Laurencius Simanjuntak Founded on July 22, 1996, or when Suharto's New Order regime was still savage and cruel, it was not an easy time for the People's Democratic Party (PRD). Moreover the social-democrat orientated party explicitly declared its opposition to Suharto's power.
"The New Order has been in power for 30 years, eight months and 22 days", cried PRD General Chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko, counting the time that Suharto had been in power. Sudjatmiko's speech, which later became known as the Party Manifesto, was read out on July 22, 1996, or 16 years ago.
The PRD's declaration at the offices of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) in Central Jakarta was clearly not a 'sporadic' movement because the New Order was completely ruthless. But the PRD's revolutionary ideals at that time were indeed serious. Long before it was declared as a party, the PRD, which was originally called the People's Democratic Union (Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik, PRD), had already been operating clandestinely.
"We usually held consolidations by constantly moving from place to place so that the intelligence officers wouldn't get wind of us", said Sudjatmiko when speaking with Merdeka.com in Jakarta on Wednesday July 25.
As everyone knows, during the period when he was in power, Suharto deployed security officers down to the village level to sniff out indications of movements opposed to his authoritarian administration. "If a single hair fell, Suharto would know", went the phrase about the ruler in those days.
It was in order to stay under Suharto's radar that the PRD often avoided public gatherings when they wanted to hold discussions or consolidation meetings. But the jungles and mountain slopes provided an alternative. "We once held a meeting in a tobacco plantation at the far eastern end of the Jakarta sea, which we reached by riding a boat for hours", related Sudjatmiko, who is now an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator in the House of Representatives.
Most of the time however, said Sudjatmiko, meetings were held at pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools) or seminaries. "Because coincidentally many PRD activists came from pesantren circles or aspiring priest that failed", said Sudjatmiko laughing.
In the task of camouflaging meetings, Faisol Riza was the champion. With a pesantren background, the slim young man who is now a special staff member to the Minister of Labour and Transmigration, often used his networks with Islamic teachers (kiai) at the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) pesantrens as a place to conduct their slander. For seminaries meanwhile, the PRD often used the networks of one of its members, Fransisca Ria Susanti.
"Once there was a time when security personnel forced their way in, we immediately placed the Koran in front of us and hid the congress documents by sitting on them", he said.
In order that they would be easy to hid, said Sudjatmiko, the documents or discussion reading materials were printed in the form of small brochures. "So the font was very very small", said Sudjatmiko frowning.
However the spiritual gathering camouflage did not always go smoothly. If they got wind of intelligence officers, said Sudjatmiko, usually pesantren kiai or pastors who took care of the seminaries would use their authority to prevent the intelligence officers from entering.
"The reason [they would give] was that those inside were religious pupils who were studying or university students who were on a spiritual retreat", he said.
All of those in the clandestine movement faced these kinds of dangers, said Sudjatmiko, pointing out that the struggle for democracy against the New Order dictatorship was not just a physical or practical struggle. "But also a theoretical struggle", he said.
Meaning, continued Sudjatmiko, the PRD demanded that their cadre were no only adept at organising the masses, facing the muzzle of a gun or teargas, but they were also obliged to read and write articles to explain the arguments behind their political positions.
"They had to be ready to train in everything without facilities. They had to be ready for any kind of situation, in plantations, in jungles, on beaches, in pesantrens, on campus or seminaries", he said.
Although the revolutionary ideals failed in the end, the underground PRD movement after so many years brought about results that were not too disappointing. The PRD was able to establish no less than 14 offices at the provincial level and 150 or so branches at the regency or municipal level. In the 1999 elections, the party allocated number 16 on the ballot paper and still in its infancy succeeded in garnering 78,000 votes.
The Diaspora of PRD cadre has also been diverse. There are those that have become legislators, special staff to the president, ministerial spokespersons, senior NGO figures, reputable journalists, trade union leaders, defenders of tobacco farmers and regional political party leaders. And none of this would have been possible without struggle. (did)
Following Megawati Sukarnoputri's popular election as chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in 1996, the Suharto regime, who feared a PDI lead Megawati (who could draw upon the tremendous popularity of her father Sukarno, the founding president of Indonesia) might threaten the state party Golkar's dominance in the upcoming 1997 elections, sponsored a rebel PDI congress in Medan, North Sumatra, and succeeded in replacing her with their own pro-regime candidate, Suryadi. Following weeks of protests and the occupation of party's headquarters in central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters, on July 27, 1996 paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police which was blamed on the People's Democratic Party, who's members were hunted down and arrested as the masterminds behind the riots.
Laurencius Simanjuntak Founded on July 22, 1996, or when Suharto's New Order regime was still savage and cruel, it was not an easy time for the People's Democratic Party (PRD). Moreover the social-democrat orientated party explicitly declared its opposition to Suharto's power.
"The New Order has been in power for 30 years, eight months and 22 days", cried PRD General Chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko, counting the time that Suharto had been in power. Sudjatmiko's speech, which later became known as the Party Manifesto, was read out on July 22, 1996, or 16 years ago.
The PRD's declaration at the offices of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) in Central Jakarta was clearly not a 'sporadic' movement because the New Order was completely ruthless. But the PRD's revolutionary ideals at that time were indeed serious. Long before it was declared as a party, the PRD, which was originally called the People's Democratic Union (Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik, PRD), had already been operating clandestinely.
"We usually held consolidations by constantly moving from place to place so that the intelligence officers wouldn't get wind of us", said Sudjatmiko when speaking with Merdeka.com in Jakarta on Wednesday July 25.
As everyone knows, during the period when he was in power, Suharto deployed security officers down to the village level to sniff out indications of movements opposed to his authoritarian administration. "If a single hair fell, Suharto would know", went the phrase about the ruler in those days.
It was in order to stay under Suharto's radar that the PRD often avoided public gatherings when they wanted to hold discussions or consolidation meetings. But the jungles and mountain slopes provided an alternative. "We once held a meeting in a tobacco plantation at the far eastern end of the Jakarta sea, which we reached by riding a boat for hours", related Sudjatmiko, who is now an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator in the House of Representatives.
Most of the time however, said Sudjatmiko, meetings were held at pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools) or seminaries. "Because coincidentally many PRD activists came from pesantren circles or aspiring priest that failed", said Sudjatmiko laughing.
In the task of camouflaging meetings, Faisol Riza was the champion. With a pesantren background, the slim young man who is now a special staff member to the Minister of Labour and Transmigration, often used his networks with Islamic teachers (kiai) at the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) pesantrens as a place to conduct their slander. For seminaries meanwhile, the PRD often used the networks of one of its members, Fransisca Ria Susanti.
"Once there was a time when security personnel forced their way in, we immediately placed the Koran in front of us and hid the congress documents by sitting on them", he said.
In order that they would be easy to hid, said Sudjatmiko, the documents or discussion reading materials were printed in the form of small brochures. "So the font was very very small", said Sudjatmiko frowning.
However the spiritual gathering camouflage did not always go smoothly. If they got wind of intelligence officers, said Sudjatmiko, usually pesantren kiai or pastors who took care of the seminaries would use their authority to prevent the intelligence officers from entering.
"The reason [they would give] was that those inside were religious pupils who were studying or university students who were on a spiritual retreat", he said.
All of those in the clandestine movement faced these kinds of dangers, said Sudjatmiko, pointing out that the struggle for democracy against the New Order dictatorship was not just a physical or practical struggle. "But also a theoretical struggle", he said.
Meaning, continued Sudjatmiko, the PRD demanded that their cadre were no only adept at organising the masses, facing the muzzle of a gun or teargas, but they were also obliged to read and write articles to explain the arguments behind their political positions.
"They had to be ready to train in everything without facilities. They had to be ready for any kind of situation, in plantations, in jungles, on beaches, in pesantrens, on campus or seminaries", he said.
Although the revolutionary ideals failed in the end, the underground PRD movement after so many years brought about results that were not too disappointing. The PRD was able to establish no less than 14 offices at the provincial level and 150 or so branches at the regency or municipal level. In the 1999 elections, the party allocated number 16 on the ballot paper and still in its infancy succeeded in garnering 78,000 votes.
The Diaspora of PRD cadre has also been diverse. There are those that have become legislators, special staff to the president, ministerial spokespersons, senior NGO figures, reputable journalists, trade union leaders, defenders of tobacco farmers and regional political party leaders. And none of this would have been possible without struggle. (did)
Following Megawati Sukarnoputri's popular election as chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in 1996, the Suharto regime, who feared a PDI lead Megawati (who could draw upon the tremendous popularity of her father Sukarno, the founding president of Indonesia) might threaten the state party Golkar's dominance in the upcoming 1997 elections, sponsored a rebel PDI congress in Medan, North Sumatra, and succeeded in replacing her with their own pro-regime candidate, Suryadi. Following weeks of protests and the occupation of party's headquarters in central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters, on July 27, 1996 paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police which was blamed on the People's Democratic Party, who's members were hunted down and arrested as the masterminds behind the riots.
Oyos Saroso H.N., Bandar Lampung Thousands of residents from 11 villages rallied outside the local office of state-owned plantation firm PT Perkebunan Nusantara (PTPN) VII Bunga Mayang in North Lampung on Monday, demanding the return of hundreds of hectares of farmland.
The demonstrators were met by about 1,000 officers from the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) special operations units of the North Lampung and Way Kanan Police during the protests.
Meanwhile, farmers wielding bamboo sticks also blocked access to the Bunga Mayang sugar mill, the third protest at the mill this month. "We will continue protesting and blocking the access to the sugar mill until our rights have been returned," rally coordinator Antoni said on Monday.
The land in question is in the villages of Kotanapal, Sukadana Ilir, Sukadana Udik, Negara Tulangbawang, Tanahabang, Negarabatin, Haduyangratu, Gedungbatin, Ketapang, Karangrejo and Sidodadi.
"PTPN VII has dominated our farmland, spanning hundreds of hectares, for the past 30 years," Antoni said. The firm had not employed local residents on the plantations established on the land and had brought in workers from Java instead, Antoni added.
The farmers also visited the office of the North Lampung administration to urge Regent Zainal Abidin to mediate talks with PTPN management in Bandar Lampung.
Zainal said that he would intercede in the dispute. "I promise that I will coordinate with PTPN VII's directors. I also plan to meet with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to report on the current situation," Zainal said.
"If the land is owned by the farmers, it should be returned to them. I have asked the farmers, who have claimed that their land was dominated by PTPN VII, to gather evidence that proves that the land belongs to them," Zainal said.
PTPN VII representative Satria Tama said the company would consider the protestors' demands. "We must discuss this with the company directors in Bandar Lampung. The requests cannot be immediately granted before we carry out an in-depth assessment. Residents must also be able to show their ownership documents," Satria said.
The incident in Bandar Lampung follows the death of a 12-year-old boy on Sunday in a land dispute between PTPN VII Cinta Manis with local residents of people Ogan Ilir, South Sumatra.
Ifdhal Kasim, the chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), said on Monday that a team had been sent to investigate the death of the boy, identified as Angga bin Dharmawan.
A spokesman for the National Police, Sr. Comr. Agus Rianto, previously said that the boy had been wounded by a sharp object, although officials could not confirm that he had been shot, as no projectile had been discovered during the initial autopsy.
Contacted separately, Hadi Jatmiko from the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), said that he hoped that the commission would be serious in its probe. "We found evidence that Brimob members fired real bullets. We retrieved the evidence from the gunshot wound to the shoulder of Jasman, a farmer who was shot and later treated at the Bhayangkara Police Hospital in Palembang, South Sumatra.
Oyos Saroso H.N., Bandar Lampung The Lampung Coastal Care Community Alliance (AMPPL) has increased its protest over the construction of a terminal and coal stockpile area on the Panjang coast by PT Sumatera Bahtera Raya (PT SBR), owned by controversial businesswoman Artalyta Suryani, aka Ayin.
Apart from violating Bylaw No. 10/2011 on Bandar Lampung Spatial Planning, protesters fear the terminal and stockpile area will further damage the environment on the coast around Lampung Bay.
The AMPPL, an affiliation of conservation groups including the Lampung branch of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), Sarekat Hijau Indonesia, Mitra Bentala and the Nature and Environment Lovers Family (Watala), pointed out PT BSR's presence would negatively impact community health, exacerbate socioeconomic conditions in the local community, threaten the marine ecosystem and pollute the surroundings.
"Coal stockpiling has been going on for the past month. We demand that PT BSR immediately cease this activity as it is in violation of Bandar Lampung's spatial planning bylaw. The company also does not possess an Environmental Impact Analysis (Amdal) as required according to the 2009 Law on Environmental Management and Protection," said Lampung Walhi's director, Hendrawan, who is also the AMPPL spokesman, on Wednesday.
According to Hendrawan, Artalyta's company had begun stockpiling coal despite not having an Amdal and despite the protests from various sectors in the local community. "Walhi, as a member of the Amdal Commission, was not involved in any Amdal process by PT SBR," said Hendrawan.
However, PT SBR's senior civil engineer, Supani, said the location of the terminal and coal port were still within the authorized zone and that no regulation had been violated.
"We would never have invested in the city without obtaining a safety assurance from the local administration and support from local residents. The port that we will build later is not specifically meant for coal; it will be a public port. Having a port here is expected to attract investors to Bandar Lampung. That is the reason why the local administration has supported our plans," said Supani.
According to the plans, PT SBR will build a terminal for its own interests (TUKS) on reclaimed land carried out by PT Bukit Alam Surya (PT BAS), another Artalyta company (currently managed by Artalyta's eldest son) along the Lampung Bay coast on Jl. Yos Sudarso, Sukaraja district in Bandar Lampung.
PT BAS reclaimed dozens of hectares of coastline in the area by using material it had excavated from Camang Hill, which was subsequently converted into the upscale Alam Surya headquarters.
Bandar Lampung Mayor Herman H.N. has suspended a 150-hectare coastal reclamation project, started by PT BAS in 2002 and intended for the construction of the Bandar Lampung Waterfront City, due to mounting protests from locals.
With the issuance of the 2011 spatial planning bylaw, Artalyta's chance to expand her business to the coastline were almost dashed. Article 5 of the bylaw stipulates that Jl. Yos Sudarso is earmarked as an entertainment and tourism zone, while commercial and industrial areas are to be located in Panjang, Way Lunik, Garuntang and Bumi Waras districts, with the proviso that no industrial areas should face the coast.
PT SBR, however, managed to obtain a recommendation letter from the mayor, permitting the company to operate along the coast on Jl. Yos Sudarso if it met a number of requirements, such as securing a location permit, a spatial-planning site plan and an Amdal.
"The letter, which was signed by Mayor Herman on May 29 this year, was issued as a basis to apply for the TUKS permit from the Transportation Ministry. However, in reality, the coal stockpile facility has already been established. Coal has been piled up for the past month at this location, right behind Sahid Hotel," said Hendrawan.
Lampung Coastal Women activist, Nurhayati, said not many people were aware that the terminal and coal stockpile area were owned by Artalyta.
"We have repeatedly protested to the city council and municipal administration, but there has been no response from them. Artalyta's projects are continuing, while a number of residents who oppose the coal terminal have received threats," said Nurhayati.
Jakarta Hundreds of people blockaded the toll road serving Jakarta- Bekasi near the Jatibening toll road entrance and set a pickup, owned by state toll road operator PT Jasa Marga, on fire on Friday morning. They were protesting the company's decision to shut down an illegal bus depot in the area.
The mobs were reportedly enraged after PT Jasa Marga erected fences at 8th kilometer of the toll road to prevent buses from illegally picking up and dropping off passengers, long blamed for traffic problems in the areas.
The Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Rikwanto said that the angry mob was composed of local residents and those who benefited from the illegal terminal: motorcycle taxi drivers and street vendors.
PT Jasa Marga, according to Rikwanto, built the fences around 2 a.m. Only a few hours later, when commuters were about to go to work, they found out that they could no longer wait there for buses to Jakarta anymore. "As more people gathered and found fences had been built there, they were upset and that led to rally which started around 5 a.m.," he said.
The enraged mob then burnt a pick-up owned by PT Jasa Marga at around 5:30 a.m. and occupied the toll road for hours. As a result, traffic congestion occurred along the road up to km-16 around East Bekasi, and in Jakarta Outer Ring Road and along Jl. Kalimalang.
Rikwanto said that the police sent 450 officers to control the situation but the rally could not be stopped until 8:30 a.m. following negotiations between Jakarta Police deputy chief Brig. Gen. Suhardi Alius, Bekasi Police chief Sr. Comr. Priyo Widianto and community leaders.
Rikwanto said that representatives from PT Jasa Marga were not present during the negotiation for safety reasons. "Police and community leaders then agreed to take down the fence. However, for PT Jasa Marga to operate according to regulations and for people to retain their transportation access, further talks between stakeholders are needed," he said.
Rikwanto said that people were furious at PT Jasa Marga's decision to build a fence there without notifying them. "People have used the bus stop since 1987. Until 2010, there was a toll gate nearby so it did not matter if people boarded the bus there," he said.
When the gate was closed, Rikwanto said, people had no other option but to stop the bus inside the toll road as no alternative was provided by the state-owned company. "Going to the bus terminal is too troublesome and too far for people living in the area."
As the rally was unplanned and spontaneous, Rikwanto said that the police did not plan to arrest anyone suspected of orchestrating the rally. However, he said that the police were conducting an investigation to find those responsible for the car burning.
The illegal bus depot has caused many problems for the toll road operator. PT Jasa Marga claims that despite the prohibition, more than 900 buses stop in the area both from Bekasi and Jakarta between 6:00 a.m and 2:00 p.m each day around 25 buses every five minutes which leads to further congestion.
In the wake of the incident, PT Jasa Marga director Adityawarman said that the company would try to find a solution to allow passengers embark and disembark without violating regulations.
"We have discussed the matter with Bekasi regent and we have agreed to provide a special line in the area for Jakarta-Bekasi buses to to pick up passengers outside the toll road," he said as quoted by kompas.com.
Adityawarman said that the line will enable buses to cut off the toll road to a nearby artery road and re-enter the toll road without being charged again. PT Jasa Marga will also turn a tow truck depot at 8th kilometer into a special bus stop point. (aml)
Police arrested 165 tribesmen from the village of Kwamki Lama in Mimika, Papua, on Wednesday, after yet another outbreak of violence between residents of three neighborhoods in the village.
A group of several hundred tribesmen from the kampungs (neighborhoods) of Amole and Karang Senang attacked residents of Harapan kampung on Wednesday morning, in retaliation for the deaths of two Karang Senang residents, Zainarius Mbisikmbo and Ike Mbisikmbo, Indonesian news portal Tempo.co reported on Wednesday. All three kampungs are located in Kwamki Lama.
Zainarius and Ike were killed by a group of men, believed to be Harapan residents, with arrows and machetes. Two other Karang Senang villagers, Frans Bagau and Obmi Mbisikmbo, were injured in the attack and remain hospitalized.
Violent conflict between Amole and Harapan has been going on for months. At least three people have died and dozens more been injured since June 6, when the last round of clashes was sparked by the death of a tribe member in a road accident. But the Wednesday morning clash was the first time Karang Senang got involved. Karang Senang tribesmen have denounced Harapan for dragging their tribe into the conflict by attacking four of its members.
The attack took place at about 7:30 a.m. on Wednesday. Four houses in Harapan kampung were set on fire by the attackers, most of whom carried bows and arrows.
Half an hour later, a joint Indonesian police and military force arrived at the village and dispersed the mobs, firing warning shots to do so.
Mimika Police official Comr. Albertus Andreana said 165 Harapan tribesmen were arrested and suspected of involvement in the attack on the four Karang Senang residents.
"We're still handling the Karang Senang kampong attack," Albertus said in Mimika on Wednesday, making a point of the distinction between this and the recurring conflicts between Amole and Harapan, which he described as "a separate case from the old conflicts in Kwamki Lama."
"We've taken 165 people to question them," Albertus said. He added that the other Harapan tribesmen involved, many of whom were armed, had fled into the jungle.
Rangga Prakoso All state institutions are responsible for addressing past human rights violations in the absence of an official rights tribunal, a leading advocate said on Monday.
Ifdhal Kasim, chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), blamed the lack of progress in dealing with past violations on the fact that an ad hoc human rights court had never been established in the country.
In the absence of such a tribunal, he said, the best solution was for all government institutions to work together and address unresolved cases. "The ability to resolve these cases of past rights violations will be a measure of how civilized we are as a society," he said.
He said the Attorney General's Office was not the only responsible party. "The AGO, the House of Representatives, the government, Komnas HAM everyone has a responsibility in this matter," he said.
Ifdhal was responding to an order by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last week for the AGO to study a recent four-year study by Komnas HAM that found evidence of serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity in the anti-communist purge of 1965-66.
"What Komnas HAM has reported will be studied by the attorney general, who is expected to report to me and other relevant parties," Yudhoyono said on Wednesday. "We want a good, just, factual, smart and constructive settlement."
Up to half a million people are thought to have died in the purge, which targeted suspected members and sympathizers of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and was sparked by an attempt to overthrow the country's founding president, Sukarno.
In the immediate aftermath of the coup attempt, Maj. Gen. Suharto mobilized his forces and effectively took control of the country. He eventually became president and served for more than 30 years.
Following the release of the findings, Attorney General Basrief Arief said he welcomed the investigation led by Komnas HAM, but warned that resurrecting a case from nearly 50 years ago was no simple matter.
"A [case] that happened before the year 2000 requires [an ad hoc rights tribunal], as stipulated by the law," the attorney general said last Tuesday.
Such a tribunal would be required to be formed based on a recommendation from the House and endorsed by a presidential decree.
Jakarta Responding to the damning reports from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) stating that the 1965 anti-communist purge and the early 1980s killings are gross violations of human rights, lawmakers have suggested that the public should just forgive and forget the atrocities.
A member of House Commission III overseeing legal affairs, Nudirman Munir said that the best solution to solving past rights abuses was burying them. "If we keep opening up old wounds we will not be able to move on and look to the future," Nudirman said in a discussion on Monday.
Nudirman said that revisiting past rights abuses was akin to opening a Pandora's Box. "Better let bygones be bygones," Nudirman of the Golkar party said.
Nudirman said that rather than dwelling on the past, Komnas HAM should just focus on current rights abuses like the killings in Mesuji in Lampung and random shootings in Papua.
In its reports released last week, Komnas HAM deemed the 1965 anti- communist purge and the 1981-1984 shootings gross violations of human rights. Komnas HAM then issued a recommendation that the government form a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (KKR).
The Attorney General's Office (AGO) should be instructed to launch an investigation of the cases and rehabilitate the victims' rights, especially members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) whose rights as citizens have been violated for years.
Deputy House speaker Priyo Budi Santoso recently said that digging up the past would only cause negative reactions.
"Revealing the historical facts will not solve the problem. "If we keep on trying to unearth them, we will end up attempting to solve the massacre in the era of Ken Arok [a Javanese king in the 13th century]," Priyo said.
Survivors of the 1965 anti-communist purge have filed a complaint against Priyo to the House ethics council.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie said that he had very little knowledge of the anti-communist purge. "I have never studied either the case or the legal aspects of it," he said.
Marzuki shared the opinion of his fellow lawmakers that reopening the case would be counterproductive. "It's almost half a century ago. Do we really needed to look that far back?" he said.
Marzuki also said that the government need to decide first the nature of the subject. "The 1965 communist coup was considered a mutiny and the government at that time needed to crush it. We have to be clear if it was truly a human rights violation," he said.
Separately, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) deputy chairman, Lukman Hakim said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should immediately set up a task force to study the Komnas HAM reports.
"The task force will decide which cases should go to court," he said. Lukman added that the government could authorize the establishment of an ad-hoc tribunal if there was enough evidence.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) historian Asvi Warman Adam said the country still had a long way to go before reaching a closure on past rights abuse cases, in spite of the Komnas HAM findings.
"The discussion about establishing a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation has been going on since 1999 but it took five years for the House to produce the law," he said. (cor)
Ezra Sihite The government is being urged to form a task force to investigate and solve past cases of human rights violation.
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Deputy Speaker Lukman Hakim Saifudin said that the president must move every institution to investigate all human rights violation cases.
"In order for it to be handled quickly, the president needs to form some kind of task force under his immediate coordination," Lukman, who is also the deputy chairman of the United Development Party (PPP), said in a news release on Friday.
The task force should make inventories of every investigation report on various human rights violation cases made by the National Commission on Human Rights, known as Komnas HAM, Lukman said, adding that it would also select which cases would be brought to court.
He said the ad hoc team should propose a rehabilitation formula, while the compensation needed would be executed by the president. "The formation of a task force will show that the government has a big heart to acknowledge and take responsibility for past incidents," he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has ordered the Attorney General's Office to follow up on a National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) report on human rights violations during the government's 1965-66 anti- communist purge.
Komnas HAM announced the findings of its four-year investigation on Monday, saying it had found evidence of serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity. The purge is believed to have killed more than half a million people.
"What Komnas HAM has reported will be studied by the attorney general, who is expected to report to me and other relevant parties. We want a good, just, factual, smart and constructive settlement," Yudhoyono said in Jakarta on Wednesday.
The president said he would also consult with MPR, the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) and the Supreme Court, among other institutions.
"We can pick whichever, in order to settle the historical issue justly. We have to think clearly and be honest and objective about what happened in the past. We cannot distort history and facts," Yudhoyono said.
Speaking after a news conference, Attorney General Basrief Arief said he would "probe" the Komnas HAM findings and promised to share the results of his investigation with the public.
"We call this kind of probe a 'pre-prosecution.' The investigation will decide whether or not there will be enough evidence [to bring the case to court]," the attorney general said.
Meanwhile, House Speaker Marzuki Alie said that if the government went with Komnas HAM's recommendation, the president would have to apologize on behalf of the government for the incident.
The Democratic Party lawmaker also said that people should stop looking into the past. "One thing is for certain, the case is about a half-century old. Why do we still think that far? Besides, we don't know where the people are now and many of them have also died," he said.
Ezra Sihite The House of Representatives Ethics Council says it will study a report filed by a human rights group objecting to Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso's statement that the victims of 1965 anti-communist massacres should put the past behind them.
"Not yet [read it]," Ethics Council deputy chairman Siswono Yudohusodo said of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) report.
"I've just read about it in the newspapers because it's still recess period now. We will look into it later," he said at the parliament building in Jakarta on Friday.
Kontras, along with victims and families of victims of the 1965 massacre and other tragedies, reported Priyo on Thursday. "He said it's not important to bring up the past," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said on Thursday. "This kind of statement is very inappropriate."
Priyo violated the House Code of Ethics in several ways, including for failing to carry out the people's mandate and not respecting democracy and human rights, Haris said.
"Under the law, the government has the responsibility to solve cases of human rights violations," Haris said. "And it's Priyo's duty to supervise the solving of the human rights cases."
Siswono said that the House oversight body will check whether Priyo violated the ethics code. "We will hold a meeting after recess," Siswono said.
On Thursday, Priyo said that Kontras's report to the Ethics Council was an exaggeration. "I was just giving my opinion that we should look to the future," said Priyo, a Golkar Party politician. "I never suggested we bury [the findings]."
He insisted that he sympathized with the victims and was merely offering an alternative solution.
Kontras asked the Ethics Council to investigate the political motives behind Priyo's statement. "Golkar, with its background as the party that benefited from the New Order regime, might be afraid that further details will be unveiled," Haris said. "In the future, we must think of punishing Golkar to prevent its members from issuing counterproductive statements."
Pudjo Untung, 70, one of the victims of the violence of 1965, said Priyo did not understand that the historical scars had yet to heal.
Ezra Sihite The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence has reported House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso to the House Ethics Council over a statement he made about the mass killings of 1965.
Haris Azhar, coordinator for the rights group known as Kontras, along with victims and families of victims of the 1965 massacre, as well as other tragedies, reported Priyo on Thursday. "He said it's not important to bring up the past," Haris said. "This kind of statement is very inappropriate."
Priyo violated the House code of ethics in several ways, including for failing to carry out the people's mandate and not respecting democracy and human rights, Haris said.
"Under the law, the government has the responsibility to solve cases of human rights violations," Haris said. "And it's Priyo's duty to supervise the solving of the human rights cases.
Priyo said on Tuesday that Indonesia should put the events of 1965 behind it. He was speaking in response to findings by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) that the 1965 killings were crimes against humanity committed by the state under former strongman President Suharto.
On Thursday, Priyo claimed that Kontras's report to the House Ethics Council was an exaggeration. "I was just giving my opinion that we should look to the future," said Priyo, a Golkar Party politician. "I never suggested we bury [the findings]."
He insisted that he sympathized with the victims and was merely offering an alternative solution. Kontras asked the Ethics Council to investigate the political motives behind Priyo's statement.
"Golkar, with its background as the party that benefited from the New Order regime, might be afraid that the case will be unveiled," Haris said. "In the future, we must think of punishing Golkar to prevent its members from issuing counterproductive statements."
Pudjo Untung, 70, one of the victims of the killings of 1965, said Priyo did not understand that the historical scars had yet to heal.
"Komnas HAM has issued a recommendation that the incident was a serious human rights violation and Priyo should have represented the people. What Priyo did showed that he really doesn't understand history," Pudjo said.
Millions were killed during the horrors of 1965, Pudjo said. For all this time, the atrocities had been covered up and obscured by the authorities, but now Indonesians must come to terms with the past.
"History was kept in the dark and as long as it's kept in the dark, the problem is still not solved, and we'll still be discriminated against," he said.
Jakarta Victims of human rights violations and their relatives have denounced Deputy House Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso for making negative comments about human rights investigations.
They said such a statement should not have come from someone who holds a position as a representative of the people.
Aside from denouncing the statement the victims, who were accompanied on Thursday by members of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), reported Priyo to the House's ethics committee.
Priyo, a lawmaker from the Golkar Party, said recently that investigations into violations cases (by the National Commission on Human Rights) were unproductive because they could cause negative reactions.
"Revealing the historical facts will not solve the problem. If we keep on trying to unearth them, we will end up attempting to solve the massacre in the era of Ken Arok [a Javanese king in the 13th century]," he said as quoted by Kontras from a number of online news.
Kontras coordinator, Haris Azhar, said he and the victims condemned Priyo's statement as disrespectful, citing that such comments should not have emanated from a House member who was supposed to defend people from injustice.
"Victims and their families are part of Indonesia's 240 million people," said Haris. Haris and the victims reported Priyo to the ethics committee as they considered Priyo had violated certain laws and the House's code of ethics.
"House members have a responsibility to monitor the government in solving human rights violation cases as stipulated in Law No. 26/2000," he said, adding that Priyo's statement showed otherwise.
Haris expressed his concern that Priyo's statement could also hinder law enforcement efforts concerning major human rights violation cases currently being reviewed by the Supreme Court, such as the violent riots in May 1998.
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) recently announced that the state-sponsored purge that followed the 1965 aborted coup, and the summary execution-style killings between 1982 and 1985, known as mysterious killings (Petrus), met all the criteria of gross violations of human rights.
Although those cases and many others, like the 1998 riots, are widely known, the state has never officially acknowledged them as episodes of a far darker Indonesian history.
Nurhasana, whose son went missing during the 1998 violence, warned Priyo to think first before speaking, adding that he had to consider a mother who had waited desperately for 14 years to obtain information of her son's fate.
"The government must solve the cases as soon as possible because my child, like other victims, is a human being, not an animal," she said, holding back her tears.
Victim of the 1965 anti-communist purge, Bedjo Untung, said that Golkar, Priyo's party, should assume responsibility for the violations, as Golkar was the primary political machine in that era.
Meanwhile, Priyo regarded Kontras' reporting him to the ethics committee as evidence that the rights watchdog had exaggerated his statement. According to Priyo, everyone had the right to their own opinion.
"Reporting me was going overboard," he said, adding that his statement merely highlighted a different perspective. "Kontras does not need to censure my statement," he said.
Priyo added that he had never suggested authorities bury cases of human rights violations. "It is better if we move forward," he said, but he maintained he empathized with the victims' families.
Separately, Golkar lawmaker Tantowi Yahya said he would discuss the party's stance on this matter at its internal meeting, considering his party was in power at that time.
Officials from the House ethics secretariat promised to arrange a meeting between Priyo, the victims and their families.
A deputy House spokesman, Pramono Anung, said he supported the steps taken by Komnas HAM. "These cases must not be erased [from history]. We cannot pretend that nothing happened" he said.
"The government has the obligation to reveal the facts," he said, adding that it could become a precious lesson for the future so as to prevent similar incidents from happening again. (cor)
Bahri Kurniawan, Jakarta Commemorating 16 years since the attack on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters on July 27, 1996, banners and a billboard filled the former site of the PDI office on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta.
The billboard read: "Don't let the perpetrators of human rights crimes return to leading this country again...!!!", accompanied by a narration recalling the incident.
On July 24, 1996 a meeting was held at the Jakarta Military Command (Kodam Jaya) chaired by then Kodam Jaya chief of staff, Brigadier General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, where a decision was taken to attack the Pro-Mega (Megawati Sukarnoputri) PDI office, which would then be taken over by Kodam Jaya.
The July 27 incident did not just end with the arrest and trial of Pro- Megawati PDI members, but had a broader impact with the arrest of many other pro-democracy activists.
Also displayed on the billboard are the names of officials alleged to have been involved in the attack, including among others, General Feisal Tanjung (then the chief of the Armed Forces), Police General Dibyo Widodo (National Police Chief), Syarwan Hamid (Military Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Suwarno Adi Wijaya (Military Assistant for Social and Political Affairs), Major General Soetoyo (Director General for Social and Political Affairs at the Home Affairs Ministry), Major General Yusuf Kertanegara (Assistant to the Armed Forces Chief of General Staff), Brigadier General Zaki Anwar Makarim (Armed Forces Intelligence Chief), Major General Sutiyoso (Jakarta Military Commander), Major General Hamami Nata (Jakarta Police Chief), Brigadier General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff), Colonel Haryanto (Assistant Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff), Joko Santoso (Jakarta Military Command Assistant for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Tri Tamtomo (Infantry Brigade Commander I for Jakarta Security), Colonel Sudi Silalahi (private secretary to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Syamsiar Wangsadipraja (Personal Aide to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Yahya Secawirya (Personal Aide to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Rusli (Armed Forces Intelligence) Lieutenants Colonel Leonard (Armed Forces Intelligence), Lieutenant Colonel Budi Purnama (Jakarta Military Command), Police Colonel Indro Waskito (Jakarta Police Operational Control Command Center Chief), Lieutenant Colonel Zul Efendy (Central Jakarta District Military Commander), Police Lieutenant Colonel Abu Bakar (Jakarta District Police Chief) and Police Major Sunaryo (Mobile Brigade).
A red circle is drawn around the section where it cites the Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff, now President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. According to a sympathiser who happened to be at the location, a commemoration of the July 27 incident will be held at the State Place. "My colleagues are currently at the Palace", they said.
Following weeks of protests at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters after the Suharto regime engineered Megawati Sukarnoputri's removal as the party's democratically elected chairperson, on July 27, 1966, paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police. Many hoped that with Megawati's ascendancy to the presidency in 2002 those responsible would be held accountable however Megawati (who was reportedly was informed beforehand of the impending attack on the PDI headquarters) and other leading party figures have publicly distanced themselves from the issue and have refused to attend annual commemorations. Those who were eventually brought to trial in late 2003 were all low ranking soldiers or civilians and have either been acquitted for lack of evidence or given light sentences. None of those believed to have organised or led the attack have been brought to trial.
Jakarta Sumardi, 44, a Karawang resident says the days when Karawang villagers repeatedly found bodies from the penembakan misterius (mysterious shootings), or Petrus, in the area of Citarum River, Karawang, West Java, remain fresh in his memory.
"I remember it was 1984, and I was 16. We found bodies floating in Citarum River maybe once every two days, some of them had tattoos, some had no tattoos at all," he said.
"Some of the bodies got stuck at the edge of the river, while some were carried away by the current, but we just let them go, hoping the river would take them to the sea," he added. Sumardi said that the villagers simply didn't want to get involved.
He said that it was a terrifying time, but he and his family didn't feel threatened because they knew the killings only targeted specific people. "We didn't feel threatened because we knew they only went after people with tattoos and criminal records," he told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
One of his neighbors was one of the operation's targets, he said. The man, a much-feared gang member in the neighborhood, was abducted by a group of people who looked like military officers in 1984, Sumardi explained.
"This neighbor of mine was suddenly abducted from a wedding party by a number people who carried weapons. I saw them push him into a hardtop jeep. Witnesses said that later that night they saw him being dragged like an animal and tied up behind the jeep. Since then, we have never seen him again," he said.
Sumardi is not the only one who still remembers the era of the Petrus killings as a frightening time.
Yosep Adi Prasetyo, the deputy chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) remembered that time as a terrorizing period for his generation. "The Petrus killings have left behind a generation with scars from tattoo removal. It left a very big hole in our hearts," Yosep said.
According to the result of a Komnas HAM investigation announced on Tuesday, as many as 2,000 bodies of Petrus victims were found in cities throughout Central and East Java, Bogor in West Java, Jakarta, Palembang in South Sumatra and Medan in North Sumatra. Yosep said that according to the Komnas HAM investigation, some of the victims had been murdered in unusual ways.
"We interviewed doctors, forensics experts, and nurses who had contact with the victims' bodies, and according to their information, some victims were killed with gold bullets," Yosep said, in reference to the belief that people could use black magic to make themselves impervious to all but gold bullets. "Some victims had their chests split open with axes when the perpetrators noticed they were still breathing after being shot," he added.
Asvi Warman Adam, a historian at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and a former member of the 1965 purge investigation team, said that Komnas HAM had found indications of gross violations of human rights in the Petrus killings as early as 2003.
"Komnas HAM faced a lot of obstacles in completing this investigation, that's why the progress was very slow and that is also why I'm not letting my hopes get too high that the Attorney General's Office [AGO] will follow up on this case or even take it to the ad hoc human rights court," he told the Post.
Asvi added that a major hindrance to further investigation by the AGO was a required recommendation to proceed from the House of Representatives.
"The further investigation is not only up to the AGO but also the House of Representatives, which makes it a lot harder to finish. As we know a Golkar politician recently rejected any further investigation of human-rights violations occurring before 1998. I don't know whether the government will take serious action to close this case or not," he said.
"I am happy enough knowing that the Komnas HAM finished their investigation and declared this case as a gross violation of human rights, because this means they have made it a matter of official record," he added. (nad)
Markus Junianto, Rangga Prakoso & Viriya Paramita Human rights activists on Wednesday lambasted remarks made by House of Representatives deputy speaker Priyo Budi Santoso, who said Indonesia must stop investigating past human rights violations.
The remarks came after a landmark ruling from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) on Monday confirming that there were serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity in the communist purge which followed the failed 1965 coup.
More than 500,000 people died in the purge targeting the suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The purge eventually paved the way for Maj. Gen. Suharto to become president for more than 30 years.
Komnas HAM asked the Attorney General's Office to open a criminal investigation into the purge but Priyo, from the same Golkar Party that the former president used as a political vehicle, said "opening old history would not solve anything."
Priyo urged Komnas HAM to investigate cases after the reform movement which followed Suharto's 1998 downfall.
Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation chairman Alvon Kurnia Palmasaid said Priyo was trying to protect Suharto and his cronies. "[Priyo's statement] will only create impunity for human rights violators," Alvons said.
The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) also condemned Priyo's remarks. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono says the government is committed to resolving past human rights violations.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has ordered the Attorney General's Office (AGO) to follow-up on the findings of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) that categorized the 1965 massacre of communists as a gross violation of human rights.
"I have given orders to the Attorney General to study the findings and report back to me and other relevant parties," Yudhoyono said after a Cabinet meeting at the AGO on Wednesday.
Yudhoyono, meanwhile, will consult the House of Representatives and the Supreme Court on what to do with Komnas HAM's report. "Because this concerns the history of this country, I have to consult with other government institutions like the Supreme Court and the House," Yudhoyono said.
On Monday, Komnas HAM announced that the state-sponsored purge that followed the 1965 aborted coup met all the criteria of a gross violation of human rights, and that government officials were involved in the systematic and widespread killing of members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and countless other civilians with political ties to the group.
Komnas HAM also called for the establishment of a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (KKR). The commission suggested Yudhoyono publicly apologize to all the victims of the violence and their families and to reinstate the rights of the survivors.
On Wednesday, activists and survivors of the purge praised Komnas HAM for its efforts to uncover the country's dark past. "I give the commission the highest possible praise for finally finishing this report after all these years," said Bedjo Untung, head of the 1965/1966 Murder Victims Research Foundation (YPKP 1965/1966), on Wednesday.
Bedjo, who was incarcerated in 1967 without a proper trial, said that the ball was now in the hands of the AGO to start its own investigation based on Komnas HAM's findings. Bedjo said that the judiciary should also set up an ad hoc human rights tribunal, based on Law No. 26/2000 on human rights tribunals, to start prosecuting rights abusers.
Mugiyanto, who chairs the Families of Missing Persons Association (IKOHI), added that the scale of the 1965 purge, which some estimates say resulted in the deaths of as many as 500,000 people, also called for non-judicial solutions.
"Judicial solutions will not be enough to cover all the necessary bases. That's why they should be complemented with non-judicial actions, like compensation, restitution and public acknowledgements of the truth," said Mugiyanto.
However, some activists were pessimistic as to whether the government would take any action at all. "All other past cases of gross human rights abuses that have been brought to the government's attention have not even been touched," said Mudjayin, an 82-year-old journalist who said he was imprisoned without trial on Maluku's Buru Island between 1969 and 1979.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) recently accused the AGO of stalling investigations into incidents of gross human rights violations, such as the Talangsari massacre of 1989.
"The Attorney General's Office may likely use the death of Soeharto as an excuse to close the case. They and other officials will probably say that the main perpetrator is gone as a way of preventing a tribunal," Bedjo said.
Earlier, Albert Hasibuan, a member of the Presidential Advisory Council (Wantimpres) focusing on legal and human rights issues, said that the Komnas HAM report would inform recommendations delivered to Yudhoyono in regards to national reconciliation.
"The conclusions drawn by Komnas HAM are a great entry point to formulate the concept of national reconciliation concerning the victims of human rights violations," Albert said. (png)
Rangga Praksoso, Ezra Sihite & Markus Junianto Sihaloho Despite a landmark ruling from the National Commission on Human Rights on Monday confirming that there were serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity in the communist purge which followed the failed 1965 coup, its victims might still have to wait before justice is served.
It is thought that up to half a million people died in the purge targeting the suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), sparked by an attempt to overthrow the country's founding President Sukarno.
In the immediate aftermath of the coup attempt, Maj. Gen. Suharto mobilized his forces and effectively took control of the country. He would eventually become president and serve for more than 30 years.
Attorney General Basrief Arief said he welcomed the investigation led by the commission, also known as the Komnas HAM, but warned that resurrecting a case that happened nearly 50 years ago was no simple matter.
"A [case] which happened before the year 2000 requires [an ad-hoc rights tribunal] as stipulated by law," Basrief said on Tuesday. An ad-hoc human rights tribunal is formed under a recommendation by the House of Representatives and endorsed by a presidential decree.
Basrief said he would "wait and see" before conducting his own investigation. "It is [Komnas HAM's] job to conduct an investigation. Once it is over, of course, they will hand it over to us [for prosecution]," he said.
The Attorney General's Office may not have to wait long for a House recommendation, with several lawmakers already urging a prosecution into the case. "The Attorney General's Office must take the lead so that domestically the rule of law is established," Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician Eva Kusuma Sundari said.
The international community is watching how Indonesia deals with its violent past, Eva continued. "If we fail, then there is a chance that [the case] will be brought to the International Criminal Court in the Hague," the legislator said.
Eva added that if the ICC took over the case from Indonesia, it would prove that the country's judicial system was no longer trustworthy in the international arena and show the high level of impunity for those involved.
The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Jakarta-based rights group, has questioned the AGO's seriousness in investigating past crimes against humanity, particularly those which occurred under Suharto's iron-fisted rule.
"There are five cases of gross human rights violation which never got investigated [by the AGO]," Kontras anti-impunity division chief Yati Andriani said.
The cases have all been investigated by Komnas HAM, including the 1997-98 kidnapping of student activists and the shooting of several student demonstrators following the ouster of Suharto in 1998 and 1999. "The AGO should have started their investigation without first waiting for an ad-hoc tribunal to be formed," Yati said.
The PDI-P is also urging a political resolution into the case as the human rights investigation continues. The party's deputy secretary general Ahmad Basarah said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must issue an apology on behalf of the government and ensure that the victims' good name was reinstated.
"President SBY should then stage a reconciliation forum so parties involved can seek forgiveness and closure, closing a dark chapter of our history," he said.
"We need reconciliation like this so this nation and future generations will not inherit differences and feuds from the older generation... as well as to not let history repeat itself."
After a four-year investigation, the rights commission found sufficient preliminary evidence of serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity, said Nurkholis, who headed the investigation team.
He said the preliminary findings showed incidents of murder, extermination, slavery, eviction or forced eviction, deprivation of freedom, torture, rape and abuse. "These acts were part of attacks launched against civilians according to the rulers' policy," Nurkholis said.
Although he declined to provide names, Komnas HAM did not hesitate to point its finger at the Command for the Restoration of Security and Public Order (Kopkamtib), the pervasive security network set up by Suharto following the 1965 coup attempt
"The military command or officials who failed to control their forces effectively to prevent, stop or take action against human rights violations are responsible for the incident," Nurkholis said.
Nurkholis also called on Yudhoyono to take over the case to provide justice for the survivors. Bejo Untung, who survived the violence, urged the president to follow up on the findings and apologize to all the victims and their families.
Ismira Lutfia For the first time on Tuesday, a government agency confirmed what many people believe: that the mysterious petrus killings of the early 1980s, in which hundreds, perhaps thousands, of past and present criminals turned up dead throughout the country, were committed by the state and were crimes against humanity.
Yoseph Adi Prasetyo, commissioner of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), said at a press conference that his organization had found proof of crimes against humanity. "Based on our analysis, there were evidence of attacks committed by a group of people who were actually part of law enforcement," Yoseph said.
Komnas HAM has been investigating the petrus cases, which peaked from 1982 to 1985. At the time, strongman President Suharto was in power. The security forces who carried out the killings chose their targets from a list they made of thugs and former criminals, Yoseph said. Most victims had tattoos. Their killers' bullets, however, did not always fly true.
"There were also cases of wrong targets, where the victims were never involved in any crimes but became victims because they happened to have the same names [as ones who were]," Yoseph said.
The rights commission acknowledged that corpses were found across Java and Sumatra, in places including Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Bantul, Semarang, Medan, Palembang, Magelang, Solo, Cilacap, Malang and Mojokerto. "There's also a possibility that incidents occurred in other locations such as Bandung, Makassar, Pontianak, Banyuwangi and Bali," he said.
The term "petrus" is a portmanteau for penebakan misterius, which means "mysterious shootings."
In his 1988 autobiography, Suharto acknowledged that the security forces had carried out the killings. The killings were officially intended to reduce the crime rate, and in that they succeeded. No official figure for the shootings were ever reported.
Jakarta The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) announced on Tuesday that the summary execution-style killings between 1982 and 1985, known locally as penembakan misterius (mysterious shootings), or Petrus, were a gross violation of human rights as they involved systematic extra- judicial killing, torture and abduction.
In its report, the result of a four-year investigation which started in 2008, Komnas HAM found that the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police were most responsible for carrying out the killings, which were ordered by then president Soeharto as a means to bring down crime rates in the country.
"The team found evidence of gross violations of human rights in the mysterious shootings that took place between 1982 and 1985. This campaign was carried out by state security personnel and was widespread across the country," Yosep Adi Prasetyo, the commission deputy chairman said in a press conference on Tuesday.
"The killings followed certain patterns, such as the thumbs of the victims being tied together behind their backs, the bodies were wrapped in sacks and Rp 10,000 [US$1.06] was left on top of the bodies for funeral costs," Yosep said.
The Komnas HAM report said that the TNI and the police, with their territorial commands, including the subdistrict military commands (Koramil), district military commands (Kodim) and the Regional Military Commands (Kodam), were most responsible for what the commission also considered as crimes against humanity.
On Monday, Komnas HAM also announced that the 1965 anti-communist purge was a gross violation of human rights.
The Petrus shootings started in August 1982, under the command of then chief of the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order (Kopkamtib), Adm. Soedomo. Soedomo died in June this year. The operation was codenamed "Operasi Clurit" (Operation Sickle).
In March 1983, Gen. Benny Moerdani, who replaced Soedomo as commander of Kopkamtib, took over the security operation.
The operation targeted recidivists, local gangs, unemployed youths and others considered sources of violent crime. Some were targeted by the operation simply because they had tattoos, considered the mark of criminals. "However, there are a few victims who had no criminal records. Some of them were farmers and civil servants," said Yosep.
Bodies of the victims were found in cities throughout Central and East Java, Bogor in West Java, Jakarta, Palembang in South Sumatra and Medan in North Sumatra. Komnas HAM put the death toll from the security operation at 2,000.
In the investigation, Komnas HAM commissioners traveled to spots known as the dumping grounds of victims. "Luweng Grubug, an underground cave in Wonosari, Yogyakarta, appears to have been one of the dumping sites for the bodies. Some of the victims were pushed and some were forced to jump into the rocky hole," Yosep said.
Although initially the perpetrators used firearms to kill their victims, due to condemnation from the international community, which suspected that the military was involved in the operation, the method was changed to strangulation.
In the report, Komnas HAM said that TNI and the police drew up lists of targeted individuals, which were then distributed to community leaders. Some were kidnapped and detained at military facilities and others were executed in front of their families.
Former president Soeharto said in his autobiography titled Otobiografi Soeharto: Pikiran, Ucapan, dan Tindakan Saya (Soeharto Autobiography: Thoughts, Words and Action): "We have to conduct the treatment with firm acts. What kind of firm acts? Violence, but it does not have to be shooting. Those who tried to fight back, they were shot. Some of the bodies were left in the open, just like that. It was shock therapy. This would make people understand that there are consequences of evil conduct," Soeharto wrote. (nad)
Rangga Prakosa President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has ordered the attorney general to follow up on the National Commission on Human Rights' recent report on human rights violations during the Indonesian government's 1965-66 anti-communist purge.
The Commission, abbreviated as Komnas HAM, announced the findings of its four-year investigation on Monday, saying it had found evidence of serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity. The purge is reckoned to have killed more than half a million people.
"What Komnas HAM has reported will be studied by the attorney general, who is expected to report to me and other relevant parties. We want a good, just, factual, smart and constructive settlement," Yudhoyono told a press conference at the Attorney General's Office in Jakarta on Wednesday.
Yudhoyono said he would also consult with the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) and the Supreme Court, among other institutions.
He said that he had studied the strategies that South Africa, Cambodia, Bosnia and other sites of gross human rights abuses had used to deal with their violent histories.
"We can pick whichever, in order to settle the historical issue justly. We have to think clearly, and be honest and objective about what happened in the past. We cannot distort history and facts," the president said.
Speaking after the press conference, Attorney General Basrief Arief said he would "probe" the Komnas HAM findings, and promised to share the results of his investigation with the public.
"We call this kind of probe a 'pre-prosecution.' The investigation will decide whether or not there will be enough evidence [to bring the case to court]," Basrief explained.
Komnas HAM's report cited incidents of murder, extermination, slavery, forced eviction, deprivation of freedom, torture, rape and other abuses.
The purge was catalyzed by an attempt to overthrow the country's founding President Sukarno. In the immediate aftermath of the attempted coup, Maj. Gen. Suharto mobilized his force and effectively took control of the country. He would eventually become president and serve for more than 30 years.
"These acts were part of attacks launched against civilians according to the rulers' policy," Komnas HAM commissioner Nurkholis said.
Nurkholis declined to provide names, but did not hesitate to point fingers at the Command for the Restoration of Security and Public Order (Kopkamtib), the pervasive security network set up by Suharto following the 1965 coup attempt.
"The military officials who failed to prevent, stop or take action against human rights violations are responsible for the incident," he said.
The Komnas HAM investigation team, which was established on June 1, 2008, and worked until April 30, 2012, questioned 349 witnesses who either heard about incidents during the violence or experienced it firsthand.
Komnas HAM attributed the length of the investigation to several factors, including the wide geographic area covered, budget constraints and the fact that many of the witnesses had died since the time of the events.
Rangga Prakoso The chairman of the Public Prosecution Commission said on Tuesday that he would question Attorney General Basrief Arief about why his office had such a difficult time investigating cases of serious human rights violations.
That comes just a day after the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) filed a complaint with the prosecution commission over what it called the AGO's slow handling of such cases. The prosecution commission oversees the Attorney General's Office.
"We need to hear what the obstacles are in handling human rights cases, whether they are related to coordination matters or the law," said the prosecution commission chairman, Halius Hosen. The prosecution commission cannot intervene directly in AGO cases, but it can conduct an investigation and issue recommendations, Halius said.
"There are serious human rights cases that were not followed up by [AGO] investigators," Yati Andriani, head of the impunity observation division at Kontras, said on Monday.
"The attorney general should be able to start investigations without having to wait for the establishment of an ad hoc human rights court," she said. In 2011, the prosecution commission's powers were expanded in response to claims it was a toothless agency.
Activists have pointed out at least six major human rights violations across the country in the last three decades, including the 1984 Tanjung Priok massacre, the 1989 Talangsari killings, the May 1998 Jakarta riots, the 1998 Trisakti and Semanggi shootings, the political abductions in 1997-98 and violence in Papua.
Last month, the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) released a report on human rights violations in Indonesia. It said the handling of such cases had been stagnant in the first four months of the year.
"In general, there have been no significant developments related to past cases of human rights abuses," said Elsam's executive director, Indriaswati D. Saptaningrum. Indri said the poor handling of human rights abuse cases showed that solving them was not high on the government's list of priorities.
"None of the cases investigated by Komnas HAM, such as the Trisakti shootings, Semanggi I and II, the May 1998 riots, Talangsari 1989 and the 1997-98 missing person cases, were brought to an ad hoc human rights court," Indriaswati said on release of the report. Komnas HAM is the National Commission on Human Rights.
Arya Dipa, Bandung A number of non-governmental organizations in Bandung, West Java, have urged the Bandung administration to stop using hibah (grants) for the upcoming Bandung mayoralty election, which will be held in 2013.
Suryawijaya, the coordinator of the Public Information Development Center, expressed his concern that the grant assistance would be benefited by particular parties ahead of the mayoralty election. "We wish all parties would not take advantage of the social funds for political interests," Suryawijaya said on Monday.
A joint investigation conducted among societal elements, such as the Budget Discussion Forum, the Bandung Education Coalition, the Initiative Group, the West Java Environmental Forum and the Bandung Legal Aid Institution, saw an indication of unclear amounts of budget allocations, irrational amounts of budget allocations and beneficiaries as well as multiple aid beneficiaries.
"We also found nine institutions, which continuously received grants, whereas in fact they were regarded as in default in 2010 and 2011 for not submitting accountability reports on time," said the Initiative Group executive director Donny Setiawan.
Suryawijaya also focussed on irregularities in spending grants allocated by the Bandung administration. Bandung mayoral decree No. 110/2012 mentioned grant spending of Rp 435 billion (US$46 million), which was different from the record stated in the Bandung mayor decree No. 978/2012 of Rp 389 billion, Suryawijaya said.
"The ambiguity is strengthened by a statement from Bandung municipal secretary Edi Siswadi recently published by the media. According to him, the amount of grant funds in 2012 was more than Rp 493 billion," he said.
Suryawijaya added that in the allocation of funds there was a considerable range of the amount of funds to each recipient. The institutions that received the largest amount of grant funds was the Indonesian Teachers Association at Rp 56 billion to pay the salary of temporary teachers.
"On the other hand, other institutions receive only Rp 4.3 million. The gap shows the lack of clear rules in the maximum and minimum amount of grant funds given," he said. Suryawijaya added his center found 23 institutions deemed incompetent in managing funds, but received funds of around Rp 1 billion.
The various findings, added Suryawijaya, were a strong reason for the Bandung municipality to verify all the grant recipients. "There should be a moratorium or postponement in fund disbursement during the repeat verification," he said.
Separately, Bandung municipal secretary Edi Siswadi said that of around 4,000 proposals worth Rp 493 billion, his office had only disbursed funds for 125 grant fund beneficiaries. "The amount disbursed is only 2.5 percent of the total amount," he said, adding that his office had conducted verification before disbursing the funds.
Jakarta The recently formed National Democratic (NasDem) party said it would garner at least 21 percent of the votes in the 2014 legislative election, more than the ruling Democratic Party won in 2009.
Chairman of the NasDem party, Rio Patrice Capelo, said the amount of votes would translate into at least 154 seats at the House of Representatives. The Democratic Party won 20.9 percent of the votes in the 2009 election.
Rio said that NasDem could meet the target given its heavy presence throughout the country. "Out of around 75,000 villages in the country, we have a presence in 60 percent of them," Rio said as quoted by tempo.co.
Earlier, Rio had said that 37 active lawmakers were ready to abandon ship and join the NasDem bandwagon for the 2014 legislative election. The party is also aiming to boost the electability of its legislative candidates, by giving each one between Rp 5 billion (US$530,000) and Rp 10 billion to finance their political bids in the 2014 election.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Lapindo mudflow disaster is widely seen as an Achilles' heel that could destroy Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie's chances for presidency. But what others see as a threat for Golkar might just turn into an opportunity.
The mudflow, which began in May 2006, was widely attributed to the blowout of a natural gas well owned by Lapindo Brantas, a Bakrie Group affiliate. Aburizal at the time was the coordinating minister for people's welfare.
The incident has destroyed hundreds of homes, swamped 720 hectares of land and displaced thousands of people in Sidoarjo, East Java.
Then there's the protracted compensation process, which many argue violates a presidential instruction. The compensation delay led to Aburizal, who announced his bid for presidency on July 1, faltering in surveys of public support.
Lalu Mara Satriawangsa, a Bakrie family spokesman and deputy secretary general of Golkar, said that the Bakries had set aside a huge sum of money for the compensation but could not say when the money will be disbursed to the victims.
"We will settle [all compensation] according to the Bakrie family's capability. Yes, there has been delay, but we have to appreciate what the Bakries have done [for the victims]," he said.
Public Works Minister Djoko Kirmanto, who also has a role with the Sidoarjo Mudflow Mitigation Agency, said in June that Lapindo has only paid Rp 2.9 trillion ($307 million) in compensation out of the Rp 3.8 trillion it was ordered to pay. "We will ask [Lapindo] to pay what they owe," the minister said.
Lalu confirmed that Aburizal had set aside the remaining Rp 900 billion compensation. With the presidential election less than two years away, it has been speculated that Aburizal will wait until just before the 2014 election to finalize the payment.
Finalizing the compensation, analysts predict, would sharply boost Aburizal's electoral prospects. Aburizal is currently trailing former president Megawati Sukarnoputri and retired general Prabowo Subianto in the popularity stakes.
Idrus Marham, secretary general of Golkar Party, said in an interview in January that completing the payment obligations would make Aburizal look like a hero.
"It is extraordinary, as it is not [Aburizal's] responsibility," Idrus said. "The court of law said that it is a natural phenomenon. Aburizal is a great leader. [The Lapindo mudflow] would only be positive energy."
Lalu denied that the compensation delay was related to the 2014 presidential election but added that Bakrie had been generous for shouldering the compensation alone.
Energy Mega, owned by the family of tycoon Arifin Panigoro, owned 32 percent of Lapindo and another 18 percent was owned by Australian company Santos.
Jakarta Rival political parties have said that they are not concerned about reports that their lawmakers in the House of Representatives have struck a deal with the National Democrat Party (Nasdem) and intend to join the party for the 2014 election.
The Democratic Party central board member Ikhsan Modjo claimed that Nasdem was bluffing with such a suggestion. "If they are really serious about it, why don't they name names?" Ikhsan told reporters on Tuesday.
Nasdem Party chairman Rio Pratrice Capella said that 37 active lawmakers were ready to abandon ship and join the Nasdem bandwagon for the 2014 legislative election.
In what appears to be a desperate move to boost the electability of its legislative candidates, the newly established Nasdem said it would give Rp 5 billion (US$530,000) to Rp 10 billion to each of its legislative candidates to finance their political bids in the 2014 election.
The Nasdem is expected to hold a selection process for its legislative candidates soon. During the process, party officials will scrutinize all possible members to be nominated as lawmakers.
After being selected, each candidate will be given money to pay for their campaigns, transportation and campaign supplies. Nasdem, however, will also earmark a separate fund for the party's campaign.
Ikhsan said that no Democratic Party lawmakers had officially tendered their resignations. "I haven't heard any news of Democratic Party politicians intending to join Nasdem," he said, adding that most lawmakers were still loyal to the party.
Contacted separately, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chief patron Taufiq Kiemas said he would not stand in the way of any PDI-P members who wanted to join Nasdem. "The PDI-P is an open political party, which means that you can go whenever you want," he told reporters.
Taufiq, however, suggested that before joining Nasdem, PDI-P members should complete their terms at the House and then officially resign from the party. "Voters chose them so they must finish their duty first," he said.
Meanwhile, United Development Party (PPP) deputy chairman Lukman Hakim Syaifuddin was confident that no PPP lawmakers would look for opportunities with Nasdem.
"Joining a political party is about realizing the party's mission in the legislature. Also, the integrity of lawmakers should be questioned if they move from one party to another," he said.
Lukman said that if lawmakers were in it only for the money, they were making a big mistake. "We learned our lesson from the previous election that money was not the only aspect," he said.
Political analyst Ari Dwipayana from Gadjah Mada University said that party members joining other political parties could be an indication of problems with political recruitment in the political system.
"Some parties are controlled by a small number of people and they block the entrance of members who want to get seats in the House. So the most reasonable way is to find a new boat that could take them to the finish line," he said.
Ari said that most political parties also tended to select well-known people as legislative candidates and shun those who really strove for the party's benefit. "Such a party tends to recruit people with high electability and drive away quality candidates," he said. (cor)
Environment & natural disasters
Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Jakarta The author of a book which criticizes Golkar Party Chairman Aburizal Bakrie for his poor handling of the Lapindo mudflow disaster in Sidoarjo, East Java, has been forced to live in hiding with his family for fear of possible retribution.
Taufik Budiman, who represented Ali Azhar Akbar, author of the book Lapindo File: Konspirasi SBY-Bakrie (Lapindo File: Conspiracy of SBY-Bakrie), said that after he was reported to be missing, Ali had sent messages that he had to stay in hiding and would only come out when the moment is right.
"The language that he used in the text message matched his style and we can be sure that the messages were sent by him. For now, we are grateful for the fact that he made contact, which means that he is still alive and safe," Taufik told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Ali went missing after last making contact with his lawyer, M. Taufik Budiman, shortly before the launch of his book at the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) campus on June 20. Other reports say that Ali lost contact with Taufik two days before the event.
Ali is an environmental activist who wrote two previous books about the Lapindo mudflow, Konspirasi di Balik Lumpur Lapindo: Dari Aktor Hingga Strategi Kotor (Conspiracy Behind Lapindo Mudflow: From Actors to Dirty Tricks) published by Galang Pers in 2007 and Lapindo File published by Indopetro Publishing House in May.
In his book, Ali argued that an accident in the drilling activity on May 26, 2006, by Lapindo Brantas Incorporated (LBI), owned by Golkar Party chairman and tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, was the cause of the mudflow.
Ali and his two colleagues filed a judicial review with the Constitutional Court citing Law No. 4/2012 article 18 on the 2012 revised state budget that allows for the channeling of state funds to deal with the mudflow.
Coordinator of the Commission for Missing Person and Victims of Violence (Kontras) Surabaya Andy Irfan Junaidi said late last week that it was possible that Ali went into hiding with his family members because they were all out of reach.
"A few friends who have direct access to Ali said that his whereabouts were being kept a secret and that we should not try to find him yet," Andy said.
Andy said that Ali and his family could likely face threats from certain parties. "This complicates our investigation because now we have to deal with a kind of threat that forced him to hide himself," he added.
According to Andy, it is possible that Ali's activism and statements made him the target of intimidation. "He received several death threats via text messages or cell phone before and after the book launch and the judicial review," Andy said.
Kontras national coordinator Haris Azhar, said that Ali's disappearance indicated that missing person cases could still occur in a democratic society.
"This incident proves that missing persons cases can still happen long after 1998. The perpetrators who kidnapped people during the New Order era remain free until now. There is no deterrent effect, because they were not being punished," Haris told the Post.
Haris was referring to chief patron of the Greater National Movement (Gerindra) Party Prabowo Soebianto, who was once held accountable for the disappearance of pro-democracy activists in the twilight of the New Order regime. "Prabowo has even wanted to run for president. It goes to show that missing person cases are considered commonplace," he added.
Haris said that currently there were laws that could protect individuals from being abducted. "The mass abduction that happened during the New Order would be unlikely to happen today, but there is still a chance," Haris said.
Last week, a victim of the Lapindo mudflow made a shocking move by apologizing to Aburizal on national television.
Hari Suwandi, who walked 827 kilometers from Surabaya to Jakarta, apologized to Aburizal for besmirching his family name in the protest. Responding to Hari's about-face, Bakrie said on Sunday that history would finally vindicate him. "It's getting clearer, which is right and which is wrong.
I was accused of colluding with Gayus. Gayus had recently spoken out himself," Bakrie said, referring to junior tax official Gayus Tambunan. (nad)
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Experts and a civil society group have urged the Indonesian government to conduct a more comprehensive probe into the impact of the Montara oil spill in the Timor Sea, off the northern coast of Western Australia.
"There are significant indications that the Montara oil spill has impacted Indonesian waters and local communities in the area," Mukhtasor, the executive director of the Indonesian Center for Energy and Environmental Studies, said during a seminar marking the three-year anniversary of the spill in Jakarta on Wednesday.
Robert B. Spies, the president of Applied Marine Science in California and an independent advisor to the West Timor Care Foundation, which supports poor fishermen in eastern Indonesia, said the response to the oil spill had been lacking.
"There hasn't been an appropriate response from the government. We don't have that much data on the impact of the oil spill," said Spies.
He said that the impact of the spill would linger for a long time in the area. "If it hits the beaches and the mangroves, it will stay for a long time," Spies said.
On Aug. 21, 2009, a blowout from the Montara wellhead platform occurred, spilling crude oil in the surrounding waters. Oil and gas leaks continued for 74 days until Nov. 3, 2009, and a permanent cap was installed a month later.
The oil rig, called the West Atlas, is owned by the Norwegian-Bermudan Seadrill and operated by PTTEP Australasia, a subsidiary of Thai-owned oil and gas company PTT.
According to the Australian Commission of Inquiry, 400 to 1,500 barrels of oil leaked into the Timor Sea per day and eventually polluted over 90,000 square kilometers of the Timor Sea. The disaster has affected at least nine regencies and thousands of fishermen.
According to Mukhtasor, a 2011 survey showed that seaweed production in 2009 averaged 1,360 kilograms per batch and declined by 71 percent to 400 kilograms per batch after the oil rig incident. Prior to the spill, fishermen caught an average 1.92 tons/trip with a gross income of Rp 17.24 million (US$1,824), which declined to an average 0.53 tons/trip for a gross income of Rp 3.93 million after the incident.
Ferdi Tanoni, the chairman of the West Timor Care Foundation, said that thousands of local fishermen in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara, were forced to relocate after the disaster.
"There were approximately 8,000 fishermen, but now there are only hundreds left," Ferdi told The Jakarta Post, adding that the community had rejected the compensation offered by the oil company.
"[The compensation] was in the form of CSR [corporate social responsibility]. CSR and compensation are two different things, so we rejected the offer," he said.
Anita Rachman & Ezra Sihite A Sidoarjo mud volcano victim's tearful request for forgiveness from Aburizal Bakrie comes as a slap in the face to the rest of the victims of the disaster that has been widely blamed on a company linked to the business tycoon, a rights activist says.
Haris Azhar, executive coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday that he was shocked to hear the plea made by Hari Suwandi in an interview on Wednesday night on tvOne, a television station owned by Aburizal.
In the interview, Hari said he regretted his 25-day walk from Sidoarjo in East Java to Jakarta to protest against Aburizal, and added that he believed the Golkar Party chairman would eventually resolve the mud volcano problem in Sidoarjo.
"It's not only a regretful statement, but also shameful," Haris said. "All of us at Kontras were shocked to see him on TV last night."
Hari's first stop upon arriving in Jakarta earlier this month was the Kontras office. Haris said Kontras welcomed him because of a recommendation from the group's Surabaya office. "We had people supporting and helping Hari to bring his protest here. But we had no idea whatsoever about his appearance on tvOne," he said.
During the broadcast, Hari said he regretted all of his actions. He said that after 16 days of protesting in the capital and not getting a single government official to respond, he had changed his mind.
"At the moment, I'm sure and I believe that the Bakrie [family] will be able to resolve the problems in Sidoarjo, especially for the victims of the Lapindo, er, Sidoarjo mud," he said.
"I, Hari Suwandi, and my family apologize to Aburizal Bakrie's family for tarnishing his good name along my journey," he added while sobbing.
Hari claimed he had been put up by others to undertake the protest against the lack of full compensation from Minarak Lapindo Jaya, a Bakrie-linked company, for the thousands of families displaced by the eruption of a mud volcano widely blamed on the drilling activities of a subsidiary company, Lapindo Brantas.
Paring Waluyo Utomo, a representative of the mud flow victims, also expressed shock at Hari's unscheduled TV appearance and about-face.
He revealed that Hari had earlier told him that Andi Darussalam Tabussala, the Minarak vice president, had contacted him and wanted to discuss something. "I told him to go meet [Andi]. But seeing him on TV, I was shocked. His family here are all disappointed and regret the statements," Paring told the Globe by phone from Sidoarjo.
"Whatever Hari said, it doesn't represent the views of the Lapindo mud victims. It's his own ploy to get money."
Paring, who helped organize Hari's protest march, said he could not reach Hari by phone after the interview until late on Thursday. He added he had heard reports that Hari had been paid off to make his statements on TV. "I heard that he will get Rp 5 million [$530] every month," Paring said.
Hari could not be reached on Thursday by the Globe to confirm the allegation.
Kontras's Haris said he regretted that Hari did not state explicitly in the interview whether he had been offered some sort of financial compensation over his statements or whether he had reached a deal with Minarak related to his claim in the Sidoarjo disaster.
Andi, who also spoke in the interview via phone, said there were many people trying to politicize the mud volcano disaster, particularly now that Aburizal had announced his candidacy for the 2014 presidential election. "The politicization is getting more frequent with regard to the mud issue," he said.
Hari's about-face, though, has already been seized on by other parties. Ruhut Sitompul, from the ruling Democratic Party, said the move could be linked to Aburizal's attempt to present a clean image ahead of the polls. "It's a case that will hamper him in the election because East Java is one of the major voter bases," he said.
Jakarta When Hari Suwandi's 25-day trek from Porong, Sidoarjo in East Java to Jakarta, wrapped up on July 8, many considered it as a triumph of human spirit against the injustice that had befallen victims of the Lapindo mudflow.
Upon reaching Jakarta Hari said the journey was the least he could do after years of unsuccessful attempts to obtain the remaining compensation promised by oil and gas company Lapindo Brantas.
On Thursday, however, he became the subject of ridicule and contempt from fellow Lapindo victims, after appearing on national television and formally apologizing to Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, who owned oil and gas company PT Lapindo Brantas which has been blamed for the disaster.
In a 12-minute interview with Bakrie-owned news channel tvOne, Hari apologized to Aburizal and his family for staging the protest that he felt had besmirched the Bakries' good name.
"We have been here for 16 days but no government official was willing to meet us. So I decided to change my mind," Hari said in his introductory statement. He then went on to make an apology to the Bakrie family.
"I regret my action of walking from Porong to Jakarta, because now I believe only Aburizal Bakrie can handle the situation in Sidoarjo. Especially the situation regarding the victims of Lapindo, [I mean] the victims of the Sidoarjo mudflow," Hari said, correcting himself.
In the interview, Hari said that he had traveled from Sidoarjo to Jakarta because he was forced by members of the local community affected by the mudflow. "I regret the fact that I besmirched Bakrie's name and I want to say thank you to the Bakrie family, because it is that family who can solve this problem," said Hari, with tears welling in his eyes.
The person who was most devastated by Hari's statement was fellow Sidoarjo native Harto Wiyono, who accompanied him during the 847-kilometer trek. "I feel very disappointed with the statement he made on tvOne. It not only hurts me, but also the people and organizations that supported our struggle. I feel very sad and humiliated," Harto told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
Hari and Harto began their journey on June 14 and arrived in Jakarta on July 8. Upon their arrival, the two received a heroes' welcome from NGOs such as The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi).
Harto returned to Sidoarjo on July 14 and returned to Jakarta on July 23, to meet Hari at Kontras' headquarters.
He said that he saw nothing wrong with Hari but two days later, Hari quietly went on tvOne without telling him and gave the interview. "He could have received threats or pressure from Bakrie while I was away. You know I was always with him from when we started this journey," he added.
Harto said that fellow protesters from Porong would soon head home, as they saw no point staying in the city. "This was all Hari's idea," he said.
Harto also said that Hari went missing after the interview. "Before heading back to Porong, I will try to look for him because nobody can contact him, who knows, maybe he is now staying with Bakrie," he said.
Another Lapindo victim, Yudo Wintoko, expressed mistrust of Hari's motive. "We regret his actions, which turned out to be for his own interest," Yudo said as quoted by tempo.co.
Lapindo Brantas, through its subsidiary company PT. Minarak Lapindo Jaya has paid only Rp 2.9 trillion (US$308 million) of the required Rp 3.8 trillion in compensation to 4,129 victims from four villages in Sidoarjo: Siring, Jatirejo, Kedung Bendo and Renokenongo.
Minarak Lapindo Jaya said in a statement in April that they could only afford to pay Rp 400 billion of the outstanding Rp 900 billion. The statement stipulated that the payments were to commence in June and be completed by December.
Hari used to work as a bag maker in Sidoarjo with a total revenue of between Rp 3 million and Rp 4 million per month. The disaster not only took away his livelihood, but also his entire future as a businessman.
In the interview, Hari admitted that Lapindo had given money to his wife in 2009. "That shows that Bakrie is committed to settling the compensation payment problem," said Hari. At the end of the interview, when asked about his future plans, Hari said that he would not go back to Sidoarjo. "I will travel far and start a new life." (nad)
Surabaya The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has called on the police to launch a probe into the apparent disappearance of Ali Azhar Akbar, author of the book Lapindo File: Konspirasi SBY-Bakrie (Lapindo File: Conspiracy of SBY-Bakrie).
The family of Ali has not yet filed a missing person report, although the author has been missing for a month. Ali went missing after last making contact with his lawyer, M. Taufik Budiman, shortly before the launch of his book at the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) campus on June 20. Other reports say that Ali lost contact with Taufik two days before the event.
Ali is an environmental activist who wrote two previous books about the Lapindo mudflow, Konspirasi di Balik Lumpur Lapindo: Dari Aktor Hingga Strategi Kotor (Conspiracy Behind Lapindo mudflow: From Actors to Dirty Tricks) published by Galang Pers in 2007 and Lapindo File published by Indopetro Publishing House in May. In his book, Ali argued that an accident in the drilling activity on May 26, 2006, by Lapindo Brantas Incorporated (LBI) owned by Golkar Party chairman and tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, was the cause of the mudflow.
An acquaintance of Ali, Zulkifli S. Ekomei said that a group of people staged a protest during the book launch in Yogyakarta.
Ali's publisher, Kusairi claimed that the author had received a text message which said "You have to be responsible for your writing and the mudflow victims. I am waiting for you in Bandung." Ali once told Taufik that he had received a similar message while filing documents at the Constitutional Court on June 15.
Ali and his two colleagues filed a judicial review with the Constitutional Court of Law No 4/2012 article 18 on the 2012 revised state budget that allows for the channeling of state funds to deal with the mudflow.
Jakarta The vast majority of students in Indonesian schools say that they have been targeted by bullies, according to a survey released on Monday.
The survey, conducted in April by the National Child Protection Commission, reported that 87.6 percent of 1,026 respondents said that they suffered from mental, physical or verbal abuse, ranging from name calling to beatings.
Classmates were identified as the source of bullying by 42.1 percent of respondents who reported ill-treatment, followed by administrators and teachers at 29.9 percent and non-teaching personnel such as janitors and security guards at 28 percent.
The numbers were troubling, according to Badriyah Fayumi, the National Child Protection Commission's education chief. "Violence is still considered normal in many parts of society."
Societal indifference to violence had several harmful effects, including a failure to address violence in a serious and systematic manner, the report said.
Victims of violence were also discouraged from lodging allegations of bullying, the report added, saying less than 15 percent of respondents were willing to make such claims.
Asronun Niam: National Child Protection Commission (KPAI) deputy chief. (Courtesy of KPAI)Asronun Niam: National Child Protection Commission (KPAI) deputy chief. (Courtesy of KPAI)
According to Asronun Niam, the commission's deputy chief, the real numbers on bullying could be much higher.
Schools needed to be proactive to prevent violence and had to find constructive ways to deal with violent incidents, the report said.
Meanwhile, commission chairperson Maria Ulfah told The Jakarta Post that educators needed a sense of proportion.
"Schools have to be more friendly to children. A low tolerance of bad behavior often results in large punishments for small offenses."
"Schools have yet to maximize their ability to act as mediators. Proof of this can be seen whenever mediation fails. When that happens and no compromise is reached, schools hand the issues over to the police," Badriyah said.
The most recent high-profile case of bullying occurred on July 24, when nine seniors at Don Bosco High School in Pondok Indah, South Jakarta, physically abused young students outside the school.
The alleged bullies face expulsion, although the case remains under investigation by the police.
Four first-year students said that they were bullied during the schools much-criticized student orientation program and filed reports with the police on Wednesday.
According to Hermawan, the students said that they were kidnapped by eight seniors and 10 alumni on Friday. The assailants then covered the heads of the four students with jackets before slapping, beating and burning them with cigarettes, Hermawan said.
According to the commission, the violence was evidence of the government's weak enforcement of provisions of the Constitution that stipulate that children have the right to live and grow in an environment that is free from violence and discrimination.
Contacted separately, Education and Culture Minister Mohammad Nuh said that the parents of bullied students must file complaints with the police. "The law must give severe punishment so that this will not turn into a customary tradition," Nuh told reporters on Monday. (png)
Senior high schools students in the capital should no longer have to pay state school fees as the Jakarta administration has decided to disburse funds for its 12-year compulsory education program.
The budget will support all state senior high schools (SMA) and vocational schools (SMK) and will cover part of the fees of private ones.
"There are 183,226 senior high school students in both state and private schools in Jakarta," Jakarta Education Agency head Taufik Yudi Mulyanto said on Thursday.
"They will all get education fund [aid], but for private schools we will only provide 20 percent of the total fee to be paid by parents. We will cover students of state schools 100 percent."
Each SMA student will get Rp 400,000 per month, according Jakarta administration news portal Beritajakarta.com. For the 161,217 students in state SMKs in Jakarta, they will get Rp 400,000 to Rp 600,000 per month, depending on their course of study. The 42,348 vocational students in private SMKs will see 20 percent of their fees covered by the government.
The Jakarta Education Agency will also ask state schools that have already collected fees from students to return it. The budget will be disbursed by September at the latest.
The education aid is part of the Jakarta administration's effort to implement a 12-year compulsory education program starting this year, up from nine years before. This will mean that children up to the age of 18 years must be in school.
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo, who is up for re-election, said last month that the city administration had earmarked 26.41 percent of its budget in 2011 and 28.93 percent of its budget this year to pay for the expansion of compulsory education.
Taufik had also previously said the administration would increase education funding by 70 percent in 2013, from a current Rp 10 trillion ($1.1 billion), to finance the program. In the national level, the Ministry of Education and Culture will start the same program next year.
Parents, however, have frequently complained that many children still pay large sums to attend school under the nine-year compulsory education program.
Ronna Nirmala The country's child protection agency has received an average of 100 complaints each month related to violations of children's rights through its hotline service in the first six months of this year.
Arist Merdeka Sirait, chairman of the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas PA), said the agency had received a total of 686 reports between January and June. The agency said the reported children's rights violations increased not only in number, but also in seriousness from previous tallies.
He said 139 of the complaints involved violence among high school students, in the form of brawls. In the same period last year, only 128 cases were reported.
Twelve students were killed in brawls this year and many more were injured, according to agency records. "This shows that brawls are on the rise among teenagers," Arist said in Jakarta on Tuesday.
Komnas PA also received reports of 42 cases of child abandonment: 23 boys and 19 girls were left stranded, usually by their parents or close family members, in various locations across Indonesia.
"Thirty-three abandonment cases were related to illegal relationships, and eight cases were economic-related, while the locations included rivers [14 cases], waste dump sites [nine cases], houses [five cases], hospitals or homes [four cases], public transport or public places [one case each], and cemeteries [one case]," Arist said. Of the abandoned children, 25 were found dead and 16 survived, with the fate of the final child unknown.
There were also high suicide rates among youngsters aged 13 to 17 from middle- and low-income families. Nine children hanged themselves, eight used sharp weapons, two jumped from high places, and one drank poison.
Eight of these cases are believed to have been caused by heartbreak, seven had financial causes, four were due to family disharmony and one was related to problems at school.
Arist said the increase in child violence showed that people who should have provided security for children became the main perpetrators. "Families or parents, as one of the pillars for child protection, have failed, and have even become the parties that are feared by the children," he said.
He said it was sadly ironic that violence against children occurred in those environments where children should feel most protected, such as in homes, at school and among friends.
He encouraged the public to act against what he called "this culture of violence." "The government, schools, and mass organizations need to launch a campaign against violence," Arist declared.
The Supreme Court has acquitted former Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker Muhammad Misbakhun of forgery charges linked to the controversial Rp. 6.76 trillion (US$716.56 million) bailout to Bank Century.
According to a statement on the court's website on Friday, a hearing led by three justices; Artidjo Alkostar, Mansyur Kartayasa and Baharudin Utama; approved Misbakhun's plea to overturn his conviction on July 5.
"I just also found out about the ruling today. This is one of my Ramadhan blessings. I am grateful to the Supreme Court justices who were brave in upholding truth and justice. I hope this ruling becomes an inspiration to those who have fallen victim to this authoritarian government," Misbakhun said in a text message.
The Supreme Court previously upheld a ruling by the Jakarta High Court sentencing the politician to two years in jail for forging letter of credit documents of Bank Century (now Bank Mutiara) that made one of his companies, PT Selalang Prima International, eligible for a $22.5 million loan.
Misbakhun and his party had always believed that his case was politicized because he was among lawmakers who aggressively pushed for a thorough investigation into the controversial 2008 bailout.
Despite his innocence, Misbakhun had already served a one year jail term. In April 2011, he was granted a parole release. In its latest ruling, the Supreme Court also called for rehabilitation for Misbakhun's damaged reputation.
The case had prompted the PKS to recall Misbakhun from the House of Representatives but his PKS fellow, lawmaker Mahfudz Siddiq, said it would be very unlikely Misbakhun could return to the House albeit the acquittal.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Former Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra has denied reports that he helped graft fugitive Djoko Tjandra obtain Papua New Guinean citizenship.
The veteran lawyer told a press conference on Thursday that he was shocked at recent allegations in local media identifying him as the person who helped Djoko win approval for naturalization in June.
"It's been said that I gave false testimony about Djoko's legal status in order to help him get citizenship there," he said. "But these reports are all fabricated and not based on any facts whatsoever."
Yusril also ridiculed the notion that his recommendation would have been enough to convince officials in Port Moresby to grant Djoko citizenship. "How could anything I say trump the Indonesian government's law enforcement, security and diplomatic authorities? Would the PNG government believe me over Jakarta? If so, then these rumors are truly extraordinary," he said.
Djoko fled Indonesia on June 10, 2009, just a day before he was convicted by the Supreme Court of embezzling Rp 546 billion ($57.9 million) in bailout funds meant for his bank, Bank Bali, during the 1998 financial crisis. The court sentenced him in absentia to two years in prison, fined him Rp 15 million and ordered him to return the embezzled funds.
In June this year, the PNG government granted him citizenship, but said it was unaware of his fugitive status. Djoko has been listed as a wanted person by Interpol since 2009. Legal experts have argued that Indonesia will find it difficult trying to get PNG to give up Djoko.
Hikmahanto Juwana, an expert in international law at the University of Indonesia, said recently that the PNG government showed little political will in adhering to Indonesia's request to bring the fugitive business tycoon back to the country, particularly after granting him citizenship.
"In Papua New Guinea, police [action] relies heavily on its bureaucracy," he said. He suspected Djoko had invested heavily in the neighboring country and that citizenship was granted to him as a reward.
Justice Minister Amir Syamsuddin said on Sunday that the government was still lobbying PNG to give up Djoko. Amir said getting Djoko home would be a lengthy process because the countries did not have an extradition agreement. The fugitive could also challenge a decision from PNG authorities to bring him back to Indonesia in a local court, he added.
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Veteran lawmaker of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Izedrik Emir Moeis was named a suspect in a graft case surrounding the construction of a power plant in 2004.
Deputy Law and Human Rights Minister Denny Indrayana broke the news about Emir's legal status when announcing that the Immigration Office had slapped a travel ban on the House member.
"The ministry through the directorate general for immigration has received a letter from the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK] requesting a travel ban on Emir. The letter is dated July 23 and the status of the individual is as a suspect in the graft case related to the construction of the power plant," Denny said in a message sent to The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
The KPK, however, said no formal announcement had been made with regard to Emir's status in the case.
"The status [of Emir in the case] will be announced when the time is right for the KPK commissioners, and now is not the time," KPK spokesman Johan Budi said, adding that the KPK leaders would make an official statement in the next few days.
On Tuesday, the KPK announced that it had sent a request to the immigration office to apply for the travel ban against Emir, who is currently the House's finance commission chairman. Johan said that Denny should have communicated with the KPK before making any statement concerning its investigations.
Emir has been implicated in a number of graft cases but this is the first time he has been named as a suspect. He was accused of having instructed Dudhie Makmun Murod, former lawmaker from the PDI-P to distribute traveler's checks worth Rp 9.8 billion (US$1.02 million) to faction members in the high-profile Bank Indonesia vote-buying scandal that resulted in the election of Miranda S. Goeltom as senior deputy governor of the bank.
He was also implicated in a graft case in the procurement of medical equipment to handle the bird flu pandemic at the office of the Coordinating People's Welfare Minister in 2006. Emir, who was then chairman of the House budgetary committee, was said to have received Rp 200 million in the form of traveler's checks from the ministry's former secretary, Sutedjo Yuwono. Sutedjo was sentenced to three years in prison for abusing his authority. Emir remained a free man after returning the traveler's checks in November 2010.
Emir has also been implicated in a solar power plant project for the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry in which Rp 2.7 billion of the Rp 8.9 billion project cost was allegedly embezzled.
He was summoned in July 2011 by the KPK as a witness in a graft case surrounding the Outsourcing Roll-Out-Customer Information System (CIS-RISI) project at the state-electricity company PT PLN.
Emir said he was not aware that the KPK had named him a suspect in the case. "I learned about the allegation about my involvement in the case from television and online news."
Emir said that he knew about the power plant project from two people implicated in the case, director of PT Artha Nusantara Utama, Zuliansyah Putra, and general manager of PT Indonesian Site Marine, Reza Roestam.
"I know Reza as my junior at the Bandung Institute of Technology [ITB] and I know that Zuliansyah is a researcher with the company, not its owner," he said. Emir also said that he had spoken with Megawati Soekarnoputri about his case. (cor)
Terrorism & religious extremism
The West Jakarta Court sentenced two men to five years in prison in connection with the April 2011 suicide bombing of a police station in Cirebon, West Java.
Yadi Supriadi and Nanang Irawan were found guilty of teaching suicide bomber M. Syarif how to make a bomb. Yadi had previously urged Muslims to wage war against the nation's enemies of Islam during Koran recitation classes, telling listeners that they should make a bomb.
"Yadi has been convincingly proven to be guilty of committing [acts of] terrorism," presiding judge Haswandi said. Both men have been convicted to teaching Syarif how to make a bomb.
On April 15, 2011, Syarif died in a suicide bombing of the Adz-Dzikra mosque inside the Cirebon police headquarters. Thirty-one people were injured in the blast, which killed Syarif.
The defense argued that Yadi only taught Syarif about hating so-called enemies of Islam, not how to make a bomb. The judge rejected the claim, saying that there was evidence that Yadi told his followers how to make a bomb.
"How could we say that the [training] efforts are not related to terrorism," Haswandi said.
Yadi's lawyer Asludin Hatjani said that he had not decided whether his client would file n appeal. Asludin said that he still believed that Yadi was not involved in the suicide bombing.
"M. Syarif was in a group with [Yadi and Nanang], but the suicide bombing in Cirebon was done without Yadi and Nanang's consent," Asludin said, explaining that no one else knew of Syarif's plans.
Iman Mahditama, Jakarta The police say that they will investigate the possibility that teenagers alledgedly involved in the ransacking of a cafe in Pesanggrahan, South Jakarta, on the weekend may have been provoked into participating in the raid.
"During questioning, we will ask the adult perpetrators how they gathered the mob and what words they used to influence the teenagers to participate in the raid," Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Rikwanto said on Monday.
"If [the adults] are proven to have incited the teenagers to commit violence, we will charge them with incitement to violence, as stipulated in the Criminal Code, and with inciting minors to participate in criminal acts, under the 2002 Child Protection Law," he explained.
Under the Criminal Code's Article 160, provocation to commit criminal acts is punishable by up to six years' imprisonment, while Article 87 of the Child Protection Law carries a maximum five-year prison sentence for those involved in minors in acts of violence.
A police report released on Sunday revealed that Rasulullah Defenders' Council members allegedly ransacked De Most cafe in Pesanggrahan and beat up at least two of the cafe's employees at about 11:30 p.m. on Saturday.
Some of the mob's members were arrested in the early hours of Sunday while on their way from the cafe to another location in Pondok Aren, South Tangerang.
The police have detained 62 people in relation to the case, including 41 teenagers, the youngest of who are reportedly junior high school students. Of the 62 detainees, 23 individuals, including two underage boys identified only as R and IWN, have been named suspects.
Nineteen of the 23 suspects have been charged with forceful attack with intent to inflict harm under the Criminal Code's Article 170, which carries a maximum sentence of five-and-a-half years in prison.
The remaining four, including R and IWN, have been charged under the same article and under the 1951 Emergency Law on firearms and explosives for illegally and publicly brandishing sharp weapons. The four could face up to 10 years in prison if found guilty.
The mob's alleged leader, Habib Bahar, 33, was among the four suspects facing multiple charges. South Jakarta Police chief Sr. Comr. Imam Sugianto said that Bahar had admitted to detectives that he had led the mob in ransacking the cafe and that he knew what he did was wrong.
Bahar said, however, that the raid had to be conducted. "If there are sinners who get drunk [in the cafe], we have to act," he said as quoted by kompas.com.
One of the parents, who requested anonymity, said that her son had asked for permission to go to a "Koran-recital gathering" a few hours before the ransacking took place.
"He told me he wanted to go to such a gathering in Pasar Minggu. I never dreamed it could end like this," she told tribunnews.com at the South Jakarta Police office on Sunday.
She said she had tried to telephone her son after he had not returned home by midnight on Sunday, but his cell phone was inactive. It was only in the morning that she learned that the police had detained her son.
National Child Protection Commission (KPAI) secretary M Ikhsan said he hoped that the police would consider releasing R and IWN to their parents' care, with the guarantee that they would not repeat the offense and would turn up for legal processings.
He shared Rikwanto's sentiment of applying the Child Protection Law's article on inciting minors to participate in acts of violence. "The underage perpetrators are liable for criminal charges, no matter whether they participated voluntarily or under duress. This can be a lesson for those who involve kids in acts like this," he said.
A planned raid on several "immoral" hotels by Islamist hard-liners in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, was shut down by local police Saturday night after the so-called "morality police" began to assemble and arm themselves.
Hundreds of armed men dressed in white uniforms massed in South Pontianak after Saturday night's prayers, Pontianakn police chief Sr. Comr. Muharrom Riyadi told the Indonesian news site Tempo.co.
The men were reportedly members of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and the Islamic Defenders Force (LPI), both organizations known for staging violent Ramadan raids on allegedly "immoral" businesses.
The FPI reportedly planned to shut down certain hotels that remained open during the holy month, Afli Herlambang, of the West Java chapter of the FPI, said.
"It is an immoral place," he told the Bandung-based newspaper eksposrakyat.com. "We demand that they do not open during Ramadan. It is good that our friends from Laskar (LPI) are also involved. We want the government to revoke [the hotels'] permit."
But local police said that the hotels were in compliance with government regulations. "They have the right to conduct their business as long as they comply with the regulations issued by the government," Muharrom told Tempo.co.
West Kalimantan police chief Brig. Gen. Unggung Cahyono stood behind local police, issuing a statement saying that officers will arrest any protestors who resort to violence.
Bayu Marhaenjati & Zaky Pawas In a move that was considered surprising to some, the police arrested 62 members of a hard-line Muslim group after they were involved in the year's first illegal Ramadan raid in Jakarta.
About 150 people from the Prophet's Defender Council ransacked and vandalized a bar on Jalan Veteran Raya in South Jakarta, ordering it to shut down during the fasting month of Ramadan.
The attack, the police said, was organized by the group's leader, Habib Bahar bin Smith, also known as Habib Bule, who was among the suspects arrested and charged by the police. "[Bahar] directly oversaw the attack on the bar and he instructed his people," Sr. Comr. Rikwanto, a Jakarta Police spokesman, said on Sunday.
Rikwanto said 62 people were arrested, including 41 juveniles. The teenagers were released without charge except for two minors who were directly involved in ransacking the bar and who were found to be carrying sharp weapons. These two teenagers could face up to six years in prison under the 1951 Emergency Law for carrying weapons and two and a half years for destroying private property.
Bahar and another hard-liner identified only as S.Y. have been charged with the same offenses as the teenagers but face up to 12 years in jail terms because they are adults. The remaining 19 suspects were charged with aggravated assault on several bar employees and could face up to five and a half years in prison.
Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) secretary Muhammad Ikhsan said Bahar should also be charged with exploiting minors and forcing them to participate in the attack.
Police confiscated a machete, a sickle, four samurai swords, a golf club and four wooden poles, as well as musical instruments stolen from the bar.
Little is known about Bahar and his group but the South Jakarta Police chief, Sr. Comr. Imam Sugianto, said this was not Bahar's first time being on the wrong side of the law.
"In 2010, Habib Bahar and his men attacked an Ahmadiyah congregation in Kebayoran Lama, South Jakarta," Imam said adding that Bahar was arrested but not charged in the incident.
Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. Untung S. Rajab said earlier that his forces would not tolerate sweeps during Ramadan by radical Muslim groups.
Radical Islamic organizations have threatened to close nightclubs and bars by force if they remain open during the holy month. The city has limited the operational hours of nightclubs and other entertainment centers during Ramadan.
"We will continue to remind hard-line groups not to conduct raids or take matters into their own hands," Rikwanto said. "If they find someone violating [city regulations] they should report it to us and we will take action against them."
The country's self-appointed morality police says they would rather be praying and worshiping during Ramadan, instead of raiding restaurants and nightclubs, if only the National Police did its job.
"We ask the [police and public order agency] to strictly enforce the law and we'll only provide information," Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) Jakarta chapter chairman Salim Alatas said according to Tempo.co, after meeting with the National Police on Thursday.
"If they can do their jobs well, then we don't have to be bothered [with raiding] and can instead focus on praying and worshiping," he added.
Salim further said that if the government was orderly, if there were no disturbances to houses of worship, no immoral places, then the FPI can relax. "There's no need to disband us, we will disband ourselves," he said, according to Merdeka.com.
The Jakarta chapter of the FPI, he added, has not carried out any raids in the past three years, as they realize it is not their work. However, they're not sure whether the same will continue this year.
Salim said he would monitor how the police are carrying out their work. He said he has already received several reports of violations tainting the holy month of Ramadan, and has forwarded these to the police. "We'll see later, depending on the results of our investigation and field monitoring," he said.
National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo has earlier warned mass organizations against raiding nightclubs and other entertainment places, as well as saunas and massage parlors, that remain open during Ramadan.
In Jakarta, nightclubs, bars, discotheques, massage parlors and saunas are completely banned from operating during the fasting month. Karaokes and other entertainment facilities can operate from 8:30 pm to 1:30 am. Entertainment places in star-rated hotels are exempted from the restrictions.
But all are prohibited from operating a day before Ramadan, on the first day of fasting, the 17th night of Ramadan, and a day before until a day after Idul Fitri.
"We realize that every one should be protected," Timur said as quoted by state news agency Antara. "So, if there are such activities [raiding nightclubs], we will deal with it according to the law."
But even after Timur's warning, National Police intelligence and security chief Comr. Gen. Pratikno said was told that FPI still planned to conduct sweeping activities.
"I heard from FPI's Salim Al Attas that they will sweep restaurants and nightclubs during the fasting month," Pratikno said. "We have to prevent this because it has high potential for conflict."
In Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, government protection of religious freedom has been deteriorating, the United States says.
While the Indonesian government generally respects the freedom of the country's six officially recognized religions, it has failed to overturn local regulations violating religious freedom, the US State Department said in a report released on Monday.
And despite the country's tradition of religious pluralism, societal abuse against religious minorities is on the rise, it added. "There were several significant lapses in enforcing protections," it said.
The International Religious Freedom Report, which examined religious freedom in 199 countries and territories in 2011, highlighted discrimination and violence against religious minorities in Indonesia including Ahmadi Muslims and Christians, as well as atheists.
It cited a case in February 2011 when a mob of more than 1,500 people attacked Ahmadis in Cikeusik, Banten province, killing three and injuring five others. Videos of the attack posted online showed members of the mob beating the Ahmadis to death as the police failed to intervene.
While 12 members of the mob were brought to trial, the report said, "they were given disproportionately light prison sentences" of three to six months. By comparison, an Ahmadi injured in the attack was arrested, charged with provoking the attack and sentenced to seven months in prison, it said.
"Due to inaction, the government sometimes failed to prevent violence, abuse and discrimination against individuals based on their religious beliefs," the report said. "In some cases, it failed to hold the perpetrators of violence accountable."
During 2011 there were 93 government-instigated violations of religious freedom, up from 64 the year before, the report said, citing the Wahid Institute.
It criticized the closure of houses of worship, as well as restrictions on freedom to construct houses of worship, citing the high-profile case of the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor.
The Bogor city government initially approved a construction permit for GKI Yasmin in 2006, but construction was halted after a 2008 city government decision, the report said. The church challenged this city-level decision in the court system and the Supreme Court ruled in its favor in 2010, but the city government did not enforce the court's decision.
"At times, local public order police [Satpol PP] and Bogor City police blocked access to the church site," the report said. "Throughout the year the congregation faced intimidation from hardline organizations when attempting to attend Sunday services at the site of their church."
The report also criticized the detention and imprisonment of individuals under the 1965 Blasphemy Law, which allows a maximum sentence of five years' imprisonment for blasphemy. In February 2011, Antonius Richmond Bawengan was jailed for five years for blasphemy in Temanggung, Central Java, after distributing books deemed "offensive to Islam," it said.
Indonesia grants official status to six religious groups, including Islam, Catholicism Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Confucianism.
"Members of religious groups outside of the six officially recognized religions continued to experience some official discrimination in the context of civil registration of marriages and births as well as in the issuance of identity cards," the report said.
The US government, the report said, has regularly raised the issue of religious freedom with the Indonesian government and Indonesian civil society leaders in a bid to promote human rights.
"[Freedom of religion] goes hand in hand with freedom of expression, freedom of speech and assembly, and when religious freedom is restricted, all these rights are at risk," Suzan Johnson Cook, the US ambassador for religious freedom, said in a press briefing about the report in Washington on Monday. "And for this reason, religious freedom is often the bellwether for other human rights."
Protestors forced a church in Bandung, West Java, to shut down on Sunday amid claims that it was operating without a permit.
The Batak Karo Protestant Church (GBKP) has been in operation since 2007. But protestors claimed that the congregation agreed not to use the building as a house of worship in a 2011 agreement. "On Sunday of last week, they used the building for Sunday service," Amin Safari told Tempo.co. "That is why we sealed the building."
The protestors also hung a banner on the church's gate reading, "We the people of RW 06 [a neighborhood unit] hardily reject the use of this building, at Kawaluyan 10, to be used for religious activities."
The church's committee secretary said that although they did sign the 2011 agreement, the church has since received all the necessarily permits from the local government to hold services.
"Since June 20 we have held a permit [to hold services] from the Bandung city administration," Davin told Tempo.co. "We have complied with the legal codes, so the [previous] agreement is no longer valid."
Amin accused the congregation of manipulating the agreement. "The majority of the people still reject the church's activity," he said.
Indonesian television shows will be stamped with the Indonesian Council of Ulema's (MUI) Halal seal under a plan currently being discussed by the MUI and the West Java Broadcasting Commission.
The two organizations met to discuss the possibility of implementing a Halal seal for "decent" TV shows that do not feature themes or images that "violate norms."
The certification would ensure that television viewers are protected from programs that could degrade the nation's morality, West Java Broadcasting Commission head Neneng Athiatul said.
"The Broadcasting Law has stipulated that the broadcasting content should respect religious values," Neneng told the Antara news agency. "Therefore, we think that a halal certification is possible."
It is the latest in an ongoing effort by Indonesian officials to regulate morality in mass media and daily life. The government has banned pornography, making the possession and distribution of "salacious" materials punishable by jail time. It has attempted to regulate the length of women's skirts and police have refused to issue a permit for Lady Gaga's sold out Jakarta concert in an effort to preserve the nation's moral fiber.
The MUI, which currently issues Halal certificates for food products, is working on drafting a criteria for television shows.
"There is similarity between food that is consumed by the body and [TV] programs that are consumed by the spirit," MUI West Java edict division head Umar Salim said. "Halal [methods] that are used for food could also be implemented for TV programs."
Salim said that religiously minded Halal programing would result in increased ratings.
East Java's Sidoarjo Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) chapter has labelled firecrackers haram (forbidden) for Muslims during Ramadhan, as they are considered dangerous.
Even though the ban has been stipulated since 2009, many people still participate in the firecracker tradition, said Sidoarjo MUI chapter head Usman Bahri.
"Every year, we invite Islamic social organizations, including Nahdlatul Ulama [NU] and Muhammadiyah, to inform people about this ban in a bid to prevent any incidents caused by firecrackers," Usman said on Wednesday.
Urip Murtedjo, the Emergency Room head at Dr. Soetomo Hospital in Surabaya, said that 24 people were treated at the hospital due to firecracker-related incidents in 2011, while there were only five casualties in the previous year.
Olivia Rondonuwu Indonesia's mosques are trying to sound their best for the Ramadan fasting month, splashing out on high quality loudspeakers to woo the faithful and avoid upsetting non-Muslims.
With about 800,000 mosques serving the world's largest Muslim population, the cacophony of calls to prayer from poor quality and poorly synchronized speakers has become an increasing irritation. Senior Muslims, and even the country's vice president, have questioned whether the enthusiasm might be getting out of hand.
"One complaint includes when there are two or three [mosques] in a neighborhood and they get involved in a loudspeaker war, trying to be louder than the others," said Amidhan, a head of the highest Islamic authority, the Indonesian Ulema Council.
Some mosques are responding by seeking smoother sounding speakers. Local company V8sound is trying to tap into that market with its "Al Karim" speakers.
"The purpose of these loudspeakers is so that Indonesian mosques can have a jazz lounge standard," Harry Kissowo, the company founder and audio adviser for the Presidential Palace, told Reuters.
More mosques, he says, are willing to pay the Rp 25 million ($2,600) price tag for an Al Karim, more than double the price of more commonly used sound system.
The routine use of loudspeakers for five prayer calls a day increases during Ramadan and can include a very early reminder that dawn prayers are coming up.
Analysts say there is a growing desire to show an Islamic identity in a country that has traditionally prided itself on religious moderation. More women are wearing headscarves and mass Koran recitals in big cities are on the rise.
That trend has been accompanied by concern that Indonesian society, where Muslims vastly outnumber any other religious groups, may be turning increasingly intolerant.
Bruce Gale On July 23, when Nazriel 'Ariel' Irham of the Bandung-based Peterpan pop group was released from prison, the local singer's fans were elated. Online tweets were full of goodwill messages: "Go out and enjoy the fresh air Ariel. Keep up the good work (in music)," said one, calling the singer by his well-known nickname.
On Sunday night, dozens of fans slept outside the Kebonwaru Penitentiary in Bandung in order to greet Ariel when he was released at 9:15 a.m. the following morning. Yet more waited outside his parents' house in the Antapani district.
Arrested in June 2010, the 30-year-old singer was convicted in January last year for producing a pornographic video which later found its way on to the Internet. His fans, however, see him as the victim rather than the perpetrator.
Indeed, many aspects of the trial, have raised troubling questions about the nation's judicial system. Nazriel was convicted under the 2008 Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law for distributing pornography, despite prosecutors failing to prove he was the one who posted the videos online.
The videos, made for private use, featured Ariel having sex with his girlfriend, television personality Luna Maya, and soap opera star Cut Tari, who was married.
Investigations revealed that the videos were stolen from Ariel's computer by a former Peterpan employee, who later gave them to a cousin. The latter then posted them on the Internet. The employee was later sentenced to two years' jail. Strangely, however, his cousin was not charged.
Many lawyers believe the case should not have gone to court at all. This is because the filming occurred in 2006, almost two years before the ITE legislation which was not retroactive became law.
When the videos involving Ariel became public, however, outrage from Islamic conservatives, including the hardline Muslim group Hizbut Tahrir, forced the authorities to find an excuse to act. One idea was to charge Cut Tari with adultery, a criminal offense in Indonesia. But this failed when her husband refused to press charges. The fact that the acts were clearly consensual also ruled out other charges under the Criminal Code. Thus, the decision to target Ariel under the ITE law.
Critics want to know why politically influential people caught in similar situations have not been similarly charged. These include PDI-P legislator Max Moein, who has been depicted naked with his secretary in pictures circulating on the Internet. There is also a sex video featuring former Golkar lawmaker Yahya Zaini and singer Maria Eva made in 2006.
As in many other areas of Indonesian law, inconsistent enforcement remains rife. In 2008, for example, the chief editor of the Indonesian edition of Playboy magazine was jailed under the ITE law, even though no nudity was depicted in the magazine.
Yet, explicitly pornographic videos remain freely available on Jakarta's streets. Vendors in Glodok, West Jakarta, for example, regularly sell such videos openly despite half-hearted police raids.
The Ariel case, meanwhile, has done little to promote the anti-pornography cause. Instead of being seen as a two-timing lecher, Ariel is now widely regarded by both fans and many others in the wider community as a victim of an unjust and convoluted legal system. Having released a new music album while still in prison, he is now on track to star in an upcoming movie albeit with a less titillating theme.
Contrast this with the fate of politicians Max Moein and Yahya Zaini. They have not been charged with any crime, but they have been forced to resign from their respective political parties. A similar fate befell Prosperous Justice Party politician Arifinto last year after he was caught on camera watching a pornographic video during a parliamentary session.
Indonesians in general strongly disapprove of those who produce, distribute or view pornographic material. Recognizing this, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono formed a special anti-pornography task force this year led by Coordinating People's Welfare Minister Agung Laksono. Established in March, the task force reports directly to the President and plans to set up offices in all provinces in the country.
Few, however, are convinced it will have much impact. Internet pornography, for example, has been banned since 2010, when the Communications and Information Ministry ordered local Internet service providers to block access to all pornographic Web sites. Local aficionados, however, say that it is still quite easy to download such material.
Instead of underlining the determination of the authorities to crack down on pornography, the Peterpan affair has merely added to the skepticism. Ariel may be enjoying the fresh air, but Indonesians in general may have to put up with the smut for some time.
Bandung An official with the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) has urged police to take legal action against celebrities Luna Maya and Cut Tari, saying it is not fair that only singer Nazriel "Ariel" Irham was jailed for sex tapes allegedly involving the three of them.
Ariel, of the band Peterpan, was released from Kebonwaru Penitentiary in Bandung on Monday after serving two-thirds of his three-and-a-half-year prison sentence. He was convicted for distributing pornographic materials under the 2008 Electronic Information and Transactions Law.
Ariel was arrested in June 2010 after videos of his sexual liaisons with two women, allegedly Luna and Tari, began circulating on the Internet. Ariel insisted the videos were leaked without his knowledge by a former Peterpan employee, Reza Rizaldy.
Reza gave the videos to his cousin, who uploaded them to the Internet. Reza was sentenced to two years in prison, while the cousin was not charged.
"Why has no legal action been taken against Luna Maya and Cut Tari, as was in the case with Ariel? That is necessary to ensure justice and make them learn their lesson," Salim Usman, the head of the edict commission with the West Java chapter of the MUI, said in Bandung on Thursday.
"Ariel had partners in the videos, who were Luna Maya and Cut Tari. It's already obvious. Why only the male being punished?" he went on, adding that it was better that police process the case late than not process it at all.
Luna has denied starring in the video, while Tari issued a formal apology for the sex tape. National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Sutarman said earlier on Thursday that cases against Luna and Tari might be dropped, citing investigators' struggle to find evidence implicating the two of them in anything more than appearing in the videos.
Salim further criticized the public's enthusiastic welcome of Ariel's release, reminding them to praise Ariel only for his musical talent, not his "immoral" acts. "I don't think he has good morals. It's okay to admire him, but it should be only because of his talent in music," Salim said. (Antara/JG)
Jakarta The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) will be sending an investigation team to Ogan Ilir in South Sumatra, the scene on Friday of possible rights violations, with the shooting of Limbang Jaya residents by police, which left one 12-year-old boy dead.
"[An investigation] team, led by Komnas HAM deputy chairman Nur Kholis, will depart to Ogan Ilir on Monday to investigate both the land dispute between local residents and a state-owned company and the shootings. We will find out who is responsible for this incident and whether legal violations occurred," Komnas HAM member, Ridha Saleh, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Komnas HAM also called on the National Police to launch their own investigation into the events that took place. "We urge the National Police to investigate the clash and review the performance of their Mobile Brigade [Brimob] personnel and their security policy in areas prone to natural resource conflicts," Ridha said.
Komnas HAM also urged the National Police to stop using violence when dealing with agrarian conflicts but to engage local communities in dialogue instead.
In the latest incident, hundreds of Brimob officers allegedly shot at civilians in Limbung Jaya vilage in Ogan Ilir to prevent them from staging a demonstration. Amid the ensuing chaos, 12-year-old Angga bin Darmawan was fatally shot in the head.
The clash broke out when Brimob personnel were ransacking locals' homes, looking for thieves who allegedly stole fertilizer from the warehouse of state-owned plantation firm, PT Perkebunan Nusantara (PTPN) VII Cinta Manis.
Angered by the operation, locals responded by throwing rocks at the Brimob personnel, who retaliated by firing live rounds into the crowd. Spokesman for the South Sumatra Police, Adj. Sr. Comr. Djarot Padavoka, said Brimob personnel were merely following standard operating procedures in crowd control.
Djarot said Angga had been hit by a stray bullet. He vowed that the person guilty of committing the shooting would receive severe punishment.
Komnas HAM said the Limbang Jaya shooting was only the latest in a series of violent incidents that have rocked Ogan Ilir. Komnas HAM records show that in December 2009, PTPN VII destroyed farm land controlled by residents in Rengas, Ogan Ilir. This incident also resulted in Brimob personnel using their firearms against civilians.
To end the cycle of violence, Komnas HAM has called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and State-Owned Enterprises Minister Dahlan Iskan, who supervise PTPN's performance, to intervene. "We urge the President to form an agrarian conflict-management team as soon as possible so that similar incidents won't happen again," Ridha said.
New data from the Volunteers for Democratic Struggle (Repdem) indicates that 527 agrarian conflicts have occurred during the tenure of President, with 634,291 farmers losing their land and 56 people being killed.
Repdem also said that since 1982, PTPN VII had evicted locals in Ogan Ilir from their land with no compensation scheme in place. Ogan Ilir locals have been evicted from 20,310 hectares of their land by, in many cases, security personnel including members of the police who have resorted to intimidation and violence to drive them off their land.
Responding to the clash, the State-Owned Enterprises Ministry recommended that PTPN VII increase the number of security personnel both from the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the police. The ministry added that it wouldn't back down in defending the rights of the company, as reported by tempo.co.
The National Police chief, Gen. Timur Pradopo, said that an investigation team from the National Police headquarters had been dispatched to Ogan Ilir. "I can guarantee the accountability and transparency of the investigation," he said as quoted by Antara news agency. (nad)
Farouk Arnaz Blood has been spilled in the holy month of Ramadan. On Friday afternoon, a child was shot dead and at least two other residents were critically injured during a clash between police and residents of the village of Limbang Jaya in South Sumatra.
The incident took place close to the grounds of the Cinta Manis sugar factory, and was said to have occurred as part of an ongoing land dispute in the area.
National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said that the violence was provoked by residents hurling rocks at a passing police vehicle that was on its way to conduct a dialogue with villagers in Sri Bandung, Sri Tanjung and Sri Kembang.
"The goal was, aside from communicating with residents, to follow up on a case regarding stolen goods that belonged to [Cinta Manis]," Boy said on Saturday.
According to officers present at the scene, the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) vehicle was passing through Limbang Jaya when residents began to hurl rocks at it. "To stop the action and prevent it from spreading, a warning shot was fired, as well as tear gas. But the residents took no heed," Boy said.
Instead of calming the situation, the warning shot and tear gas provoked the residents, who became more violent, prompting the police to fire shots into the crowd, Boy said.
An elementary school student, Angga Fadli bin Mawan, 13, was shot in the head, and died immediately, according to the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras).
Yarman bin Karuman, 47, a blacksmith, was injured in the arm and back. The third victim was Farida binti Juni, 48, a housewife, who was injured in the left arm. "The victims have been evacuated to the Bhayangkara hospital, while the situation in Lembang Jaya is now under control," Boy said.
Kontras has condemned the police action against the villagers. "This was a brutal act committed by Brimob officers in a land dispute with the Cinta Manis sugar factory. Kontras strongly condemns the shootings perpetrated by the South Sumatra Mobile Brigade against the people of Limbang Jaya," Sinung Karto, a Kontras officer responsible for advocacy, law and human rights, said on Saturday.
Sinung added that although the residents had attacked the police with rocks, there was no reason for officers to respond with bullets.
According to information from Kontras and contrary to the police version of event, more than three victims were injured in the conflict. Kontras said that four other people had gunshot wounds and were in critical condition, including Jessica, 16, and Dud binti Juning, a 30-year-old woman. The two were identified at the Bhayangkara Palembang hospital.
"Then there was Rusman Bin Alimin, and one other whose name we do not know yet," Sinung said, adding that violence in the area had been ongoing since July 17. Since then, dozens of residents have become victims, and others have been held at the South Sumatra police headquarters.
Kontras stated the cause of the violence as a land dispute between the Cinta Manis sugar factory and the residents of 22 nearby villages.
"We regret that this incident happened only two days after [President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] said that he would form a team to resolve agrarian disputes," Sinung said. "This issue shows that the president's statement is being ignored by police."
Kontras demanded that the police stop using deadly force against civilians, especially in conflicts over natural resources. The commission also asked the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and the national ombudsman to conduct an investigation into the incident.
Ansyor and Oyos Saroso H.N., Palembang/Bandar Lampung The central government and the National Police have been called upon to help put an end to the conflict between PT Perkebunan Nusantara (PTPN) VII Cinta Manis in Ogan Ilir regency, South Sumatra, and local residents.
The call emerged over the weekend following the death of a 12-year-old junior high school student, Angga Dharmawan, during a clash between local residents and South Sumatra Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) personnel in Limbung Jaya on Friday afternoon.
"The central government has to get involved and the police have to withdraw their personnel from the site so clashes do not keep recurring," said Anwar Sadat, director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment's (Walhi) South Sumatra branch, which has been supporting residents in the case.
Apart from claiming Angga's life, the clash in Limbang Jaya village, Tanjungbatu district on Friday also left a number of other residents injured. They are currently being treated at Bhayangkara Hospital in Palembang.
"Angga was playing at home with friends when the clash occurred. He wanted to see what was happening outside and ended up being shot in his head," said Nanang bin Rifai, Angga's uncle, while waiting for the autopsy results on Angga's body at the Bhayangkara Hospital on Friday night.
The clash occurred as Brimob personnel were conducting a sweep of people's homes in their search for thieves, who allegedly stole fertilizer from PTPN Cinta Manis. Locals responded to the sweeping operation by pelting stones at the police, which in turn led to shots being fired by police. "The police were firing at people indiscriminately," one local, As'at bin Mahmud, said.
The South Sumatra Police's public relations head, Adj. Sr. Comr. Djarot Padakova, said the police had acted according to standard procedures. He stressed that Angga was accidentally shot by a stray bullet. "We are continuing to investigate the case. If we find that our personnel committed any wrongdoings, they will face due process of the law," he said.
The conflict between Limbung Jaya residents and the state-owned company flared up following a demand by the residents that the company should relinquish and return 15,000 of its 20,000 hectares of land, accusing the company of having illegally acquired the land from local people since 1982.
Separately on Saturday, the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) issued a release, stating there were indications in this case that police procedures had been violated.
This, according to Elsam, extended the already long list of similar cases in which police methods employed to deal with clashes over land disputes many involving farmers had led to civilian injuries and deaths, such as in Bima and Mesuji a few months ago.
Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) chairman Neta S. Pane said police siding with companies instead of civilians was an old story, but this latest clash between the police, who deployed hundreds of Brimob officers, with Limbung Jaya residents was over the top. "The operation should have focused on dialogue or it should have been a closed operation, not a raid," he said.
Neta urged the National Police to recall the Brimob officers who were still present in the village and take stern action, not only against the shooters but also against the operation's commander who deployed Brimob to the village in the first place. He also recommended that the government should send independent investigators to Limbung Jaya to seek a solution to the conflict. (cor)
Jakarta Human rights watchdogs and environmental NGO have slammed the police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) shooting on Friday of Limbang Jaya residents in Ogan Ilir, South Sumatra, which left a 12-year-old boy dead.
The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) said Saturday that the shooting constituted excessive use of force against civilians. "This kind of attack is not new. The police have once again used their guns when dealing with unarmed residents," said Elsam director, Indriaswati D. Saptaningrum.
Indriaswati said the death of a child showed that the police's attitude in handling such cases was deteriorating. "It is clear to see that the police have ignored all previous criticism regarding their brutal attacks against residents," Indriaswati said.
In the latest incident, hundreds of Brimob officers allegedly shot at civilians in Limbung Jaya vilage to prevent the residents from conducting a demonstration. Amid the ensuing chaos the boy, Angga bin Darmawan, was fatally shot in his head.
The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) reported that other five civilians, four of them women, had been injured. The wounded were taken to Bhayangkara Hospital in Palembang.
Nur Kholis, the deputy chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), said Friday that the shooting should be a main concern of the National Police, the central government and the regional administration.
"There have been too many such incidents. Whatever their reasons, the police must stop using violence when dealing with conflicting residents," he said.
Residents in several vilages in Ogan Ilir regency have been involved in a land dispute for years. They have tried to reclaim plantation land managed by state-owned plantation company PTPN VII Cinta Manis, but to no avail. Several clashes broke out when police officers prevented residents from reclaiming the land. (fzm/lfr)
Lenny Tristia Tambun & Bayu Marhaenjati Just before dusk on Friday, devotees at the Al-Muttaqin Mosque sat in neat rows as the preacher took the podium to deliver his sermon.
Among the congregation was a special guest of honor, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo. As the preacher, Fahmi Albuqorih, gave his speech, Fauzi, who will stand for reelection in a runoff vote on Sept. 20, must have been pleased.
"Muslims must pick a leader of the same faith," Fahmi proclaimed. It was the thrust of a fiery address that was as political as it was religious.
"I was born and raised in Jakarta so it is hard for me to see Muslims choosing a leader who is not one of us," Fahmi continued. "Nobody asked me to say this. I am merely expressing my concern. You can vote for anyone you like. But the struggle of the Muslim leaders will be marred if we don't vote for one of our own."
Fauzi's opponent in the runoff, charismatic Solo Mayor Joko Widodo, has a Christian running mate, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama. Given the results of the first-round vote, Fauzi is facing an uphill battle.
Joko (known also as Jokowi) garnered 43 percent of the vote in the July 11 election. Fauzi (known also as Foke) and his running mate, retired general Nachrowi Ramli, only got 34 percent.
Analysts agree that if Fauzi is to have any chance of winning, he will need to offer something dramatic. Incumbents generally have a tough time improving their standing in runoff ballots because voters whose candidates were eliminated in the first round tend not to side with the status quo contender in round two.
As the final election date nears, some have accused Fauzi's campaign of attacking Basuki's Chinese ethnicity and Christian religion. The claims carry extra weight because such campaigning is illegal.
Under the 2004 Law on Regional Governance, electoral campaigners are prohibited from insulting other candidates or parties, especially by attacking their religion, ethnicity, race and group affiliation. Those issues are collectively known as SARA.
The law stipulates jail sentences of between three and 18 months and fines of Rp 600,000 to Rp 6 million ($64 and $640) for violating the rule.
"The introduction into the campaigns of public slander, defamation and the vilification of others through of SARA issues is prohibited," said Ramdansyah, the head of the Jakarta Elections Supervisory Body (Panwaslu). " This is regulated in the laws.
Some recent developments, such as the flyer targeting Basuki's faith and ethnicity that circulated in one West Jakarta area, however, suggest Friday's sermon was only the beginning.
Voting for a Christian like Basuki (known also as Ahok) would spell disaster for the capital, said Rifai Anwar, a member of the Jakarta Mosque Council (DMI Jakarta), who was also present at Al-Muttaqin on Friday. Jakarta should only be led by Muslims, he told the congregation.
He was quick to point out that his words were not part of any smear campaign. "We are just reminding Muslims to pick a leader of the same faith," Rifai said. "That is the obligation of the [Muslim] devotee."
University of Indonesia political analyst Andrinof Chaniago said that using religious and ethnic slurs in political campaigns was a double-edged sword.
"Laymen might be persuaded by this kind of campaigning, but it can also be counterproductive," he said. "People who perceive the motivation behind it might walk away from the pair responsible. In fact, those people might outnumber the others."
He added: "We can see that [such a campaign] is happening, through sermons, text messages and BlackBerry messages. It has been systematic and organized."
Jerry Sumampouw, from the Indonesian Voters Committee (TEPI) said what happened Al-Muttaqin was hidden campaigning. Candidates are not allowed to campaign outside the official period, which runs from Sept. 14 to 16. "Just because there are no [campaign] attributes does not mean it is not campaigning," Jerry said.
The police should investigate any racial or religious slurs that might have political connections, he added. "SARA is against the law and can disrupt the nation's unity," he said. "This is a criminal offense."
Jerry called on Panwaslu and the police to investigate the possible smear campaigning, but he added that it would be hard for authorities to link any of it back to one of the candidates. "The perpetrators are usually sympathizers detached from the central campaign team, so providing sanctions will be hard," he said.
Either way, he said, SARA attacks were bound to backfire in Jakarta. There were too many intellectual and middle-class voters for such tactics to work. "For Jakartans, using SARA issues is a cheap shot," he said. "I don't thing it will have much effect. Jakartans are smart and critical. Still, we must all be alert."
Panwaslu's Ramdansyah said his office was working to stop the use of religious sermons for campaigning.
At an event hosted by Panwaslu on Saturday, religious leaders and representatives of both campaigns jointly declared the "Don't Politicize Religion" and "Stop SARA Campaigning" programs. Both Basuki and Nachrowi signed pacts that pledged campaigns free of SARA attacks.
Panwaslu had received at least three other complaints of hidden campaigning and religious slurs, Ramdansyah said. "We are now investigating a campaign involving SARA issues done in a place of worship in Menteng Atas [in South Jakarta]," he said.
One of the reports centered on another sermon, also on Friday, in a mosque in Utan Kayu, East Jakarta, he said. Another told of pamphlets distributed in West Jakarta last Thursday that referred to Basuki as a "Zionist."
Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) deputy chairman Ma'ruf Amin said it was reasonable for preachers to tell their congregations who to vote for.
"It is up to the disciples whether they want to listen," he said. "I think it is not SARA campaigning for a preacher to call on his congregation to choose a leader of the same faith. What's wrong with that? We consider religion when choosing a wife, why shouldn't it apply to leaders also?"
Zaky Mubarak, head of sermons at Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's biggest Muslim organization, had a different opinion.
"We have told all preachers from NU to avoid [politics] during their sermons and preaching," he said. "They must call on their congregation to put forward their own conscience in choosing a leader. There must be no SARA issues to ensure that the election goes peacefully."
Miftah Rais, head of the As-Syukur Mosque in Central Jakarta, said that during a recent visit by Fauzi to the mosque, he told his congregation they should only vote for Muslims.
"We are just making a suggestion," he said. "It is up to them who they want to vote for. What is certain is that our duty [as preachers] is to call on people to vote for leaders of the same faith."
Miftah said he supported Fauzi, who was "a true and faithful Jakarta leader who will bring blessings to the capital." "We must not sell our faith so easily. Let's pray that [Fauzi] gets reelected as Jakarta governor," he said.
Jakarta Interreligious Communications Forum (FKUB) chief Syafii Mufid said he was worried about smear campaigning. He called it a threat to national stability.
"To be honest, we are saddened and worried at how this runoff election is developing," he said. "Every day there are new text messages whose contents disturb us. "This is already happening. So whoever comes out the victor, they must ask for the other's apology. Jakarta is a reflection of the [national motto] 'Unity in Diversity.'?"
Joko-Basuki campaign spokesman Maringan Pangaribuan said his team did not take religious slurs made against them seriously. "We just want people not to be bothered by it or easily believe what they say," he said.
Budi Siswanto, Fauzi's campaign secretary, said his team had done nothing illegal. "We never did any campaigning ahead of schedule," he said.
"If preachers are advocating their beliefs in mosques, don't immediately judge that they are campaigning. We think there is no campaigning in them... because there is no actual instruction to vote for this pair or that pair."
But that's not the way things went down at Al-Muttaqin on Friday.
"Let us all support Fauzi Bowo in the next round [of election]," Nursani, chairman of the Al-Mutaqqin council, shouted as he addressed the congregation. "We will support Fauzi Bowo to win. If Allah is willing Fauzi Bowo will win. Allah is the greatest."
Soon the mosque is filled with chanting and prayers. "Allah is the greatest," screamed the congregation. Fauzi smiled from ear to ear hearing the enthusiasm, humbly saying that he is only there to "maintain close relationship with the people of Jakarta."
Novia D. Rulistia, Jakarta Ignoring the inherent dangers, passengers still patiently wait to get on and off the buses near toll road exits and entrances.
Denita Savitri, a resident of Kalimalang, Bekasi, said that she found the unofficial bus depot near the Jatibening toll road useful as it provided a quicker route home after a long commute from her office in Grogol, West Jakarta.
"There's a small path near the Jatibening toll gate that leads to a road where ojek (motorcycle taxis) and angkot (public minivans) wait for us," she said. "From there, it takes only about five minutes to reach my house."
On Friday, hundreds of people blockaded the toll road serving Jakarta and Bekasi near the Jatibening toll road entrance, protesting state-owned toll road operator PT Jasa Marga's decision to shut down an unofficial bus depot in the area.
Jasa Marga erected fences at the 8th kilometer of the toll road to prevent buses from picking up and dropping off passengers, a practice blamed for traffic jams in the area.
Friday's incident was not the first to occur at the unofficial Jatibening bus terminal, which, according to police, has been there since 1987.
The first conflict occurred in 2002 when Jasa Marga planned to move the toll gate to West Cikarang to ease the flow of traffic bound for Jakarta. At that time, hundreds of residents also blocked the toll road, burning several posts at the toll gate.
Several similar conflicts happened this year, especially after Jasa Marga pulled down the toll gate, and turned some of the area into a park.
Jasa Marga director Adityawarman said that the company would open access to the depot and add special lanes near the toll gates so buses could drop and pick up passengers without disturbing the traffic and endangering the passengers.
On Saturday, the company and the Bekasi administration conducted a survey to determine the best spot for the additional lanes.
Transportation expert from the University of Indonesia Ellen Tangkudung said that it would also be more effective if there were more public transportation routes that matched the needs of the passengers using the unofficial depot.
"unofficial terminals exist because passengers need to get on and off at certain places, and the existing routes don't suit them," she said. She added however that the habit of people taking shortcuts also exacerbated the situation.
The availability of easy access that answers people's needs has led to the emergence of many illegal stops for public transportation not only in Jatibening, but also in other parts of Greater Jakarta.
Ellen said such cases occurred in Pasar Rebo in East Jakarta, Slipi and Kebon Jeruk toll gate in West Jakarta. The Pasar Rebo stop has developed into a commercial area that offered transportation services. "If we go there, we can see that someone has set up a park-and-ride service for motorcycles, besides other businesses," she said.
Jakarta Transportation Agency's chief Udar Pristono said that although the agency conducted regular patrols in the area, it would not be able to solve traffic problems resulting from unofficial bus stops. "It has become a social and economic issue. As long as there is no integrated effort from all, unofficial bus stations will be hard to eradicate."
Ulma Haryanto Transportation projects that are not part of a wider integrated transportation development policy will not provide the long-term solutions needed to address Jakarta's traffic woes, experts have warned.
"Ad hoc projects are just like drugs," Azas Tigor Nainggolan, from the Jakarta Transportation Council (DTKJ), said at a recent public discussion. "They can only relieve our problems for a short period of time. They can be addictive, but in the long run they can turn into a handicap."
He was referring to a proposal by state construction company Hutama Karya for a Rp 10 trillion ($1 billion) skytrain linking Jakarta to Bekasi, and an elevated toll road, whose cost has not yet been determined, running from Cibubur in East Jakarta to Senayan in South Jakarta.
The elevated toll road was proposed by state toll road operator Jasa Marga and is not part of a planned series of six inner-city toll roads. Running 23 kilometers and expected to be finished in two years, the proposed road would be expected to help alleviate traffic congestion on the existing toll road into the city by 20 to 30 percent.
But Azas is skeptical. "[More toll roads] is definitely not the answer as they only accommodate more private vehicles from outside Jakarta to get into the city," he said.
According to a 2011 study by the DTKJ, there are approximately 2.9 million vehicles from neighboring Bogor, Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi entering Jakarta every day combined.
The proposed toll road project is currently being discussed with the State Enterprises Ministry. "It's still being studied," the minister, Dahlan Iskan, said last month as quoted by Kompas daily. "If the government agrees, no tender will be necessary since it is an initiative of Jasa Marga."
Heru Wisnu Wibowo, an official from the ministry's Directorate General of Railway Transportation, concedes that the country is no stranger to unplanned projects.
"Basically, anyone can propose a project," he said. "As long as the regional governments and the related ministries agree to it and the funding is clear, then they can go ahead."
Elisa Sutanudjaja, an analyst from the Rujak Center for Urban Studies, blames the government's inconsistency as one of the reasons why despite a long list of transportation plans and studies for Jakarta, only a few have ever been carried out.
"Through the years we keep on seeing projects such as the monorail, elevated toll roads and others popping up but that's not what the city really needs [based on previous assessments]," she said.
She adds that the millions of rupiah that the government has invested in studies, such as the 2004 Study on the Integrated Transportation Master Plan for Jabodetabek (Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi), or Sitramp, have simply gone to waste. The Sitramp had to be revised in 2010 due to lack of progress.
"The monorail and the six inner-city toll roads, which were actually not included in the original plan, were included later as discussions were already under way," Elisa said.
The Jakarta Transportation Office is considering shelving parts of the monorail project and using the abandoned pillars for an elevated busway lane.
Besides the inconsistency in the city's transportation programs, the revised Sitramp also cites the lack of coordination between regional governments and a supporting legal foundation.
"Not every government office has made public transportation their priority," said Felix Iryantomo, from the Transportation Ministry's Directorate General of Land Transportation. "Excluding Jakarta, the surrounding regions have only allocated limited funding for transportation."
Achmad Izzul Waro, a researcher from the Indonesia Transportation Society (MTI), echoed Felix's statement, adding that it was hard to persuade regional officials to prioritize public transportation when there was no prospect of financial profit in it for them.
"This is found all across the country. Local governments prefer to accommodate the growth of private vehicle ownership, which means increased numbers of licenses being issued and a corresponding increase to the region's revenue," Achmad said. "Public transportation, on the other hand, is not self-sustaining and has to depend on public subsidies."
Lenny Tristia Tambun Reports of Islamic preachers or speakers who direct the vote of their followers in the second round of the Jakarta gubernatorial elections in prayer houses are being taken seriously by the Indonesian Council of Ulema.
But some members of the body known as MUI found no problem with religious leaders telling followers how to vote, so long as they do not issue threats.
MUI deputy chairman Ma'ruf Amin said that it is only natural that preachers during Friday prayers or other Islamic activities would direct their followers because the leader should know best which pair has values that are in line with his followers.
"If an ustadz [Islamic preacher] advises his students on how to vote, that is not a problem. The students can still choose to follow the advice or not, it is up to them. If the directive only goes that far, it's not a problem," Ma'ruf said in an interview with BeritaSatu on Saturday.
But he said what would not be tolerated were threats to the community if they didn't follow the ustadz's advice. "An example of a threat is that if people don't choose a specific pair then they will no longer be allowed to worship at that prayer house, or other threats of that nature," he said. "That is something we forbid."
Ma'ruf continued that advice to choose a certain pair of candidates is in line with Islamic teachings, and is not a violation of the electoral laws against campaigning on divisive racial, religious and ethnic issues, known collectively as SARA.
Instead, he said that such advice was meant to educate the Islamic community about which leader is the most suitable from a religious perspective. However, Ma'ruf advised the Islamic community to choose the pair of candidates who would lead Jakarta toward a better future.
Miftah Rais, head of the As Syukur Mosque, said that his preachers had never encouraged community members to vote a certain way, nor had they defamed the names of any candidates, practices he said he disagreed with.
However, the Central Jakarta mosque does ask that the Muslim community choose a leader whose religious views are compatible with the teachings of the Koran. "We only recommend this, it is up to them if they choose to follow or not. But surely it is our duty to ask the community to vote for a leader who has the same faith," Miftah said.
Incumbent governor Fauzi Bowo visited the mosque some time ago and was endorsed by Miftah, who said that Jakarta needed a leader who was special, who was a Betawi native and who was "berkumis," that is, who had a moustache, though the Miftah said it was an acronym for "berkah, kuat imannya dan istiqomah" ("blessing, faith and strong-willed").
"Let us pray that Foke [Fauzi Bowo] will again be chosen as the governor of Jakarta," he said.
A bill governing service in the military reserves is not likely to pass this year due to public resistance, but could be approved next year, the Defense Ministry says.
The National Defense Reserves bill requires civilian members of the Armed Forces (TNI) to serve if called to war. If they refuse to serve in the event of war, they could be jailed for a year.
"If citizens meet the requirements but purposefully refuse the invitation [to serve in war], they would receive a maximum sentence of a year [in prison]," Brig. Gen. Hartind Asrin, a Defense Ministry spokesman, said on Monday as quoted by news portal Tempo.com.
"Company directors who forbid their employees from joining it [the TNI] would also be sanctioned for six months," he added.
Hartind said he expected that the bill, which has been under consideration at the House of Representatives since 2010, would pass next year at the earliest.
Lawmaker Tubagus Hasanuddin said discussions at the House had been in deadlock for years. "There's too much resistance from the public," he said.
Hartind, however, said the public should not worry about the scope of the bill, which he said would not force anyone to join the military reserves. "The bill is different from the compulsory military service in some other nations," he said.
Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro confirmed this last Thursday, saying the bill would not require anyone to actually join the reserves. If passed, he said, people could still choose whether to join.
"There is no such thing as compulsory military service [In Indonesia]," he said, as quoted by Indonesian news portal Detik.com. "This [joining the reserves] will be an option."
If civilians did join the reserves, he said, they would be treated differently than TNI soldiers. While civilians in the reserves could participate in military training, they would not have the same obligations as regular soldiers, he said.
Still, he said, the bill would require them to take part in military operations if they were asked in the event of war. "So if someone is part of the reserves, [the TNI] can order him [to join an operation] when they need him," he said.
Jakarta The government says that it expects to recruit 20,000 to 25,000 more police officers, half of whom will be trained later this year.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said that additional personnel would be needed to deal with greater security threats in the form of communal conflicts in the country.
"I have instructed the National Police to educate and train them well. The National Police can use more personnel to anticipate, prevent and stop communal conflicts," Yudhoyono said on Wednesday.
As of 2011, Indonesia had 387,470 police officers for its nearly 230 million citizens for a ratio of one police officer per 600 people. Experts say an ideal ratio is one police officer for every 400 citizens.
Yudhoyono acknowledged that 25,000 personnel would add a significant burden to the state budget but made his expectations clear that the new officers would be used to enforce the law professionally, especially in handling communal conflicts and street brawls.
At least 18 violent demonstrations and 62 street brawls occurred in several regions in the country in the first semester of this year.
This year alone, the police have been involved in excessive use of force in places like Papua, as well as in Bima, West Nusa Tenggara and in Mesuji, Lampung. The police were also seen as powerless in dealing with attacks against minority groups like the Shiites in Madura and Ahmadiyah followers in West Java.
"In dealing with unrest, don't talk about who will take the blame. Stop the rioting and violence first," Yudhoyono said, adding that the police must be able to prevent the loss of lives in every conflict.
The National Police has also been criticized recently for its failure to uphold discipline among members of the corps.
Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) reports an increasing number of police personnel dismissals, which it says is a reflection of worsening police behavior. IPW says that 429 police were dismissed in 2009. This number decreased to 294 in 2010 but jumped even higher in 2011 to 474.
So far this year, 12,987 police personnel have violated the National Police code of conduct a number IPW fears may only be the tip of the iceberg. The police also stand accused of acts of violence including shootings and excessive force. In 2011, IPW says that police shot 97 innocent civilians. Of these, 19 were killed.
Eighteen cases of police brutality involving 34 officers have been brought forward so far in 2012. Eight of these cases were related to the misuse of weapons. Ten were torture cases. (cor)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Ezra Sihite The contentious issue of increasingly expensive soybean imports has now turned to the handful of companies allowed to import the crop, amid allegations of official involvement in sustaining their cartel-like behavior.
Bambang Soesatyo, a member of the House of Representatives, said on Sunday that the government had no basis to criticize the importers for maintaining high profit margins at a time of soybean scarcity.
"There are indications that government officials abused their authority to give these importers a monopoly, so before punishing the importers as the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is calling for, we should first go after the officials who made the cartel possible," Bambang said.
The Golkar Party politician added that the government should also have been able to plan for the soybean shortage caused by the US drought, but was powerless to act accordingly because of the alleged collusion between the importers and the officials.
"Of course the importers must have bribed the officials to disregard their projections about the impact of the US drought. The KPK can use this indication of corruption to start investigating this matter," he added, referring to the Corruption Eradication Commission.
The cartel claims were first raised by Suyanto, the chairman of the Indonesian Tempeh and Tofu Cooperative (Kopti).
"There are four big companies and they set the price," he said last week, adding that he thought the companies manipulated prices unfairly, though he admitted it would be difficult to prove. He declined to name the companies, but he collectively termed them a "cartel."
Cargill Indonesia, one of the main soybean importers in Indonesia, dismissed Suyanto's accusations.
"Cargill does not go into price discussions or agreements with other importers and traders," Jean-Louis Guillou, Cargill's country representative for Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe in an e-mail.
"We fully abide by Indonesian law and this includes not artificially influencing import prices. Cargill shares the concerns about increasing commodity prices impacting local Indonesian consumers."
The soybean debate has also prompted the government to temporarily ease the import duty for the commodity from 5 percent to zero. However, legislators say the plan is a stop-gap measure and argue that a longer-term food security policy is needed.
Siswono Yudohusodo, a former agriculture minister and member of House Commission IV, which oversees agricultural affairs, said the government should use the high prices to stimulate local production of the crop.
"We should never again use the old paradigm of pushing down the import duty in the event of a price increase," he said. "That will only keep us dependent on imports."
Siswono said Indonesia currently has just 600,000 hectares of soybean plantations, down from 1.6 million hectares in 1988, and needs policies to revive production.
Firman Subagio, deputy chairman of House Commission IV, agreed that easing the duty tax would be counterproductive to efforts to boost food security.
He also said that if the import duty remained at zero percent until December, Indonesia could lose Rp 400 billion ($42 million). "The only ones who benefit are the importers, because the stock they're bringing in was bought at old prices," Firman said.
Arientha Primanita, Ezra Sihite, Ronna Nirmala & Faisal Maliki Baskoro Indonesia is hurting from skyrocketing soybean prices, but few people are in agreement over what to do about it.
Politicians and industry figures voiced their opposition on Friday to the government's plan to suspend the 5 percent import tax on soybeans for four months starting on Wednesday.
They also criticized the lack of a clear food policy or blamed commodity importers for the recent, sharp rise in prices. A drought in the United States, a major soybean exporter, has lowered yields there and sent prices soaring.
Indonesia, the world's fourth-most populous country, has been hit particularly hard. Prices have climbed more than 33 percent in the past three weeks, with soybeans now selling for Rp 8,000 (85 cents) per kilogram.
Agriculture ministers past and present, industry representatives and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono all spoke out on Friday, a day after Trade Minister Gita Wirjawan voiced his opposition to the import duty plan. Hatta Rajasa, the chief economic minister, announced the plan on Wednesday.
Agriculture Minister Suswono criticized local soybean importers for setting their profit margins too high during a time of scarcity. He claimed they were partly responsible for making prices go up. "They should have a feeling of empathy toward consumers," Suswono told reporters before a cabinet meeting in Jakarta on Friday.
Siswono Yudohusodo, a former Agriculture Minister and now a lawmaker and member on House of Representatives Commission IV overseeing agriculture and forestry affairs, also said suspending the import duty was not a solution.
"The government should come up with a decent plan to boost soybean production in the domestic market," Siswono said. "That way, it will help reduce our dependence on imports."
Suyanto, the chairman of the Indonesian Tempeh and Tofu Cooperative (Kopti), pointed to what he called a monopoly in soybean importation.
"There are four big companies and they set the price," Suyanto claimed, adding that he thought the companies manipulated prices unfairly, though he admitted it would be difficult to prove. He declined to name the companies, but he collectively termed them a "cartel."
Cargill Indonesia, one of the main soybean importers in Indonesia, dismissed Suyanto's accusations. "Cargill does not go into price discussions nor agreements with other importers and traders," Jean-Louis Guillou, Cargill's country representative for Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe in an e-mail.
"We fully abide by Indonesian law and this includes not artificially influencing import prices," he added. "Cargill shares the concerns about increasing commodity prices impacting local Indonesian consumers."
Suyanto, too, criticized the import duty plan. The government tried the same thing in 2008 a 10 percent tariff was suspended and it didn't work then. "So history repeats itself," he said.
Instead of purchasing soybeans from the United States, Suyanto said, Indonesia should buy from Thailand and Vietnam, claiming the quality was just as good.
Ratna Ningsih, the head of cooperatives at the Jakarta agency for small and medium enterprises, said that all tempeh and tofu producers in Jakarta had agreed to resume production following a three-day strike.
Clashes between makers and sellers of the soybean products broke out in several markets earlier this week as producers sought to enforce the strike. Yudhoyono also spoke out against the "sweeps."
"I appreciate the confederation of tempeh and tofu, but there is no need to do this sweeping," he said. "This is not a solution because the tempeh and tofu sellers are not the ones to be blamed."
Kopti called on the government to intervene and put a stop to the escalating soy prices.
"The government has to step in," Suyanto said. Kopti members, he continued, wanted Bulog, the state procurement agency, to take over soybean importing from the private sector. "That way there won't be any price distortion," Suyanto said. "The government can stabilize it."
Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta A preliminary report on Indonesia's mineral exports for the month of June shows at least three commodities were severely affected by a set of new regulations that stipulate, among other things, a 20 percent export tax and the so-called "clean-and-clear" mechanism.
Based on Trade Ministry data, the export of nickel plunged 80 percent from 2.8 million tons in May to 572,106 tons in June. The export of copper nose-dived 90 percent from 193,941 tons in May to 20,000 tons June. Bauxite suffered the most with almost no exports in June from 2.36 million tons just a month before.
Shelby Ihasan Saleh of the Indonesian Nickel Association (ANI) blamed the tightening of export regulations for flagging nickel exports.
The Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry, in tandem with the Trade Ministry and the Finance Ministry, issued a set of new regulations on May 6 that demanded tougher requirements pertaining to the export of 65 types of raw minerals and imposed a 20 percent export tax, with an exemption for coal.
The requirements include obligations for mining companies operating under mining permits (IUP) to obtain "clean-and-clear" status for their activities, to pay all tax an non-tax financial obligations and to submit a comprehensive proposal on their business plans for the creation of added- value to their mining products.
A clean-and-clear status indicates that the activities are in line with the government's environmental policies and that all legal requirements, including those on land usage, have been met.
The creation of added-value is required by the 2009 Mining and Coal Law, which stipulates that within five years of the law taking effect, Indonesia will no longer permit the export of raw minerals and will curb the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources. The provision also applies to coal.
"Currently there are only six shipments of nickel, a drop from the average 15 to 20 shipments per month. Among the six shipments, two are from PT Antam, which gets nickel mostly from Sulawesi," he said.
He predicted that yearly nickel exports would not reach last year's level of 37 million tons. Total exports of nickel from January to June reached 19.45 million tons, according to Trade Ministry's data.
Japan, Indonesia's biggest nickel buyer, has raised concerns over the tighter export rule, saying that it would file a formal complaint to the World Trade Organization and may retaliate by banning paper imports from Indonesia.
"The clean-and-clear factor exacerbates the impact of the 20 percent export tax," said Syahrir Abubakar, the executive director of the Indonesian Mining Association.
Based on IMA data, only 4,151 mining companies had been awarded clear-and- clean status out of a total of 10,235 companies registered in the association.
Syahrir also pointed out that the new export regulations came when the mining industry was entering a period of lower global commodity prices due to weakening demand led by the economic crisis in Europe and US.
According to the ministry's data, the coal exports fell 13 percent from 30.16 million tons in May to 26.2 million tons in June.
Indonesian Coal Mining Association (APBI) chairman Bob Kamandanu said roughly 150 million tons of coal were exported in the first six months of the year. "As much as 30 million tons was allocated for the domestic market and the rest went overseas," Bob said.
Esther Samboh, Jakarta The government has temporarily scrapped taxes on soybean imports to make more affordable. Soaring prices have made soybean cake (tempeh) and tofu makers threaten to stop production.
Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa said on Wednesday that the previous 5 percent import duty on soybean would be scrapped until the end of the year ahead the planned strike from Wednesday to Friday. Indonesians are big consumers of soybean derivatives from tempeh and tofu to cooking oil and soy milk.
"We urge traders to adjust prices according to the scrapped import duties and not take advantage of it," Hatta told reporters after a coordination meeting with economic ministers on the country's food security.
The meeting also agreed to allow tempeh and tofu makers' cooperatives to import soybeans on their own. The government will ask state banks to help the financing and state logistics firm Bulog to cope with the import procedures. Importation of soybeans was previously conducted by private entities.
"By allowing tempeh and tofu makers cooperatives to import, they can get soybeans from the cheapest source," Deputy Trade Minister Bayu Krisnamurthi said.
Indonesia imports 60 percent of its 2-million-ton annual soybean consumption mainly from the United States, which is seeing record soybean prices amid the worst drought in over half a decade. Other leading growers such as Brazil and Argentina are also short on supply due to water shortages.
The retail price of imported soybeans is currently at about Rp 8,000 per kilogram, up about 50 percent from what had been recognized as the norm price of about Rp 5,000 per kilogram.
The Indonesian Tempeh and Tofu Producers Cooperatives Association (Gaptindo) head Sutaryo called the elimination of 5 percent import duty on soybeans a temporary solution.
"The price will still be high. The association and the government still need to find a long-term solution to this price problem," he said, adding that the producers would continue to go on strike as planned until July 27.
The permanent solution for the rise in soybean prices would be to increase domestic productivity in order to be self sufficient and no longer dependent on external markets. Imported soybeans cost less than those locally produced, which sell for about Rp 9,000 per kilogram.
Indonesia needs an additional 2 million hectares of productive land to make the country self-sufficient in key commodities, of which 500,000 hectares should be allocated for soybean cultivation, Agriculture Minister Suswono has said.
The Indonesian arm of one of the world's top agricultural firms, Cargill, warned that prices may soar even higher if the US drought persists in the next four weeks, given that August is the defining period for soybean industry in the country.
"If there is not enough rainfall in August, we will see lower-than-average soybean crops and a possible shortage," PT Cargill Indonesia country head and general manager Jean-Louis Guillou said in Jakarta on Wednesday.
Cargill Indonesia, one of the main soybean importers in Indonesia, had no plans to reduce the volume of its soybean imports even though drought had affected crops in the US, Cargill Indonesia corporate affairs director Rachmat Hidayat said.
This year, the company plans to import between 240,000 and 250,000 tons of soybean, up 9 to 13.6 percent from 220,000 tons last year. About 90 percent of them are from the US, while the rest are imported from Brazil and Argentina.
Guillou said soybeans from the US were preferred in the Indonesian market due to its larger size and whiter color. Cargill sells imports to 30 wholesale buyers across Indonesia.
With tempeh and tofu makers allowed to import soybeans directly, Sutaryo of Gaptindo said Bulog would assist the importation. Small traders should not have to compete with existing importers get fair prices.
Bank Indonesia (BI) has estimated that the soybean price surge will be temporary, without an alarming impact on overall consumer prices.
Soybeans and derivative product account for about 8 percent of overall inflation, but it is a big component of the volatile food prices component, BI spokesman Difi A. Johansyah said. (tas)
The rupiah weakened for a sixth month, its longest losing streak since 1998, on concern Europe's debt crisis will damp growth and exports.
Indonesia will probably post its third consecutive trade deficit of $530 million in June as overseas sales fell 7.9 percent, according to the median estimate of analysts surveyed by Bloomberg ahead of data due tomorrow.
The economy will expand 6.1 percent to 6.5 percent this year, compared with a previous estimate of 6.3 percent to 6.7 percent, the central bank said in a July 13 statement. The World Bank also cut its annual growth projection for Indonesia this month.
"The lowered forecasts are negative for the rupiah, even if they are just a domino effect from the slowdown seen in other countries," said Billie Fuliangsahar, the head of treasury at PT Rabobank International Indonesia in Jakarta. "The rupiah's gains will be limited next month as long as Europe continues to be a concern."
The rupiah dropped 0.4 percent in July to 9,465 per dollar as of 3:28 p.m. in Jakarta, according to prices from local banks compiled by Bloomberg. The currency fell 0.1 percent today and 4.2 percent this year.
One-month implied volatility, which measures exchange-rate swings used to price options, dropped one percentage point this month to 7.5 percent. It fell 50 basis points, or 0.5 percentage point, today.
Global funds bought $357 million more local stocks than they sold in July through yesterday and added 10 trillion rupiah ($1.1 billion) to their government bond holdings this month through July 27, according to data from the exchange and finance ministry.
"There is still interest in Indonesia's assets, but the flows into stocks and bonds this month are mostly hot money, which is unstable," said Fuliangsahar.
The government's benchmark 7 percent bonds due May 2022 advanced this month by the most since January, with the yield declining 43 basis points to 5.72 percent, according to prices from the Inter Dealer Market Association. The yield dropped two basis points today.
A. Lin Neumann We hear a lot about the greatness that is just around the corner for Indonesia, and much of it rings true. There is a palpable sense of becoming in the air, as if the country has woken up from a long slumber and is finally finding its way. "There is just a bit more swagger in our step," one wealthy young businessman told me recently.
Much of this, of course, is simple economics a huge domestic market with sufficient buying power insulates the country somewhat from the shocks that are battering Europe, the United States and parts of Asia.
But there is more to greatness than rising GDP and tall buildings. Part of any nation's greatness is surely the ability to come to grips with its own history. By this measure, Indonesia's official blindness over the events of 1965 and other dark chapters of abuse have fallen far short.
That has now changed. This week, the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) declared after a four-year investigation that the persecution and murders of alleged Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) members after the failed 1965 coup was a gross human rights violation. The body noted incidents of murder, slavery, forced eviction, torture, rape and other abuses committed by the military in the name of fighting communism.
The commission shied away from naming names they are easy enough to find in history books, most of them written abroad but it did say that military officers from the time should stand trial, if any of them are still alive. The agency at the center of the killings, the commission concluded, was the shadowy Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order (Kopkamtib), which Suharto himself commanded from 1965 to 1967 and used as a vehicle for his rise to power.
The details of the supposed communist "coup" attempt that led to the ouster of President Sukarno and the ensuing violence that claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of people who were accused of being leftists were covered up for decades, despite the horrors of the brutality.
In a 1978 article in the New York Review of Books regarding 1965, Cornell University scholars Benedict Anderson and Ruth McVey cite an internal report made by the US Central Intelligence Agency on the events that swept over Indonesia that year.
"In terms of the numbers killed, the anti-PKI massacres in Indonesia rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century, along with the Soviet purges of the 1930s, the Nazi mass murders during the Second World War, and the Maoist bloodbath of the early 1950s," the CIA report concluded. "In this regard, the Indonesian coup is certainly one of the most significant events of the 20th century, far more significant than many other events that have received much more publicity."
Despite the facts, about all that most people here seem to have been told is that Sukarno was followed by Gen. Suharto and the New Order regime, and the whole thing was kind of messy.
In ordering the Attorney General's Office to follow up on the commission's conclusions, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono set the legal process in motion and made good on his own belief in reconciliation. In citing the need for a "just, factual, smart and constructive settlement," Yudhoyono noted the experiences of South Africa, Cambodia and other countries that have had to contend with a dark and violent legacy.
Indonesia is no longer the perilous place it was for the first five decades after independence. Government power now changes hands peacefully and democratically. The many problems the country faces are discussed openly in the media.
Coming to grips with history can be unsettling. But during a time when Indonesia is finally coming into its own, the country should deal with the horrors of 1965 and other chapters of abuse.
The Komnas HAM report could spur the kind of national introspection that will deepen Indonesia's understanding of itself. And out of that process, a measure of greatness might emerge.
It's official. The mass killings that took place across Indonesia between 1965 and 1966 really happened, according to a new report by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) released on Monday.
For more than four decades, the nation has known about the Army-led massacre of communists, their sympathizers, relatives and innocent bystanders, though the details and the extent of the killings remain unclear. Not even the Komnas HAM report has been able to calculate the precise death toll, with estimates ranging from 200,000 to 3 million (the latter figure of which one of Soeharto's generals once boasted).
Officially to this day, however, the killings never happened. They are not mentioned in official history books. The tragedy, which should count as the darkest era in Indonesia's modern history, has been virtually wiped from the nation's collective memory.
The Komnas HAM report describes the killings as "a gross violation of human rights" by the state. Although they took place during Sukarno's presidency, it puts the blame for the killings squarely on Gen. Soeharto, the chief of the Command for the Restoration of Security and Order who went on to become president in 1967.
The report listed the crimes committed to include murder, annihilation, slavery, forced disappearances, limits to physical freedom, torture, rape, persecution and forced prostitution.
The report calls on the Attorney General's Office to conduct further investigations and then to begin prosecutions against the perpetrators presumably for most, including Soeharto, in absentia as they are already dead. It urges the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission, the restoration of the rights of victims, compensation given to survivors and an apology by the state, in this case, the President.
Now that stories of the killing can be told officially, any attempt to rewrite history of this tragic episode must also look into the harsh treatments of the communists and their relatives, including their internment, many without trial, and the removal of their basic rights until as recently as the beginning of the century.
As we wait for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to act upon the report's recommendations, the nation should ponder why we have allowed a tragedy of such horrific proportions to occur, and moreover then try to erase it from our collective memory.
It is too easy to blame the military and Soeharto, especially now that he is dead. Many people believe to this day that the military saved Indonesia from communism. But the nation never learned, or never bothered to find out, about the real costs in terms of human life, and the suffering and injustice perpetrated against its own citizens. Like it or not, our silence all this time makes us part of the conspiracy.
President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid in 1999 had the resolve to admit the role that Ansor, the youth wing of the Nahdlatul Ulama, played in the killings, particularly in East Java. And he publicly apologized for that when he was president.
But Gus Dur was rare among Indonesians, most of whom are either still in denial or would rather forget that the killings ever happened. This collective amnesia is reflected in the largely indifferent public reaction to the Komnas HAM report, which should be a milestone in the nation's history. Most newspapers gave the story a wide berth, or buried it in the inside pages.