A rally has been held in New Zealand in response to recent violence in Indonesia's West Papua region including the alleged shooting of the pro- independence leader Mako Tabuni last week.
A small group gathered at the Indonesian Embassy in Wellington, where a letter was presented by the Green Party MP Catherine De lahunty, calling on the Indonesia government to end oppression in West Papua.
Ms Delahunty says the recent spate of violence is the worst the region has seen in a long while and says it is time international attention focused on the region. Susanna Ounei, a Kanak woman who was an activist in New Caledonia for many years, says her people also stand by West Papuans.
"I just want to give my solidarity to the brothers and sisters from West Papua, we're determined to do something about it. In Kanaky they are organising also their solidarity with the West Papuans there in Kanaky because they are all brothers and sisters."
Ainur Rohmah, Semarang Two activists wearing Sumatran tiger costumes along with several members of Greenpeace visited a KFC fast food restaurant on Jl. Pandanaran, Semarang, Central Java on Saturday, calling on KFC to stop using food-wrapping paper produced by a company allegedly responsible for deforestation in Indonesia.
"They should use other more environmentally-friendly wrapping paper," Greenpeace activist and researcher Iqbal Agus Saputra said on Saturday.
In its latest report, "How KFC was involved in deforestation", Greenpeace described the alleged involvement of numerous companies, including KFC, in deforestation in Indonesia. Independent testing showed that paper-based products the company used in China, the UK and Indonesia contained fibers from Indonesian tropical hardwood trees. The group claimed that the deforestation had affected the lives of some 400 surviving Sumatran tigers.
Fast Food Indonesia director Justinus Dalimin Juwono told The Jakarta Post that the company would ask for clarification from Asia Pulp and Paper, the company that supplies paper for many of KFC's packaging requirements.
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta The National Police say the shooting of a Papua Police Mobile Brigade Officer is not related to any recent shootings that have occurred in the easternmost province.
"It's a separate incident. It's different because the location is further up [the hill]," National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar told The Jakarta Post when asked whether it had any link to a spate of previous shootings in Papua.
Papua Police Mobile Brigade officer, First Brig. Mujahidin, was reportedly shot in his right leg on Saturday at 3:30 p.m. local time (1:30 p.m. Jakarta time) in Mimika regency, Papua, according to Antara news agency.
But Boy could not confirm whether the victim, who is being treated at Kuala Kencana Hospital, was a police mobile brigade officer or what the victim's exact condition was.
He also said he had yet to be able to determine the perpetrator, the type of weapon the perpetrator had used or the motive for the shooting because he had not managed to communicate with local police.
The shooting took place at Mile Post 43, where United States-based mining company PT Freeport Indonesia operates, according to Freeport spokesman Ramdani Sirait, based on information the company had received on Saturday afternoon. "We're giving the authorities our full support in the investigation," he told the Post.
Violence has escalated recently in Papua, with at least 17 people, including several TNI members, having been killed in different places in the province since last month. A failure to implement special autonomy granted to Papua has been blamed for the escalating violence.
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar has confirmed that a Papua Police Mobile Brigade officer who was injured in a shooting incident was not hit by gunfire.
"First Brig. Mujahidin did not suffer a gunshot wound, he injured his ankle when he was trying to avoid being shot by an unknown assailant," he told The Jakarta Post on Saturday.
Mujahidin, who was treated at Kuala Kencana Hospital, was involved in the shooting on Saturday at 3:30 p.m. local time (1:30 p.m. Jakarta time) in Mimika regency, Papua, Antara news agency reported.
Boy said the police had yet to be able to determine the perpetrator, the type of weapon the perpetrator had used or the motive behind the shooting.
The shooting took place at Mile Post 41 (not Mile Post 43 as earlier reported), where United States-based mining company PT Freeport Indonesia operates, according to Freeport spokesman Ramdani Sirait, based on information the company had received on Saturday afternoon. "We're giving the authorities our full support in the investigation," he told the Post.
Violence has escalated recently in Papua, with at least 17 people, including several TNI members, having been killed in various locations in the province since last month. A failure to implement special autonomy granted to Papua has been blamed by some for the escalating violence. (mtq)
Misti P., Mojokerto Scores of activists from the United Indonesian Labour Movement (PPBI) went to the 0815 Mojokerto District Military Command Headquarters in the East Java city of Mojokerto on June 21 to demand an immediate resolution to all the forms of violence and human rights violations that are taking place in West Papua.
Carrying symbols of the trade union, the activists held the action at the Mojokerto city square where they conveyed their demands including an end to all forms of violence by security forces against activists and the Papuan people and the withdrawal of non-organic troops from Papua.
Arrest and try the military and police perpetrators of violence, murder and shootings in Papua, free the Papuan people and activists that are currently in jail (Filep Karma, Buchtar Tabuni) and form an independent fact finding team to conduct a fast and effective investigation that can uncover the truth and bring perpetrators to justice.
They also called for a broad dialogue that is open, democrat and free from pressure or repression for and by the Papuan people under the supervision of national and international observers. After giving speeches union representatives handed over a list of demands to the district military command headquarters.
Action coordinator Thoha Maksum said that their aim in coming to the headquarters was to convey a letter of protest over violence by rouge TNI (Indonesian military) and police officers in Papua. "We hope that the 0815 District Military Command will assist in conveying this letter to the TNI headquarters", he said earlier this morning.
After handing over the letter of protest the demonstrators continued the action at the Mojokerto branch of Bank National Indonesia (BNI) on Jl. Mojopahit where they demanded that severance pay be given to some 30 sacked workers from the company Karya Kompos Bagas (KKB) in the Jatirejo sub- district after the Industrial Relations Court (PHI) found in their favour.
KKB's assets are under the control of the Mojokerto branch of the BNI as collateral for the company's debts. Although the sacked workers won in the PHI hearing they are yet to receive outstanding severance pay. [tin/but]
Kontras Papua, SKPKC and BUK believe that there has been speculation about the killing of Mako Tabuni on 14 June.
Mako Tabuni was shot by police from the Papua regional police in the Perumnas III Waena area. KontraS Papua said that the shooting was carried out not only by the regional police, but there was also involvement of Special Detachment 88 Anti-terror Police (Densus 88) who are suspected of carrying out undercover activities in Papua.
Kontras and SKPKC have already gathered a number of facts from the field, including meeting a number of witnesses who directly saw the shooting of Mako Tabuni. The witnesses in question stated that the deceased, Mako Tabuni, was shot whilst he was standing eating betel nut in front of a kiosk in Perumnas III Waena, when the first black Avanza car drew up, followed by a Silver Avanza and a blue Daihatsu. A person got out of the blue Daihatsu and immediately shot Mako Tabuni to death on the spot. After shooting him dead, Mako was rushed to the Bhayangkara Hospital in Kotaraja.
The question is why did the police take Mako to the Bhayangkara Hospital after shooting him, when in Waena, Dian Harapan Hospital is closer to the scene of the incident? Furthermore, Mako was shot and brought to Bhayangkara Hospital without the knowledge of his family, and during the journey he lost a lot of blood. This raises the suspicion that the police quickly used formalin, so that once Mako's family requested an autopsy, the medical team at Bhayangkara Hospital could say that it was not possible to do an autopsy because he had already been formalined.
Kontras Papua, represented by Peneas Lokbere, said that the actions of the police in shooting Mako Tabuni showed that the police were incapable of acting professionally to announce who was responsible for the acts of violence and human rights violations which had happened recently. "We condemn the perpetrator, the person who ordered the killing, and all those involved in the shooting of Mako Tabuni," he said.
According to Peneas, Mako Tabuni did not behave like someone involved in violent shootings, and throughout the shootings he had been going about his normal activities, going out of his house as usual, and going to campus. "He's a genuine guy, he didn't do anything," added Peneas. It was said that the Papua regional police are telling a lot of lies in public during the aftermath of the shooting of Mako Tabuni.
Kontras and SKPKC said that the shooting of Mako Tabuni should receive the attention of the president of the Republic of Indonesia, and the president must withdraw all troops from the land of Papua - both organic and non- organic - and stop trying to rationalise the numbers of military and police in Papua.
Because the shooting of Mako Tabuni was carried out by the Papua regional police, the Provincial Head of Police in Papua must end the sweepings, arrests, attacks and criminalisation of students, and stop seizing items from them, such as laptops which contain their theses, mobile phones, and other items which have been seized from student dormitories.
The Provincial Head of Police must also stop sweepings of civilians and form an independent team to investigate the shootings in the land of Papua, including the murder of Mako Tabuni. Peneas and two staff from SKPKC - Bernand and Frans Making - called on the Head of Police to stop all efforts to destroy and scapegoat the pure struggle of Papuans to demand justice and truth, in accordance with criminal law, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. (Ven/don/I03).
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The government says that it has been in talks with the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM) since last year months before the start of the latest wave of violence in Papua that has killed 17.
The talks with the OPM began in December and had not been easy, as members of the group had to be coaxed to "leave the mountains and join society," Coordinating Political, Legal, and Security Affairs Minister Air Marshall (ret.) Djoko Suyanto said on Monday.
"The government has continued to approach the OPM by sending a delegation," Djoko told reporters in Jayapura on Monday as reported by Antara news agency.
The delegation, which includes several high-ranking military, police and intelligence officials, left Jakarta for Jayapura on Monday. Among the delegation are Djoko, National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo, Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Adm. Agus Suhartono, and National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman.
The government has continued to blame the OPM for the deteriorating security situation in Papua while declining to provide concrete evidence of the group's complicity in the violence that has wracked the province in recent months.
Police officers, for example, shot and killed Papuan activist Mako Tabuni in Waena on June 14 for allegedly resisting arrest for his supposed involvement in seven violent attacks.
Mako was deputy chairman of the National Committee for West Papua (KNPB), which supports a referendum on Papuan independence. Tabuni's supporters retaliated by setting ablaze dozens of vehicles and properties in the city.
The incident was the latest in a series of bloody incidents involving civilians and security officials.
The delegation from the central government held a closed-door meeting with religious and tribal leaders soon after their Indonesian Air Force Boeing 737 landed at Sentani Airport in Jayapura, Papua, on Tuesday.
Also in attendance at the meeting were Papua Legislative Council speaker Jhon Ibo, Papuan People's Assembly speaker Timotius Murib and Interim Papua Governor Syamsul Arief Rivai.
Djoko and his entourage then met with members of the Papua General Elections Commission (KPUD). Local politics have been touted as one potential cause of the renewed violence, following the postponement of the provincial gubernatorial election.
The officials left Jayapura for Timika later on Tuesday and are expected to arrive in Manokwari, the capital of West Papua, on Wednesday.
Djoko has said his agenda in Papua was part of the government's commitment to promote dialogue to address the situation in the region rather than stepping up security measures.
Contracted separately, Haris Azhar, the coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said he welcomed the government's initiative to promote dialogue.
Haris, however, said that the security and intelligence officials had picked the wrong time for the meeting, as many Papuans remained angered, fearful and on edge over the violent attacks.
"Papuans are now psychologically uncomfortable. Papuans are still losing confidence to the government, particularly following the amateurish actions of the National Police and TNI troops," Haris said.
Farouk Arnaz & Markus Junianto Sihaloho The National Police denied on Monday that it was planning to send counterterrorism unit Densus 88 to Papua, saying the recent spate of deadly violence there qualified purely as criminal activity.
The statement was a response to concerns raised on Saturday by Indonesia Police Watch, which accused the police of preparing to send in the elite unit.
"Densus will be deployed if terrorism occurred there," National Police spokesman Saud Usman Nasution said. "Densus has a lot on its plate, so for now we will not send them. We're just going to wait for instructions from the regional police chief, because the regional police chief understands the conditions there better."
On Saturday, IPW chairman Neta S. Pane said police were set on replacing the current Papua Police chief with Brig. Gen. Tito Karnavian, the former Densus 88 head and now the deputy chief of the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT).
The police should choose someone who could consolidate the security apparatus in Papua and engage the citizenry in dialogue, not clamp down with increasingly harsh force, Neta said.
"We strongly reject the efforts of the National Police to deploy Densus 88 in Papua because the problem in Papua is not terrorism but prolonged socioeconomic gaps," Neta said.
Saud said the National Police would only send Densus 88 to Papua if the Papua Police chief could explain his suspicions of terrorism there. "It would be a waste if we sent Densus just like that," Saud said. "[The perpetrators in Papua] are purely criminal. We will develop [the case] once we capture all of the perpetrators."
Saud, also a former Densus 88 chief, claimed the situation in Papua was returning to normal. Police officers there were making sure of that, he said. "Regarding mysterious shootings there, the National Police's criminal unit is assisting the Papua Police's special team with the investigation," he said.
House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees security and foreign affairs, said it would take special measures to solve the problems in Papua.
"We, the leaders, agreed to set up a working committee," Commission I deputy chairman Tubagus Hasanuddin said in Jakarta on Monday. "We will discuss what [the current situation] is like. The solution that needs to be pushed by all of us is to find a peaceful and dignified solution by not using firearms."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho A Papuan pastor calling for justice and an end to the violence in the restive province told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday that a dialogue between Papua and the Central government is urgently needed.
But pastor Socratez Sofyan Yoman suggested that a neutral "referee" mediate the dialogue. "Let's put it this way: There are two parties who are fighting, and it needs to be refereed," pastor Socratez said. "If the government tries to mediate, that is not fair how could the murderer become the referee? It's nonsense."
Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto is currently on a working visit to Papua after being dispatched by the president to address the escalating conflict that has taken lives of both civilians and security officers.
Djoko came to Papua with National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo, Indonesian Military Chief Adm. Agus Suhartono and National Intelligence chief Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman.
But Socratez said that the visit is totally useless without the government's willingness to sit down with the Papuan people and have a meaningful dialogue with a neutral arbitrator Socratez added that the Papuan people have little trust the Indonesian government.
"We should talk together, but it should be an honest dialogue," he said. "We should make an agreement [with] one neutral nation or neutral non- governmental organization. Or it can be one public figure like Kofi Annan or Nelson Mandela. "We can find dignified solution from the dialogue," the pastor added.
The government has accused the Free Papua Organization (OPM) for many of the recent attacks, a claim which Socratez dismissed. "It was not OPM," he said. "They fight for the people, for the welfare of Papuans. They would not do such things. The [question] for us is: Why are Indonesian officers killing here?"
Socratez suggested that the Indonesian government might be ashamed to admit they have failed in Papua, and are trying to save face by blaming other parties. "The point is, the government has failed, so they [commit] violence," Socratez said. "It is the only tactic to run away from their responsibility."
Michael Bachelard Police in West Papua say the independence activist they killed in the streets last week was carrying the same gun used to shoot a German tourist last month.
But the police spokesman, Senior Commissioner Johannes Nugroho, confirmed the weapon was a police-issue Taurus.
"Mako Tabuni did have a gun with him and it belonged to the police. They [the Free Papua Movement independence group] stole it but I don't remember when," Commissioner Nugroho told the Herald yesterday.
Mr Tabuni was the deputy chairman of the West Papua National Committee, which is agitating for independence from Indonesia, and his death on Thursday prompted rioting and a security crackdown in the already restive province.
In the police version of events, Mr Tabuni was threatening to shoot a police officer who had tried to arrest him. Witnesses have said he was unarmed and was shot as he tried to run away.
Commissioner Nugroho said Mr Tabuni and unnamed others were responsible for the non-fatal shooting of a German tourist, Pieter Dietmar Helmut, at a beach in the capital Jayapura on May 29, as well as other mysterious shootings.
Police were sure the independence activist was the gunman because the pistol they allegedly found on him would be revealed as the same weapon used to shoot the German, Commissioner Nugroho said.
But he said Mr Helmut's wife could not positively identify Mr Tabuni because he "is already buried". He also hinted there would be more arrests.
"If we manage to capture Mako's friends, people will then know who did all the violence. [Tabuni] is obviously the one ... After he was killed the police checked his house and found lots of things such as cocktail bombs, guns, machetes, arrows ... a wallet belonging to a driver who was killed the other day and whose car was set on fire."
But the chairman of Baptist Churches in Papua, Reverend Socratez Sofyan Yoman, said Mr Tabuni was a "humble man" and an intellectual. Mr Yoman said the Indonesian police and military were acting as agent provocateurs in West Papua to bolster their own position.
"They create conflict so that they need [to be given] more money," he said. "They want more troops in West Papua. They want to [commit] genocide [against] the Papuan [people]."
He said the police had gunned down the unarmed Mr Tabuni as he tried to escape their arrest attempt. Mr Yoman's nephew, a witness to the shooting, said he had been shot "like an animal" and that the "police are like criminals".
"Recently the situation in West Papua is like a war. There are more military and police ... on every corner looking and watching the local people. There is no freedom of life in West Papua," Mr Yoman said.
Banjir Ambarita, Arientha Primanita & Ismira Lutfia The National Police have issued warrants for five people allegedly behind the recent series of shootings in Papua's provincial capital Jayapura, adding to three people that were earlier arrested and another who was shot dead in a raid last week.
"We've put five people on the wanted list, based on the development of our investigation. But we cannot publish their identities yet," National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said in Jayapura on Tuesday.
"The National Police chief has ordered for their immediate arrest. The National Police want to settle this case and ensure smooth investigation into the case in order to provide legal certainty and ensure security of every Indonesian citizen," he added.
Boy was in Jayapura on Tuesday to accompany National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo in his meeting with Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. B.L. Tobing, along with Indonesian military (TNI) chief Adm. Agus Suhartono and State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman, to discuss the security situation in Papua.
He added that police managed to piece together the five people's alleged roles in the shootings, some of them fatal, partly due to information from locals.
Indonesia's restive Papua province has seen incidences of violence over the years, but the frequency has risen significantly, especially in Jayapura, since the May 29 shooting of a German tourist there.
The National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said in a press statement earlier this month that at least eight people had died and 15 others were injured in a series of seemingly random attacks since late May, with most of the victims being civilians.
The Indonesian authorities have put the blame on pro-independence groups, leading to a raid on Thursday of last week that led to the death of pro- independence activist Mako Tabuni. Mako's death triggered a riot on the same day, in which angry residents burned vehicles and shops in Waena, Jayapura.
But the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, Djoko Suyanto, who was also on a visit to Jayapura, said on Tuesday that the security situation in the Papuan capital was improving.
"The situation is returning to normal. Public activities and traffic of people and goods are recovering," Djoko said in a text message to Beritasatu.com on Tuesday. "There remains, however, social jealousy between newcomers and native inhabitants," he admitted.
Djoko added that he and some other top central government officials took part on Monday evening in a dialogue with locals, including religious figures and university students, to discuss problems in Papua. He said it was part of a peaceful approach that the Indonesian government was employing in handling the restive province.
Kontras, however, criticized the central government's move, saying it was not the right time for such forums. "What needs to be done right now is, firstly, building the trust of Papuans by evaluating the work of security officers," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said in Jakarta on Tuesday. (JG/BeritaSatu)
Nethy Dharma Somba and Margaretha Aritonang, Jayapura/Jakarta Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto ruled out a military operation to tackle the escalating violence, which claimed another two lives in Mimika on Monday.
"We have so far adopted an approach that promotes the economy and people's welfare, not a military [approach], because military action should only be used to deal with crimes," Djoko said as quoted by Antara news agency during a gathering with community figures, religious leaders and members of the Papua Legislative Council (DPRP) and Papuan Consultative Assembly (MPRP) in Jayapura on Monday.
He was accompanied by Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Adm. Agus Suhartono, National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo, National Intelligence Agency (BIN) head Lt. Gen. Marciano, and Papua's caretaker governor Syamsul Arief Rivai.
The arrival of the top-ranking delegation was reported in the wake of escalating violence that has claimed dozens of lives. Djoko, however, insisted that it was a routine tour of duty, and not specifically prompted by the ongoing security challenges in the province.
The latest communal clash in Mimika, Papua on Monday killed two people and injured dozens of others, including four police personnel. The clash reportedly had its roots in ongoing resentment following a fatal traffic accident in May.
"The clash [on Monday] killed two people, but they have not yet been identified. Four police officers were rushed to hospital with arrow wounds," Papua Police spokesman, Adj. Sn. Comr. Johanes Nugroho, told The Jakarta Post. The fighting crowds also burned five Mimika Police vehicles and two motorcycles.
It was reported that the clash between the residents from Harapan and Bawah villages began at 7:30 a.m. The police were called in to deal with the situation but received a rough reception as the crowd turned on them, despite their firing warning shots into the air. As the police retreated, the crowd vented their fury upon the vehicles and motorcycles.
The incident is the latest in a spate of violent attacks that have battered the country's easternmost province over the past few weeks, including unsolved shooting deaths and riots in Jayapura and a rampage by military personnel in Wamena.
The marked escalation in violence has prompted the House of Representatives to establish a working committee to deal with the issue.
"We need to form a working committee and we are discussing what measures we need to take. For sure, the committee must seek an amiable and dignified solution. Weapons should be avoided in order to restore security; so, we are prioritizing dialogue and trust building," said TB Hasanuddin, who chairs the House Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs.
"We met with the chief of the military and he said they were awaiting instructions," he said in Jakarta on Monday. He quoted the military chief as saying further: "If we are asked to launch a security operation, give us the legal as well as political umbrella so that we do not bear the brunt of the blame."
Hasanuddin said the effectiveness of the policy to form a committee would depend on the government's political will to execute the measures.
Oct. 17, 2007: Eight people are killed and 19 injured in violence involving four tribes in Tembagapura district, Mimika.
March 11, 2007: Tribal violence in Paniai regency kills nine people. The violence is sparked by the death of a local teacher.
Jan. 5-19, 2010: Three people are killed and 34 people injured in a clash between two groups in Kwamki Lama, Mimika regency. The conflict is sparked by a rape and the payment of customary fines.
July 30, 2011: Seventeen people die and dozens are injured when the supporters of rival candidates in a local regency election clash in Ilaga district, Puncak Jaya regency.
Jan. 21, 2012: One person dies in a regional election clash during campaigning for a local regency election in Tolikara regency.
Feb. 15, 2012: Four die and almost 100 others are injured as supporters of rival candidates in the Tolikara regency election clash.
Jakarta Government today sends team to investigate a series of shootings of civilians in Papua. The team, headed by Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Djoko Suyanto will depart this morning.
"The central government will directly listen to the reports from the Regional Military Commander and Governor of Papua Cenderawasih about the actual conditions in Papua," said Brigadier General Sumardi, Authority Special Political Affairs Deputy Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security, in a polemic Sindo Radio: "Papua not go away "on Saturday.
According Sumardi, in the team is the Head of State Intelligence Agency Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman, National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo and the Armed Forces Commander Admiral Agus Suhartono. Interior Minister Gamawan Fauzi will also participate in the visit.
Sumardi added, to restore security conditions of post-shooting incident in Papua, Terror Special Detachment or Detachment 88 will also be deployed to Papua. "It's strengthening. We know the political front is concentrated in Jayapura, Jayapura to be strengthened, "he said.
Only, he did not clarify whether the arrival of the special detachment coincided with a team of Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Djoko Suyanto on Monday morning. "(But) the problem to be studied is the shooting that happened a few weeks ago," said Sumardi.
But the statement of Sumardi has been categorically denied by the National Police Headquarters. "There are no members of Detachment 88 to be deployed," said the police spokesman, Inspector General Saud Usman Nasution, when contacted yesterday.
Saud said that the Police Headquarters until now has not yet decided to send additional personnel to help the Papua Regional Police. "Security in Papua is the hands of the Papua's provincial Police, Police districts and the local police station," said Saud.
According to Saud, the situation in Papua is peaceful now, from conducive to safe after the funeral of Vice-Chairman of the West Papua National Committee, Mako Tabuni. Mako's body was buried in General Cemetery Place of Citronella, Sentani, Jayapura, last Saturday.
Based on the monitoring of Tempo, shops and shopping centers that were previously closed are reopened. Traffic becomes busy again. In the area of ??Padang Bulan Expo and, military or the police not seen their presence. "But still cautious," Syarifudin said, shopkeeper in the area of ??the Expo, Waena, Abepura.
The Special Staff of President Field of Regional Development and Autonomy, Velix V.Wanggai, states, to manage Papua, the government has four design policies, ie to fix the design plan for Papua, design regulations, design financing, and design of regional government institutions. "All the measures were aimed at establishing peace in Papua," he said.
According Velix, in a written statement received by Tempo yesterday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has ordered many times and appeals to the ministries and agencies, including military and police, in order to manage the heart of Papua."Do not think business as usual, but need a breakthrough," he said.
Margareth S. Aritonang and Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The government has rejected criticism that it lacks coherent policies to deal with the volatile situation in Papua, saying that bringing peace to the region had become the main objective of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration.
An aide to Yudhoyono on regional autonomy and development, Velix Vernando Wanggai, said that bringing peace and resolving conflict were the primary objectives in dealing with the situation in the country's easternmost region.
"President SBY has always encouraged a peaceful and dignified approach in managing Papua. He always orders all relevant ministries and institutions, including the National Police and the Indonesian Military [TNI], to think outside the box when handling Papua, and not treat it as business as usual," Velix said in a statement made available to The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
He said recently the government had come up with four scenarios to build Papua "through a peace development" project. He said Papua would be part of the Papua-Maluku corridor of the government's Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesian Economic Growth (MP3EI) program.
The plan also includes the modification of all regulations on Papua to match the Special Autonomy Program, the disbursement of more funds to improve the life of Papuans and the strengthening of all existing institutions in order to broaden opportunities for Papuans, women in particular, to be involved in civil and political institutions.
Velix said the plan was to answer all criticism of government policies toward Papua. "It does not feel right to accuse the government of not having the programs to develop Papua, because peace development has always been the guideline used by the government," he said.
The government, Velix added, would do more for Papua in the future, including renegotiating mining contracts with companies operating in the province. The central government has also given the opportunity to Papuans to be local leaders as well as adding around Rp 3 trillion (US$321 million) to the Rp 30 trillion budgets allocated for Papua and West Papua during 2012.
Meanwhile, research conducted by the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) has revealed that the government has failed to economically empower most Papuans. The survey found that development projects had so far failed to provide education and health for native Papuans.
"We found that the government has focused on physical projects instead of on developing human resources through education, health, and safety," Adriana Elizabeth, who chairs a group of LIPI researchers on Papua, said over the weekend.
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta Following recent shootings and arson incidents in Papua, police are likely to intensify the role of its Densus 88 anti-terror squad in the province - a move that could provoke a negative reaction from local residents, the Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) says.
"The effort is marked by the installment of the National Counterterrorism Agency [BNPT] chief Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian as the Papua Police chief," IPW chairman Neta S. Pane said Saturday.
"If [the installment] happens, the IPW is worried that Papua will become an operations area of Densus 88, meaning that there will be tougher security measures, whereas all that the province really needs is persuasive dialogue-based approaches," he added.
The IPW urged the police to improve mass guidance programs and intensify the role of intelligence instead. "Otherwise, it is not implausible that outsiders would use the moment to provide further support to separatist groups in Papua," he said.
The province has seen a spike in shootings and arson incidents recently, most of which remained unsolved. On Thursday the police allegedly shot a Papua independence activist, Mako Tabuni, who was reportedly involved in a number of provocative and violent incidents. Police claim that Tabuni attempted to escape when they tried to arrest him.
Tabuni died in the hospital an hour later. The incident triggered mayhem in Jayapura, Papua.
Ezra Sihite & Ismira Lutfia A major human rights group has refuted the police account of Thursday's killing of Papuan activist Mako Tabuni in Jayapura, saying there were no indications that he attempted to resist arrest when he was gunned down.
Haris Azhar, executive coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said on Friday that his organization had spoken to witnesses at the scene of the shooting near Cendrawasih University and that none of them said Mako had put up a fight when officers cornered him, as the police claim.
"According to our investigation, three cars approached Mako outside the university and shots were fired at him directly from the car," he said at a hearing before the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) in Jakarta. "The police account, however, is that they attempted to negotiate with him first."
Mako was the deputy chairman of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), which has long called for a referendum on Papuan self-determination. His death triggered rioting in Jayapura on Thursday that resulted in the burning of stores and vehicles and some injuries.
Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Bigman L. Tobing said they had reason to believe Mako was involved in perpetrating the spate of deadly, mysterious shootings that have wracked Papua in recent weeks.
Bigman said his officers intended to take Mako alive but were forced to shoot him after he resisted arrest and tried to seize one of the officer's guns. Bigman also said Mako was carrying a loaded gun, which the police found on him after they killed him.
Haris, though, said the incident bore all the hallmarks of a police hit: plainclothes officers, unmarked cars and nothing to indicate not before, during or after the shooting that these were police officers. "This was a fast and mysterious killing," Haris said.
The National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM) called for full police accountability in Mako's shooting. "We hope this incident doesn't become politicized but is instead treated as a criminal offense," Komnas HAM chairman Ifdhal Kasim said on Friday.
Ifdhal called on the security forces to get to the bottom of the string of violence, instead of simply blaming "separatists."
In Jayapura, Fritz Ramanday, head of the provincial chapter of Komnas HAM, said Mako's body was to be buried in Sentani subdistrict later on Friday. An autopsy was carried out on Thursday at the police hospital in the Papuan capital.
The security situation in the city was largely back to normal on Friday, although shops remained shuttered in the Waena neighborhood where most of the violence occurred. Very few public minivans were seen passing through the normally bustling area.
One of the five people hospitalized after the rioting has been allowed to go home, while another is set to be released from the hospital this weekend. Three others are still being treated for their injuries.
James Balowski, Jakarta Riots erupted in the West Papuan provincial capital of Jayapura on June 14 after a leading pro-independence activist was shot dead during an arrest reportedly led by members of the Australian-funded counter-terrorism unit Detachment 88.
National police spokesperson Muhammad Taufik said that Mako Tabuni, the deputy chairperson of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), was shot dead in the town of Waena, near Jayapura "He was armed. Police asked him to surrender but he didn't. Police shot at him, hitting his hip and leg. He died on the way to hospital", he told reporters.
News of the killing brought people out onto the streets of Jayapura, torching shops and vehicles. Television footage showed burned buildings and smouldering cars, and security forces were reportedly deployed with orders to shoot on sight. AP reported that mobs stabbed an onlooker to death, injured four others and burned five shops, four cars and more than 20 motorbikes.
In a press release, the national police said that they opened fire after Tabuni took a firearm belonging to one of the officers and tried to escape when police approached to arrest him. National police chief General Timur Pradopo told the June 14 Post that Tabuni was involved in recent shooting and arson attacks. Police also alleged that Tabuni was involved in a June 5 shooting in Entrop, near Jayapura, resulting in the death of a soldier.
Human rights activist Markus Haluk told Reuters that he doubted the police version of events. "This is not law enforcement; this is ridiculous. Security forces are using the excuse of law enforcement to shoot, using the classic excuse of the separatist group stigma."
Quoting sources in Jayapura, West Papua Media (WPM) reported that Tabuni was shot by heavily armed police as they stormed an area outside student dormitories at the Cenderawasih University in Abepura. A senior KNPB member told WPM that friends heard gunshots and saw a white Avanza car drive up and ambush Tabuni, who was shot at least six times, according to witnesses. WPM said that it has confirmed independently that Detachment 88 troops were in command of the raid.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) also refuted the police's account. Kontras executive coordinator Haris Azhar said witnesses at the scene told them there were no indications that Tabuni tried to resist arrest. "According to our investigation, three cars approached Mako outside the university and shots were fired at him directly from the car", he said in Jakarta on June 15. Azhar said the incident bore all the hallmarks of a police hit: plainclothes officers, unmarked cars and nothing to indicate that these were police officers. "This was a fast and mysterious killing", Haris said.
Tempo Interactive reported that on June 16 special authority staffer at the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, Brigadier General Sumardi said additional Detachment 88 troops would be sent to reinforce military and police in Papua. Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) said the move would only worsen the conflict. "Due to the escalating tension in Papua, there are some efforts now by some elites in the national police to intensify the roles of Densus 88 in the land of Cenderawasih [West Papua]", IPW chairperson Neta S. Pane told the Jakarta Globe. "The IPW is rejecting these efforts... What's been happening in Papua is not a terrorism problem, but a problem of a prolonged socioeconomic gaps", he said.
Tabuni had been campaigning for an investigation into mysterious shootings over the last month that have left at least 16 people dead. The latest wave of violence began on May 29 when German-born Pieter Dietmar Helmut was shot at a popular beach in Jayapura Although multiple witnesses identified the car from which a Papuan man shot Helmut, no arrests have been made.
On the same day a primary school teacher was shot dead in the highland town of Mulia in Puncak Jaya. Witnesses said that he was serving customers at a kiosk next to his house when one of the customers suddenly shot him in the head.
Four days later, activists from the KNPB held a protest in Jayapura over the shootings. According to witnesses, police opened fire, killing Yesaya Mirin and wounding five others. At a second demonstration in Abepura on June 7, KNPB leader Buchtar Tabuni was arrested along with another activist as he got off a bus.
"The men were arrested in relation with anarchic protests", national police spokesperson Boy Rafli Amar told AFP on June 10. Amar said the KNPB is suspected of organising protests in recent months that have badly vandalised shops, public facilities and a university campus in several Papuan cities. The KNPB denies any violence and said on its web site that the police are using the group as a "scapegoat". Tabuni was released from prison last year after being jailed in 2008 for organising support for the International Parliamentarians for West Papua, a pro-independence pressure group of international lawmakers.
On June 3, a university student was stabbed to death by unidentified attackers. A day later a high school student was shot in the back by unidentified assailants on a motorcycle. On June 6 a civil servant from the Cenderawasih military command was shot dead by an unknown attacker in front of the Jayapura mayor's office. On June 7 five more people were killed in separate incidents. One was a KNPB activist shot dead by police in Jayapura Police initially claimed he died from injuries sustained in a fall while trying to escape arrest. However, after a bullet was removed from the victim's head, Jayapura police chief Alfred Papare admitted that a police officer had shot the victim.
On June 10 and 11, two more people were shot dead, one outside a shopping mall and the second close to Cenderawasih University.
The shootings escalated only days after the Indonesian government claimed that "Papua is stable" during the UN Human Rights Council's quadrennial human rights review on May 23. Diplomats in the review session inquired about human rights violations in Papua and the government's commitment to releasing Papuan political prisoners such as Filep Karma, who was jailed for 15 years for flying the Morning Star flag, the outlawed symbol of the Papuan separatist movement.
On June 6, an angry crowd stabbed a soldier to death and seriously injured another after their motorbike ran over a three-year-old Papuan child in Honai Lama district in the Central Highlands city of Wamena. In retaliation, hundreds of soldiers from the 756th Battalion swept through Honai Lama and elsewhere in Wamena, beating and stabbing residents, burning homes and killing livestock. The soldiers set fire to numerous buildings and motor vehicles, causing villagers to flee into the surrounding forest. According to the Papua office of the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy, 10 villagers were killed during the attack and dozens injured.
Video clips on the WPM web site from sources in West Papua show the destruction. Local independent human rights activist Roni Lokbere told WPM that soldiers were firing indiscriminately. "Anyone in sight of police and soldiers who have the black and curly hair, it is not forgiving just automatic firing action", Lokbere said in a message with the videos sent to WPM.
A military [TNI] spokesperson in Jayapura initially denied that soldiers had injured any Papuans, but President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono later conceded that soldiers had "overreacted" in their handing of the incident. TNI commander Admiral Agus Suhartono referred to the attack as retaliation for the killing of a soldier. He added that the TNI had come to an agreement to build tents as temporary shelters for some villagers who lost their houses and that the TNI soldiers involved would be "questioned".
Military sweeps There have also been reports of military operations on the isolated island of Yapen off the north coast of West Papua. On June 8 WPM quoted sources in Yapen as saying that major security sweeps and blockades were taking place in villages that are home to non-violent political activists.
A senior police officer in the Yapen town of Serui told West Papuan activists that 140 Kopassus elite Special Forces personnel had been deployed from Jayapura, with two more companies of paramilitary police to be sent from Biak, reinforcing a significant build-up of military strength since April.
WPM said that the Angkaisera district east of Serui has been subject to an ongoing blockade and raids by security forces since June 7, causing thousands of civilians to seek refuge in the jungle without food. It was also reported that political activists have been issued summonses to report to local police.
WPM said that raids were also conducted across Angkaisera district by joint forces of the TNI, police and Detachment 88, together with Kopassus and Kostrad Strategic Reserve commandos from the Pattimura division based in Maluku, the Hassanudin divisions from Makassar and the Siliwangi division from West Java, which have been deployed to Yapen.
In response to the shootings, on June 8 National Intelligence Agency chief Lieutenant General Marciano Norman said security sweeps for people in possession of firearms would be conducted to prevent further attacks. Norman said that the shootings were being carried out by the Free Papua Movement (OPM), who had begun to enter the town from the mountains. Speaking to reporters on June 11, Marciano claimed that the OPM were seeking "to attract empathy from the international community to support their movement".
Responding to speculation about the involvement of security forces in the recent killings, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle legislator Tubagus Hasanuddin blamed unnamed foreign parties. "I think there's a possibility of a foreign hand playing around in Papua", he said at a news conference in Jakarta on July 10. "... it's clear that these shootings have been organised very carefully and systematically, and the targets chosen for a reason. These attacks have been well planned and funded."
Hasanuddin spoke two days after a delegation of legislators arrived in Papua to assess the situation. The legislators also met with members of the provincial chapter of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), who claimed they were being targeted and could not speak freely about what they knew. "There are many things we would have liked to tell the legislators, but we can't because we need more protection", AJI Papua chairperson Victor Mambor was quoted as saying by the Globe on June 9. Mambor claimed that intelligence agents from the police and military had infiltrated many local news organisations, and that journalists in Papua were increasingly threatened, beaten, tortured and even murdered.
On June 10 police said they had arrested three people connected with the attacks. Papuan deputy police chief Brigadier General Paulus Waterpauw told the Post by telephone that the three were perpetrators in "the recent assaults", and that the attacks were all connected.
Mahfudz Siddiq, one of the legislators who visited West Papua, told the Post: "The Papua military commander, the Papua police deputy chief and intelligence officers all told us that armed groups had orchestrated the attacks, as the OPM's anniversary, which falls on July 1, was drawing near". Siddiq claimed that the groups had arranged the attacks to disrupt a planned visit by President Yudhoyono on July 3.
Legislators, activists and academics have questioned the government's failure to arrest any perpetrators after more than 30 shootings over the past year. House Speaker Marzuki Alie, from Yudhoyono's ruling Democrat Party, alleged that some people were orchestrating the bloodshed in order to grab power and get access to the province's abundant natural resources. "Some have used the chaotic condition there to benefit themselves", he told the Globe on June 10, adding that he did not rule out soldiers and local officials being involved.
Aleksius Jemadu, dean of Pelita Harapan University's School of Social and Political Sciences, said he suspected that the authorities' inability to solve any of the cases was due to the involvement of security officers in the incidents. "These incidents show that Jakarta has failed to address the problems in the province. The shootings indicate that the local officers don't listen to the central government", he told the Globe.
A Papuan caucus in the House of Representatives also demanded that the TNI and government put an end to the violence and that the government investigate the shooting spree by soldiers in Wamena.
Democratic Party of Struggle lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari was quoted by the Globe on July 11as saying, "The problem has been identified, possible solutions have been recommended, but the president stays still. The main problem is with the president."
A few days later Yudhoyono downplayed the escalating violence. "The recent incidents in Papua can be considered small scale, with a limited number of casualties" and were "minor if we compare them to the violence in the Middle East", he said during a cabinet meeting on June 12. Papuans were understandably angered. Activist John Djonga said the statement reflected Yudhoyono's lack of commitment to human rights. "It's really sad for the president to disrespect all the victims of recent shootings. Violence is still painful regardless of how many victims there are.", Djonga told the June 13 Jakarta Post.
Human rights groups say that both the police and the TNI have an interest in creating and maintaining conflict to justify their presence and to protect lucrative legal and illegal business interests. "In all the shootings, the perpetrators did not take the victims' belongings, such as their money or valuable goods", Poengky Indarti, the executive director of human rights watchdog Imparsial, told a press conference on June 7. Indarti said that most of the victims were shot in vital spots, indicating that their assailants were trained marksmen.
In a letter on June 8, the Sydney Australia West Papua Association called on Australian foreign minister Bob Carr to urge Yudhoyono to control the security forces in West Papua and return them to their barracks to avoid further escalation.
Students from the Papua Student Association in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta held a march from their student dormitories to the centre of the city on June 11 calling on the government to withdraw troops from West Papua.
On June 13, Humanitarian Solidarity for Papua made up of National Papua Solidarity, the Papuan Student Alliance, the Papuan Traditional Social Community Against Corruption, the Papuan NGO Forum for Cooperation, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, the Legal Aid Institute, the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation and the Democratic Volunteers held a rally at the offices of the coordinating minister for politics, law and security affairs in Jakarta. The protesters called on the government to investigate the shootings fully and to withdraw troops from West Papua. The group condemned Yudhoyono's remarks downplaying the violence and his claims that separatists are behind the recent attacks, saying that the real causes of problems in Papua are economic injustice, military operations and the unresolved problem of West Papua's integration into Indonesia.
Protesters from the Labour Joint Secretariat an alliance of trade unions and labour activists rallied at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta on June 15 condemning the violence, murders and human rights violations in West Papua.
A rally in Melbourne on May 15 at the Indonesian consulate, organised by the Australian West Papua Association Melbourne, condemned the violence, saying taxes are contributing to thousands of deaths in West Papua and calling on the Australian people and government to take a stand for freedom of expression and self-determination for West Papua.
A petition campaign has also been launched by the UK-based Free West Papua Campaign calling on President Yudhoyono to stop the military offensive in West Papua.
Indonesia Police Watch has cautioned the National Police against increasing the presence of its anti-terrorism unit in Papua, saying that move would instead worsen conflict in the restive province.
The chairman of the watchdog, Neta S. Pane, said there had been indications that the police would bolster anti-terror unit Densus 88's ranks in the province, including through a reported plan to appoint Insp. Gen. Tito Karnavian, the deputy head of the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT), as the new Papua Police chief. Tito was the head of Densus 88 before he started his term at the BNPT early last year.
"Due to the escalating tension in Papua, there are some efforts now by some elites in the National Police to intensify the roles of Densus 88 in the land of cendrawasih [birds of paradise, a mascot of Papua]," Neta said in Jakarta on Saturday.
"The IPW is rejecting these efforts.... What's been happening in Papua is not a terrorism problem, but a problem of a prolonged socioeconomic gaps," he added. Neta said if Densus 88 made Papua an area of its operations, repressive actions would be used in security approaches to handle the region.
He said this would be counterproductive, as the presence of the anti-terror unit would trigger more resistance among Papuans. Neta also further expressed his worry that Papua would be declared a new Military Operation Region (DOM), a military policy of the New Order regime to handle conflict regions that is infamous for its record of large-scale human rights abuses.
"It wouldn't be impossible then for some outsiders to throw their support behind the potential separatist force in Papua. And in the end, Papua will separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, like East Timor."
Neta suggested that the police instead intensify the roles of public counseling and intelligence units to deal with Papua, saying what was needed was "persuasive, dialogic and social approaches."
He also expressed his agreement to replace the current Papua Police chief, Insp. Gen. Bigman Lumban Tobing, who critics say has failed to secure Papua, with increasing violence, especially in the capital Jayapura, racking the region in recent weeks.
Neta emphasized, however, that the replacement should be an individual who could foster constructive a dialogue with the people of Papua. (Antara/JG)
Nethy Dharma Somba and Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta The streets of Abepura and Sentani in Jayapura regency looked deserted on Friday, a day after riots erupted in nearby Waena district after the death of local activist Mako Tabuni.
Traders chose to close their shops along the main roads in both cities for security reasons. "I won't go to the office today. I am afraid a similar incident might occur. I chose to accompany my kids to school," said Damaris, a civil servant at a local administration office.
Meanwhile, Tabuni's family collected the activist's body from the Bhayangkara Police Hospital, ahead of the burial planned for Saturday in Wamena.
For Tabuni's family, his death is not the end of what he had been fighting for, because whether or not he was murdered, the struggle to free Papuans from their suffering is not over.
"Although Tabuni was shot and killed, this is not over. Tabuni was taken, but this does not reduce anything, as the struggle will continue," said a family member, moments before Tabuni's body was brought home to his family.
The government has denied that its actions had triggered a series of violent incidents in Papua, which have so far claimed 17 lives in the past month.
The government blamed the difficult geography of the country's easternmost region and the sensitivity of the issue surrounding the independence movements.
According to Coordinating Political, Legal, and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto, security officers were not responsible for the killings in several locations in Papua.
"I really regret such allegations [that the incidents have been part of military or intelligence operations], including those suggesting the government has been ignorant and negligent," he said.
Activists and experts have condemned the government for ignoring the escalating violence in Papua and have called for the establishment of an ad hoc human rights court and a Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (KKR) to reveal past violations committed by state agents as a way of settling the ongoing conflict in the province.
"The government must be consistent in its approach to resolving the conflict in Papua. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has ordered an ambivalent approach he wants a cultural approach on one hand, but maintains the Police Mobile Brigade there on the other hand," National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) chairman Ifdhal Kasim said on Friday.
In addition, the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) emphasized the urgency of setting up an ad hoc human rights court and a KKR to gradually resolve the enduring conflict in Papua.
According to LIPI historian Asvi Warman, all recent killings in Papua are inseparable from past military operations that have claimed the lives of many Papuans.
"All of the abductions, torture, and murder of their fellow Papuans, which took place during the military operations in the past, abide in their memories because nothing has been done about any of those cases," Asvi told the audience of a discussion on Papua at the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) on Friday.
He cited the Wasior massacre, during the 2001 Tumpas (Annihilated) Operation, as an example of a human rights violation in Papua that the government had yet to resolve.
Besides Wasior, rights violations had also occurred in Abepura in 2000, when the Mobile Brigade unit under the Papua Regional Police was reported to have arrested and tortured students accused of attacking a police station; and in Wamena in 2004, when the police and military conducted a brutal raid in search the Free Papua Movement (OPM) members who allegedly looted a police arsenal.
"We will never resolve the violence in Papua unless the government humbly admits its role in the unending conflict there, and sets up an ad hoc human rights court and a KKR to repair its past wrongdoings," Asvi said.
Echoing Asvi, fellow researcher Adriana Elizabeth also urged the House of Representatives Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs to immediately set up a working committee to thoroughly investigate the escalating violence in Papua and search for peaceful solutions.
"Leaders of the Commission have acknowledged the urgency of the working group. It's best to start now because we can't wait any longer. The situation in Papua is becoming more intense, especially after the police shot dead Papuan activist Mako Tabuni," she said.
"Additionally, we also urge President Yudhoyono to waste no more time and take the initiative to hold a peace dialogue with representatives from Papua at once," she added.
Banjir Ambarita & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jayapura A day after the president described the scale of violence in Papua as "small," a coalition of Papuan churches called the situation in the province an emergency and urged the international community to intervene.
Rev. Benny Giay, chairman of the Kingmi Papuan Evangelical Church, a member of the Working Coalition for Papua, said on Wednesday that Papua had become an emergency zone because of a surge in unresolved shootings and violence.
"International humanitarian bodies, including the United Nations, should intervene because the TNI [Indonesian Armed Forces] and the police have failed to end the violence and crimes against humanity here," Benny said in Jayapura, the provincial capital.
While the Indonesian authorities have pointed to the Free Papua Organization (OPM) as the group behind the shootings, Benny said they had been unable to prove their claims and arrest the perpetrators.
"If the OPM is the perpetrator, then arrest them, don't just shift the blame and look for a scapegoat," said Benny, a respected religious leader and human rights advocate in the province.
The Rev. Socrates Sofyan Nyoman, chairman of the Papuan Baptist Church Council and a member of the coalition, accused the government of deliberately allowing the violence to continue.
"It seems like a systematic move to create horizontal conflict among Papuans by spreading rumors that it's the Papuans who are behind the shootings," he said.
The coalition demanded an international observer to mediate a dialogue between Jakarta and Papuan representatives in a bid to foster permanent peace in the province.
Socrates said special autonomy, which has channeled trillions of rupiah each year to the province, had failed to quell aspirations to break away from Indonesia. "The state has failed to make Papuans feel part of Indonesia," he said.
Poengky Indarti, chairwoman of the rights group Imparsial, also demanded that the TNI and the police prove their accusations against the OPM. "The president has accused the separatist movement of the shootings. So why have the police failed to arrest the perpetrators?" she said.
At least seven people have been killed and nine injured in a series of unresolved shootings across Papua in the past two months. TNI soldiers attacked a village in Wamena last Thursday, reportedly in retaliation for the killing of a fellow soldier by an angry mob after he and another soldier almost hit a child while riding a motorcycle through the village.
A German tourist was also shot and wounded on May 29. In the latest case, a security guard at Cendrawasih University in Jayapura was killed.
Despite the attacks, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Tuesday that the scale of the violence in Papua was "limited and small," adding it was nothing compared to the bloodshed in the Middle East. His remark drew criticism from members of the House of Representatives.
"Yudhoyono should express regret and directly apologize to the Papuan people," said Paskalis Kossay, a coordinator of the Papuan caucus at the House, adding that the statement showed a lack of seriousness in addressing the problem.
Nurdin Hasan & Ezra Sihite A mob of about 300 men vandalized a store that was being used for a church service by dozens of Bethel Christians in Aceh on Sunday. There were no casualties reported in the attack.
The mob wrecked the first floor of the store located in the Pasar Peunayong village of the Kuta Alam subdistrict in Banda Aceh. The assailants broke windows and did damage to some furniture.
Around 60 local Bethel Christians were holding their Sunday service on the third floor when the mob attacked. The police's quick response prevented the attackers from reaching the people on the third floor.
Banda Aceh Police chief Muffan Mudji Kafanti claimed that the attackers ransacked the place because the church members had not obtained permission to hold Mass in the store. "There are regulations if you want to make it a place of worship," Muffan said. "Local residents couldn't accept it and wrecked it."
Police have not made any arrests and say the matter is still being investigated. However, 12 of the Christians were taken to the police station for questioning.
Kuta Alam subdistrict head Diwarsyah said the store was previously used for private courses for students. Diwarsyah said members of the church told him that they were going to use the store for private courses. Peunayong village chief Syarifuddin said he was told by the group that the building was going to be used for prayers, but nothing was in writing.
Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said last week that he was disheartened by "rumored" demands to close 20 churches in Aceh. Last month, 16 storefront churches were shut down in the Aceh Singkil district amid demands from local Muslim groups.
Zakir Hussain, Jakarta Indonesia says several churches in Aceh were ordered shut not because of deepening religious conflict or intolerance, but because they did not have local permits.
The buildings were not approved for religious use, Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi told The Straits Times. Officials are making efforts to resolve the matter amicably, he added, stressing that action will be taken should any parties resort to violence.
The episode comes at a time when permits for new places of worship are getting harder to obtain, with similar standoffs in other regions.
"The state is giving up its authority [to decide] to the people," said Reverend Gomar Gultom, secretary-general of the Indonesian Council of Churches. "The government should instead use its authority to facilitate the approval process."
Under nationwide regulations introduced in 2006, new houses of worship must get the approval of 90 worshippers and 60 local residents from other faiths before they can commence operations.
The regulations were introduced to reduce inter-religious conflict, in response to complaints of bias from citizens over an earlier and more stringent rule in place since 1969. But observers say disputes continue.
In Aceh, which has limited autonomy and where limited sharia law operates, the regulations are tighter. Setting up non-Muslim places of worship requires a congregation of 150 and approval from 90 Muslims. Mosques in the overwhelmingly Muslim province face no such restrictions.
As a result, Christians in Aceh Singkil regency who make up 10 percent of the 150,000 population recently said that their churches had been ordered to close by the acting regent.
Some of the churches had been operating for decades, while others were more recent. They are now sealed off, but people continue to worship inside while others stand guard outside.
The local branch of the Islamic Defenders Front, a nationwide grouping whose members are known for vigilante activities, had taken issue with these churches, claiming they violated the law.
Irfan Abubakar, director of the centre for the study of religion and culture at the State Islamic University in Jakarta, notes that some Muslim communities are becoming more exclusive, and it is increasingly difficult for non-Muslims to build places of worship in areas like Aceh and Padang.
Churches in more mixed cities like Bekasi and Bogor also face similar problems. "There must be neutrality and firmness on the part of the government to uphold the Constitution and the right of minorities to practice their faiths," Irfan said.
He is also concerned that if local tensions are allowed to fester, distrust among people of different faiths will spread to other regions.
Slamet Effendy Yusuf, chairman of Indonesia's biggest Muslim organization Nadhlatul Ulama, said Muslims already face difficulty building new mosques in predominantly Christian districts like West Timor and Papua.
He is trying to bring together various religious leaders to discuss problems frankly, and is going on a roadshow to meet local leaders. "This is an Indonesian issue," he said. "We have to solve it together, but it won't be instant either."
A member of a notorious Indonesian military special forces unit linked to human rights violations in East Timor and West Papua has trained with the New Zealand Defence Force, it's been revealed.
Major Edwin Sumanta of the Kopassus special forces participated in a course at the Command and Staff College at Trentham between May and December last year, New Zealand Defence Force spokesman Major John Gordon told NZ Newswire.
New Zealand's Indonesian Human Rights Committee was shocked to discover a Kopassus officer had participated in the training course, spokeswoman Maire Leadbetter said.
Kopassus has a long history of involvement in human rights abuses, including massacres in East Timor in the decades it was occupied by Indonesia, and the ongoing violence in West Papua, she said. "It just came as a real blow us, the thought that we would be training the worst of the worst," Ms Leadbetter told NZ Newswire.
Kopassus has also been linked to the killing of five journalists, including New Zealand cameraman Gary Cunningham, who were working for Australian television networks, at Balibo in 1975, prior to Indonesia's invasion of East Timor.
Ms Leadbetter said New Zealand should suspend defence ties with Indonesia, until such time as the Indonesian military has been held accountable for its past violations.
The annual 32-week Joint Command and Staff course prepares officers for senior level appointments and includes studies in command leadership and management, international relations and international law and ethics, Major Gordon said.
About 30 per cent of course participants are international students, he said.
Ezra Sihite Golkar Party chairman and business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie is reportedly considering Edhie Baskoro, the youngest son of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as his running mate for the 2014 presidential elections, a senior party member said Wednesday.
The statement followed a recent visit by Bakrie to the East Java town of Madiun, where he received a warm welcome from Edhie, who is also known as Ibas. During that visit, Bakrie described Ibas as a potential leader, saying that it's already in his blood, and that he could become a vice president.
"When Pak Ical [Bakrie] made such a statement, that means that Ibas meets his criteria for vice presidential candidate pairing, Golkar deputy secretary general Nurul Arifin said in a text message to reporters.
She said "it wouldn't be a surprise" if Bakrie ultimately turned to Ibas, who is now a member of the House of Representatives' security and foreign affairs commission.
In addition, the party chairman has also reportedly considered other names, such as Yogya Sultan Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, Army Chief Gen. Pramono Edhie Wibowo, Constitutional Court Chief Justice Mahfud M.D. and former minister Khofifah Indar Parawangsa.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Rizky Amelia, Ezra Sihite & Bayu Marhaenjati Neneng Sri Wahyuni's arrest is part of a wider plan to allow Anas Urbaningrum, the chairman of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, to be kicked out of the party while protecting the president's son, anti-graft activists alleged during the weekend.
Yudhoyono has acknowledged that members of his party have been implicated graft cases, dealing a blow to the party's image. He has hinted that he wanted to fix the issue by clearing out those implicated in graft cases, even Anas.
"Those involved in corruption should leave the party," Yudhoyono told the party's regional leaders and founding members in a gathering in Jakarta last week.
However, sacking Anas requires the support of all party members at an extraordinary congress, and Yudhoyono can only call for such a congress if he has a strong enough reason to do so, such as decision by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to name Anas a suspect.
While Anas has been accused by Neneng's husband and graft convict Muhammad Nazaruddin, the former treasurer of the Democratic Party, in a series of separate graft cases, including the development of the Hambalang sports center in Bogor and the Southeast Asian Games athletes' village in Palembang, the KPK has not named him a suspect. Anas has repeatedly denied Nazaruddin's accusations.
Bringing Neneng in could give the KPK enough fresh evidence against Anas to name him a suspect, observers said.
According to Uchok Sky Khadafi from the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), Neneng has information on who received graft money from the Permai Group, a company founded by Anas and Nazaruddin to collect money they received from acting as brokers in dozens of government procurement projects. Neneng was the Permai Group's financial director.
"She kept track of all the company's money and knows where it goes. I think her return to Indonesia is part of a larger plan as she would not have come back if she had not made a deal with those in power," Uchok said.
Observers have questioned the facts surrounding Neneng's arrest as she was apprehended at her house in Pejaten, South Jakarta, after returning to Indonesia from Malaysia. She had been on the run from Indonesian authorities for almost a year. The KPK insists they arrested Neneng, and that she did not surrender.
Tom Pasaribu, the executive director of the Indonesian Parliamentary Monitoring Committee (KPPPI), agreed that there were strong indications that Neneng was being controlled by powerful people at the State Palace as a weapon against Anas and several others Democratic Party members who have been embroiled in corruption allegations. "Neneng is being used in a way that she only reveals selected information," Tom said. "The question is, does she still have the information?"
Apart from using both Nazaruddin and his wife Neneng against Anas, Yudhoyono could also use them to defend his son Edhie "Ibas" Baskoro from potential counter claims by the party chairman, both activists said. Nazaruddin and Neneng could possibly contradict Anas' potential accusations against Ibas, rendering them without merit, they said.
While on the run, Nazaruddin repeatedly made allegations about Ibas in interviews with several Indonesian TV broadcasters. He said Ibas was involved in graft cases together with himself and Anas.
However, Ibas' name did not appear in Nazaruddin's statements after he was arrested by the KPK. "It all depends on the deal. If both Nazaruddin and Neneng feel that they can get enough protection, they will say whatever they are told to," Uchok said.
Agustinus Pohan, a legal expert from Parahyangan University in Bandung, said that Neneng would not contradict Nazaruddin's testimony to the antigraft authorities "Nazaruddin will ensure Neneng that toes the line," he said.
Neneng's lawyer Elza Syarief said it was Nazaruddin who told Neneng to return to Indonesia and surrender herself. "He said his wife would return this week and asked us to take her to the KPK once she arrived," Elza said.
Yogyakarta A plenary session held by the Golkar Party's Yogyakarta provincial branch on Friday evening decided to propose Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X of Yogyakarta Palace for the party's 2014-2019 vice presidential candidate as the running mate of Aburizal Bakrie.
Branch chairman Gandung Pardiman said the meeting agreed on Javanese ancestry as one of the criteria for the presidential figure, arguing that between 40 and 45 percent of Indonesian voters were Javanese.
"It's not a matter of romanticism," he said, adding that the Sultan was the best son of Java who had proved himself as a figure of a good statesman characteristics.
A member of the House of Representatives Commission V on transport, telecommunications, public works, public housing, village development and disadvantaged areas, Gandung said that his side was looking for the right time to meet the Sultan regarding the matter. He also said the decision would be conveyed to the party's central executive board.
Separately, Golkar Bantul branch chairman Agus Subagyo said that the grassroots had been voicing a desire to have the Sultan move to the national political arena.
He also said that Aburizal Bakrie and the Sultan would form an ideal pair of candidates for the 2014 presidential election as they represented Javanese and non-Javanese people and had good leadership track records. "We are sure they will have a big opportunity to win the election," Agus said.
Jakarta Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum is warning his opponents that he is still in charge of the party and any efforts to topple him will fail.
"The party remains intact, solid and united. I am convinced that all attempts to divide us will fail, 100 percent failure," Anas said over the weekend as quoted by kompas.com.
Anas comments come after the latest indication of his isolation from the party's elite. On Tuesday, party chief patron President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hosted a meeting with local party leaders in Cikeas, Bogor, West Java, without Anas present.
The meeting was reportedly held to develop a strategy to restore the party's tarnished image after a series of high-profile graft scandals have implicated the party's lawmakers, ministers and senior leaders, some of who fled the nation rather than face justice. Sources at the meeting who declined to be named said that no local party leaders wanted action to be taken against Anas.
In a subsequent meeting with the party's founding members on Wednesday, Yudhoyono delivered a speech that was considered by observers as a veiled attack against Anas. "It's better for all members who fail to practice clean, smart and decent politics to leave the Democratic Party immediately," Yudhoyono said.
Anas was again absent from the party's internal meeting at the Sahid Jaya Hotel in Jakarta on Thursday, and, in a departure from common practice, his face did not appear on banners erected outside the hotel to greet participants.
Anas, however, backed up Yudhoyono in a statement released to the media, describing the President's statement to the party's founding members as "a guideline for all members. We believe that that is true," Anas said.
Separately, Democratic Party patron Hayono Isman reiterated a call for Anas to step down immediately. "This is a critical moment for the party and the central board needs to respond to this immediately. The central board needs to hold an internal meeting to save the party," Hayono told reporters on Sunday.
Hayono said that although Anas had not yet been named suspect in any graft case, the public's association of Anas with corruption allegations had contributed significantly to the deterioration of the party's good image.
The silence of the party's patron board on the Southeast Asian Games athletes' village scandal, which has implicated Youth and Sports Minister Andi Mallarangeng, could be attributed to Andi's relatively less important position in the party, Hayono said.
Andi would automatically be stripped from his post in the party board of patrons if found guilty of corruption, Hayono said. "But remember the position of party chairman is central to the party and the public focuses on him."
According to political observers, Anas' close ties with party members at the grassroots level has given him leverage in his fight against the party's patrons. Anas is also reputed to possess crucial information on the role of Yudhoyono's family in politics that might be damaging if it was disclosed to the public. (fzm)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's claim on Wednesday that his Democratic Party ranked only third in terms of the number of its members involved in corruption has not sat well with officials from the country's oldest party.
Bambang Soesatyo, a Golkar Party legislator, said on Thursday that the president's statement that two unnamed parties were far more corrupt than the Democrats was an insult.
"His statement, though meant to boost the self-esteem of his own party members, was an insult to other parties," he said. "Everyone knows that it's the Democrats who are embroiled in major corruption cases at the moment."
Bambang also called into doubt Yudhoyono's statistics on the matter, which the president claimed to have obtained from an unnamed "official source."
In a speech to senior Democrats on Wednesday night, Yudhoyono said only 8.6 percent of his party's legislators, ministers and regional heads had been involved in graft cases, far below the top two parties, which had 33.7 percent and 16.6 percent of their members implicated in corruption.
Bambang said that even if the figures were true, the president was sending out the wrong message by appearing to condone a low level of corruption.
Priyo Budi Santoso, a senior Golkar official and deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, said he believed Yudhoyono was being overly generous in saying the Democrats were not the most graft-ridden party in the country, only the third worst. "I hope it was only a slip of the tongue," he said.
While Golkar officials rankled at Yudhoyono's graft ranking claim, those from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) brushed off the statement as inconsequential.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Executives of the ruling Democratic Party said that pollsters and the news media were to blame for its sinking popularity.
The party executives said that pollsters were to blame for conducting opinion polls that highlight its low approval rating and the media was at fault for running unbalanced reporting.
Senior party member Denny Kailimang said that negative coverage of the Democratic Party had been used by the party's enemies to seek political gains.
"Internally, the Democratic Party is just fine. However, there are people out there who are not happy that the party is stable and want to stir things up. It seems that many people are closely watching every single thing [we do] and they are envious," Denny said during a discussion at the House of Representatives on Thursday.
Denny was commenting on surveys released by pollsters that continued to chart the fall in the party's popularity.
In spite of Denny's claim that the party was united as ever, the reality on the ground showed that the party suffered internal divisions and members attacked one another in public.
On Tuesday, secretary of Democratic Party's Jakarta branch, Irfan Gani, criticized Hayono Isman, a member of the party's board of trustees, for urging party chairman Anas Urbaningrum to resign from the party's top post amid allegations of corruption.
"What he said disrespected Anas. Anas is our chairman, and we must respect him. I know that the party's sinking popularity has troubled everyone in the party, but that is no excuse to slander one another," Irfan said.
Hayono had earlier said that all party members, including Anas, must resign voluntarily rather than wait for the Corruption Eradication Commission to name them suspects in graft cases.
"I have repeatedly said that the Democratic Party should do something to save the party when its electability drops to 10 percent. The time is right for us to do something, because electability is now at 10.7 percent, according to the latest survey," Hayono said, referring to a recent survey released by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) that showed the Democratic Party could only garner 10.7 percent of the vote if a general election were to take place today.
An opinion poll by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) predicted that the Democratic Party would likely suffer a serious defeat in 2014 and garner only 11 percent of the vote if the election were held today.
The LSI survey marked the lowest approval rating for the Democratic Party in the past 18 months. In January 2011, the LSI said that 20.5 percent of respondents backed the Democratic Party, slipping to 15.3 percent by June 2011 before bottoming out at 13.7 percent in January this year.
On Thursday evening, the Democratic Party faction at the House of Representatives held a meeting with scores of Jakarta-based pollsters and think tanks, including the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the Indonesian Survey Institute, the Indonesian Survey Circle, the SSS and the Institute for Social and Economic Research, Education and Information (LP3ES).
"We wanted to know what indicators that they used in the survey so that we can improve our electability," said Democratic Party faction chairman Nurhayati Ali Assegaf.
An analyst from the SSS, Soekardi Rinakit, said that his organization championed objectivity when conducting opinion polls.
"We didn't mean to do anything other than understand how the public evaluates political parties' performance, including that of the Democratic Party. Besides, we are not the only group who found that the public has lost their trust in the party," Sukardi said.
Jakarta The Democratic Party would likely suffer a serious defeat in 2014 and garner only 11 percent of the vote if the election were held today, according to an opinion poll released by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI).
Golkar Party would likely benefit at the Democratic Party's expense and emerge as the winner in 2014 with 20.9 percent of the vote, the LSI said. The survey, conducted between June 2 and June 11, had 1,200 respondents in all 33 provinces.
Respondents had a perception that the Democratic Party had become a party of graft suspects, dissuading them from supporting the party, the LSI said.
The survey recorded the lowest approval rating for the Democratic Party in the past 18 months. In January 2011, the LSI said that 20.5 percent of respondents backed the Democratic Party, which slipped to 15.3 percent by June 2011 before bottoming out at 13.7 percent in January this year.
"If the trend continues, it will be difficult for Democratic Party to keep its No. 1 position in the 2014 election," LSI researcher Adjie Alfaraby told reporters at a press conference on Sunday. Adjie said that it would be very difficult for the Democratic Party to change its image as the party of graft.
"From the focus group discussions conducted simultaneously with the survey, we found that respondents have been disappointed by the graft cases that have dogged politicians from the party," Adjie said.
Adjie said that the party had not purged itself of members and senior leaders involved or even convicted in graft cases.
Earlier this year, for example, former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin was sentenced to almost five years' imprisonment for accepting a Rp 4.6 billion (US$492,200) bribe in the Southeast Asian Games construction scandal.
Another Democratic Party lawmaker, Angelina Sondakh, was named a suspect in the same case, while party chairman Anas Urbaningrum and party bigwig and Youth and Sports Minister Andi Mallarangeng have also been implicated in the scandal.
A majority of respondents said they were disappointed with the performance of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, especially with his reticence in taking action against Muslim hard-liners involved in suppression of freedom of speech and in violent attacks on Ahmadiyah.
The poor performance of the Democratic Party was matched by a rise in the prospects of the Golkar Party, which was backed by 20.9 percent of respondents. Golkar was far ahead of its closest competitor, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which was backed by 14 percent of respondents.
A separate opinion poll conducted by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) between May 14 and 24 reported similar results, with Golkar backed by 23 percent of respondents, the PDI-P by 19.6 percent and the Democratic Party in third with 10.7 percent.
Contacted separately, Democratic Party spokesperson Andi Nurpati said that it was too premature to make such predictions. "We have nothing to worry about. We have our own election strategy that we will deploy as the election nears. Our focus right now is to support the President's government," she said. (aml)
Jakarta The House of Representatives' deliberations on the gender equality bill have turned into a battleground between feminists and conservative groups in society, according to one observer.
Any Sutjipto, a gender expert from the University of Indonesia (UI), said that lawmakers have been deliberating the bill with religious conservatives, which would likely stall its progress and make it unlikely that the House would endorse the bill by the end of the year, as scheduled.
"From the beginning, women's groups have had different opinions on whether they need the bill in the first place. These groups have different ideologies," Any told The Jakarta Post. Groups that supported the bill would likely provide more access to women who have yet to give their support for the bill, Any said.
Those who have thrown their support behind the bill have said that its passage was imperative, even though the government previously ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1984.
Critics have said that there was no legally binding regulation that could be used to improve the condition of women. Even among groups that supported, it has been difficult to ask them to sit together and make an agreement.
"Among the groups that support the bill, such as the Women's Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry, the Women's Caucus and Komnas Perempuan [the National Commission on the Protection from Violence Against Women], it is hard to make them sit together and talk about the substance of the bill as they have no agreement yet as to how the bill should take shape," Ani said. To complicate matters, progressive groups now must deal with more united conservative groups.
"Groups like the FPI [Islam Defenders Front] and the FBR [Betawi Brotherhood Forum] distribute leaflets or give sermons saying that the bill contradicts religion and family values," she said.
The Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Muhammadiyah women's organization Aisyiah, the Indonesian Women's Congress (Kowani), and the Assembly of Indonesian Muslim Young Intellectuals (MIUMI) are among the groups that have openly stated opposition to the bill.
Some activists said that articles in the bill would lead to the legalization of same-sex marriage or would encourage women to favor professional opportunities over their household roles.
Mariana Amiruddin of Women's Journal said that conservative groups were paranoid about the perceived intrusion of "western" values.
"It's a pity that the basic ideas of the bill are left untouched. Most groups that came to the hearing at the House were concerned only about the title of the bill and the term 'gender' without trying to understand the basic issues" she said.
Ninik Rahayu, deputy chairperson of Komnas Perempuan, said that the commission would support the bill if it provided protection for women from both physical and structural violence.
Jakarta An effort from the House of Representatives to come up with a regulation that would guarantee equality between men and women in the country has been met, ironically, with staunch opposition from women's groups.
Representatives from the women's groups criticized the bill, saying that it would empower women to the point where it could jeopardize the moral fabric of society.
The women's groups are particularly concerned about Article 12 of the bill, which carries provisions that would allow members of both genders to freely choose their partners in life.
"The word 'free' [in the bill] will enable people to have same-sex marriages in Indonesia. Our organization only acknowledges two sexes and we oppose same-sex marriages. The article must clearly stipulate that a union should only be between a man and woman," chairman of the Indonesian Women's Congress (Kowani), Dewi Motik Pramono, said.
Rayhan Putry Ali Muhammad of the Aceh Women's Empowerment and Children's Protection Body objected to the bill, saying that the word "free" in the article could also allow adults to marry minors.
She said that the bill made no reference to the 1974 Marriage Law, which stipulates that the minimum age for marriage is 16 for females and 19 for males.
Representatives from the Assembly of Indonesian Muslim Young Intellectuals (MIUMI) said that the bill, once endorsed, could endanger the traditional division of labor between men and women.
Euis Sunarti, a representative of MIUMI, said that gender equality could compromise the traditional concept of family as it would give a legal basis for women to leave their domestic duties to be more active in public life.
Euis, an ecology professor from the Bogor Agricultural University, said that the country could see its rates of divorce skyrocket. "As more and more women are getting smarter because they have better access to education, they could easily challenge their husbands and look for a divorce," she said.
The group also feared that as more women were more active in public life, they would abandon their traditional role as mothers and housewives. "If that happens, we will see an increase in the number of day care facilities in Indonesia because women will be too busy to take care of their children," she said.
Other women's groups were concerned more about the bill's technical aspects. Luluk Hamidah from Fatayat, the women's wing of the country's biggest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama, said that the bill lacked specifics on how women could be empowered and protected.
"We need to discuss how to deal with gender discrimination in workplaces, women's exploitation in the media and other issues. For example, how can we prevent schools from expelling female students who get raped and become pregnant?" she added.
Chairun Nisa, a member of the House of Representatives Commission VIII overseeing religion and social affairs, said the House would take the women's groups concerns into consideration and it might take some time before the bill could take shape. "We still want to get opinions from 26 additional women's groups," she said. (tas)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Two labor unions on Friday filed a demand for a judicial review of the 2001 Law on Oil and Gas to the Constitutional Court, arguing that the law gave rise to legal uncertainty, and that the country's resources were being misused.
The action was filed by the United Pertamina Workers' Union (FSPPB) and the Confederation of Indonesian Oil and Gas Labor Unions (KSPMI) through their legal counsel, the Indonesian Human Rights Committee for Social Justice (IHCS.)
IHCS executive chief Gunawan said five chapters of the law were running against chapter 33 of the 1945 Constitution because the country's oil and gas potentials were not used for the prosperity of the people.
"We feel that oil and gas, as a natural resource in the Indonesian soil, is no longer the sole property of the Indonesian nation, and this will reduce the rights of the people to enjoy welfare and prosperity from those natural resources," Gunawan said.
He specifically pointed to the change in the status of the state oil and gas company Pertamina from a state enterprise into a limited liability company (Persero), opening the way for it privatization.
"This [means] the state will not have a tool or a state company to control its oil and gas resources, and the important fuel production sector, which affects the livelihood of many," he said.
Gunawan also said that the Law on Oil and Gas had also damaged the national Liquid Natural Gas industry by creating a competitive system that will stymie Indonesia as a producing country.
"We hope that the Constitutional Court accepts the challenge, so that it will push for the revocation of the Law on Oil and Gas to create sovereignty in energy," Gunawan said. (BeritaSatu/JG)
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta A new study shows that Indonesia remains a country with a high number of child laborers, despite its record of reducing children's involvement in the labor market.
The study, titled "Understanding Children's Work and Youth Employment in Indonesia", found that child labor is commonplace, especially in the eastern part of the country.
"Almost 7 percent of children aged between 7 and 14 years old, or 2.3 million children in absolute terms, were in employment in 2009. Almost 600,000 children aged less than 10 years were already in employment in that year," the study reports.
Scott Lyon, a researcher from Understanding Children's Work, an inter- agency research project that authored the report, said that the child laborers were stripped of their rights to education, physical safety, protection and recreation.
"Most of those children are officially school students but they spend most of their time off school compared to children with no involvement in employment," he said during the launch of the report.
The project involved the International Labour Organization (ILO), the United Nations' Children Fund (UNICEF) and the World Bank.
Lyon said that children's involvement in employment had actually shown a downward trend. "The overall decline masks a slight rise during 2008-2009, coinciding with global economic crisis," he said. Despite such a decrease, the level of children's involvement in the labor market remained high.
Child workers mostly work in the agricultural sector, the report shows. It also reports that almost all children working with their families are doing so as unpaid labor. These children are also exposed to hazardous working conditions.
"Working children face about a 25 percent chance of suffering ill-health related to work over the course of 12 months. Younger children are at greater risk of work-related illness and injury. Meanwhile, children working within the family are at greater risk of work-related illness and injury than children working outside the family," the study reports, adding that one out of four out-of-school children, over 260,000 in absolute terms, had less than four years of schooling.
Data from the ILO shows that there are 215 million child workers, half of whom are exposed to the worst form of child labor, including slavery and involvement in armed conflicts. Five million children are involved in forced labor, including sexual exploitation and a vicious cycle of debts.
ILO Indonesia director, Peter van Rooij, said child labor could negatively affect children both in terms of prosperity and health. "Unfortunately, millions of children are still involved in employment. They can't go to school or attend learning activities in school rooms because they have to go work," said Rooij.
Amelia Tan, Singapore Maid agents unhappy with a new policy by the Indonesian government that bars agencies from earning commission from maids hope to resolve the issue with the Indonesian Embassy here.
They want the president of the Association of Employment Agencies (Singapore) (AEAS), K. Jayaprema, to meet the embassy officials.
The agents said the officials should come out to say that Singapore agents can charge Indonesian maids commission and not face repercussions such as being blacklisted by the embassy.
If the embassy does not do this, the agents said they will have to pass on the cost of the commission, which generally ranges from 11/2 to two months of a maid's salary, to employers.
Employers will likely baulk at having to pay, say the agents, who added that they cannot absorb the fees as it will cause a huge dent in their profit margins. An Indonesian maid earns about $450 a month.
Sukmo Yuwono, a counsellor at the Indonesian Embassy here, said in response to queries from The Straits Times that Jakarta "does not encourage" maid agencies here to charge the maids commission but is aware that it would be difficult to enforce Indonesian government regulations here.
He added: "If the maid agencies in Singapore want to charge maids fees for their services, they must get the Indonesian recruiters and maids to agree to it."
In a further sign of their unhappiness, about 40 maid agents have signed a letter requesting that the management committee of AEAS hold an extraordinary general meeting to discuss the association's stand on the issue. Jayaprema responded in an email last week that she will do so at a date to be confirmed.
The new guideline implemented by the Indonesian government on May 1 is part of broader changes introduced to bring down the costs incurred by maids when they look for a job overseas.
Under the previous system, Singapore agents could charge Indonesian maids placement fees to cover costs such as advice and housing before an employer is found but they cannot do so now.
The agents said they are entitled to these fees as the Employment Agencies Act states that employment agencies in Singapore can charge the worker a fee not exceeding one month of the salary, for each year of the duration of the work pass or employment contract. The total amount they can charge must not exceed two months of the worker's salary. Maids work on two-year contracts.
The rule changes have led to a slowdown in the supply of Indonesian maids and are raising frustration among agents.
Vine Employment Agency owner Yong W.P., who rallied other agents to request for the extraordinary general meeting, said: "It is unfair not to get paid for our services. If the maid has problems, agents spend time counselling both her and her employer."
Karl Tan, who owns Inter-Mares agency, said: "We will have to pass on the cost to employers. And the increased costs will shock employers."
A spokesman for the Ministry of Manpower noted that while source countries may choose to impose additional requirements, "employers and employment agencies should assess whether they can fulfil these conditions when choosing which source country to bring workers from." There are now some 206,000 maids here and about half of them are from Indonesia.
Fitri, Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara Supiani binti Abdul Salam had worked in Khobar, Saudi Arabia, for less than a year before tragedy struck.
In July last year, just 10 months after getting a job in the kingdom as a domestic worker, the abuse began. She was whipped with a belt by her employer's wife for not mopping the floor properly.
The woman later accused Supiani of leaving a bad smell in her bedroom when she cleaned it, and pushed her out a third-floor window. "I blacked out," Supiani, 26, told the Jakarta Globe at her home in Mataram recently. "When I woke up I was in hospital, where I'd been in a coma for a week."
After she came out of the coma, her employer, Abdulrahman Najrani, moved her to a cheaper hospital. A week later, he drove her to the airport and sent her on a plane back to Jakarta without paying her any of the 1,900 Saudi riyals ($500) that he owed her.
Supiani came forward with her story as migrant worker activists prepare to mark the one-year anniversary of the execution of Ruyati binti Sapubi, another Indonesian maid in Saudi Arabia.
Ruyati was beheaded on June 18 last year for killing her employer's mother, reportedly because of the abuse she was subjected to by the elderly woman.
However, the Saudi authorities only notified Indonesian officials about the execution two days after is occurred, triggering criticism in Indonesia and prompting Jakarta to issue a moratorium on sending migrant workers to the kingdom until the fate of dozens of other Indonesians on death row there could be ascertained.
Environment & natural disasters
Alina Musta'idah The Constitutional Court began reviewing on Friday a provision in the 2012 state budget that allows the government to use taxpayer money to compensate victims of the Sidoarjo mud volcano in East Java.
A group calling itself the Savior Team for Lapindo State Budget filed the legal challenge against the provision based on the argument that taxpayer money should not be used to cover for a disaster caused by a private company.
"The court has issued a schedule to hear the case, and we will have our first hearing on Friday," Taufik Budiman, the group's lawyer, said on Thursday.
He said that as taxpayers, his clients had a legal right to seek the revocation of the provision from the budget and demand the cancellation of the disbursement process of state money for the disaster.
"It's simply inconceivable for public money to be used to bail out an individual company that has caused a disaster. They must be responsible for their own mistake," he said, referring to gas drilling firm Lapindo Brantas.
Lapindo, which is linked to the family of Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, is widely blamed for triggering the mud volcano in May 2006 that has now led to more than 10,000 families being displaced from their homes.
Although the government never made an official determination for the cause of the disaster, it held Lapindo's holding company, Minarak Lapindo Jaya, liable for compensating the residents for the loss of their land.
As the affected area grew, from the initial six villages to 16 across three subdistricts in Sidoarjo, so did MLJ's bill, which now stands at Rp 2.5 trillion ($267 million) in compensation to residents and Rp 1.3 trillion to stem the spread of the mud.
The government itself has allocated Rp 6.2 trillion for the compensation process.
Between 2006 and 2010, the government disbursed Rp 2 trillion for both compensation and mud containment efforts. In 2011, it allocated Rp 1.2 trillion for these purposes, while from 2012 to 2014 the government has set aside Rp 5.8 trillion in state funding for the disaster.
"The fund allocation clearly violates Article 23 of the Constitution, which requires that the state budget should be allocated for the interests of the people, not for individuals," Taufik said.
Lapindo has maintained that the mud volcano was a natural disaster triggered by an earthquake in Yogyakarta 300 kilometers away and two days earlier.
Kuala Lumpur Haze caused by forest fires in neighboring Indonesia blanketed parts of Malaysia including the capital on Saturday, causing air pollution to hit unhealthy levels.
Haze is an annual problem during the monsoon season from May to September as winds blow the fumes from Sumatra across the Malacca Strait to Malaysia.
Skies over Kuala Lumpur on Saturday were gloomy and visibility was described as poor by the Meteorological Department. With dry weather forecast for the next week, air quality is expected to deteriorate further.
The Air Pollutant Index reached 127 in the capital Kuala Lumpur, 144 in Port Klang, the Southeast Asian country's top port and 129 in the township of Shah Alam. Readings of 101-200 are considered unhealthy.
The Star newspaper on Saturday said that the haze situation was expected to worsen with the "hot and dry spell in the Riau district of Sumatra set to peak over the next two weeks. "As in previous years, several hotspots in central Sumatra in Indonesia are causing the haze," it said.
Haze builds up during the dry season, affecting tourism and contributing to health problems across the region. Indonesia's government has outlawed land-clearing by fire but weak law enforcement means the ban is largely ignored.
Camelia Pasandaran Indonesia's new Health Minister has been summoned to appear before the House of Representatives on Monday to discuss the ministry's controversial youth condom campaign.
Condoms are the most effective way to curb Indonesia's rising HIV rates the fastest growing epidemic in Asia and teenage pregnancy rates, Health Minister Nafsiah Mboy said.
But Democratic Party of Opposition (PDI-I) lawmaker Rieke Dyah Pitaloka said there were more pressing health problems facing Indonesia, like adolescent malnutrition, the development of cheaper local drugs and the expansion of the nation's public health centers (Puskesmas).
"The issue is important, but as a new minister, she has more important health problems piling up on her desk that need to be solved," Rieke said.
The youth condom campaign has raised ire in Indonesia's conservative corners. Most critics, like Khofifah Indar Parawansa, head of the women's division of the Nadhlatul Ulama, argue that religious education can address the issue of underage sexual activity. Others, like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) have called Nafsiah a "liberal minister," lobbing medically- inaccurate claims like that condoms are not an effective way to curb HIV transmission rates.
Nafsiah responded to the criticisms via a YouTube video posted online on June 19, explaining that the Health Ministry would not distribute free condoms to teenagers; the campaign would only urge them to use condoms if they were going to have sex.
"We know that some groups engage in risky sexual relations," Nafsiah said in the video. "They should be counseled to change their lifestyle, but if they continue to do it, we can only advise them to use condoms. Ignorance of this will lead to unwanted pregnancies and [the spread of] HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases."
The majority of Indonesia's HIV/AIDS infections result from unprotected sex, according to the AIDS Prevention Commission (KPA).
Teenage pregnancy rates are harder to pin down. According to a study conducted by the Child Protection Commission (KPAI), 21.2 percent of girls between the ages of 14 and 18 have had at least one abortion. The same study claimed that 62.7 percent of teenagers have had sex by the age of 18.
The PDI-P lawmaker said that while these issues all need solutions, the Health Minister should also focus on other prioritized programs. "HIV/AIDS should be solved with sex education," Rieke said. "Instead of telling young teenagers to use condoms. It is better to educate them of the risks associated with having sex at a young age."
The lawmaker urged Nafsiah to focus her efforts on the full implementation of the National Security System. "It is not that the HIV/AIDS issue is not important, but she should be aware of the method used to convey it to the public," Rieke said.
"[This] issue shouldn't push away other important health issues. The [Social Security Organizing Body] law was passed eight months ago, but the ministry has yet to publish its supporting regulation. The ministry should focus on revitalizing public health centers [Puskesmas] so people don't have to go to the hospital for insignificant diseases like the flu."
The Health Ministry also needs to develop programs to develop local medicines to reduce dependency on expensive Western products and to reduce the number of children and babies suffering from malnutrition.
"There are so many things she has to do that should be her first priority," Rieke said. "We will call her on Monday to make her aware of her piling workload as well as to ask her to clarify her [condom] statement."
Margareth S. Aritonang and Elly Burhaini Faisal, Jakarta In spite of concerns from religious communities and members of the House of Representatives, the government has decided that it would go ahead with its plan to distribute free condoms to at-risk communities in the country to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS.
The National Family Planning Board (BKKBN) said on Wednesday that it would soon ship 57.6 million of condoms to cities across the countries. BKKBN chief Sugiri Syarief said that his agency had appointed local condom manufacturers to supply the contraceptives.
"BKKBN will not involve foreign manufacturers as we will only use local products. We have appointed PT Mitra Rajawali Banjaran to produce the condoms for us," he said.
Sugiri said condom distribution was part of initiative led by the Health Ministry, was to prevent the HIV/AIDS infection as well as other sexually- transmitted diseases (STDs). Earlier, newly-appointed Health Minister Nafsiah Mboi denied that she had ordered the distribution of condoms to high school students and youths.
"I was misquoted by media. I've never promoted school-based condom distribution programs. I've never said anything like that," Nafsiah told reporters on Wednesday.
Nafsiah said that it remained important to promote condom use among people most prone to HIV/AIDS through community-based programs. She said that increasing the use of condoms among the portions of population most prone to HIV/AIDS was one of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) the government aimed to achieve by 2015.
Nafsiah also said that condom use was the most effective way to prevent both unintended pregnancies and STDs, including HIV/AIDS. "But just keep in mind that I've promoted more condom use only for people in high-risk categories, instead of giving free condoms to students and adolescents like what the media has said," she said, clarifying that while the community- based program would reach out to at-risk youths, it would not seek to distribute condoms to the general student population.
Nafsiah, the former National AIDS Commission (KPA) secretary, is under fire for allegedly promoting the notion that an HIV prevention programs should include school-based condom promotion and distribution programs.
In response to the allegations, she recently posted a video on YouTube to clarify her position. Nafsiah said that in Indonesia, unprotected sex, or sex that could cause sexually-transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancies, affecting people from almost all age groups, including children and adolescents.
Citing data from the National Population and Family Planning Agency (BKKBN), she said that more than 2 million young people in Indonesia had an abortion in 2010.
"It means that, in fact, even children and adolescents are likely to already have unprotected sex. We also can't deny the fact that the age of marriage is getting lower. So, younger generations should have wider access to sexual and reproductive health services deemed effective to protect them against both infections and unintended pregnancy," said Nafsiah.
On Thursday, the chairperson of House of Representatives' Commission IX overseeing health and people's welfare, Ribka Tjiptaning, slammed Nafsiah for her new condom policy.
"I know that she [Nafsiah] has good intentions because she wants to reduce HIV-AIDS risks. However, distributing condoms to teenagers between 15 and 24 years old is inappropriate. Teenagers don't understand at all about sex or life. Introducing condoms to them could be mistakenly interpreted as an introduction to sex as well. They might be addicted to it [sex] once they know about condoms. Things will turn disastrous if they forget to use condoms or runs out of them," the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker said.
Antara & Dessy Sagita Newly-appointed Health Minister Nafsiah Mboy posted a video to YouTube on Tuesday explaining the ministry's plan to promote condom use among teenagers and other at-risk groups after Indonesia's conservative organizations rallied against the campaign.
"We know that some groups engage in risky sexual relations," the health minister said in her video-taped response. "They should be counseled to change their lifestyle, but if they continue to do it, we can only advise them to use condoms. "This is very important. Ignorance of this will lead to unwanted pregnancies and [the spread of] HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases."
Indonesia has one of the fastest growing HIV/AIDS epidemics rate in Asia, according to United Nations figures. More than three-quarters of the nation's HIV/AIDS cases result from unprotected sex, according to AIDS Prevention Commission (KPA) figures.
Statistics on teen pregnancy in Indonesia are hard to pin down. A study conducted by the Child Protection Commission (KPAI) claimed that 21.2 percent of girls between the ages of 14 and 18 have had at least one abortion. The commission which recently called on the government to curb condom sales to minors found that 62.7 percent of teenagers ages 14 to 18 have had sex.
The Health Ministry's campaign will focus on sexually-active high school- and college-aged Indonesians. "The campaign will target the young generation at the ages between 15 to 24 years old," Nafsiah said. "The law said that those who are not married should not be given contraception. But our analysis shows that such regulation is dangerous and ignores reality."
But the nation's conservative organizations have taken exception to the Health Ministry's campaign, claiming that promoting condom use is the same as promoting pre-marital sex.
"I'm very disappointed," Tuti Alawiyah, former Women's Empowerment minster and current head of the Islamic Propagation Coordination Forum (BMKT) told Antara. "I think such plan would not be supported by any religion because it supports pre-marital sex." Tuti said there were more effective ways to curb HIV/AIDS transmission than condom use.
"Keep the disease away with preventive action by improving the nation's morality," she said. "There are so many ways to prevent and curb HIV transmission, positive ways that do not follow Western style."
Khofifah Indar Parawansa, head of the women's division of the Nadhlatul Ulama, said that while abortion rates among teenage girls are high, the issue should be addressed with religion, not contraceptives.
"Such problem should not be addressed by distributing condom to our teenagers," she said. "There should be a serious effort [to teach] our children faith and obedience."
The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) weighed in on the controversy as well, calling Nafsiah a "liberal minister" who supported adultery. "This campaign is wrong, it is an adultery campaign for teenagers," said Rizieq Shihab, head of the FPI. "The right and blessed solution to prevent AIDS and unwanted pregnancies is to stop adultery, stop prostitution, stop free sex, stop sodomy, stop homosexuality, lesbianism and all sex deviations."
Rizieq also claimed that condom use does not prevent the transmission of the HIV virus, explaining that the virus was smaller than the condom's pores.
According to a large body of scientific tests and the World Health Organization, condoms are 80 percent effective at preventing the transmission of HIV.
The US National Institutes of Heath examined latex condoms under x2,000 magnification and found no pores. Under that level of magnification, a strand of hair looks like it is made of large fish scales. The Consumers Union took the study a step further and looked at latex condoms under x30,000 magnification and still found no pores. At 30,000 times magnification you can actually view the HIV virus.
Nafsiah on Wednesday said that she would be happy to discuss her plan with critics. "I'll be please to meet them," she said.
She said that it is a fact that Indonesian teenagers were committed to risky sexual behavior. "I think our children deserve better information, and deserve better religious education," Nafsiah said.
Family planning officials want to raise Indonesia's legal age for marriage from 16 to 21 years, in a bid to curb the country's high maternal mortality and birth rates.
Hardiyanto, the deputy for advocacy at the National Family Planning Coordinating Board (BKKBN), said on Friday that his office had proposed the raise to the House of Representatives because "16 is still such a tender age" at which to get married and start having a family.
He said the average age at which Indonesians were getting married had increased in the past two years from 18 years to 19.6 years. The board is hoping to see the average marriage age increase to 21 years in two years' time.
Hardiyanto said that people marrying in their teens were both physically and behaviorally immature, and also lacked sufficient formal education. People married at this age, he said, tended to have higher divorce rates.
He also said girls were put at risk when they married young and got pregnant, because their bodies were often not ready for the rigors of pregnancy and labor.
"Delaying the marriage age would help maintain the health of the reproductive organs, which will help keep the mother healthy and able to give birth to healthy babies," Hardiyanto said.
He added that the rationale for marrying young was that the couple would have time to produce more children. But this also poses a serious medical risk for the mothers, even leading to death.
"The more often a woman gives birth, the higher the risk she faces of dying during childbirth," he said. Indonesia's maternal mortality rate is 228 per 100,000 live births, the highest level in Southeast Asia.
The BKKBN also hopes that a higher age for marriage will help curb the country's birth rate. The rate, at 17.4 births per 1,000 population, sees the country's population increase by four million every year. The current fertility rate is 2.7 children per woman, which the BKKBN hopes to bring down to 2.1 by 2014.
The BKKBN seeks to prevent women from giving birth at too young an age, above the age of 35, too frequently or too closely because they all carry medical risks.
Michael Bachelard Crucial differences have emerged between the Australian and Indonesian versions of the rescue attempt for an asylum seeker boat that sank yesterday.
The official number of survivors has been revised down from 110 to 109 and between 90 and 100 people are still unaccounted for.
Gagah Prakoso, the spokesman for Indonesian search and rescue organisation Basarnas, said it had received a fax at 11.45pm on Tuesday from the Australian Maritime Safety Authority warning of an asylum seeker vessel in distress.
At that stage, Home Affairs Minister Jason Clare said, the boat was 38 nautical miles from Indonesia, and AMSA warned the boat to turn back.
But Mr Prakoso insisted yesterday that the fax had said the asylum seeker boat was from Sri Lanka and was already 129 nautical miles off Indonesia and 126 nautical miles from Christmas Island. Mr Prakoso would not release the fax, saying it was a "state document".
He said that, at 6am on Wednesday, Basarnas had broadcast a warning asking ships to look out for the boat. It had also dispatched its own boat, but it was a small, 36-metre fibreglass vessel not suitable for transit in the open sea particularly as the seas were heavy.
It did not find the boat but, yesterday, Barsanas received a second fax from AMSA, and dispatched two navy ships to the location from a location Mr Prakoso was not aware of.
Even though AMSA had been saying from yesterday afternoon that Indonesian search and rescue was co-ordinating the rescue operation, no Indonesian ships were on the scene, and they were still 12 hours or more away from arriving.
By 9am Indonesian time (midday Australian time) those boats had still not arrived at the site. Mr Prakoso told Fairfax Media yesterday that the information from AMSA had been "confusing".
"AMSA first said there was a boat sailing from Sri Lanka heading to Australia carrying 100 people. That's it. Then AMSA sent more information saying there were 100 something people, then 200 something people. We're confused. But the co-ordinates are the same so we assume there is only one boat," he said. (with AAP)
Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is squaring off for a battle with lawmakers who are refusing to disburse funds for a new building for the KPK.
Stonewalling at the House of Representatives has drawn criticism from civil society groups, which have issued a public call for donations to finance the project.
The call was made by the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), the Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Jakarta) and several NGOs.
"This is also a satire we aim at the House, which should actually be helping the corruption eradication drive," Emerson Yuntho of the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) said on Friday.
KPK Deputy Chairman Bambang Widjojanto, who came up with the public donation initiative, said that the commission would welcome donations from private citizens. "A civil society movement is something that we can hardly refuse," Bambang told reporters on Thursday.
The KPK's leaders have said that the commission needs a new headquarters, as its current building, located in Kuningan, South Jakarta, is operating over capacity. The building 31 years old and formerly the headquarters of Bank Papan Sejahtera, which was liquidated by the government in 1999 was designed to accommodate 350. The KPK currently has 752 employees.
The commission previously announced plans to recruit an additional 500 employees, bringing the total number of people working for or seconded to the commission from other agencies up to 1,200. Bambang said that the proposal for a new building was supported by several ministries.
"The House of Representatives is the only institution that has not given its approval. We have received approval from the Public Works Ministry and other relevant ministries, which all said that they agreed to the proposal," Bambang said.
Lawmakers on House Commission III overseeing law, human rights and security, have opposed a request from the KPK to add Rp 160 billion (US$16.9 million) to its budget for the new building.
Several lawmakers have suggested that the KPK move to a vacant building next door instead of asking for money to build a larger headquarters.
Saan Mustofa, a Commission III lawmaker supported by the Democratic Party, whose members have been a recent and frequent targets of the KPK's investigations, said that the KPK would have to do some hard work to convince the House to fund its new building.
"The KPK is not an NGO, but it keeps trying to convince the House Commission to give its approval. They should follow the decision-making process at the House," Saan said. Other lawmakers on Commission III have said that the government could save money by delaying the construction of the building.
The House's austerity concerns appears misplaced. Lawmakers have been criticized for spending a staggering Rp 20 billion to renovate its budget committee meeting room.
Other critics have said that the House's refusal might stem from the 30 current and former lawmakers who were imprisoned in the Bank Indonesia vote-buying scandal, after they were convicted of accepting bribes to back the appointment of Miranda S. Goeltom to a senior position at the central bank.
It would not the first time that the KPK has met with retaliation for corruption investigations.
After the KPK said that several police generals were involved in graft, the police launched a criminal investigation of KPK deputies Chandra Hamzah and Bibit Samad Riyanto as suspects for "abuse of power" in slapping travel ban on graft suspect, Anggoro Widodo.
The investigation sparked a public outcry that became known as the "Crocodile vs. Gecko" showdown, with the police cast as the toothy predator and the KPK deputies as the tiny lizards.
Meanwhile, Law and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsuddin said that he supported the KPK's plan to seek donations from the public. "I support this civil society movement and I am ready to become the first donor," he told reporters at the ministry's office in Jakarta.
2012: The House plans to spend Rp 20.3 billion (US$2.23 million) to expand its budget committee room to accommodate 85 people, up from 50.
2011: Lawmakers allocate Rp 1.1 trillion ($116.6 million) to construct a new House of Representatives building that will every one of its 560 members a 111.1-square-meter office in January. The proposal is scuttled by Speaker Marzuki Alie in May.
2011: Rp 540 billion ($57 million)
2010: Rp 431 billion ($45.5 million)
2009: Rp 315 billion ($33.3 million)
2008: Rp 233 billion ($24.6 million)
2011: 752
2010: 638
2009: 652
2008: 540
Ezra Sihite & Markus Junianto Sihaloho New evidence in a major bribery scandal implicates the five highest-ranking members of the House of Representatives, the five highest-ranking members of the Budget Committee and each of the party factions, the country's antigraft body announced at a monthly hearing with lawmakers on Wednesday.
The evidence comes from a laptop confiscated in February during a raid of House Budget Committee offices. It reportedly contains an expansive list of how much money specific officials took in bribes from a large regional infrastructure development project.
In the list, the five House leaders are each assigned a code name, with K1 allegedly referring to House Speaker Marzuki Alie and K2-K5 to his deputies, KPK chief Abraham Samad told lawmakers. K1 received Rp 300 billion ($32 million) while K2-K5 got Rp 250 billion each.
Budget Committee head Melchias Markus Mekeng and each of his four deputies were also on the list, Abraham said, code-named P1-P5. Finally, each political party represented in the House also received a cut, with the list identifying each of them by color.
The laptop belonged to Nando, a member of the Budget Committee. The project funds were administered by the Infrastructure Development Acceleration (PPID) program and involved 298 regions across the country.
The KPK will not back down in pursuing this investigation, Abraham said. "God willing, we will not cover things up. It's not our tradition," he said.
KPK deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas confirmed Abraham's statements, adding that the antigraft body would likely announce more suspects. So far, Wa OdeNurhayati is the only suspect in the case. "It is possible that the politicians mentioned in the laptop will be questioned," Busyro said.
Wa Ode, a National Mandate Party (PAN) lawmaker, accused Marzuki and his deputies on Tuesday of taking the bribes described in the laptop during her trial at the Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court.
Marzuki, who earlier sniffed that Wa Ode made the allegation like a "drunk," demanded she back up her claims with details such as who gave him the money, the location and method of the bribe and more.
Tamsil Linrung, one of Budget Committee deputy heads, did not rule out that the codes and the colors existed. "I don't know for sure about all the codes, but they could exist," he said. "However, I don't know what they describe. It could be that the codes to refer to political factions."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Ezra Sihite More than double the amount of cash that Youth and Sports Minister Andi Mallarangeng said went into the graft-ridden Hambalang sports center project was actually spent, an anti- graft official has said.
Andi had said Rp 1.1 trillion ($117 million) was spent on the project. But Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto said on Wednesday that Rp 2.5 trillion had been allocated to the project. "The Hambalang case actually involves funds amounting to Rp 2.5 trillion and two big projects," Bambang said.
Andi had told a working committee from House of Representatives Commission X that only Rp 1.1 trillion in state funds were disbursed to the Hambalang project because the government had not approved the Rp 1.4 trillion proposed for procurement of goods and services.
Bambang acknowledged that the KPK had so far only concentrated on bribery and graft allegations in the Rp 1.1 trillion construction project.
The KPK has questioned more than 60 people as witnesses in the case, including Athiyyah Laila, the wife of Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum. Bambang said the KPK would investigate Hambalang's goods and services procurement project in the future.
The anti-graft agency has not questioned Andi in regards to the Rp 1.4 trillion procurement project. "That's going to be interesting because the procurement has already been made," Bambang said. However, he quickly added that it was normal to see procurement budgets larger than the budget for construction.
Bambang also said that the KPK had not experienced any problems with political intimidation, which was expected as the case involves leading elites from the ruling Democratic Party. "We have to be careful, and as the result of our carefulness we being are considered and slow. We don't want to make a mistake in naming the suspects," Bambang said.
KPK chairman Abraham Samad added that the reason the KPK was being careful was because it did not have an order to cease investigation. "First of all, the KPK works professionally. Secondly, the KPK doesn't recognize [cease and desist orders] and that's why it has to be careful, accurate and scrupulous," Abraham argued.
The chairman insisted that he was not afraid to charge anyone, including a chairman of a political party. "The process is not like turning the palm of your hands. It has to be verified, and studied comprehensively," he said.
Abraham recently said that Hambalang was a tough case to crack. "It's not as easy to investigate as it seems," he said. "We still need more time to complement the data that have already been gathered by the KPK."
Although Anas's name has been mentioned by several officials who have been implicated in the scandal, including Muhammad Nazaruddin, the former Democratic Party treasurer who was convicted earlier this year in a similar bid-rigging case, the chairman has not yet been summoned for questioning.
Rabby Pramudhatama, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) says it has interrogated several officials at the Religious Affairs Ministry about a graft-ridden procurement of Korans in 2010.
"The Koran is a miracle [for Muslims], so we have to be careful in dealing with it," KPK deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto told reporters on Thursday.
Bambang said that the KPK investigators had questioned some officials, declining to discuss the investigation in detail.
KPK chairman Abraham Samad told lawmakers at a hearing of House Commission III overseeing law and human rights on Wednesday that there were indications of "serious violations" of procurement regulations in the Koran printing project.
The corruption took place under the watch of Nasaruddin Umar when he was chief of the Religious Affairs Ministry's Islamic education directorate general, Abraham said. Nasaruddin is currently the deputy minister. "We have strong evidence of corruption, but I can't recall how much the state losses were," Abraham said.
KPK spokesperson Johan Budi said that the shady procurement took place in 2010. "The current status of the case is still at the preliminary investigation phase. We still don't know yet about the amount of money involved in the project."
Johan, however, said that the graft involved officials from the Religious Affairs Ministry's main office in Jakarta.
According to the KPK, the Religious Affairs Ministry was the most corrupt institution of 22 government agencies it surveyed in 2011. The ministry received 5.37 points out of a possible 10, below the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, which received 5.44 points, and the Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Ministry, which received 5.52 points.
The KPK previously announced that it had discovered irregularities in the management of Rp 1.7 trillion (US$180.2 million) in interest payments from haj pilgrim payments managed by the ministry.
Contacted separately, Nasaruddin said he was surprised to learn of the allegations. "I was the director general at that time. I was responsible for the budget allocation for the procurement. Maybe that's why my name was mentioned," Nasaruddin told The Jakarta Post on Thursday, claiming he had no role in the case.
"From the data on my desk, and some that I gathered from the [ministry] inspectorate general, I found no indication of corruption. Yet, I support the KPK investigation and I will cooperate," he said.
Nasaruddin said that the Religious Affairs Ministry could supply only 100,000 of the 2 million or so Korans it needed a year for local religious affairs offices and Islamic schools, and had to print the rest.
"It used to be that we did not have to ship Korans every year, but since 2010, we saw demand skyrocket and we needed to print Korans," he said.
In 2010, the ministry spent Rp 3 billion to buy Korans and Rp 5 billion in 2011. Nasaruddin said that he had warned his officials not to compromise the integrity of the procurement project and warned contractors not to look for much profits from the project. "Never play around with the Koran. The sins will multiply," he said. (fzm)
SP/Novianti Setuningsih & Ezra Sihite Suspended lawmaker Wa Ode Nurhayati on Tuesday stood by her accusations that leaders in the House of Representatives leaders and the House Budget Committee received kickbacks worth more than Rp 1.2 trillion ($127 million) from the Rp 7.7 trillion budgeted for regional infrastructure adjustment funds.
"The money was distributed and it didn't go to me," she told the Jakarta Anti-Corruption Court on Tuesday.
Wa Ode said the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) learned of the amount from a seized laptop, where the data showed payments of Rp 300 billion to a person under the code name K and Rp 250 billion each to four other people under the same code name. A smaller amount went to four other people under the code name P.
She said the amount was the same as the figure that should have been channeled to 126 regions, but the data was erased. Wa Ode said she believed the people under the code name K were the House speaker and four deputy speakers, while the people under the code name P referred to Budget Committee leaders.
"I am only reading the investigation report on Nando, an expert staff at the Budget Committee. The KPK found a laptop in the Budget Committee's room and asked Nando to explain it," she said.
Although Nando told the KPK that the code name K referred to a coordinator, Wa Ode insisted that was not the case because the amount was bigger than those received by the Budget Committee leaders.
Wa Ode Nur Zaenab, the National Mandate Party (PAN) lawmaker's sister and attorney, asked the court to put House Speaker Marzuki Alie on the witness stand. She said Marzuki played a role in the case her sister was facing.
"We would like to summon Marzuki Alie because the case emerged after Marzuki asked the PPATK to scrutinize Wa Ode's account and that's breaking the law," the lawyer said, referring to the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center.
Marzuki swore he didn't receive Rp 300 billion in kickbacks. "I'll swear in the name of God. Let me be cursed for seven generations, if necessary," he proclaimed.
Marzuki said Wa Ode had to support her allegations with evidence by identifying who distributed the money, where it was given and the motive for the kickbacks. Wa Ode said the KPK prosecutors built their case against her only based on assumptions and not facts. She said the case was built on information from one person, Haris Surahman.
She also insisted that the Rp 50 billion in her account came from investments. "All of the money in my private account was from my business and not from bribery," she said.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Lawmakers from the House of Representatives' Commission III overseeing legal and human rights affairs flexed their authority over the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) when they refused to have talks with KPK at a hearing on Wednesday over the absence of commission deputies.
Twenty seven members of the commission in attendance spent an hour bickering over the urgency of presenting KPK deputies to the meeting without giving any opportunities for KPK leaders, including Abraham Samad, Busyro Muqqodas, Bambang Widjajanto and Zulkarnaen, to explain.
It was Commission III deputy chairman Aziz Syamsuddin from the Golkar Party who first insisted that KPK chief Samad bring his colleagues into the meeting due to the 'complexity of issues that the KPK was handling'.
"I know this meeting is legitimate regardless the number of attending representatives from KPK. It would still be [legitimate] even if only one leader attended today's hearing, however, the KPK is overseeing many big cases therefore all higher officers, including the deputies, must come here and attentively listen to the discussion," Aziz said.
Aziz's insistence, however, raised criticisms from fellow lawmakers, such as from Herman Heri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) who said that the presence of KPK deputies was unnecessary as all KPK leaders were already present.
"This meeting is between institutions, not between individuals. Therefore I think we must not bicker over the absence of the deputies. We must continue discussing more important matters," he said.
After almost an hour in pointless debate, Commission III lawmakers finally agreed to adjourn the discussion at 12 o'clock for lunch, without any clarification of whether or not the KPK should have its deputies in the room after the one-hour recess.
"We will use the break to discuss what to do next before we start the hearing again at around one in the afternoon," Nasir Djamil of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said.
Terrorism & religious extremism
Jakarta The failure to convince judges to hand terrorist convict Umar Patek a life sentence is solely the fault of prosecutors, according to terrorism commentator Dynno Creesbon.
"The reason why Patek was not given a life sentence in prison is because the charges were weak and were unable to be corroborated in court," Dynno told The Jakarta Post on Friday over the phone.
Making things even worse for prosecutors in Umar Patek's case is that, according to Dynno, prosecutors generally tend to be on the losing side in terrorism cases. "Prosecutors will always face an uphill battle in terrorism trials, because terrorists always protect one another in court," he said.
When a convicted terrorist gets a court summons to provide testimony in the trial of a suspected terrorist, Dynno says that the convict will talk to judges in ways that are favorable to the suspects. Because of this, Dynno denied that the ruling of the five member panel of judges on Thursday was influenced by external factors.
"The 20-year sentencing of Patek is completely the result of the judges' decision. The sentencing would not have been any different had the trial been conducted in either Jakarta or Bali. We don't use a jury system, so locations and popular sentiments don't matter," he said.
Patek has long been suspected of being a mastermind of the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people. Prosecutors wanted judges to give him a life sentence, but judges issued Patek 20 years in jail.
Judges at the West Jakarta District Court found Patek guilty of illegally possessing firearms, explosive devices and chemicals. They also found him guilty of premeditated murder in the Bali bombing and in Jakarta's Christmas Eve church bombing of 2000, which killed 19.
He was also deemed guilty of withholding information about terrorism, document forgeries and helping to establish a terrorist training camp in Aceh in 2010.
The judges did not, however, find any evidence of Patek's role as one of the masterminds of the Bali bombing, which is how he managed to duck a life sentence. Patek's lawyer, Asludin Hanjuni, said he would appeal the verdict. (png)
Michael Bachelard, Karuni Rompies Bali bomb-maker Umar Patek has been sentenced to 20 years in prison after being found guilty over his role in the deaths of 202 people in the Bali bombing, including 88 Australians.
He will spend the next 19 years in custody after the court took into consideration the one year he has been in jail since his arrest.
After taking all day yesterday to review the evidence and read his judgement, chief judge Encep Yuliardi said late last night in the West Jakarta District Court that Patek was "legally and convincingly" guilty of all five charges including premeditated murder.
The other charges were of possessing weapons and smuggling weapons, ammunition and explosive materials into Indonesia, providing assistance to an act of terrorism by hiding information about a terrorist act, forging documents and possessing explosive materials.
Patek claimed during the trial that he should be found not guilty of all except document forgery. He confided in an interview with The Age during that trial that he wanted a short sentence of less than 10 years because he was about to turn 46 and wanted children before it was too late.
He was the last of the Bali bombers to face trial in Indonesia. One, Hambali, has not been tried, but is in prison in Guantanamo Bay over his links to Al Quaeda.
Of the other bombers, three were killed during raids and three more Imam Samudra, Amrozi and Mukhlas were executed in 2008 after being found guilty. Others, including the bomb-maker Ali Imron were given jail sentences of up to life imprisonment.
The final day of the trial in the West Jakarta District Court was conducted under massive security, with 243 police officers deployed at the court house including snipers and a platoon of the Australian-funded anti-terror police, Densus 88.
Patek, known in Indonesia as the Demolition Man, was for many years South- East Asia's most wanted man before his arrest, with a $US1 million bounty on his head. But he spent his trial denying knowledge of the events of October 2002, apologising for the outcome and downplaying his role.
His lawyers asked the court to drop all the terror related charges, and to only find him guilty of passport fraud. During the trial, prosecutors dropped their call for the death penalty, instead asking for life imprisonment.
Patek said in his defence that he only learned after arriving at the resort island in the weeks leading up to the 2002 bombing that westerners were to be the target of the explosive devices he was making, which ultimately killed 202 people.
One of the plotters, Imam Samudra, told him the bombs were designed to kill "bule", white foreigners, only after he arrived at the rented house where the bombs were being made. He gave evidence that the reason he was given for the bombings was "revenge for what happened to Muslims in Palestine".
But Patek told the five judges in the West Jakarta District Court that he had tried to convince a number of his co-conspirators not to go ahead with the plot, saying they should be attacking Jews in Palestine if they wanted revenge.
Patek said he had mixed only about 50kg of the almost one tonne of explosives that made up the two bombs which devastated two night clubs in downtown Kuta.
In an interview with The Age during the trial, he said he hoped for a sentence of 10 years or less, even though he admitted that, according to his conscience, he was guilty because "I did mix (explosive) materials".
"[The explosives I mixed] was less than 50kg. I am guilty for that but... I believe the panel of judges must consider my motive, they must consider my state of psychology. The panel of judges must consider my disagreement [with the tactics] and that it wasn't my call."
However, he also emphasised that his radical views had not changed. "My position about jihad remains the same," he said in the interview.
"It is an obligation of every Muslim to carry out jihad" against those who attack Muslims. My question was, did the Balinese attack Muslims in Bali? Or did the bule in Bali attacked Muslims? Or were they Jews? I think the correct way is to go to Palestine and fight the Jews who slaughtered Palestinians."
Patek had a long career in Islamic terrorism, having fought with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines, and been trained in bomb- making with the Mujahideen in Afghanistan.
He fled Indonesia shortly after the Bali bombings and was on the run for nine years before being caught in the Pakistan town of Abbottabad just four months before Osama Bin Laden was killed there by American troops.
He says he never met Bin Laden, and did not realise the terrorist mastermind had given $30,000 to fund the Bali bombings.
Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung Hard line organization the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) Bandung chapter has rejected the dangdut group Trio Macan, who were planning to perform in Bandung, West Java, on Saturday, saying that the group should wear headscarves should they insist on appearing on stage.
Some 30 FPI members staged a protest on Wednesday in front of a dangdut radio station in Bandung, which will host the Saturday concert where Trio Macan is scheduled to play.
The protesters also demanded that Trio Macan not perform any "erotic dance" and should instead sing religious songs should they persist with their desire to perform in the city.
"We will reject whoever commits pornographic acts. We have rejected [dangdut singer] Dewi Perssik and [US singer] Lady Gaga. We have to prevent sinful acts from happening," protester Shohirin Ahmad Abdullah said during the protest.
The group also called on the police and the local administration not to give a permit to the event organizer. "Should this radio continue its plan to hold the concert, don't blame us for what's going to happen," he added.
Cosmo Radio Bandung director Mufti Muchtiar said that his radio had anticipated the rejection, claiming that he had asked Trio Macan management to change the group's appearance.
"We have asked them not to wear sexy outfits and not to perform erotic dances. So people don't have to worry," Mufti said, adding that he planned to hold the concert during day time and at an indoor venue.
"We have set up every thing to avoid negative impacts," he stressed, and added that he would mediate between the FPI and Trio Macan's management to find a solution.
Dangdut music, which is very popular in the country, is often deemed erotic with female singers performing sexy dances in outfits to match.
The FPI staged continuous protests against Lady Gaga in May, resulting in the cancellation of the singer's planned June 3 concert in Jakarta. The group slammed the Grammy-award winning singer for her alleged racy persona and costumes. (swd)
Jakarta Police remain inconsistent in their task of protecting religious freedoms, a study has found, though the National Police reiterated on Thursday their commitment to protecting those rights.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) reported that police handling of assaults against religious minorities mostly failed to protect freedom of religion and worship, being successful in only two cases between 2010 and 2012.
Deputy National Police chief Brig.Gen. Nanan Soekarna told the one-day seminar on the police and religious freedom, that the National Police remained committed to "respect, protect and fulfill the rights of faith, religion and worship", in line with the Constitution.
However, he said the police still needed more training on the issue and collaboration with various communities, including persuading minorities "not to be provocative".
In a number of assaults against the Ahmadiyah minority group and on Christian congregations, attackers charged the minorities of trying to convert local Muslims.
The deputy police chief was the keynote speaker at the launch of Panduan Pemolisian dan Hak atas Kebebasan Berkeyakinan, Beragama, dan Beribadah (Policing Guidelines on Freedom of Faith, Religion and Worship), a book released by Kontras and supported, among others, by the British Embassy.
Sinung Karto from Kontras reported that in their monitoring of how police handled religious disputes between 2010 and 2012, the police succeeded in halting the violence following assaults on Ahmadiyah followers in Kuningan, West Java, in July 2010, and following an attack against Ahmadiyah in Keba-yoran Lama, Jakarta, in December of that year.
Sinung added, however, that the police had failed in other cases, such as the attack and murder of Ahmadi members in Cikeusik, Banten, on Feb. 6, 2011; the protracted dispute over the building permit for the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor, West Java; and the burning of property belonging to Shiites in Madura last December.
"Up to now, [Shiites] are still taking shelter with relatives and moving around" for their safety, the report read.
Lawmaker Eva K. Sundari cited difficulties in increasing the budget to improve police services, saying the planned allocations could "suddenly change" to pay for things like improving the National Police headquarters.
She told the discussion that the police had yet to acquire "a civilian face" rather than "a militaristic face", which she said could be achieved by boosting the number of women on the force.
"I'm sad that women account for only 3.75 percent of the National Police", she said. Eva cited Poland's police force, which "in seven years, turned from a militaristic police force into a civilian one", with 50 percent of its personnel being women.
One policewoman, Sr. Comr. Yoyoh Indayah, was the Kuningan Police chief who handled the violence against the Ahmadiyah in 2010. Apart from "good coordination" with government bodies and the Indonesian Military (TNI), the report said, she set up the "Wednesday forums" to reduce tension among the Ahmadiyah and other Islamic communities in the regency.
Ainur Rohmah, Semarang Central Java has displayed a unique phenomenon in religious life as, although seeds of tolerance have been growing relatively quickly, signs of intolerance are also still high in a number of regencies and municipalities in the province, an NGO revealed on Friday.
Social and religious study institute, eLSA, located in Semarang, noted that between January and June, eight religious conflicts had occurred across the province, although that figure was far lower than the number of 26 similar conflicts throughout last year.
"Central Java is a comfort zone for the dissemination of tolerance. Yet, friction at a grass-roots level still occurs," the director of eLSA, Tedi Kholiluddin, said in Semarang.
Among the eight religious conflicts were the forced dismissal of the Majelis Tafsir Alquran (MTA) congregation by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) youth activists in Kudus; people's rejection of the establishment of a Buddhist temple in Salatiga and the halting of a Sapto Darmo workshop in Rembang and of a Ngesti Ksampurnan workshop in Sumowono, Semarang.
Other cases included Sedulur Sikep (Samin) members being forced to study Islam in Kudus and an attack by a mass organization against a community group in Surakarta.
In the courts, the leader of the Amanat Keagungan Ilahi in Klaten was convicted of religious defamation, while Ahmadiyah members were forced to sign an agreement to freeze their religious activities in Tawangmangu.
"It's difficult to label any municipality or regency in Central Java as being tolerant or intolerant because, upon examination, each region has shown examples of both," Tedi said.
In Kudus, for example, Samin members were forced to study Islam but, at the same time, the request by Samin members to leave the religious column on their ID cards blank was approved by the local administration.
Chairman of the Central Java Interfaith Forum (FKUB), Abu Hapsin, identified Surakarta and its environs as the most prone region to both internal and interfaith conflicts, mostly due to absolute and textual understandings of religion.
"Apart from the Ngruki Islamic boarding school, the MMI [Indonesian Mujahidin Council] and the FPI [Islam Defenders Front], there are 25 other religious groups that are strict in their understanding of Islam," said Abu, referring to three of the country's hard-line groups.
Conflicts, according to Abu, normally emerged when the administration adopted the interests of the majority and ignored those of the minority. "If only the majority is considered, what if the decision is not fair to the minority?" he asked.
Syaiful Uyun, an Ahmadiyah preacher from eastern Central Java, said his group was still being pressured by a number of parties, including the local community, police and subdistrict administration, to cease its religious activities.
The latest incidents, according to Syaiful, had occurred in Tawangmangu, Kendal and Temanggung. "Our chairman was asked to sign a statement saying we would not continue our activities," he said.
Syaiful, however, insisted that their religious activities meant praying, not preaching.
Syaiful added that the Ahmadis had been lobbying local administrations in the respective regions to seek a solution. "We respect the joint ministerial decree, although it is very hard for us. So, we ask other parties to show respect by not suppressing us," he said.
According to Syaiful, Central Java is home to some 15,000 members of Ahmadiyah.
Zakir Hussain The mayor of Tasikmalaya, which made headlines this month for reportedly proposing a bylaw that would require all Muslim women to wear headscarves, on Monday said the regulation will be "just an appeal."
"There cannot be any penalties, we can only invite people [to wear them]," Syarif Hidayat said after meeting officials from the Home Affairs Ministry to clarify the ruling and iron out details.
"The rule is an aspiration of the community, and we have to respect that," he added. "But it also cannot contradict the [national] law, hence this consultation."
The West Java city had approved the regulation to promote community values through Muslim teachings in 2009, but news of plans to implement it surfaced only last week.
It says all adult Muslims must dress in accordance with Islamic teachings, raising fears among some that Shariah enforcement police would go around keeping people in line.
Although Tasikmalaya, where Darul Islam rebels sought to set up an Islamic state in the 1950s, has just 650,000 residents, the battle is significant as it draws attention to a rough patch in Indonesia's devolution of power to some 400 districts and 100 cities over the past decade.
This decentralization gives the local authorities power to craft local bylaws, but these cannot contradict or override national ones. Yet a noticeable trend is some districts enacting religion-influenced legislation on how Muslims should behave.
The Home Affairs Ministry is reviewing some of these laws, but it is also mindful of a conservative pushback. Earlier this year, it reviewed bylaws banning alcohol, on the grounds that only the state can ban beer and drinks with below 5 percent alcohol content.
At first, Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said Tasikmalaya officials had no authority to enforce the headscarf rule. But on reading the draft regulation last week, he told The Straits Times that he was satisfied there was no coercion involved.
"It is well within the mayor's authority to enact such a ruling to encourage such dress," he said, adding that the ministry would step in should people be forced to don such attire. On Monday, Syarif confirmed there were no such plans for a moral police, saying: "It is not within my ability to enforce it."
In Tasikmalaya's case, politics also seems to be at play Syarif, a member of the National Mandate Party (PAN) backed by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Gerindra and Golkar, is up for re- election against two pairs of challengers on July 9.
One is independent, but the other is backed by the Democrat Party and several Muslim parties, including the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, which seeks a greater role for Islam in public life.
PDI-P lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari called the proposal an attempt to politicize religion for electoral gain. "It also violates women's rights," she said. Syarif on Monday deflected suggestions that the ruling was linked to the polls.
Jakarta In a country where opposition to Lady Gaga forced the provocative pop star to cancel her show this month, Indonesia's home-grown stars are also raising the ire of religious authorities.
With increasingly lewd lyrics and raunchy dance moves, hugely popular "dangdut" music an Indonesian fusion of Arabic, Malay, Indian and western pop influences is testing the limits of propriety in the world's largest Muslim nation.
Lady Gaga's decision to cancel the Indonesian leg of her world tour due to threats by certain Muslim groups opposed to her racy choreography and support for gay rights highlighted the increasing power of groups pushing a strict view of Islam.
Yet such groups face an ongoing challenge on the domestic front with dangdut, a genre whose origins date back to the 1930s but whose critics contend is becoming increasingly sexually explicit.
Some 200 new dangdut titles are released every month, but earlier this year the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) banned 10 songs with sexually suggestive titles, some loosely referring to male and female genitalia.
One of the banned songs, "Jupe likes 69 best" by Julia Perez, apparently referred to the favoured sexual position of the singer, who goes by the stage name Jupe.
In her official music video, the 32 year old gyrates in a low-cut dress as she breathes lyrics about having her body caressed factors that help her songs garner hundreds of thousands of hits on sites such as YouTube.
"The song is about how a man and a woman must not be egoistic in love nothing sexual. Only because it's sung by me, they think it's vulgar," Perez, who contends that she stands out in the dangdut world as "elegant sexy", told AFP.
"If you have big breasts you can't help having a deep cleavage, that's normal. My breasts don't hang out, my buttocks don't show," explained Perez, known for her revealing costumes.
Habib Salim Alatas, Jakarta chairman of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) that had threatened to "burn the stage" if Lady Gaga had gone ahead with her June 3 concert, said the racier dangdut singers were no different from the US pop diva.
"I love dangdut, just like I love rock and pop. We are against those who show too much skin and dance too erotically. They are no different from Lady Gaga and should be banned," he told AFP.
Having emerged in the 1930s, dangdut gained prominence in the 1950s after Sukarno, the first Indonesian president after independence from the Dutch in 1945, sought to sweep Western influences such as Hollywood from local culture. Both male and female singers helped popularise the genre.
"There were no Hollywood movies, but Hindi films were allowed and that's why we see the influence of Indian tabla drums in dangdut music," music commentator Denny Sakrie told AFP.
"Local dangdut singers emerged in the 1960s, and Rhoma Irama popularised it in 1973 by introducing rock elements from the likes of Deep Purple. He elevated dangdut from the social underclass and villages," said Sakrie.
Dangdut is "a forum for celebrating eroticised female dance and power, which has long been an important part of Indonesia's cultural history, at least on the islands of Java and Sumatra," Andrew Weintraub, a professor of music at the University of Pittsburgh, wrote in his book "Dangdut Stories".
These days, dangdut whose name is derived from the "dang" and "dut" sounds of Indian tabla drums sounds more like a blend of modern R&B and electronic pop with Bollywood influences. Indonesia's more mainstream dangdut singers appear on TV almost every night, performing at weddings, community gatherings, and even political rallies.
But the genre has been testing social boundaries for the past decade, starting with Inul Daratista whose rapid "drilling" hip motion angered Muslim leaders and had her banned in several provinces.
"Those skimpily-dressed singers who dance erotically and sing vulgar songs about sex and premarital pregnancy please nobody but the devil," said Rafani Achyar, secretary-general of West Java's branch of the National Ulema Council, the country's top religious authority.
Traditional dangdut musicians also complain that the genre has taken a dive, with new female singers turning it into striptease.
"Candoleng-doleng", or "dangling" in Indonesia's Bugis dialect, pushes the limits of the genre, featuring women singing dangdut at wedding parties and baring their breasts to a cheering crowd that very often includes children. For a modest tip of 5,000 rupiah (50 cents) men in the audience get to grope the dancers.
"Such dancing is inappropriate in public with children present. Also, the men sometimes fight over the dancers and create a nuisance," said Anang Pujianto, police chief in Sidrap, South Sulawesi.
"Dangdut performers have become terribly erotic now, dancing naked and encouraging lust," said Rhoma Irama, the singer who popularised the genre in the 1970s and is known as "the king of dangdut". "They tarnish dangdut and crush morals. Such shameful porn must be stopped," added the now- chairman of the Indonesian Malay-Dangdut Music Artists Association.
First popularised in 2003 in far-flung South Sulawesi province the striptease dangdut has since turned into a craze in remote villages, where police carry out raids on tip-offs, but let dancers off with a warning.
37-year-old contractor Arif, a dangdut fan, said he loved "candoleng- doleng". "Naked dancing is no good for small boys, but no problem for big boys like me," he joked. (AFP/al)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Home Affairs Ministry says it will summon the mayor and City Council speaker of Tasikmalaya to explain controversial shariah-inspired bylaws issued in the West Java city and plans to establish a Shariah police force there.
"Give us time to study this," Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said in Jakarta on Wednesday. "I have already asked the ministry secretary general to summon the mayor of Tasikmalaya and the head of the local council to discuss this problem."
Tasikmalaya authorities raised eyebrows last month when they said they planned to form a Shariah police force for the city in order to implement bylaws issued in 2009 to promote conservative Islamic values.
The bylaws would prohibit women from going outside without headscarves and would bar men and women who were not married from being alone together. Officials have previously passed bylaws penalizing homosexuality, alcohol use, witchcraft, pornography and abortion.
Gamawan said he needed time to study the case before making any conclusions. "If the rules of one religion are to be applied to the general public, then they should be reviewed first," he said.
The bylaws have been condemned by Islamic leaders, politicians and residents.
Hasyim Widhiarto and Fikri Zaki Muhammadi, Expose Although they differ from the Freemasons, the secret society frequently linked by conspiracy theorists to the rise of the United States as superpower ruling the world, the Rabithah Allawiyah has played a significant role in shaping Indonesia, in a clandestine way, as an organization reserved for those claiming to be the descendents of Prophet Muhammad.
For almost a century, the ethnic Arab community in Indonesia has relied on the this exclusive organization to help them keep track of relatives and preserve their prestigious lineage as descendants of the Prophet Muhammad.
Established in 1928 in Jakarta, with the approval of the Dutch colonial administration, the Rabithah Allawiyah has become the only formal organization that has received a mandate from the country's Arab community to coordinate their social activities and maintain their official genealogies. Allawiyyin, or Bani Alawi, is a term used to refer the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, the messenger of the Islamic teachings.
A male member, whose recorded family tree has passed the organization's verification process, will be granted the privilege to use the honorific title Habib, or "beloved", in front of his name to signify his direct lineage with the Prophet.
According to Habib Abdurrahman Assegaf an influential Allawiyin cleric and the coordinator of the Indonesian Muslim Movement (GUII), an organization that is concerned with eradicating "cult" teachings in Indonesia only 1 million of between 6 and 7 millions members of the Allawiyin clan in Indonesia have their family tree registered and verified with Rabithah Alawiyah.
"That happens because most of them did not report changes in family relationship, especially in marriages and births, for years, or even decades," said Abdurrahman.
"So it's hard for them to keep a complete picture of their family tree and trace their lineage back to the Prophet," he said.
As the holy family has expanded extensively in terms of numbers and professional occupations, the organization has inevitably seen figures with totally different backgrounds sitting on its management.
Prominent figures on the organization's advisory boards include Rizieq Shihab, the leader of the hard-line Islam Defenders Front (FPI), Social Affairs Minister and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) senior politician Salim Segaf Aljufri, and prominent lawyer Mohamad Assegaf.
Abdurrahman, however, admitted that the organization had been played a primarily coordinating role instead of an authoritative one, since the Allawiyin believe some personal choices should be left untouched.
"The Prophet's descendants have spread Islamic teachings in various ways; by becoming politicians or teachers, while several others work with the so-called 'hard-line' organizations," he said.
"We truly respect their choices because every person has a way he or she believes is most effective to disseminate our teachings."
Rabithah Alawiyah has maintained a network of Koran recital groups across the country, facilitated the establishment of a number of schools and education institutions, as well as provided scholarships for poor students.
Last year, the organization also established the Association of Allawiyin Businesspeople and Professionals to expand business networks among entrepreneurs of Arab descent and to open business opportunities for community's youth.
Rabithah Alawiyah coordinates more than 30 branches across the country, from their headquarters in the five-story Rabithah Building on Jl. Simatupang, South Jakarta.
Rabithah Alawiyah's deputy secretary, Muhammad Ghazi Alaidrus, declined requests for an interview about the organization, which continues to operate outside of the public view.
Expose Despite the inconvenience of the chaotic traffic jams that their mass prayers create, sermon groups led by clerics claiming to be descendants of Prophet Muhammad are gaining popularity among moderate Muslim youths in Jakarta and top politicians. The Jakarta Post's Hasyim Widhiarto and Fikri Zaki Muhammadi explore the issue. Here are the stories:
Habib sermon groups have a distinctive feature that sets them apart from the others: They block roads to accommodate their audiences at the expense of motorists caught in traffic congestion that usually lasts for more than four hours.
Their leaders usually don Yemeni-style clothes and turbans, and attendees invariably come in big groups by motorcycle or bus, carrying flags depicting the name of their sermon group in Arabic.
Many members of the public often mistake them for members of the hard-line Islam Defenders Front (FPI) bent on violence. But these sermon groups are far from the radicals that their attributes would have people believe.
There is, for example, no segregation between men and women during sermons, as can be seen in the absence of any partition separating the sexes during sermons. And it is common to see a married couple holding hands while listening to the sermon.
The clerics, who prefer to stay out of the limelight that mainstream preachers crave, usually discuss topics related to Prophet Muhammad's deeds or the story of the Nine Holy Preachers, known locally as Wali Songo, who spread Islam in Java.
With the ability to gather thousands of participants, many politicians and high-ranking government officials regularly attended such sermons, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo and National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo.
In the past several years, Jakarta has seen a rise in sermon groups led by young and charismatic clerics of Arab descent, who claim to be descendants of the Prophet.
Pioneering the trend is Yemen-educated cleric Munzir Almusawa, 39, with his flagship Majelis Rasulullah sermon group. Established in 1998, Majelis Rasulullah, literally meaning Prophet's Assembly, is the biggest with more than 50,000 loyal followers.
The group currently organizes two weekly sermons every Monday night, which used to be held at Al-Munawwar mosque in Pancoran, South Jakarta, and Thursday night at Dalail Khoirot Hall in Kebayoran Lama, South Jakarta. This Monday's sermon, however, was been relocated to the National Monument Square in Central Jakarta to accommodate more participants.
"I haven't missed a weekly sermon in the last four years, and I definitely don't want to miss this one," Muhaimin, 32, a resident of Warakas, North Jakarta, said on May 7. "I usually bring my wife and children too, but today I didn't have time to pick them up as I was a bit late in leaving my office."
Although the sermon was scheduled to start at 8 p.m., Muhaimin, however, was not the only one to show up early. Thousands of people, mostly teenagers, crowed the square's south side, where a concert-size stage, equipped with high-tech and powerful lighting and sound system, stood in the middle of the crowd.
Two dozen giant projector screens were installed around the square to enable participants sitting far from the stage to see Munzir's facial expressions.
Yudhoyono and several of his ministers attended Munzir's sermon on Feb. 5. Yudhoyono was also a regular participant of a similar sermon group, Nurul Musthofa, which was set up two years after Majelis Rasulullah.
The President's last attendance was on Feb. 29, a few weeks before the group's leader, Hasan bin Ja'far Assegaf, 35, was accused of molesting underage male students. While the case is still being investigated by the Jakarta Police, Hasan has repeatedly denied the allegation.
Nurul Musthofa claims to have about 50,000 followers. The huge number of followers may in part be due to the cleric claiming direct lineage to Prophet. Clerics use the title Habib, meaning "beloved", before their names to indicate their direct lineage to the Prophet.
There is also speculation that intelligence agents are behind the forming of such sermon groups in a bid to counter radical groups, and that they help them garner supporters and funds over a very short period.
National Counterterrorism Agency chairman Brig. Gen. (ret) Ansyaad Mbai has not denied his agency's engagement with such groups. "We've indirect links with such groups because we have a similar mission to fight radical Islam," said Ansyaad, refusing to comment further.
Indonesia, the world's largest predominantly Muslim country, has seen growing radicalism over the past couple of years that has regularly ignited violence. Intelligence agents have taken various measures to prevent the threat by "facilitating" moderate Muslim groups to compete with radical ones in luring supporters.
Majelis Rasulullah's event coordinator and Munzir's close aide, Syukron Makmun, denies that the group is a product of engineering. He said the group's success had not been achieved overnight, and that it took several years to finally come up with the concert-style sermon after running it as a small, door-to-door activity.
"When Habib Munzir started his preaching activities in 1998, the way he ran the sermon was actually no different from what other clerics of Arab descent did here," he said.
"What makes him different is his focus on finding ways to attract teenagers to learn about Islam, since he believes they have abundant spirit and potentials to be actively involved in spreading the teachings."
In terms of financing, according to Syukron, the group relies on donations from sermon attendees. "Habib Munzir makes money through a family-owned plantation in Bogor, West Java," Syukron said.
The group also sells various items, such as jackets, shirts, DVDs and large posters of Munzir, allowing followers, about half of them teenagers, to share a common identity and attributes with each other.
"Many participants, especially students and those in their 20s, told me that it was Habib's youth and charisma that prompted them to join our congregation. I also heard some female teenagers say they attended sermons because of Habib's good looks," he said. Munzir could not be reached for comment as he was recovering from brain inflammation.
Majelis Rasullulah's success story has inspired Nurul Musthofa to try a similar recipe.
"We only use the best quality sound system for our sermons. It costs a lot but it's totally worth it as all participants can enjoy the opening hadrah performance and clearly hear what Habib [Hasan] says," Nurul Musthofa's spokesman Abdulrahman said. Hasan's supporters are also mostly teenagers, according to Abdulrahman.
"Many people are interested in learning about Islam from Habib Hasan because of his charisma," Abdulrahman said, adding that funding for the group's activities came entirely from donations. He also denied that the sermons often created traffic congestion, saying: "Jakarta's traffic has always been crowded, with or without our sermons."
In response to the phenomenon, University of Indonesia historian J.J. Rizal said residents of Greater Jakarta had no strong historical attachment to clerics of Arab descent because the influence of local clerics was relatively more dominant during the spread of Islamic teachings in the city in the past few centuries.
However, Rizal said the mushrooming of sermon groups managed by clerics of Arab descent was probably a result of the absence of a new generation of influential Betawi clerics.
"Since cleric Zainuddin MZ died last year, native Jakartans currently have no influential Muslim figure to identify with," he said, referring to the Jakarta-born cleric who was known as the "one-million-follower preacher".
Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) chairman Lutfi Hakim said the groups had easily gained fame as they were able to accommodate the catharsis needs of teenagers. "Sorry to say, but I think most teenagers enjoy riding without helmets in motorcycle convoys to sermons more than listening to the preaching," Lutfi said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Residents of Tulungagung, East Java, have spoken out against a plan for military exercises in the area, claiming that they own the land and that the drills will disrupt their daily activities and even put their lives at risk.
Eva Kusuma Sundari, a lawmaker representing the area, said in Jakarta on Monday that people living there demanded the Military (TNI) cancel the plan.
East Java territorial command Brawijaya has started preparations for the drill, which is scheduled for today until Friday.
Residents received notification from the local military commander stating that the training would be held in two plantations near densely-populated areas in Kaligentong and Kalidawir. The military exercise is the second in the area, following drills in May.
In the past, such disputes over land have sparked violent conflicts with local communities. In the Pasuruan, East Java, Navy personnel shot and killed four residents during a land dispute demonstration in 2007.
The Military has controlled or rented about 2,500 square kilometers of land for more than half a century, and recently acknowledged not having appropriate permits for about 90 percent of it.
Ezra Sihite A special legislative committee deliberating amendments to the regional governance and villages laws is set to embark on study trips to four countries, drawing the ire of budget watchdogs who criticized the move as wasteful and useless.
A.W. Thalib, a member of the House of Representatives' special committee, confirmed on Tuesday that two groups of legislators working on the villages law would be headed to Venezuela and China next month for a week each. He added that legislators working on the regional governance law would go to Germany and Japan in September.
He insisted the trips were necessary to help the committee finalize the amendments, and he cited Venezuela and China as ideal case studies for the villages bill because of their largely agrarian societies and strong rural administration.
"There's a lot we intend to glean from these visits, which will serve as input for our future deliberations on the amendments with the government," he said.
Abdul Malik Haramain, a committee member from the National Awakening Party (PKB), said the group going to China would visit Huaxi, reportedly the richest village in the country.
"China has been successful in developing its villages, and we want to see how a village that was once poor can become rich and modern," he said. "We want to find out how they run the village, what authorities they have, how the village administration and development systems work."
However, budget watchdogs have called into question the effectiveness of such visits, particularly in light of the high cost.
Uchok Sky Khadafi, advocacy coordinator for the Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), estimated the four visits would cost a combined Rp 2.1 billion ($223,000) at the very least, with the Venezuela trip the most expensive at Rp 83 million per person.
"We don't believe it's necessary for the legislators to go abroad to learn about running villages and regional administrations," he said. "Cultural values are different in each country. They should be studying the villages in their own constituencies."
Ezra Sihite House Speaker Marzuki Alie said on Tuesday he was prepared to swear in the name of God as well as perform a "sumpah pocong" (death oath) to deny the allegation that he took Rp 300 billion ($32 million) in bribes from a large regional infrastructure development project.
"I'll swear in the name of God, let me be cursed for seven generations, if necessary "dipocong" in front of an Indonesian ulemah (cleric) to make it a sacred [oath]," Marzuki said.
"Sumpah pocong" is a Muslim ritual known as an ultimate oath, where a person is wrapped in a white burial shroud as they swear their innocence.
Wa Ode Nurhayati, a lawmaker from the National Mandate Party, made the accusation against Marzuki when she was indicted at the Jakarta Anti- Corruption Court last week.
"Based on data given by Nando, who was on the Budget Committee expert staff, the House Speaker was code-named 'K' and was given Rp 300 billion. Deputy speakers and [budget committee] leaders got Rp 250 billion each," she said. The total budget for the regional infrastructure development project was Rp 7.7 trillion for 126 regions.
Marzuki, who earlier said that Wa Ode made the allegation like a "drunk," demanded Wa Ode provide details of her allegations including who gave him [Marzuki] the money, the location and method of the bribe, the goal of the bribe as well as how he was involved in the case.
"That is to prevent our nation from being occupied with defamation that will waste my time," he said. "Meanwhile, I have to work because many people need to be helped."
Jakarta What was planned as a discussion on what women voters want from their future governor turned into a monologue, with none of Jakarta's gubernatorial candidates attending an event held at the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) on Thursday.
Initiated by nine organizations, including the Women's Institute, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS), the Indonesian Women's Coalition, activists from rape survivors group the Lentera Indonesia Foundation and Peace Women Across the Globe (PWAG) Indonesia, the event aimed to understand the candidates' perspectives, since none of them had prioritized women's issues in their campaign promises.
"Jakarta's women population is higher than men's and women are more likely to vote. We want to know their opinion on women's issues before we vote," said Nia Syarifuddin of the Bhinneka Tunggal Ika National Alliance (ANBTI), regretting that only Basuki "Ahok" Tjahaja Purnama, running mate of Surakarta Mayor Joko "Jokowi" Widodo, was in attendance.
Komnas Perempuan chairperson Yuniyanti Chuzaifah pointed to several women's issues, ranging from the state's responsibility toward victims of violent political riots in 1965 and 1998 to current problems in the city, like sexual violence, layoffs, domestic workers and evictions.
"Jakarta, as a model of other cities in Indonesia, should be a gender friendly city," she said, adding that the number of violent incidents against women in private and public areas was still high.
Other activists mentioned environment, education and health issues that were usually not covered well in the city because of the administration's lack of commitment.
Ahok said that, if elected, he would implement a network system used by his administration when he was a regent in East Belitung.
"I will give my private cellphone number to everyone and optimize communication with neighborhood unit leaders to monitor the residents," he said, adding that he knew all about people's problems, including domestic violence, from complaints received through his phone.
Ahok, taking the chance to approach voters, said that taking care of Jakarta was not difficult because the city had all the money and human resources to improve the live of its citizens. (cor)
Lenny Tristia Tambun As the Jakarta elections draws closer, the campaign of gubernatorial candidate Hidayat Nur Wahid and his running mate Didik J. Rachbini has been hit by allegations of fraud.
Hidayat, who is backed by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), is one of six candidates looking to contest the post of Jakarta governor on July 11. PKS, however, faces allegations that a staff member on Hidayat's campaign team is deceiving vendors who have been contracted to supply campaign paraphernalia for the candidate.
The person, identified only as M.S., is alleged to have defrauded seven vendors in the procurement of campaign paraphernalia. Hidayat's campaign manager Triwisaksana insisted that no one with the initials M.S. was in his campaign team.
"I would like to stress that M.S. is not part of the campaign team," he said in Jakarta on Saturday. He said the complaints lodged by the seven vendors had hurt the PKS and that the party had asked one of its legislators, Nasrullah, who is in charge of overseeing the process to procure campaign paraphernalia, to file a police report on M.S.
"We regret that this deception took place, especially since the tender for campaign paraphernalia procurement involves a huge amount of money," Triwisaksana said. "I know M.S., but he is not a member of the campaign team. Therefore, his actions are fully his own responsibility as an individual. He plays no role in the campaign team."
Triwisaksana added that all procurement and transactions with third parties always involved Nasrullah and that Nasrullah claimed he did not know anything about M.S.'s actions. "M.S. acted alone. He forged signatures, used false stamps and even used the wrong PKS office address," he said.
Nasrullah said several parties continued to insist that M.S. was part of Hidayat's campaign team even after the party explained the irregularities they found in the working contracts signed between MS and the vendors.
"Earlier, two other businessmen contacted me to clarify the contract they signed with M.S. They were relieved after I explained that I never placed the order because they realized they were in danger of falling victims to a scam," Nasrullah said.
He said he had filed a report on M.S. with the Jakarta Police on Thursday after receiving reports from seven other vendors who provided campaign paraphernalia for Hidayat and Didik.
The official campaign period for the Jakarta election runs from June 25 to July 7.
Ronna Nirmala The Head of Jakarta's Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu Jakarta) said on Tuesday that they will forbid the use of the campaign slogan "Jakarta Free of Mustache" coined by gubernatorial candidate pair Hendardji Soepandji and Riza Patria.
Jakarta's current mustached governor Fauzi Bowo (also known as Foke) and his deputy candidate Nachrowi Ramli complained to Panwaslu about Hendardji and Riza's slogan, saying it unfairly associated Fauzi's iconic mustache with slums and poverty.
Ramdansyah, the head of Panwaslu Jakarta said the slogan could not be used until Fauzi and the challengers came to an understanding. "Because [the problem] between the two candidate pairs has not solved, it can not be used during the campaign," Ramdansyah said.
Fauzi's famous facial hair might be coming back to bite him in the 2007 gubernatorial election, Foke used the slogan "Punch on His Mustache," as a clever means of asking voters to select Fauzi by perforating his mustache on his picture on the ballot card.
For their slogan, the Hendardji team explained that they were using Kumis, the Indonesian word for mustache, as a contraction of Kumuh (Slum) and Miskin (Poverty). In other campaign adds, the pair used the slogan "Jakarta Doesn't Need Kumis."
Responding to that advertisement, Fauzi tried to spin his mustache back in his favor, saying "with [this] mustache as a style, let's eradicate slums and poverty in Jakarta."
Six pairs of governor-deputy governors candidates will join the campaign starting this coming Sunday. South Sumatra Governor Alex Noerdin is the only other candidate besides Foke currently sporting a mustache.
Damiana Ningsih Simanjuntak The Minister of Industry on Tuesday said that the government has no plan to curb the production of local vehicles, despite admitting that traffic jams are a persistent problem.
"I would not curb automotive production," Industry Minister MS Hidayat said. "I've told the president that I instead want to support the production, including pushing ahead exports in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. The automotive industry is a prioritized sector in the national industry policy."
He said that the government plans to develop full manufacturing vehicle production capabilities, including design, engineering and production of local components. Hidayat estimated that by 2013, national car production could reach 1 million units.
Hidayat said that traffic jams were not caused by the number of vehicles on road, but were instead attributable to limited road infrastructure. He blamed the long process for land appropriation delaying needed road projects as one of the primary culprits for poor infrastructure.
He also blamed bad traffic management for causing traffic jams in many big Indonesian cities. "It causes chaotic traffic," Hidayat said. "So, don't blame the national car production."
Agustiyanti State expenditure until May 23 of this year had only reached Rp 400 trillion ($42.4 billion), or just 27.9 percent of the year's target, data from the Finance Ministry showed on Monday.
Capital expenditure realization was also at only 15 percent, or Rp 28.2 trillion, from the total targeted capital expenditure for this year of Rp 188 trillion.
The data showed that state spending so far was largest in the social sector at Rp 20.7 trillion, or 43.3 percent of the total for 2012, at Rp 47.8 trillion. Spending on state personnel had reached Rp 72.6 trillion, or 33.6 percent of the total target of Rp 215.9 trillion for this year.
Energy subsidies disbursed were at Rp 45.5 trillion, or 27 percent of the total allocation for this year, which stands at Rp 168.6 trillion. Fuel subsidies disbursement accounted for Rp 30.5 trillion, or 26.7 percent of the year's allocation, while for electricity it was Rp 14.9 trillion, about 33.9 percent of the total budgeted for 2012.
Agus Supriyanto, the Finance Ministry's director general for treasury, said the fuel subsidy realization only showed what the government had so far paid to state oil and gas company Pertamina.
"This is the realization of what has been paid to Pertamina, but there are some [subsidies] that Pertamina has advanced first but has yet to claim," he said, explaining that actual government spending on subsidized fuel might be higher.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called on Monday for a closer partnership between governments and the business community to stimulate the global economy during the lingering economic crisis still gripping many nations.
"We in government, no matter how hard we try, cannot possibly achieve global economic recovery by ourselves. Our partnership with the business community is a must it is no longer a choice," Yudhoyono told the B20, a summit of global corporate leaders, at the margin of this week's G20 meeting in Los Cabos, Mexico.
He said the meeting was being held at a time of uncertainty in the global economy, especially as the mood of many nations is tinged with pessimism. He cited growth projections by various international financial institutions that continued to show slowing global economic growth.
"Let us join hands and seize every opportunity for creating wealth for ourselves and for future generations. Let us coordinate our efforts to stimulate the global economy. And let us work together to create employment that is highly needed by peoples all over the world," Yudhoyono said in the speech, a copy of which was obtained by the Jakarta Globe.
Yudhoyono reminded the world that opportunities were particularly abundant in emerging economies, and encouraged everyone to realize that growth potential. "Indeed, overall, the emerging economies have done reasonably well in recent years, maintaining some degree of resilience that was helpful to the global economy," he said.
He also pointed out that there was an interesting trend among emerging economies the rise of diplomatic, economic, corporate confidence, for example.
"This confidence is a precious thing, but like any other psychological phenomenon, it is not permanent. Emerging economies must not take this rare surge of confidence for granted, and just as we earned its coming, we must also earn to keep it going as long as possible in the years ahead," he said.
Yudhoyono said the world was now facing problems that were increasingly complex and interlinked, and which offered no easy solutions or short cuts.
"In the face of growing uncertainty and tougher times, governments and businesses need to work even closer together. This is no time for divergence and mistrust," Yudhoyono urged. He said that countries and businesses also needed to pool resources. He said the business community had the capacity to anticipate problems arising from government policies from a practical point of view, while governments have the authority to devise policies and strategies that affect businesses and general public.
"We must pursue joint advocacy in order to achieve greater impact," he said, adding that it was important for our people to be informed what their government is doing at the G20 and what businesses are doing in the B20 so as to gain the public's confidence and support.
Speaking for Indonesia, Yudhoyono said that with a more resilient economy, its growth was estimated to reach 6.5 percent this year. "But today, our export volume is increasingly affected by the weak global economic recovery," he said.
He aired optimism that the country will be able to weather another global downturn, saying that political stability, prudent fiscal policies and a commitment to inclusive economic growth will serve the country well.
"As we strive to maintain this momentum, we are very conscious of the need to avoid protectionism, and we realize that we need to promote openness not only in investment, but also in trade," Yudhoyono vowed.
He aired hope that European countries will reach an agreement on vigorous measures to manage the crisis in their region. "The absence of such measures will have an unsettling consequence to all of us," he added.
He also said that another factor contributing to global instability was the tense situation in the Middle-East. "If these tensions persist, they can cause oil prices to rise even higher, thereby severely affecting oil- dependent nations worldwide. Currently, the price of oil is on a downward trend, however, we cannot be sure that it will remain that way,"
He said that soaring oil prices will pose a grave threat to global stability, slowing down economic growth, reducing production and inflicting recessions.
Yudhoyono said that at the G20 Summit, he will make a strong case for Multilateral Development Banks playing a key role in support of efforts to improve the global economy.
"They can help by diversifying sources of funding through greater use of credit enhancement and partial risk guarantees. Beyond mobilizing financing, they can provide recommendations to help developing countries overcome constraints, involve the private sector and develop well-advised projects priorities," he concluded.
Oei Eng Goan The absence of Anas Urbaningrum at the meeting of the Communication Forum of the Democratic Party's founders held in Jakarta last Wednesday has raised public speculation that his position as the party's general chairman is in deep trouble following allegations of his involvement in a major graft scandal.
People questioned why the chairman of the ruling party was not present at such an important meeting, which was attended by hundreds of party dignitaries, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
No explanation was given by party officials concerning Anas' absence except a ludicrous statement that Anas might not have received the invitation to the meeting. Funnier still, not even a single picture of the chairman was on display at the meeting, which was held at the convention hall of Grand Sahid Jaya Hotel.
Nor did Anas turn up at the meeting of party officials held at Yudhoyono's Cikeas private residence a day earlier.
The meeting of the forum known as FKPD was aimed at repairing the party's image, which has been damaged by trillions of rupiah worth of graft scandals connected to the construction of the athletes' village for last year's Southeast Asian Games in Palembang, the Hambalang sports center in Bogor and procurement of equipment for several state-run universities.
Muhammad Nazaruddin is the party's former treasurer and now a convicted corruptor. In his defense statement before an anticorruption court in Jakarta last December, he said Anas and other Democratic lawmakers Mirwan Amir, Ignatius Mulyono, Angelina Sondakh and Andi Mallarangeng were implicated in the scandals.
Despite their denials and the fact that Nazaruddin's accusations have yet to be proven in court, public sympathy and support for the party has declined sharply, as shown by recent opinion polls. This grim fact has prompted Yudhoyono to call for troubled party members to step down.
Although Yudhoyono did not mention any names at last week's meeting, political analysts said it was a hint to Anas to voluntarily resign from the chairmanship. Many Democrats believe Anas' resignation will restore the party's reputation and boost its electability, especially now that the 2014 presidential election is drawing ever closer.
Even though Yudhoyono, who will have already served two terms, will not be allowed to run again, Democrats want to see their party retain the upper hand in the political scene. How these corruption cases develop will be critical in that regard, as all indications are showing that they have already taken a major toll on how the party is perceived by the general public.
Anas, however, has strong support from regional and district party leaders across Indonesia, thanks to his lobbying skills. Unless he is found guilty of wrongdoing, he cannot be replaced or forced to resign until his tenure expires in 2015, in line with the party's statutes.
In an apparent attempt to counter party dignitaries' efforts to isolate him from the inner circle of power, Anas held a meeting with his supporters within the party at his residence on the same day of the FKPD, according to a report by Tempo released on Friday.
It does not take a genius to conclude that the move by Anas was meant to demonstrate his influence in the party and show he had an ace up his sleeve, which he will reveal when he is cornered by those who are against his chairmanship.
The ace, according to political observers, is Edhie "Ibas" Baskoro, the president's youngest son and the party secretary general, who has a close relationship with Anas and who might also be involved in corruption.
Many believe that until the graft cases implicating Democrat officials are cleared, the political storm currently wracking the party will continue unabated, distancing it further and further from its sympathizers.
Riwanto Tirtosudarmo, Jakarta The problem confronted by Papua, the easternmost province of Indonesia, is structural, rather than developmental as perceived by the current government.
The creation of the Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) was also based on an assumption that Papua suffered from developmental neglect and that its development should be accelerated to solve the problem.
Such a technocratic view was proved to be wrong as shown by the collapse of the Soeharto regime that was built on the "developmentalist" ideology.
Last week, I had a chance to visit Jayapura, Merauke and Boven Digoel, observing and talking with some experts and ordinary people about the latest developments in Papua. My visit coincided with daily mysterious shooting incidents, mostly in Jayapura Intentionally or unintentionally, these random acts of violence looked to be perpetrated to create a specter of terror that would contribute to a climate of fear that has long characterized Papuan society.
Political relations between the center and the periphery are an old problem in this country. Following the end of Soeharto regime in 1998, the format of center-periphery relations was renewed with bigger autonomy given to regional governments. But the horror of disintegration, particularly among the military elites, was the reason for a halfhearted decentralization policy, as autonomy is given to the regency/municipality rather the provincial level of government.
Apart from this problematic decentralization, the post-Soeharto era was also marked by the Timor Leste partition in 1999, and a peace agreement in the rebellious province of Aceh in 2005. After Timor Leste and Aceh, Papua is now seen as the main problem of center-periphery relations in the republic. Armed rebels grouped under the Free Papua Organization (OPM) radically call for a separation from Indonesia.
Some argue that a healthy dialogue is urgently needed between Papuans and the central government in order to address the intractable tension and conflict in the province. Dialogue is important but I would argue that it will not be sufficient. Apart from the immediate problem of representation, a dialogue assumes the presence of two opposite but equal parties. Such an assumption is unlikely to be accepted by the Indonesian government.
As the basic issues in Papua are structural rather developmental, I would argue that a new perspective should be proposed to resolve the problem in Papua. From a structural perspective, the problem of Papua is not unique. By seeing Papua's problems as Indonesia's problems we look at the solution to Papua as a solution for the whole of Indonesia without any exception.
A structural perspective views the problem of the society as a result of structural injustices emanating from continuing economic and political inequalities between the center and periphery. The central government's policies toward Papua have officially changed in the guise of special autonomy, yet the structural injustices persist.
These injustices are a problem facing not only Papuans but the majority of Indonesian citizens. Structural injustices are rooted in the wrong assumption in the Constitution that the state will unquestionably take care of the life of its citizens, but in reality we continue witnessing the state's failure to protect its citizens from violence and the abuse of power.
What is currently happening in Papua is only a reflection of the state's failure to resolve the continuing problem of structural injustices in this country. The difference between Papua and other places in Indonesia, including in the capital city of Jakarta, is just a matter of the degree of violence. In Papua the level of violence is higher than that in other places as the latest string of fatal shootings strongly indicated. The basic right of the Indonesian citizens to security protection from the state is simply violated. The climate of fear and the insecurities felt by ordinary citizens in Papua are growing unchecked.
From what I have witnessed, today, both sociologically and demographically, Papuans can no longer be divided into particular ethnic or racial groups. The movement of people, in and out-migration in Papua, has occurred for centuries. The latest population census (2010) clearly indicated the high level of in-migration into Papua.
Papua is in fact a pluralistic society, in which any attempt to distinguish between indigenous and migrants is becoming more futile. Every day, the number of people who move in and out of Papua is increasing as the number of daily flights and weekly ships obviously indicate. While certain Papuan elites and their organizations understandably try to reassert their claims about a pure Papuan identity, such a move runs counter to the reality.
Cities and urban areas in Papua have become the most pluralistic places, in which people from different social and economic backgrounds mingle and interact. In such urban settings, social tensions and conflicts normally occur, as people are competing for economic and political resources.
It is the constitutional duty of the state to protect its citizens from discrimination. Economic and political fairness should be the order of the day, where the state has to act as an impartial referee when tensions and conflicts arise between different groups and people in society. Yet as we are witnessing these days in Papua, the Constitution, which mandates the state to protect all its citizens, is simply being violated.