, Indonesia's total toll-road length has increased by a mere 75 kilometers since reconstruction began in 1983, and that growth has been restricted to Java. That distance is equivalent to travel from Jakarta to Cikampek, a small town in West Java.

In the capital, according to a government survey, the average car speed was 8.3 kilometers per hour in 2010 due to traffic congestion.

Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat admitted that the gap between automotive growth and infrastructure development has caused massive traffic jams in cities and seaport areas.

"It's impossible to stop [car] production to deal with traffic jams. What the government can do to help is by infrastructure development. And car sales should not mainly focus on Greater Jakarta. I'm confident that we can solve this problem without compromising car production," he said.

The Ministry of Public Works has planned a budget of Rp 7.94 trillion to build 840 kilometers of new roads next year. The amount represents around 10 percent of the country's tax revenues from the automotive sector in 2010.

Poor infrastructure is also hampering the government's efforts to promote environmentally friendly and fuel-efficient cars, such as those powered by natural gas.

Autogas Indonesia, the main distributor of a device designed to convert engines using compressed natural gas from gasoline, said many car owners are eager to install the converter kits, but the company doubts that there will be enough natural gas stations to meet demand.

"Many people have installed the converter kits on their cars, but they are public transport or private cars," said Autogas business development manager Christianti. Company data show, though, that there are only 21 natural gas refilling stations available, mainly in Jakarta.

Christianti said she hoped the government would build more natural gas stations because the company was now competing to win a government contract to supply 14,000 cars with converter kits.

"Compressed natural gas is priced at only Rp 3,100 per liter while compressed liquid petroleum gas sells at Rp 3,600 per liter. The mileage is roughly the same as gasoline, about 10 kilometers for one liter," she said.

Tata Motors also might delay its plan to sell its CNG-fuled cars in Indonesia. "Before we sell Tata Nano CNG here, we need to make sure that the necessary infrastructure is available," Biswadev said.

Economy & investment

Private sector warned over rising foreign borrowing

Jakarta Post - September 20, 2012

Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta – Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo has warned private companies to properly manage their foreign debts, which have increased substantially.

"The debt-service ratio of the private sector's foreign debts has grown significantly large. The ratio has reached around 30 percent of export earnings," Agus said as quoted by Antara during the Annual Report Awards (ARA) event in Jakarta on Tuesday night.

The private sector's debt-service ratio is far above that of the government's, which decreased to 24 percent in 2012 from around 90 percent at the beginning of 2000. Agus said that the ideal debt-service ratio should be below 30 percent of export earnings.

"Private sector companies must maintain prudential principles. They should not borrow large amounts in foreign currencies if most of their income is in rupiah," Agus said.

Previously, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) had warned emerging East Asian bond markets, including traders in Indonesia, to brace for further shocks and volatility as investment flows to the region had surged to almost US$6 trillion.

Corporate bonds alone reached $2 trillion, or 15.2 percent higher than a year ago, while government debt securities of $3 trillion are 5.5 percent higher.

The report said the corporate sector had outpaced growth in government bond markets as falling yields and tighter bank lending pushed companies to tap the capital markets.

The ADB said bond yields in China, Indonesia and Vietnam picked up in July and August after falling in the first six months of the year, signaling higher market risk sentiment among investors.

A highly volatile market situation might trigger massive capital outflows from the region, which could in turn jeopardize the country's financial markets leading to a sharp drop in the rupiah.

Should the rupiah sharply depreciate against the US dollar, then private companies that have high amounts of debt in dollars but do not have dollar-based income will face trouble in paying their debt obligations.

Indonesia suffered a massive crisis in 1998 triggered by the private sector's inability to pay its foreign debts due to the combination of growing private loans from abroad and a weakening rupiah.

The latest data from the Finance Ministry's debt management office shows that private sector foreign debt levels have grown to a worrying extent as they are now almost on the same scale as the government's foreign debt.

In December 2011, the government's foreign-debt level reached $118.64 billion while that of the private sector was at $106.73 billion. As of April 2012, the government's foreign debts were recorded at $121.51 billion while the private sector had foreign debts of $113.48 billion.

The data also shows that while the government debt has been fluctuating, the private sector's foreign debts consistently increase on a monthly basis.

The Finance Ministry's debt management office interim head Robert Pakpahan said that the private sector's foreign debts consisted of debts owed by banks and by non-bank institutions.

Robert said that banks' foreign debt stood at $19.60 billion while non-bank private companies' foreign debt had reached $93.87 billion as of April 2012.

People

Activists remember Gus Dur for pluralism amid current strife

Jakarta Post - September 22, 2012

Jakarta – Mindful of an increasing number of incidents of religious intolerance in the nation, activists are commemorating late president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, known as the smiling cleric and a champion of pluralism.

The activists gathered on Friday, in observance of the UN's International Day of Peace, to commemorate the death of the late president, who was a leader of the nation's largest Muslim social organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Attendees at the event heard speakers say how the ideas of Gus Dur were much needed to counter growing religious intolerance, while others hailed the late president as a peacemaker.

Jalaluddin Rahmat, the chairman of the consultative council of the Indonesian Ahlul Bait Association (IJABI) that represents minority Shia Muslims, was one of the speakers.

Jalaluddin, one of Gus Dur closest friends, said that religious intolerance in Indonesia would not have increased as it has in recent years if the late president was still alive.

"Gus Dur told us to pay our respects to Muslims. If Gus Dur were still around today, the Shia-Sunni conflict in Sampang would have been resolved quickly, as we know that NU was very vocal regarding the conflict," Jalaludin said.

Jalaludin was referring to the majority Sunni Muslims who went on a fatal rampage in Sampang in Madura, East Java, in August, burning the homes of Shiite Muslims, leaving hundreds homeless.

"The difference between NU during the leadership of Gus Dur and after his death, is that the current organization is facing the absence of leader who can unite all of NU ulemas all over the country," he added.

Saleh Daulay, who chairs the youth wing of Muhammadiyah, the nation's second largest social organization, remembered the late president as a fearless defender of pluralism. He said that up until now there has been no leader with the influence of Gus Dur.

"The escalation in intolerance conflicts in this country are in line with euphoria over the freedom of expression. During the New Order, Soeharto was very authoritarian and powerful, and therefore he could stabilize the country," Saleh said.

"The current conflicts basically could be condemned by influential and strong community leaders. Gus Dur, with his capacity as a national leader, was listened to by everybody," according to Saleh.

"There are several leaders that have the same power as Gus Dur, but unlike Gus Dur they prefer to remain silent and do not want to take risks like Gus Dur did," Saleh told The Jakarta Post.

Although Gus Dur died on Dec. 30, 2009, organizers decided to commemorate this death on the International Day of Peace, saying that the late president was a symbol of peace in the country.

The International Day of Peace was initiated by the UN General Assembly in 1981 to strengthen the ideal of peace among all nations.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a statement read at the event that the UN called for a complete cessation of hostilities around the world on the International Day of Peace.

"I call on combatants around the world to find peaceful solutions to their conflicts. Let us all work together for a safe, just and prosperous future for all," the statement said.

Lily Wahid, Gus Dur's sister and a lawmaker from the National Awakening Party (PKB), said that the spirit to create peace on earth could be transmitted by everyone, something that had always been taught by Gus Dur.

"Gus Dur taught us to build our relationships between people. He taught tolerance with his heart, and his disabilities did not slow him down in encouraging peace," Lily added. (nad)

Analysis & opinion

The courage to jump in Indonesia

Jakarta Post - September 22, 2012

Stanley A. Weiss, Jakarta – Five years ago, one of the most respected soldiers in US history died too soon. Wayne Downing was a West Point graduate and four-star general who served two tours in Vietnam and came out of retirement after 9/11 to serve as anti-terrorism advisor to president George W. Bush.

Known as the father of the modern Rangers, Downing commanded America's elite counter-terrorism teams in the 1990s and spent decades training foreign soldiers who came to Fort Bragg to learn about democracy. Not long before he died, I had lunch with General Downing at the White House.

He told me that of all the foreign soldiers he ever trained, two stood out. One was Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein, the reigning King of Jordan. The other was Prabowo Subianto, the former commander of Indonesian Army special force and the current front-runner to be Indonesia's next president in 2014.

Meeting with Prabowo, now a successful businessman, and his wealthy brother Hashim Djojohadikusumo here in this capital city, it's not hard to see what General Downing saw.

The scion of one of Indonesia's most prestigious families, Prabowo grows passionate when he speaks about the nation's income inequalities.

He embodies a strength that is later captured well by Juwono Sudarsono, the respected former defense minister, who tells me, "Prabowo leads the pack because he projects grit, firm leadership and decisiveness – which are seen to be lacking in our current leadership."

That Prabowo is part of the conversation at all here is a testament to both his survival skills and the growing pains felt by this archipelago nation in its second decade of democracy. In some ways, he is the last person Westerners expected to be in a position of leadership – which has some wondering what his ascension means for Indonesia, and the future of Asia's democracies.

Fourteen years ago, he was one of the most detested men in Indonesia. The then-son-in-law of former dictator Soeharto, Prabowo was accused of leading deadly crackdowns against democracy activists in Soeharto's waning days, inciting riots that led to Soeharto's ouster and leading a coup attempt against his replacement.

Although never charged with wrongdoing, Prabowo was found guilty of "exceeding orders" by a military ethics committee and dismissed by the army. For his alleged role in the riots, he was the first person in US history to be denied a visa for violating the United Nations Convention against Torture. He is anathema to human rights organizations in the West – but Indonesia may be willing to look past that history.

"Ruthlessness may disqualify you from becoming president in the West, but not for Indonesians," says a well-known Western ambassador. "He was a soldier and son-in-law that had done everything to keep Indonesia united. Many here feel that he was doing as a soldier what he had to do to keep the country together."

As the world's largest Muslim-majority country and third-largest democracy, Indonesia is a young country rich in resources with a seemingly unlimited future.

It is among the fastest-growing economies in the world. But it is also a nation of massive traffic jams, power shortages and high-profile corruption that, as journalist Eric Bellman says, "has voters reaching for a sure hand," to move beyond what former Indonesian coordinating economic minister Rizal Ramli describes as Indonesia's "vicious cycle of false hope espoused by jaded elites that are long on talk of democracy, but fall remarkably short of action once they enter office."

While President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is credited with stabilizing the economy after the Asian financial crisis, he has been, as one venture capitalist calls him, "a ditherer," who is helpless against Soeharto-era cronies who still dominate key sectors of the economy. At a time when many Indonesians "yearn for a decisive figure akin to Soeharto, Prabowo is seen as a return to a stronger, more straightforward Indonesia," says a former high-ranking official in Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission.

Both Prabowo and SBY, as he's known here, entered the military academy at the same time and became three-star generals within a month of each other. But while SBY commanded airborne teams, Prabowo commanded the nation's most elite soldiers and was considered its most able soldier. It makes Prabowo much more credible when he says, as he does to me, "If you break the law in Indonesia today, you make a deal and get out of it – under me, you're not going to be able to do that."

But some also fear, as Juwono tells me, that "Probowo will become a Putin." Indeed, as young democracies across Asia struggle to root out corruption in societies with little history of rule of law, some wonder if democracy is the answer. Lee Kuan Yew, the revered father of modern Singapore who Prabowo admires, famously believes that Western notions of democracy and civil liberties are out of step with the needs of Asian societies.

For 52 years, Lee followed a simple philosophy: "If nobody is afraid of me, I'm meaningless." He wielded that belief with a soft authoritarianism to turn Singapore into the least-corrupt, most orderly nation on the planet.

The question for nascent democracies here is whether those same ends can be achieved through democratic means. Prabowo is visceral in his defense of democracy, insisting that he will not roll back the democratic reforms that Indonesia embraced after Soeharto. "The problem isn't the democratic system," he tells me, "It's the corruption. I'm still confident that we can get effective government through elections because the alternative is the worst."

Also working in his favor is that Prabowo, who chairs the Indonesian Farmers Union in addition to running his popular Gerindra political party, has positioned himself as the voice of poor farmers. He argues that "sixty percent of our population live on agriculture and are allocated just three percent of the national budget" – arguing that the government should re- focus spending away from the cities and the elite. He promises to use "military-style efficiency" to get delayed infrastructure projects back on track.

"People look to strong leaders despite their checkered past, provided they deliver," says Juwono. "Think Ariel Sharon in Israel, who was elected despite leading abuses in Lebanon, [and then evacuated Israeli troops from Gaza]; or Narendra Modi in India, who was responsible for the massacre of Muslims in 2002, but now delivers education and health services, in part to Muslims. When you are able to deliver, your past has no bearing on legitimacy."

In 1995, Wayne Downing visited Prabowo in Indonesia. An old paratrooper, he wanted to do a high-altitude free-fall into Indonesia, which is rare for generals to do. Prabowo tried to convince him not to jump, but when Downing insisted, he jumped with him. "Sometimes," he told me, "you just have to have the courage to jump." Time will tell if Indonesians are so inclined.

[The writer is founding chairman of Business Executives for National Security, a nonpartisan organization based in Washington. The views expressed are his own.]

Jokowi's real battle

Jakarta Post Editorial - September 22, 2012

As soon as he takes office as the Jakarta governor on Oct. 7, the next battle awaiting Joko "Jokowi" Widodo will not be any easier than the ones he came through during two grueling rounds of electioneering. Now, he will have to deal with politicians at the Jakarta legislative council, who mostly represent parties that were opposed to his candidacy.

This is a potential stalemate that may force him to seek compromise to realize the platforms he offered to his voters during the election. Worse, the "opposition" dominated council may conspire to stall or hold his programs hostage in revenge for their humiliating defeat in the gubernatorial election.

Jokowi and his running mate Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama were nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party, which altogether hold only 17 out of 94 seats at the council. In the event of a decision-making process involving both the executive and legislative powers, the tiny coalition is no match for the alliance of national parties that joined forces to help incumbent Governor Fauzi Bowo and his running mate Nachrowi Ramli in the Sept. 20 runoff.

Despite the popular support for Jokowi in the election, Jakarta's realpolitik may bode ill for his administration due to its vulnerability to political harassment. The capital's tricky playing field is a far cry from the political landscape of his hometown, Surakarta. Under his leadership, the Surakarta city government has barely faced barriers to making its programs work due in part to solid support from all parties represented in the regional legislative council.

But it was Jokowi's decision to quit this comfort zone that prompted him to rise to bigger challenges. His ascent to Jakarta's top job mirrors the public's longing for leaders with integrity, for actions rather than rhetoric, and for the ability to listen rather than to speak – all of which are qualities that the current political elites lack.

Now that Jakartans have entrusted him with the mandate to lead the city to a better place, Jokowi must do whatever it takes to live up to these expectations, with the city council potentially standing between him and his vision of a new Jakarta.

Jokowi is fortunate in that he has the opportunity to learn from the successes and failures of those that have gone before him, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who, like Jokowi, climbed to his throne by beating the incumbent in the process. Jokowi today is reminiscent of Yudhoyono in 2004, the latter being directly elected by the people but having to square off against power-hungry politicians who practically turned the presidential system into a parliamentary form of government.

Despite his powers and popular support, Yudhoyono has tended to prefer consensus to conflict with lawmakers in the House of Representatives, reducing him to an indecisive leader and easy prey to political maneuverings. That he won his second term in 2009 was probably down to voters having no better choice.

Jokowi must not emulate Yudhoyono in his propensity to make deals with political parties for the sake of survival. As evinced in this week's runoff, political parties do not matter. Voters are looking at candidates and their track records. The Jakarta election has given the political parties a lesson in nominating candidates for executive and legislative posts primarily based on merit.

Jokowi managed to exploit his popular support to cow the resistance of the grand coalition of parties in the election, and he must do the same when facing opposition in the city council. Jakarta's citizens and civil society groups will stand behind the new governor as long as he works for the good of the city.

Did Jokowi win the election or did Fauzi throw it away?

Jakarta Globe - September 21, 2012

Yohanes Sulaiman – Based on quick-count results, Joko Widodo, the mayor of Solo, seems to have defeated incumbent Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo with what could be a significant margin in Thursday's runoff vote.

While it cannot be denied that Jokowi's rock-star status as Mr. Fix-It created massive euphoria and played a major role in his victory, Fauzi (Foke) and the people in his camp made a lot of missteps that contributed to Jokowi's victory. Fauzi's campaign could actually become a case study of what not to do in an election.

There was plenty of blame to go around in Foke's electoral loss. Three people, however, were disproportionately responsible for the result: Rhoma Irama, Nachrowi Ramli and Foke himself.

Rhoma, the dangdut legend, single-handedly damaged Foke's re-election prospects shortly after the first round of voting by declaring that Muslims should only vote for fellow Muslims, and insinuating that Jokowi's mother was not a Muslim. These thoughtless statements, especially when it was revealed that Jokowi's mother was in fact a devout Muslim, caused so much outrage that they set the tone for the remainder of the campaign.

Thanks to the artist's "foot-in-mouth" moment, Foke wasn't able to go on the offensive to make a strong case that he was more experienced than Jokowi in managing Jakarta's affairs.

Instead, he had to spend precious time defending himself because people were accusing him of turning a blind eye to his supporter's race- and religion-related statements.

Worse yet, the undecided voters felt alienated, and Jokowi's supporters were outraged enough to become even more enthusiastic over the election.

Foke's campaign team failed miserably in damage control, partly because of Rhoma's blunders. Had Foke's team distanced itself from Rhoma, this would have alienated them from their core supporters, the religiously devout, and less-educated people that made up the bulk of Foke's voters.

Had his team decided to not do anything, however, it would have alienated the urban, highly-educated, Internet-savvy middle-to-upper class supporters, and especially the prickly Chinese minorities who are a significant voting bloc in Jakarta.

As a result, the race was seen as being between the establishment figure who would use any means possible – including inciting racial and religious hatred, to score cheap political points, and the grass-roots, anti- establishment figure and his ethnic Chinese running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, or Ahok, who would transcend the racial and religious divisions while hoping to create a new Jakarta.

Foke might have thought that Rhoma's blunders happened so early that time would allow the wounds would heal, leaving him time to take the swing voters – especially the Chinese – away from Jokowi and Ahok. Almost all of the ethnically Chinese voters threw their support behind Jokowi and Ahok in the first round of the election but Foke was hoping that he could turn the tide and attract some of them. In fact, last Sunday, Foke visited several Buddhist temples and promised his support in the establishment of a Chinatown if re-elected.

During a cringe-worthy moment in the second gubernatorial candidate debate, however, Foke's efforts went down the drain.

Nachrowi Ramli, or Nara, Foke's running mate, through an insensitive racial joke managed to alienate the Chinese community for good. This thoughtless comment was on top of his already-lackluster performances in debates, even though Foke himself actually performed quite well.

With Internet users in uproar over Nara's comments, Foke's performance and, importantly, Jokowi's missteps in the debate, were largely overlooked and ignored.

To be fair to Foke, his tenure as the governor of Jakarta is not as disastrous as many of his critics suggest. As a bureaucrat with years of experience, Foke had insider knowledge of what was going on in government. He understood the problems facing Jakarta, and he actually tried to do something to fix them.

His aloofness toward journalists and his temper, however, worked against him. Many of his achievements were being largely ignored by the press as a result.

Coupled with the blunders of Rhoma and that of his running mate, this meant that Foke just wasn't in a good enough position to make a strong case for a second tenure. It wasn't so much Jokowi's win, but rather Foke's loss.

[Yohanes Sulaiman is a lecturer at the Indonesian Defense University (Unhan).]

Revealing documentary on how Indonesia sees 1960s mass killings

Jakarta Post - September 20, 2012

Endy Bayuni, Jakarta – Here is a new film that should stir more controversy in Indonesia than the trashy Innocence of Muslims, one that every concerned Indonesian must watch: The Act of Killing is a documentary about the brutal mass murders that happened in this country more than four decades ago as told by one of the surviving perpetrators.

But as telling as the details are of how the killings were carried out by the central character in the film and his cohorts in Medan, North Sumatra, the documentary, which premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival last week, is even more revealing about how Indonesians regard that tragic episode of their history.

The movie by British-based producer Joshua Oppenheimer tells of how not only one of the murderers, a gangster, happily recounted his part in the killing, but also how he has continued to live unpunished and how the nation regards people like him as a hero.

Impunity for mass murderers and then treating them as heroes are not the attributes Indonesia wants to portray as it tries to claim its place among the great nations of the world.

The initial reaction in Indonesia to the news of the Toronto screening was predictable: Attack the messenger, with one man who was featured in the movie considering lawsuits against Oppenheimer for filming without his consent.

In all fairness, we should be thankful to Oppenheimer for raising the issue and prompting the nation once and for all to confront and deal with its ugly past.

For more than four decades, the nation has tried to erase the killings from its collective memory. There are no accounts of them in the official history textbooks and any attempt to rewrite the history has been blocked. Yet, military officers who led the killing campaign had been on record as bragging that up to 2.5 million people were slaughtered.

The killings in 1965/1966 were triggered by a bloody power struggle which began on the night of September 30, 1965. The group that set off the chain of events leading to the mass murders of communists was dubbed by the military "Gestapu", the Indonesian abbreviation for September 30 Movement.

Oppenheimer is guilty for oversimplifying that episode as a military coup, when the reality is far more complex. Admittedly, the military, with Gen. Soeharto at the head, came out the eventual winner in the power struggle and Indonesia fell under authoritarian military rule for the next three decades or so.

Indonesians' knowledge and understanding of the events of 1965 have inevitably been shaped by the military accounts. A three-hour drama called the Betrayal of Gestapu/the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), which linked the coup with the communists, was screened on September 30 every year by the state-run TVRI television station. It only stopped after Soeharto stepped down in 1998. Since then, there have been genuine attempts to rewrite history around the power struggle and the purge of the PKI.

President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid issued an apology on behalf of the Nahdlatul Ulama, an Islamic organization that took part in the killing of communists. Wahid, who passed away in 2009, tried to launch a truth and reconciliation commission but the effort was quashed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as soon as he came to office in 2004.

The National Commission on Human Rights in July released its findings of the 1965/1966 killings and concluded that the state was responsible for gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity. It calls on the government to reopen the investigation, prosecute the perpetrators and compensate victims of the killings and their descendants. It also recommends that President Yudhoyono issue an apology for the rights violations.

The initial reactions to the report reflect the nation's attitude. While the majority of the population was indifferent, some groups opposed the recommendations. Wahid's own Nahdlatul Ulama was among those that have openly rejected the idea of a state apology.

Although the government has never openly admitted the killings, when confronted, the official line would be that the communists had also been responsible for brutal killings as they locked horns with the military and religious organizations to grab power. Most Indonesians believe Soeharto and the military saved Indonesia from falling into communist hands, and that the massacres were the cost the nation had to pay.

It is also clear from their attitudes that many Indonesians fear the communists or rather their descendants will stage a comeback, not so much of the ideology, which has been discarded worldwide, but seeking revenge for the ill treatment that they and their parents received.

In other words, the perpetrators are still haunted by the ghosts of their own victims, something that the central character in the The Act of Killing also openly admitted.

That is all the more reason why this movie should be mandatory viewing. Indonesia needs to come to terms with its past before a healing process can take place.

If only there was a way of making everyone watch The Act of Killing just once the way we had to watch Betrayal every year under Soeharto, maybe Indonesia could start an open debate about that tragic episode in the nation's history.

It is unclear whether this movie will pass the government censors, but if not, Indonesia will be missing out on a golden opportunity to redeem itself and build a better future worthy of great nations.

If Indonesia fails to seize on this opportunity, the rest of the world will. The documentary has already received rave reviews. Don't be surprised if it goes on to win an Oscar in March or other major awards. Indonesia, and the nation's attitude, will be in the spotlight as this movie travels around the world.

Let's hope that the movie makes it here as the distributors plan later this year. For Indonesia's own sake.

'Anti-kafir' politics in local elections: Jakarta and Medan cases

Jakarta Post - September 18, 2012

AE Priyono and Teresa Birks, Jakarta – The politicization of religion in the Jakarta gubernatorial election isn't without precedent.

In Medan, North Sumatra, religious identity took on unprecedented importance in the 2010 mayoral election where it was used to undermine the legitimacy of mayoral candidate Sofyan Tan.

Being ethnically Chinese and Buddhist, it was a surprise to many that he and his running mate, Nelly Armayanti (a Minangkabau Muslim woman), made it through to the second round. Some hailed his success a sign that the people of Medan were moving away from voting along ethnic and religious lines.

Yet during the second round of the election it became increasingly clear that as a kafir (infidel) Sofyan Tan quite simply could not be allowed to win. In Jakarta, the victim of identity politics is Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, alias Ahok. As Joko Widodo's (alias Jokowi) running mate, he has been targeted for being ethnically Chinese and Christian.

Provocative sermons in a number of the capital's mosques have warned against voting for a kafir. One such sermon was notoriously delivered by Indonesia's most popular dangdut singer, Rhoma Irama.

More seriously, the speaker of House of Representatives, Marzuki Alie, has stated that any Jakartan Muslim voting for a non-Muslim was also a kafir. And although in Jakarta the role of the Indonesian Council of Muslims (MUI) is more ambiguous, in Medan it was explicitly involved in the mobilization of the anti-kafir vote.

And it wasn't just Tan who was targeted. Muslim scholars who publicly supported him were ostracized and labeled kafir. In the run up to the election, the regional daily, Waspada, ran a series of articles outlining why Muslims were obliged to vote for a "leader of the same faith."

In Jakarta, although the anti-non Muslim sentiment is directed at Ahok, it is also intended to discredit Jokowi. This is evident from Rhoma Irama's insinuation that Jokowi's mother was a Christian, an accusation for which he had later to apologize as it was not the case.

During Ramadhan, the anti non-Muslim campaign intensified. Leaflets were circulated warning Muslims that they had to vote for a "leader of the same faith".

Posters, banners and graffiti warned of the "danger of Christianization", some with more specific anti-Chinese sentiments. Was this increasing sectarianism or a political strategy?

In both Medan and Jakarta, the politics of "kafirization" demonstrates how the manipulation of identity politics, religious identity in particular, is a very real threat to local democracy.

In the context of a plural, secular Indonesia, religious interpretation of the democratic process that forbids non-Muslims from holding public office is both provocative and illegitimate. Certainly it is in violation of civil and political rights and the principle of equal citizenship in democratic participation.

In Jakarta, some young intellectuals of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the Communion of Indonesian Churches (PGI) and Muhammadiyah have started a petition at change.org/StopSARA to urge the General Elections Commission (KPU) to conduct a public declaration by candidates to stop "kafirization" campaigns. On Thursday last week the KPU did this.

There is not yet sufficient data to indicate whether the politics of "kafirisation" is a widespread phenomenon, nor what the pattern, assuming there is one, may be. We require more comprehensive research to produce a detailed map of this trend. Is it an indicator of increasing sectarianism in Indonesian politics? Is it a national phenomenon, or just a characteristic of specific localities? How rooted is it in divisive sentiment? Or is it merely a strategy deployed for winning elections where circumstances allow?

In order to consider these questions, we should certainly note the following: the Governor of Central Kalimantan, Terras Narang, a Catholic, has yet to face significant Muslim opposition. In Kotamobagu, North Sulawesi, Jan Tuuk, a Christian, was elected as deputy district head in what is a Muslim majority area without any protest; and in 2005, Ahok himself was elected district head of Belitung Timur, a Malay-Muslim majority constituency. And in several other areas including North Sumatra, Central Java, NTT, Ambon, Papua and Central Sulawesi the election of non- Muslims is considered normal.

But why is this happening today, moreover in cities known for their heterogeneity such as Medan and Jakarta? Why has the pejorative term kafir become part of the political lexicon?

One of the similarities between Medan and Jakarta is that the issue of religious identity has been used to attack a credible non-Muslim candidate who can potentially win an election in a second round run-off against a Muslim candidate, in both cases the incumbent.

Certainly the electoral system itself, a two round run-off majority system, is in any case vulnerable to negative campaigning in the second round.

In the first round, particularly where there are a number of candidates representing different interests and identities, candidates risk alienating potential voters if they attack their opponents.

In the case of Medan, religious identity proved itself to be that issue, though only in the second round. In fact in the first round, candidates backed by Islamic parties and those that promoted an Islamic identity won little support.

But what about Jakarta? How much currency does this way of thinking actually have?

Preliminary research from the Public Virtue Institute found that political participation in Jakarta has strengthened during the 2012 election. Fauzi Bowo's administration is seen as a direct legacy of the New Order and there is tangible desire for more representative government that will put an end to elitist traditions.

Lower middle classes in particular have found in Jokowi a figure they hope can bring about concrete change to their lives.

And social media not only provides fertile ground for the criticism of Fauzi, it is also proving to be an effective base for the repoliticization of golput (voting boycott) campaigners. With the reactivation of golput activists in Jakarta, the current wave of change may yet be driven by the critical middle classes.