International Women's Day 2012
International Women's Day 2012
Jakarta The proposed banning of mini-skirts in an around the House of Representatives (DPR) was one of the issues taken up in an action commemorating International Women's Day in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta on Thursday.
"It's not the skirt that's mini, but your mind that's mini", read one of the banners brought by the Women's Justice Forum (Forum Keadilan Perempuan, FKP).
"People still have a patriarchal thinking, believing that if a person wears revealing clothing they want to be raped. This is a patriarchal thinking that has to be exposed", said FKP spokesperson Iswarini.
According to Iswarini, many women who are not wearing a mini-skirt have also been raped, even those wearing a jilbab (veil) and concealing clothing. The protesters also stated that the state has failed to fulfill women's right to protection and security as mandated by the Indonesian constitution.
FKP citied data from the Jakarta Metro Jaya regional police, which recorded 68 cases of rape in the Greater Jakarta area in 2011.
The victims of rape potentially experience being raped seven times, by the perpetrator, society, the victim's associates, religion both institutionalised as well as individual, the police, the courts and the media.
Iswarini asserted that the state's role should be to protect women. "If this doesn't happen, then the state is neglecting the conditional mandate to provide as sense of security and protection to women", she said.
Iswarini also raised the issue of the regulations in the Criminal Code that classify rape as an immoral act that disturbs social order and security, not as an attack on the integrity of a woman's body.
"Regulations such as this ignore the importance of the mechanisms of protection, recovery and rehabilitation of the victims", said Iswarini. (M047)
Medan The commemoration of International Women's Day on March 8 was enlivened by a demonstration by scores of women in front of the North Sumatra Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) in Medan. The protesters said that women are still treated unjustly and subordinated in numerous ways.
The protesters, who came from the Women's Liberation Struggle Front (FPPP), called for an end to violence and sexual harassment against women.
Action coordinator Jumeida said that women are still treated as second- class citizens. One indication of this is that the state still does not give women the broadest possible access to jobs.
Jumeida also said that women invariably become the object of violence but the government has been unable to guarantee special protection for women.
Moreover the recent proposal to ban women wearing mini-skirts at the national House of Representatives gives the impression of undermining women's' rights as if what they wear can give rise to criminal acts. Yet, she added, women should have the right to be complete human beings.
"Women's expression [of themselves] should not be restricted", she asserted. Jumeida believes that the current enemy of women is the capitalists who attempt to curb women's rights.
Meanwhile, Syahfitri, a member of the North Sumatra DPRD Commission A and secretary of the women's empowerment caucus, attempted to hold a dialogue with the protesters. Syahfitri said that she herself as a member of the DPRD had never made any promises to the people.
Upon hearing this remark, the protesters refused to speak with Syahfitri saying that she is not competent to receive the aspirations of society.
The action, which continued for around five hours, resulted in the flow of traffic on Jl. Imam Bonjol becoming congested. Om-26
Danar Widiyanto, Yogya The ideals articulated during the momentum of International Women's Day (IWD), which is commemorated each year on March 8, totally contradict the reality of women's lives in Indonesia. Indonesian is also one of the few countries where the government fails to protect or provide welfare to women.
It is this phenomena that inspired scores of women from the Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Perempuan Indonesia, Gepari) in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta to hold an action demanding equality and welfare for women on Thursday March 8. The action began in the vicinity of the Abu Bakar parking area in Central Yogyakarta then proceeded to point zero at the central post office.
Action coordinator Fatum Ade said that every year IWD is commemorated in many countries, including Indonesia. But women are still oppressed and experience injustice in many sectors. Moreover the incidences of sexual violence and harassment that befall women are increasing day by day.
"Women are the one's who are most vulnerable to violence and injustice. Moreover policies in a number of sectors, particularly the workplace, do not provide any support to women. Many companies do not permit [women to take] leave for menstruation, pregnancy or giving birth. Sexual harassment in the work environment still continues to take place", she said.
The quality of women's lives, continued Ade, is increasingly constrained by discriminative government policies. One of these is rape as regulated under the Criminal Code, where there is still only one article under the chapter on morality. Yet rape is clearly a crime.
"The other government policy that will worsen the quality of women's lives is the planed fuel price hikes [in April]. This move will automatically give rise to oppression and poverty for low-waged workers and employees, the majority of which are women who will suffer even more", she explained.
Gepari is demanding that IWD be used as a momentum for the government to provide legal guarantees and protection for women. The group is also calling on the government to revoke discriminative regulations and policies.
"Women have the right to obtain equality and prosperity in various sectors. Including guarantees of education, healthcare and protection at work, as well as opportunities to be involved in politics", she asserted. (Aie)
Yogyakarta The commemoration of International Women's Day (IWD) in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on Thursday was marked by a protest action by hundreds of women from the Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Perempuan Indonesia, Gepari) voicing their demands on the grounds of the Yogyakarta Regional House of Representatives (DPRD).
The protesters said that the state has failed to protect and provide welfare to women. The indications of this can be seen from various things, from the numerous legal cases that have befallen women to the problem of low wages.
Action coordinator Fatum Ade said that although the number of women in parliament has increased, the enactment of laws that discriminate against women has grown in number. "Every year Women's Day is commemorated throughout the world. But in our country, women are still found that are victims of oppression and injustice", she said.
These conditions, which box women into a corner, are caused by a state that adheres to the capitalist system. There are many negative effects that in the end have to be shouldered by women such as violations against the right to leave for menstruation, pregnancy and giving birth.
"The capitalists take advantage of the situation to get women workers with low wages. They are also vulnerable to dismissals because women are not considered the main breadwinner [in the family]", she asserted.
When confronting the law, particularly in relation to cases of sexual violence, women are often boxed into a corner. Under the criminal code, rape is still covered in an article under the chapter on morality. Yet rape is clearly a crime.
"Meaning a rapist is considered as a person who acted immorally. Rape cases should be provided for under a separate chapter that contains articles and laws that are more explicit", she explained.
The action, which was joined by activists from a number of different groups, proceeded in an orderly manner. The demonstrators began the action at the Abu Bakar Ali Park then set off towards the central post office. There was little security apparent during the march and the flow of traffic in the Malioboro shopping area continued to flow smoothly. (Amelia Hapsari/CN34/JBSM)
Mahfudz Jufri, Palu Hundreds of people from the National Police Crisis Center for Violence against Women and Children (CC-Kapak) held a protest action commemorating International Women's Day on Thursday March 8. During the action, they presented a gift of 500 underpants to Central Sulawesi police chief Brigadier General Dewa Parsana.
The demonstration began with a long-march through the major thoroughfares of Palu city followed by an action at the Palu municipal police headquarters on Jl. Pemuda in the sub-district of East Palu. After giving speeches for around half-an-hour, they then marched to the Central Sulawesi municipal police headquarters on Jl. Sam Ratulangi, also in East Palu. There, the demonstrators were received by public information chief Police Commander Rostin and Palu District Police operational division chief Police Commander Sutrisno. "The chief of police cannot attend because there's a meeting, so Mr Sutrisno and I are here to represent him", said Rostin.
Shouts of anger ensued. A parcel contained 500 women's underpants with the words "To the honorable Mr Central Sulawesi Police Chief" was then handed over to Rostin and Sutrisno. In addition to those enclosed in the parcel, underpants of various colours were also hung from pieces of string.
Action coordinator Nurlela Lamasitudju said that the police often take cases of petty crimes to court. But when victims are women and children, "Strangely the cases are not acted upon", said Lamasitudju.
The protesters called on Parsana and Palu police chief Ahmad Ramadhan to be sacked. After handing over the parcel of underpants and giving speeches, the demonstrators disbanded in an orderly fashion. (try/nrl)
Jakarta The fact is that sexual violence against women often occurs in the workplace. Iswarini, the spokesperson for the Women's Justice Forum (Forum Keadilan Perempuan, FKP), says many women workers report being victims of sexual violence at work.
"Several said that they had to sleep with superiors if they wanted to be promoted, or there are even some whose underpants are examined to substantiate [if they are telling] the truth when they ask for menstrual leave", she said.
The worst thing is that not many victims of sexual harassment have the courage to report they cases to the appropriate party. "Only a few are brave enough to talk about it, and I'm sure there are still many more cases of sexual harassment that are not exposed because of the prejudices of the system", said Iswarini.
Thus in the context of International Women's Day, the FKP launched a demonstration with the theme "The state is complicit in the rape of women" at the State Palace in Central Jakarta on the morning of Thursday March 8.
"There are many things that cause a [culture] of 'silence' among victims of sexual violence, including the lack of impartiality in the legal system in Indonesia and our social outlook that still considers victims of sexual harassment as [people who are] immoral or soiled goods", said Iswarini.
Iswarini went on to say that 50 percent of incidents of sexual violence that are reported are rapes. "There were 400,939 cases of violence reported to police, 93,960 of these were sexual violence and 50 percent of these were cases of rape", she said.
According to Iswarini, socialisation to break open the silence of victims of sexual harassment needs to be conducted on a continuous basis in order to eliminate patriarchal views about women.
"To this day there is a perspective that women's bodies are an invitation to sexual harassment in our society, one of the concrete examples of this is the statement by [House of Representatives speaker] Marzuki Alie on mini-skirts not long ago", said Iswarini.
Holding a demonstration, according to Iswarini, is one of the most effective ways to overturn social awareness in order to develop a healthy view about sexual harassment against women.
"It's not a woman's body that is at fault when cases of sexual harassment occur, we want to see a future were women can walk the streets in safety even though they are wearing a mini-skirt", said Iswarini.
Oris Riswan Budiana, Bandung Around 60 women from the West Java Regional Women's Committee (KPR) celebrated International Women's Day in the West Java provincial capital of Bandung with a protest action on the grounds of the Gedung Sate building on Jl. Diponegoro.
During the action the protesters called for equality between men and women, saying that there are still many differences or discrimination that have to be accepted by women. They also demanding security guarantees from the government because there are still many incidents of sexual harassment against women.
"There are still man women who are being harassed. We demand safety wherever we may be", said KPR chairperson Nurbetty when sought out during a break in the action.
Nurbetty said that women want to be respected both by men and by the government. She hopes that the government will pay more concern to women, including women in the workplace. "Please respect us. And we hope that the government will care more about women in order to prevent discrimination against us", she asserted.
During the action, the protesters made six demands. These included, among others, calling for protection for women and working women, an end to violence and discrimination against women in the workplace and equality with a 40 percent quota for women in all public positions. (ors/ern)
Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta With this year's International Women's Day around the corner, women in this country continue to struggle in a male- dominated world and efforts to protect their rights have been met with opposition from conservative groups.
Data from the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) said that 119,107 cases of violence against women took place in 2011, up 13 percent from 105,103 in 2010.
The commission had collected data from 395 partner institutions in 30 provinces and found that sexual harassment against women was one of the biggest problems.
Komnas Perempuan recorded 4,335 cases of sexual harassment in 2011, of which 2,937 occurred in public spaces including public transportation vehicles. The commission recorded 1,751 sexual harassment cases in public spaces in 2010.
"The core problems in violence against women remain unsolved and they are the lack of understanding and appreciation among government officials and policy-makers of how to uphold women's rights and how to properly treat them when they become victims," the commission's chairperson Yuniyanti Chuzaifah said on Wednesday.
Yuniyanti's assessment of the conditions women face in the country appeared to have been vindicated earlier this week when the House of Representatives' households affairs body issued a regulation that bans female staff from wearing revealing attire, saying that the measure was taken to prevent immoral conduct.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie said that the regulation was intended to restore the image of the House by preventing sex scandals there. Marzuki also said that by weaing revealing clothing, women encouraged men to make advances on them.
Marzuki's statement echoed what Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo said late last year when responding to a series of rapes committed against female passengers on public transportation vehicles. Fauzi advised women against wearing provocative clothing while riding public transportation in order to avoid being raped.
Yuniyanti said that the statement was unfair because it placed the blame on victims of sexual violence, rather than the perpetrators.
Meanwhile, an effort to protect the rights of women by the Constitutional Court has been met with staunch opposition by a number of conservative outfits in the country.
Several Muslim groups including the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and Nahdlatul Ulama's Muslimat Women's Group have lashed out at the Constitutional Court's decision to guarantee that the civil rights of children born out of wedlock should be recognized by their biological father, saying that the ruling would only encourage adultery.
The MUI has said that the ruling could lead many to think that adultery was legal. Firebrand group Hizbut Tahrir condemned the ruling, saying that the court's decision was not based on sharia and could encourage adultery.
The Constitutional Court defended its decision on Wednesday in a press conference, saying that the decision was made to protect women from having to bear the burden of raising children, when men should also assume the same responsibility.
"Allowing men to shirk their responsibility would mean that the state is justifying legal injustice... against women who have to raise and educate their children," Constitutional Court judge Ahmad Fadlil Sumadi said.
Fadlil said that the ruling was clearly not an effort to legalize adultery, but a step toward upholding women's and children's rights.
Sita W. Dewi To mark International Women's Day on Thursday, human rights watchdog Amnesty International is calling on the Indonesian government to repeal a 2010 government regulation permitting "female circumcision".
The London-based organization also suggested that authorities help eliminate the practice by enacting specific legislation with appropriate penalties prohibiting all forms of female genital mutilation.
"We echo calls from over 130 national, regional and international organizations in 2011 to end the practice of female genital mutilation in Indonesia," Josef Roy Benedict, Amnesty International Secretariat's campaigner for Indonesia & Timor-Leste, said in a press release on Thursday.
In November 2010, the Health Ministry issued a regulation that legitimizes the practice of female genital mutilation and authorizes certain medical professionals, such as doctors, midwives and nurses, to perform it.
In a report by the pre-session working group in last November, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) Committee described the government regulation on "female circumcision" as a "setback in combating violence against women".
The committee asked the Indonesian government to explain the steps taken, to withdraw the regulation and to eliminate the re-emerging practice of female genital mutilation in Indonesia. Amnesty International pointed out that such practices inflict pain and suffering on women and girls, and "hence violates the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment."
The physical effects of female genital mutilation can include pain, shock, haemorrhage, damage to the organs surrounding the clitoris and labia, and infection, Amnesty International said.
Atmi Pertiwi, Jakarta Twenty or so women from the Women's Justice Forum (Forum Keadilan Perempuan, FKP) distributed around 500 stickers on busses and city public transport vehicles at the Kampung Rambutan bus terminal in East Jakarta on March 6. Written on the yellow stickers was, "Stop rape and sexual harassment".
The stickers are intended as part of a campaign demanding an end to sexual violence against women. The activists are calling on the government to be firm in fully investigating cases of sexual harassment and violence against women. "Cases of sexual violence such as the May 1998 [riots in Jakarta] have still not been explained to this day", said campaign field coordinator Dian Novita from the Free Women National Committee (KNPM).
Novita said that the campaign intentionally targeted the Kampung Rambutan bus terminal because it is one among several points for the departure of busses and city public transport vehicles to the outskirts of Jakarta. According to Novita, it is in the areas on the outskirts of Jakarta that most of cases of sexual violence have occurred on public transport vehicles.
Quoting from KNPM data, Novita said that there were 93,960 cases of sexual violence out of a total of 400,939 cases of reported violence. "Accordingly, every day there are 20 women who fall victim to sexual violence", said Novita.
The data also shows that rape is the most common type of sexual violence that is occurring, accounting for more than 50 percent of all documented cases or 4,845 cases. Last year alone, the Metro Jaya regional police recorded 68 cases of crimes involving rape.
Cases of rape on public transport vehicles meanwhile have occurred on at least six occasions in the last six months. One of these was the case of Livia Pavita Soelistio, a Bina Nusantara University student and R, a housewife from the Jakarta satellite city of Depok. "Unfortunately, to this day there is yet to be a full resolution of these cases", said Novita.
The sticker campaign is also being conducted in the lead up International Women's Day that falls on March 8. Tomorrow, they plan to conduct a sticker campaign in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta. "We will hand them out to drivers who pass in front of the Palace", said Novita.
Zely Ariane, in Jakarta This year's International Women's Day in Indonesia marks an increase in attacks on women. The upsurge in violence against women, particularly sexual violence, and recent government plans to raise fuel prices, threatens to burden all women, especially poor women. The Free Women National Committee (Komite Nasional Perempuan Mahardhika, KNPM) is a women's organisation that has been working to build a women's movement against all forms of oppression and exploitation caused by capitalism, patriarchy, and militarism. Fighting sexual harassment and economic policies that would further feminize poverty are an important part of the struggle for women's liberation in Indonesia.
Violence against women, particularly sexual violence, is not a new phenomenon. According to Vivi Widyawati, a leading member of the KNPM, it is a "silent violence", which with the exception of some women's organisations is rarely addressed by the left and social movements in Indonesia. It can happen on any day, in any place and any part of women's lives: from the home to the streets to the workplace, even in state institutions. Sexual violence is used as a political instrument in conflict-ridden areas such as Indonesia's northern-most province of Aceh and Papua, for the victimisation and stigmatisation of the (Communist Party aligned) Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerwani) by the Indonesian military government since 1965, the sexual violence against ethnic Chinese women during the 1998 riots in Jakarta, and as a tool of war during East Timor's independence struggle against the Indonesian state.
At the same time women see the least benefit from the average 6 percent growth rate of the Indonesian economy. It has had little impact on maternal mortality rates of around 320 per 100,000 births (still the highest in Asia) or on female illiteracy, which stands at 10.5 million women below the age of 15. It has also had little impact women's participation in school which rose by as little as one-fifth over 29 years. Eleven percent of women over 10 years have never been to school at all.
That is why women represent the majority of human trafficking victims in the sex industry where they work as 'comfort women' or prostitutes. Women also dominate the lowest skilled jobs, working in precarious, insecure, and exploited jobs, such as domestic helpers (inside and outside the country) or in the manufacturing industries (mostly garment, textile and electronics).
Between 1998 and 2010, the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) found that rape was the most commonly reported form of sexual violence. Out of 8,784 verified reports, 4,845 involved rape, and from 93,960 unverified reports, 70,115 involved sexual violence committed by close family members or acquaintances such as fathers, husbands, brothers, uncles, boyfriends and grandfathers.
Sexual violence against women has been highlighted this year following a number of rapes in public transportation vehicles. But this is "insignificant" compared with the actual number of women that become victims as violence against women remains poorly documented by the government and nationwide figures are unavailable. The only state supported institution that monitors gender-based violence is Komnas Perempuan, which has only one office in Jakarta. And we also know that under a patriarchal system and society, gender based violence, particularly sexual violence, is often hidden and discussion suppressed.
Indonesia has no legal provisions that criminalise sexual harassment. To this day, there have been no open public trials or serious attempts to look into politically motivated cases of rape and other sexual violence in conflict areas. Instead of locating the cause of this violence in the patriarchal and capitalist structure of society, or adopting a new criminal code covering sexual harassment that is free of gender bias, the state instead supported at least 154 discriminatory and anti-women regional bylaws in 2009, and an additional 35 by September 2010, that further legitimise the patriarchal policy of blaming the victim. Examples of these are sharia based bylaws enacted in Aceh and cities in West Java that define how women should dress and behave, and the 2008 Anti Pornography Law along with various "anti-prostitution" and "anti-alcoholic" regulations. These laws have put women into an even more precarious position and made it easier for them be to be blamed and become victims of sexual harassment.
That is why a political movement to fight against rape and denounce the tendency to blame the victim is so important. The KNPM is one of the leading organisations that specifically campaigns against blaming of victims of rapes and other forms of sexual violence. We also aim to expose the true motives for these acts and how they are rooted in a patriarchal culture that is maintained by capitalism. Sexual violence is rooted in a culture that places women in the position of inferior, second-class citizens and as and sexual objects. Capitalism maintains and even promotes these attitudes by the commodification of women's bodies. Examples of this are the flood of sexist advertisements in the mass media. These advertisements openly exploit women in order to increase profits for industries such as cosmetics, clothing, household goods, furniture and electronics. The sex industry, which degrades women even more, is also a capitalist industry.
On Sunday March 4, KNPM organised an action to protest against rape and other forms of sexual violence. Banners at the rally read: "From the home to the state women are raped", "The state ignores many sexual harassment cases" and "Don't blame the victims, resist, arrest and jail the rapists". The action was part of a series of activities in the run up to IWD on March 8. A number of different women's and LGBT groups also initiated the formation of the Women's Justice Forum (FKP) to promote the campaign.
The KNPM recently printed a booklet titled "The A-Z of Sexual Harassment, Resist and Report" as guide to understanding and defining the locus of sexual harassment, to help build women's confidence to resist it, and to know the existing legal mechanism to make a report. The KNPM also organised a series of discussions on sexual harassment together with the Cross Factory Labor Forum (FBLP) from the in the Cakung Industrial Zone, which has a majority female membership. According to a survey carried out by the FBLP and the KNPM last year, many women workers experienced different forms of sexual harassment in the Cakung area. This not something that comes from "the outside" and KNPM members and supporters have experienced sexual violence by men in many social and political organisations.
Some left-wing labour unions have recently called for a political response to IWD. Initially they wanted to organise a campaign for a wage rise, following a series of successful strikes by thousands of workers in economic zones in Bekasi, West Java, Tangerang and Banten Province. But after the government announced its plan to raise the fuel price on April 1, the alliance of workers agreed to prioritise this as the key issue for IWD.
The plan hit an obstacle however after an FBLP member from the KNPM suggested that the alliance emphasise the specific aspects of the women's struggle within this issue given that the mobilisation was to coincide with IWD. Despite being an obvious and simple suggestion, it was not taken up and it was clear that the importance of such an emphasis was not understood by most of the (male) leaders of the labour organisations who often remain ignorant of, or indifferent to non-labour related aspects of women's rights.
At least 38 percent of Indonesia's workforce is female and these women would obviously benefit from any wage rise. But wage rises are not automatically equal for men and women, nor do they contribute to a decrease in women's labour at home. Women are not considered primary wage-earners in the family since men are supposed to be the "the head of the family'. Seen as only secondary wage-earners, women are paid less and laid off more quickly than men. The fuel price hike will trigger inflation and put heavier burdens on women because they are the ones who take care of the family and manage household expenses. In many cases the husband does not really know about or even care how women manage the family's economy or cope with inflation. Demands for wage rises and affordable fuel prices in of itself do not contain specific aspects related to women's liberation. They only give a basis for women to struggle for more rights and liberate themselves. In a struggle limited to economic rights such as this, women need to raise demands specific to the women struggle otherwise the oppression of women in its many forms will be neglected.
An example of how to combine the struggle for economic rights and against the specific oppression of women was a protest action by one hundred FBLP members in front of the company PT. Woojen Busana on February 14. The activists demanded a wage rise, overtime pay, a reduction in working hours and called for a fight against verbal and physical sexual harassment in the factory.
While this was only a small contribution in the struggle for the rights and liberation of the millions of women in Indonesia, the FBLP action contributed to the education of its membership and gave a feminist colour to the trade union struggle. A feminist revolution is of course still a long way off, but if revolution is the way to liberate people from all forms of oppression and exploitation, ignoring or postponed women's demands is the same as postponing the revolution itself.
Viva International Women's Day 2012: More struggle, more equality, more happiness.
Jakarta The House of Representatives (DPR) and the government are still not paying attention to the fate of victims of rape and sexual harassment. Moreover the impression given by the DPR and government is that they are ignoring the problem even though year by year the incidents of rape and sexual harassment of women continue to increase.
This was conveyed by the Free Women National Committee (Komite Nasional Perempuan Mahardhika, KNPM) during a free speech action in the lead up to International Women's Day in Jakarta on Sunday March 4.
"Up until now, the government and parliament is still neglecting cases of rape and sexual harassment against women, it is even as if they are allowing it to happen", said action spokesperson Dian Novita. Yet, explained Novita, cases of sexual harassment and rape often occur in Indonesia and for women, this obviously makes them very anxious.
According to the KNPM's own records, there were 4,845 cases of rape and sexual harassment of women between 1998 and 2010. More than three quarters of these cases of sexual violence were perpetrated by people close to the victim such as fathers, husbands, older brothers, uncles, grandfathers and boyfriends.
"This makes us realise that even being with the people who are closest to us does not ensure that women can avoid incidents of sexual violence", she explained.
Moreover incidents of rape and the sexual harassment of women are not just occurring in places that are quiet but also in busy public locations. In addition to this, the perpetrators are diverse, from close relatives, public transport drivers, celebrities, government officials and politicians.
According to data from the Jakarta Metro Jaya regional police there has been an increase in rape cases on city public transport by as much as 13.33 percent. In 2010 there were around 60 cases, increasing to 68 cases in 2011.
In addition to this, Novita also gave the example of the Cakung Nusantara Bonded Zone (KBN) in North Jakarta, where the majority of workers are women, but there are frequent incidents of sexual harassment when women workers are traveling to and from work.
Moreover women often have to endure sexual harassment when they are attempting to find work or a good position in their offices. "These are only a few examples of the negative work environment that many women in Indonesia experience", she said.
Because of this, the KNPM will continue to call on the government and the DPR pay more attention to women's quality of life in the future. "In the context of commemorating International Women's Day, we will continue to call on the government and the DPR to address these issues", she asserted. (cr-14)
Jakarta International Women's Day (IWD) is commemorated every year on March 8. This afternoon, scores of demonstrators from the Free Women National Committee (Komite Nasional Perempuan Mahardhika, KNPM) held a free speech forum at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta.
The action, which was joined by scores of workers and women activists, took up the key issues that are yet to be resolved by the government such as women's battle against rape and sexual harassment in Indonesia.
Action spokesperson Dian Novita said that up until this day the state has neglected to resolve cases of rape and has allowed sexual harassment to continue unabated.
"President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) has neglected the resolution of rape cases, likewise the parliament (DPR, House of Representatives) has allowed sexual harassment against women to occur", Novita told journalists on Sunday March 4.
Moreover, Novita explained, the problem of violence that has become widespread of late has occurred because the state is also complicit in the rape of women.
Novita explained therefore that on March 8 Indonesian women will be ready to take to the streets. "We will go to the State Palace and convey a message to the administration of SBY and [Vice President] Boediono that the state is complicit in the rape of Indonesian women", she said.
On March 8, 1917, women in Russia were for the first time given the right to vote by the Russian government. It was this milestone that started commemorations by women throughout the world or International Women's Day.
In Indonesia meanwhile, we probably know Raden Ajeng Kartini as the milestone of upholding gender equality for women, which we usually commemorate as Indonesian Women's Day on April 21. [simon salakory]
Raden Ajeng Kartini was an Indonesian regent's daughter during the Dutch colonial period who, through her letters home, outlined her dreams of a better life for women. She died aged 25 a few days after giving birth to her first child. A variety of myths have made the original Kartini a nationalist hero and feminist symbol. Hari Kartini (Kartini Day) is a public holiday dedicated to the memory of the turn-of-the-century hero.
Edwin Firdaus, Jakarta Cases of rape and sexual harassment against women occur often and repeatedly in Indonesia.
These cases are not only ignored by the government, but also existing regulations, explained Free Women National Committee (Komite Nasional Perempuan Mahardhika, KNPM) public relations officer Dian Novita, which appear to not to support the prevention or resolution of cases that involve women.
Such as Article 285 of the Indonesian Criminal Code, which Novita says covers these cases in general but is still to narrow. As a consequence, rape cases are not prosecuted adequately.
"In Article 285 of the Criminal Code, rape is defined as only forced sexual intercourse, (the penetration of the sexual organs), nothing else, and because of this it creates difficulties in the prosecution of rape cases by law enforcement officials", Novita told Tribune News during a protest action at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta on Sunday March 4.
In addition to this, continued Novita, many regional regulations have sprung up that discriminate against women. This she continued shows that the government still regards sexual violence as something that occurs because it is the woman's fault.
"Because of this therefore, we will continue call on the state to take responsibility for this. We are also pushing for discriminative bylaws to be revoked", she said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono warned on Wednesday that security authorities would crack down hard on street protests against the planned fuel price hikes if they turned violent.
"The security authorities will be stern in their response if the protests in the country go beyond tolerable limits, turn anarchic, are destructive, break the law or are unconstitutional or harm other citizens," Yudhoyono said in his speech at the inauguration of the new headquarters of pharmaceutical company PT Tempo Scan Pacific.
Yudhoyono said that severe measures against violent protest would be important to maintain the security conditions conducive to economic growth.
"We need to prolong the current domestic situation that is conducive to improving our welfare. A peaceful country with a population feeling secure is the key to increase growth," he said.
Top security officials discussed plans earlier this week to deal with possible security problems that may result from planned mass rallies against the government's plan to hike fuel prices. The officials have also prepared steps to deal with any plot to topple Yudhoyono.
Democrat politicians have pointed the finger at the chairman of the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) Gen. (ret) Wiranto as the mastermind behind a putative unconstitutional transfer of power. Wiranto has categorically denied the allegations.
Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto said that efforts would also be taken to curb fuel hoarding ahead of April 1, when the government is expected to raise the price of fuel.
Djoko said that the police, the intelligence community and the Indonesian Military [TNI] had begun carrying out covert surveillance operations to deal with illegal stockpiling and smuggling.
The government is currently mulling two options aimed at preventing soaring global oil prices from further burdening the state budget. The options are to raise subsidized fuel prices by Rp 1,500 (16 US cents) per liter, or to limit the subsidies to Rp 2,000 per liter. At Rp 4,500, premium gasoline is currently subsidized by about Rp 3,500 per liter.
Meanwhile, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS) is questioning the government's plan to deploy troops at public rallies against the anticipated fuel price increases.
"The TNI is the nation's military and it should not be used as a means of dealing with members of the public expressing their criticism of government policies," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said in a press release on Tuesday.
Haris said that the government should have considered the likely public reactions to its plan to increase fuel prices, given that the policy would increase prices while the public, at the same time, would see no significant improvement in public services.
On Monday, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto invited top security officials to a meeting amid rumors that a massive rally would take place in the coming days and the unconfirmed reports about a plot to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Khairul Saleh, Palembang The government's plan to raise fuel prices continues to draw protests with the most recent coming from students in Palembang on Tuesday.
The protesters claimed to be members of the Students' League for Democracy (LMD) and the Indonesia Muslim Students Action Front (KAMMI). They demanded the executive and legislative branches slash the spending on government employment and goods, which currently constitutes 40 percent of the state budget.
"The government should be more efficient in its spending rather than raise the fuel prices in order to stabilize the economy, as the amount of funds allocated to government employment is fantastic," Bobby Sugara, a protester from KAMMI, said.
He said the fuel plan was unpopular and that it should be rejected because it was not in people's interests. "KAMMI South Sumatra is prepared to lead the way and demands that SBY (President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) steps down," he said.
The government is expected to raise the prices of subsidized fuel as of April 1, in which gasoline and diesel are likely to cost Rp 6,000 per liter, up from the current rate of Rp 4,500.
The protesters pointed out the need to step up the corruption-eradication program and to maximize the use of natural resources, especially gas and oil, for people's welfare. The LMD criticized the policy to link the hike in fuel prices with payments of direct cash assistance for the impoverished as a form of duping.
"The policy is degrading to people's dignity. It is not a solution to poverty because the financial assistance is only short-term. The government should instead improve public facilities, infrastructure and provide more jobs," a protester said.
The government plans to allocate Rp 25 trillion (US$2.75 billion) in direct cash assistance, known as BLT, to low-income people to soften the impact of the proposed hike in subsidized fuel prices.
In a separate development, authorities in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara were reported to have foiled attempts to smuggle thousands of liters of gasoline, diesel and kerosene to Timor Leste during the past week.
Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) is questioning the government's plan to deploy Indonesian Army (TNI) personnel to public rallies against the upcoming fuel price increases.
"TNI is the state's armament and must not be used as a means to deal with a public who expresses its criticism toward government policies," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said in a press release on Tuesday.
Haris said that the government should have considered public response to its plan to increase fuel prices as likely, given that the policy will increase prices while the public, at the same time, will see no significant improvement in public services.
On Monday, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto invited top security officials to a meeting amid rumors that a massive rally would take place in the coming days and an unconfirmed report about a plot to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
The government says it is deciding between two policies aimed at preventing soaring global oil prices from further burdening the state budget, which provides subsidies. The options are: To raise subsidized fuel prices by Rp 1,500 (16 US cents) per liter, or to limit subsidies to Rp 2,000 per liter. At a price of Rp 4,500 per liter, fuel is currently subsidized by about Rp 3,500 per liter.
The hike is expected to come into effect on April 1, pending revision of the 2012 state budget, which is currently being deliberated upon by the government and the House of Representatives.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam suggested that the Prosperous Justice Party leave the ruling coalition after the party rejected the government's plan to raise the price of subsidized fuel next month.
"PKS, don't be a traitor. They want to stay in the coalition, they have three ministers, but they keep criticizing [the government]. I say, PKS, be people of your words," Dipo said on Sunday, referring to the Islamic-based party by its initials.
With oil prices at $118 per barrel in February, up from $116 in January, the government warns that the budget shortfall could widen to 2.2 percent of the nation's gross domestic product this year, up from an original target of 1.5 percent of GDP.
The government is expected to raise the subsidized fuel price by 33 percent to Rp 6,000 (66 cents) per liter, a move that could save the state about Rp 31.6 trillion.
The second option would be to install a fixed subsidy of Rp 2,000 per liter of subsidized fuel. That would save about Rp 25.8 trillion.
Last week, PKS secretary general Anis Matta said his party had opted to reject the government's plan and proposed that it instead look for other options. "The problem lies in the government's fiscal management," Anis said, adding that reducing the fuel subsidy would largely burden Indonesia's poor.
Anis said the government should cut back on construction projects and eliminate potential state losses by putting a stop to inefficiencies and corruption. "Actually there is a lot that the government can do, like cutting back on other subsidies," he said.
Opposition parties the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) have also voiced their displeasure with the plan.
Gerindra deputy chairman Fadli Zon said Indonesia was not a capitalist country. "So based on the Constitution, fuel prices must not depend on the market's mechanism," he argued.
Gerindra called on the government to increase domestic fuel production to meet demand. "This way, international oil prices would not have any effect domestically," Fadli added.
PDI-P argues that the cutting of fuel subsidies by more than half in the last seven years was enough of a burden on motorists, without an additional price hike in April.
Dipo said it was understandable that as opposition parties, Gerindra and PDI-P rejected the government's plan. But as a coalition partner, PKS should have acted differently.
"If [PKS] wants to oppose the government, they should leave the coalition and withdraw their ministers. That is the way to go. Don't be a wuss," he said.
Dipo said the PKS should wait for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to officially present a proposal for the price hike before the House of Representatives, accusing PKS's early move to reject the unpopular plan as a way to improve its own image.
Other coalition members include Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Golkar Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Aside from the Democrats, other parties have not issued official stances on the planned hike.
Bagus BT Saragih and Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta The government has stepped up security and intelligence surveillance following rumors that massive rallies staged to protest fuel price hikes could be used as a pretext for a coup led by a former general.
Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam said that the government would take decisive measures to deal with any coup plot. "A coup is against the Constitution. We will crush it," he told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Dipo also said that the Army (TNI) and the National Police were solidly behind President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and that any efforts to mount a coup would come from outside their ranks.
"As far as I know, the military and the police are currently solid. If there are generals talking about a coup, I would guess they are bluffing," he said.
Late last week, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto confirmed the government had begun rolling out plans to anticipate a plot "to oust President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono before the end of his tenure in 2014". Djoko, however, declined to give details of the putative coup.
Earlier, Ramadhan Pohan, a senior lawmaker from the Democratic Party suggested that Gen. (ret) Wiranto, chairman of the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), was behind the moves to stage a coup against Yudhoyono by capitalizing on public anger over government plans to raise fuel prices.
The government is proposing two policy scenarios to avoid a ballooning state budget amid soaring global oil prices. The options are either to raise subsidized fuel prices by Rp 1,500 (16 US cents) a liter or to limit the subsidies to Rp 2,000 per liter.
Wiranto denied the accusation on Sunday, saying that the attack on him was aimed as a provocation. "I regret that a politician like Ramadhan can make such a slanderous statement," Wiranto said.
He also said that a coup against Yudhoyono would serve no purpose for his party-political efforts. "If I planned to stage a coup against the President, why would I establish a political party and contest elections? An unconstitutional transfer of power would only harm the people," Wiranto said.
Hanura lawmakers have repeatedly voiced their opposition to the proposed fuel price increases saying they would only add to the burden on the poor.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker TB Hasanuddin, a retired TNI general, said that the government was overreacting to the planned rallies against any hike in fuel prices.
"The rallies will be sporadic in nature and will not be powerful enough to serve as a pretext for a coup against the President," he said. Hasanuddin said that Djoko had exaggerated the coup threat.
Separately, Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker Abdul Hakim said his party would continue to support Yudhoyono's presidency despite the party's stance in rejecting the plans to raise fuel prices.
"As a member of the government coalition, our party has signed a political contract with the President to support the government until the end of his tenure," he said. Abdul called on Yudhoyono to hold a meeting to hear opinions from party leaders in the coalition regarding the plans.
Meanwhile, less than a month before the government introduces any new fuel prices, local residents have begun complaining about a scarcity of gasoline.
In Lampung, residents and motorists said that gasoline was increasingly difficult to find along the Lampung section of the Trans Sumatra highway. Some reported paying Rp 6,000 for one liter of premium gasoline, higher than the official price of Rp 4,500.
In Palu, Central Sulawesi, prices of basic commodities, including sugar, have started to rise in the past few days ahead of the anticipated fuel price rises.
Dolly Sengkey, a trader in Palu, said that he was forced to raise sugar prices because distributors had started to charge him more, citing the fuel price hike as the reason.
Anita Rachman & Dion Bisara Amid criticism that reducing the fuel subsidy would hurt the poor, Indonesia said on Thursday that a Rp 150,000 ($16.50) monthly cash stipend would be handed out in the first nine months to help cushion the impact of the anticipated price hike.
Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Agung Laksono said only poor families would qualify for the temporary direct aid package (BLSM). The aid would begin in April, the month when changes to subsidies are expected to be made.
The minister said about 30 percent of low-income families would receive the assistance, but gave no further details. "These people will [show their vouchers at the local post office] and swap them for aid funds," Agung said after attending a cabinet meeting.
The latest data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) shows there are 29.89 million Indonesian families living under the poverty line. Such families are defined as those with monthly spending of Rp 243,729 or less per capita.
Under a similar cash assistance scheme in 2008, the government gave monthly assistance of Rp 100,000 to 17.5 million families. Agung said the government would provide other aid as well, including rice and subsidies for school fees and rural transportation.
Social Affairs Minister Salim Segaf Al Jufri said on Tuesday that the government would allocate Rp 30 trillion to Rp 40 trillion this year to help low-income families deal with the initial impact of the fuel price hike.
Salim said the funds would come from savings and increased efficiency in all government ministries and institutions. The Rp 30 trillion to Rp 40 trillion would likely be higher than anticipated savings from reducing the subsidy spending this year, or at least be equal to it.
The government's first proposed option to curb subsidy spending is to increase the subsidized fuel price by 33 percent to Rp 6,000 a liter from Rp 4,500 a litter. This would save the government Rp 31.6 trillion in subsidy spending, which is set at Rp 124 trillion this year, according to research by Investor Daily, a sister publication of the Jakarta Globe.
The second option would be to set a fixed subsidy of Rp 2,000 per liter of subsidized fuel. This would save about Rp 25.8 trillion.
Mahendra Siregar, the deputy finance minister, said on Tuesday that the proposed plan of raising subsidized fuel prices would help the government save Rp 22 trillion. Last year, the fuel subsidy cost Rp 165.2 trillion.
Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, chief economist at the Danareksa Research Institute, said that while the government might end up spending more this year because of the stipends, in the long term reducing the subsidy would be beneficial because it would mitigate the budget's vulnerability to global oil price fluctuations.
It would also make it easier for the state to spend more money on things like infrastructure, currently viewed as a pressing need.
Jayapura In Papua, the Indonesian army, the TNI, always uses the welfare approach towards the Papuan people, including armed civilians who continue to create disturbances in Puncak Jaya and other places in Papua.
"For the TNI, the approach must be changed from the armed approach to one that does not resort to violence," said Major-General Erwin Safitri, commander of the Cenderawasih military command, during a coffee morning with the Jayapura press on Thursday, 8 March.
He went on to say that this welfare approach would take into consideration the local government's programmes, for example by getting involved in infrastructural development, healthcare, education and other matters..
"My principle is to pursue the soft approach. We can see that in the cities, they work together with the community and we know that these relationships are quite strong," he said.
When pressed, armed civilian groups or the OPM in Puncak Jaya which still exist enter the cities and are believed to be armed with SSI (assult rifles), handmade weapons or weapons that have been seized from the security forces. But Major General Safitri would not give any figure about the strength of their forces.
Meanwhile, the head of the TVRI channel in Papua, Telman Rorimpandey who was approached by media people from all parts of Jayapura, said that during a meeting between the military commander and the press, they had been able to strengthen their mutual ties and had achieved the same perception, in particular with regard to providing objective information to the public. He went on to say that he very much hoped that the media would be given the necessary access to information from the Cenderawasih military command which could then be made public while firmly upholding the law on the ethical code of the Press.
"We media people are also in need of information about incidents that need to be made publicly available with the necessary objectivity and without causing mistrust between the two sides," he said.
An Indonesia soldier shot Thursday morning during a firefight in Puncak Jaya, Papua has died, Indonesian Military (TNI) officials said.
First Pvt. Laode was rushed to Mulia Hospital in critical condition earlier today after a group of armed men opened fire on a military truck heading to Mulia, the capital of Papua's Puncak Jaya district. The soldiers exchanged fire with the attackers. Laode suffered a gunshot wound in the attack. The men then took his rife.
Doctors at Mulia Hospital transfered the soldier to Jayapura's Marthen Indey Military Hospital for further treatment. But doctors were unable to save the man.
Indonesian Military officials are trying to determine who the shooters were, said Erwin Syafitri, commander of the Cendrawasih Military Command, which oversees military operations in Papua.
Separatist groups have been historically responsible for the occasional bloody clash between security forces and armed groups in Indonesia's easternmost province, according to the Indonesian government. (Antara/JG)
Several thousand people crammed the grave site of murdered independence hero Ondofolo Theys Eluay on March 7, to hear resolutions from the Pacific regional Feb 29 launch in Canberra of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP).
Organised by the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), the gathering passed without hindrance by security forces, despite reports from participants that several heavily armed units of the Indonesian army and police were shadowing the mass of demonstrators as they conducted a converging Long March from the Waena UNCEN student dormitories, Abepura, Kotaraja, Kamkey and surrounding areas.
The gravesite of the revered Chief, the former Papuan Presidium leader assassinated by Indonesian Kopassus officers in 2001, is the traditional site for mass rallies for self-determination in West Papua, guaranteed access to the land in perpetuity by the family of Theys Eluay. Indonesian- owned businesses and commercial development is gradually surrounding the gravesite amidst a perceived strategy by Indonesian authorities to block access to what has become a sacred site to West Papuan people.
The Voice of Papua independent media reported KNPB spokesman Buchtar Tabuni telling the gathered crowd that "all the people of Papua and Papuan students in Australia have joined in the launch event in Australia for IPWP-Pacific, and have come to talk about self-determination for the people of West Papua."
"Whatever the risks, we are the children of West Papua, would bet ourselves to this struggle. This is the water of Our Land of West Papua, "said Buchtar. The rallies dispersed peacefully without incident.
Bearing in mind the continual terrorising of defence lawyers during the makar (treason) trial [now under way in Jayapura] and of human rights activists as well as journalists covering the trial, the central executive of GARDA-P, the Movement for People's Democracy has called upon the security forces to put an end to all of their attempts to silence these people.
In a press release issued by GARDA-P on 5 March, it called for an end to the criminalisation of the lawyers defending Forkorus Yabisembut and his four co-defendants. They also urged the Indonesian government to dismiss the head of the Public Prosecutors Office, Julius D Teuf, SH and replace him because he has been deliberately attempting to criminalise the defence team of Forkorus and his co-defendants.
"We also call on the prosecutors to stop their questioning during which they have made offensive and insulting remarks about the defendants and also about the Papuan people during the trial.We call for the unconditional release of the defendants and for an end to all the violence and prohibitions against journalists wanting to report the trial hearings because the trial is being held in public."
GARDA-P said that during makar trials in Papua, the defence lawyers are always being subjected to threats and terror by the security forces because they are defending persons who are being charged with makar.
Not only the lawyers but also the judges are threatened and subjected to interruptions, to ensure that the hearings comply with the interests of the state. Not only that, but also the bags of the defence lawyers are searched before they enter the court.for the trial of Forkorus and his co- defendants.
GARDA-P also said that the police on duty frequently carry weapons outside the courthouse in order to terrorise the defendants and their lawyers. and seek to threaten journalists who are reporting the trial which is open to the public.
GARDA-P regards these actions as being attempts to influence the court proceedings in order to ensure that the police and the prosecutors make heavier demands for those facing makar charges. 'During the hearing on 24 February, while witnesses were being questioned, the prosecutor was constantly interrupting the questioning which greatly angered the defence lawyer, Gustaf Kawar, with the prosecutor now seeking to exclude Gustaf Kawar from the defence team. Such actions are an attempt to cause division (among the lawyers) and to make things more difficult for the defendants.'
Cynthia Warwe Concerns have been raised again over the health of internationally renowned West Papuan political prisoner Filep Karma, after a series of visits to hospital to treat his worsening health, amid atrocious conditions in the notorious Abepura prison.
Filep Karma is a political prisoner sentenced to 15 years imprisonment by Indonesia after being found guilty of makar (treason) for making a speech calling for independence and raising the banned Morning Star flag on December 1st 2004.
(Gaoled in atrocious conditions and subjected to early routine torture by Indonesian security forces and prison officers, including beatings causing internal injuries, Karma's health has been declining since 2008, also due to numerous hunger strikes and illness caused by prison conditions in Abepura prison. Additionally, In response to a petition filed by Freedom Now, the United NationsWorking Group on Arbitrary Detention issued its opinion that the Government of Indonesia is in violation of international law by detaining Filep Karma. Amongst many other international voices, the Working Group called on the Government of Indonesia to immediately release the human rights advocate. WPM)
He underwent medical checkups at Hospital Dock II, and underwent a colonoscopy by a Dr Arnold, on 17 February 2012, to check his intestines. He underwent the check because up until this point he regularly discharged blood when using his bowels. The results of the check were to be taken on February 21st, 2012. At the same time he also was assessed by a neurologist, Dr. Nelly Rumpaisum, because for the previous few days he felt the pain to the right of his hip when getting down to clean clothes, and now also when standing. When undergoing the examination, Fliep was accompanied by two officers and a doctor from Abepura prison. Filep was to return to the Hospital II, to undergo X-rays of his waist.
At this time, Filep cooked his own food in prison. He used a traditional stove himself, with milk cans and axes, lit with coconut oil. 'Eating my own cooking is better for my health at the moment, because if I eat food from Abepura Prison, there can sometimes be a lot of seasoning, and this is less suitable for the condition of my body while undergoing medical treatment at the moment', he said. On 21 February 2012, according to Dr. Donald Arronggear at the time of the colonoscopy results, "Filep is affected by inflammation of the intestine next to the anus, so that he must eat foods high in fibre, like fruit and vegetables", he said. He also received various medicines from the doctor to drink when back in prison. He also did x-rays on the right side of the waist, and the results were to be checked again on 24 February 2012.
On several weekends, Filep Karma underwent some medical treatment at the Hospital Dok II. He was accompanied by two prison officers and doctors from Abepura Prison. On 24 February 2012, he received sequence number 2 at the polyclinic at Hospital DOK II. Filep took the x-rays to neurologist, Dr. Nelly Rumapaisum. According to Dr. Nelly "The right side of Filep's waist, has narrowed. So, it must to undergo physiotherapy for 12 sessions. Filep can no longer lift heavy equipment and also sports is a high-risk", said Dr. Nelly.
Filep Karma said that 'my waist has already been sore for a while, but it felt sore for a few weeks so it had to be checked". Filep Karma also must use a corset after undergoing physiotherapy (a very uncomfortable apparatus in the sweaty conditions of the prison WPM). He will undergo regular physiotherapy and will be back and forth to the DOK II Hospital for ongoing care.
"My desire is also to be an inpatient at DOK II Hospital, while undergoing physiotherapy, because the distance between the Prison Abepura and Jayapura is about 60 minutes, which makes me making a little exhausted on the journey", Karma said.
At the latest hearing of the trial of Forkorus Yaboisembut, Forkorus announced that the proclamation of the Federal Republic of West Papua had been registered with the UN Security Council in order to receive international recognition.
This happened on 26 February, said Edison Waromi, the prime minister of the Federal Republic of West Papua, in response to questions from the judge at the trial. He also announced that they had received an acknowledgement from the secretariat of the UN. The registration of the Federal Republic at the UN has been recorded under No Rr.827567846 BT, he told the court.
Forkorus also confirmed this, and went on to say that the Papuan people should work together to get recognition of the Federal Republic and should stop calling for a referendum or for dialogue. "Let us focus on getting international recognition," he said.
"Very soon, there will be a country that will recognise our independence and our people should prepare themselves to support this," said Forkorus without mentioning which country he had in mind.
Hariyadi Wirawan, an international observer connected with the University of Indonesia, said: "This move is intended to get international recognitions because the problem of West Papua has never being solved. What is being demanded for West Papua would follow the scenario of the independence of Kosovo which succeeded in gaining recognition of its independence with the help of an international institution."
West Papua Media and local sources Confirmed reports have emerged from Fak-Fak, on the west coast of West Papua, that at least ten demonstrators were arrested by Indonesian police on March 1.
The demonstrations were being held to reject a new body U4PB (or Program to Accelerate Development of Papua and West Papua) appointed by Indonesia to re-implement the failed Special Autonomy package that was to give Papuans a greater share of their own wealth. Regular protests from Papuan civil society have rejected this new body due to its refusal to consider Papuan demands, and recognise the failure of the existing package.
Those arrested were identified as the following:
1. Siswanto Tigtigweria
2. Lukas Hegemur
3. Quartus Ndoratndorat
4. Modestus Komber
5. Yeheskal Hegemur
6. Nikson Hindom
7. Pazco Hindom
8. Samuel Rohrohmana
9. Amos Wagab
10. Renol Hegemur
The protest was also held to support the February 28 launch in Canberra, Australia, of a new regional chapter of the International Parliamentarians for West Papua. This meeting attracted Members of Parliament from Vanuatu, New Zealand, and several parties in Australia, including MPs from the Australian Government. Demonstrations in support of IPWP were held across ten centres in West Papua.
Neither Police or local human rights sources have been able to identity the exact nature of charges against the ten detainees. However Indonesian police historically have laid Makar (Treason) charges against Papuans attending demonstrations in support of the right of self-determination.
West Papua Media was unsuccessful in seeking comment from Police.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura American mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia (PT FI) has donated Rp 58 billion (US$6.38 million) to the Timika-based Human Rights and Anti-Violence Foundation (Yahamak) to fund its programs.
"The donation will be disbursed in two stages: Rp 27 billion in 2012 and Rp 31 billion in 2013, as stipulated in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)," PT FI vice president for social affairs, Demianus Dimara, said after the MoU signing in Jayapura, Papua, on Friday.
Yahamak's founder, Yosepha Alomang, said the funds would be allocated for education, health and economic programs, as well as to enhance the capacity of the foundation's management.
Yahamak was established in 1999 by Yosepha, a human rights defender who received the Yap Thian Hien award in the same year, and the Goldman Prize in 2001. Yosepha said that Yahamak was born out of the struggles of local women living in the company's working area.
Responding to the numerous shooting incidents, which have recently occurred in the province, Yahamak vice director Arnold Romsumbre demanded the President take the matter seriously and to speedily arrest the perpetrators.
"When someone is stabbed and killed in an attack with an arrow in Timika, we can easily identify the perpetrator's clan from the arrow's characteristics. But we can hardly identify it from a bullet," Arnold said. (swd)
Nurdin Hasan An Aceh Party politician was shot in his home Thursday morning in what may be the latest instance of campaign violence leading up to Aceh's elections.
Saifuddin Yunus was rushed to the Lhokseumawe military hospital by his groundskeeper with a gunshot wound to the torso. Saifuddin was conscious and able to talk when he arrived at the hospital.
According to police, Saifuddin had just arrived at his Alue Awe home at 2:30 Thursday morning when two armed men attacked him.
"The attackers immediately released three shots at the victim as he came out of his car. One of the bullets penetrated his right waist and reached an upper part of his stomach," Aceh Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Gustav Leo told The Jakarta Globe in Banda Aceh.
Saifuddin, the speaker of the Lhokseumawe Council, said he saw a motorcycle parked in the street outside his house as returned home. He tried to quickly lock the front gate, but the assailants began shooting. Two shots missed, but Saifuddin was struck with the third, he said.
It is unclear whether the attack was related to the upcoming Aceh elections on April 9, Gustav said. The governor's seat, as well as the positions of four mayors and 13 district heads are up for vote. "Police are still investigating the motive behind the shooting, while hunting the perpetrators," Gustav said.
Violence has clouded Aceh's campaign season, beginning in December, and culminating in the deaths of nine people. Dozens of others have been injured in election-related violence.
One week ago, a group of men attempted to torch the car of campaign team of incumbent Governor Irwandi Yusuf in Idi Rayeuk, East Aceh.
Ulma Haryanto At first glance, 71-year-old Nani Nurani looks like your typical Indonesian granny: Always smiling, always friendly.
She's also quite sprightly for her age, still taking public transport wherever she travels.
But beneath the cheerful exterior lies a much more sobering reality, branded into her being and her ID card with the letters ET: "Eks- Tapol," or "former political prisoner."
At the age of 27, Nani was taken away by the Military Police, known then as the CPM, for her alleged involvement with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). She was detained for seven years, during which time she was repeatedly interrogated.
In October last year, she filed a lawsuit with the Central Jakarta District Court against the government, naming President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the respondent, for the unlawful detention and stigma she has suffered since her arrest in 1968.
Her life prospects were promising enough at first, when in 1962 she joined the retinue of palace dancers at the Cipanas Presidential Palace in West Java. She was reputed to be one of President Sukarno's favorite performers.
On May 20, 1965, she was invited by the PKI to perform at a celebration of National Awakening Day, followed by another performance for the PKI anniversary a month later. Little did she know that it would later prove her undoing.
If she had been born 30 years later, Nani's life would have been different. Raised in a family with ties to the West Java nobility, Nani grew up to be a beautiful, talented and educated young lady with good connections to military generals and ministers.
A photograph taken in the early '60s shows a young woman with thick, wavy black hair smiling softly and sweetly. "My daily activities included shopping, dancing, singing and trying on makeup. I was living pretty well- off, with no interest in politics whatsoever," she told the Jakarta Globe.
At one of the hearings in her lawsuit, one of the judges asked what the secret to her vitality was, even at her age. "Try sleeping on a concrete floor," she replied. "Eat rice that a rat wouldn't even touch, with a small piece of boiled tempeh or tofu, for seven years."
It was two nights after Idul Fitri in 1968 when Nani was awakened by the stomp of military boots in her parents' house in Cianjur, West Java.
"I could hear them shouting 'This is the CPM!' When I opened my bedroom door, there were two rifles pointed at me," she said. "One of the officers shouted at me, 'Are you Nani of the Cipanas Palace?' I said yes, and they took me away."
At CPM headquarters in Bogor, Nani was shown a stack of documents, which she was told were "anonymous letters" all claiming that she was at Lubang Buaya in East Jakarta when six military generals were killed during the supposed communist coup attempt on Sept. 30, 1965.
"The interrogators kept pushing me to confess that I was a PKI supporter," Nani said. "But I didn't. I was prepared to die rather than confess to something I never did. I told them my only crime was failing to do anything for my country. I was a spoiled young girl."
When she was detained at CPM headquarters and later in Guntur, South Jakarta, she was denied visits from her family until early 1969, when she was transferred to the Bukit Duri women's penitentiary in South Jakarta.
"Only then could I see my parents, even though it was only for 15 minutes, through a small window. We cried and blew kisses to each other," Nani said.
She said the people who arrested her thought that they had nabbed someone important: a spy for the PKI who had infiltrated the palace and the military. They based that suspicion on the fact that after her stint at the palace, Nani had moved to Jakarta to live with her older sister and work as a secretary for Soerjosoemarno, a prominent military general.
"Soerjosoemarno tried to bail me out but it didn't work out. But I believe it was my connection to him that saved me from rape and other humiliation at the hands of the CPM," Nani said. "They eventually had to let me go, since they couldn't prove anything against me."
After her release, Nani remained traumatized and lived in fear. For years she had to check in once a month with the urban ward and subdistrict offices.
"But then I met a woman at the subdistrict office, and I was so scared I didn't dare to ask her name. She told me to stop crying, because I had too much misery in me already," she said.
That bucked up her spirits and she began questioning the basis for the discrimination against her. But none of the government officials she approached, even after Suharto was no longer in power, offered to clear her record or compensate her.
In 2003, Nani turned 62 and became eligible for a lifetime ID card. But as a former political prisoner, she was prohibited from applying for one.
After consulting with the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Jakarta), she decided to take the matter to court.
At the Jakarta State Administrative Court, she sued the Koja subdistrict office, where she is registered as a resident, for not granting her a lifetime ID. The court ruled in her favor but the government mounted an appeal. Five years later, the Supreme Court upheld the administrative court's ruling.
This victory encouraged Nani to file another lawsuit, this one demanding an apology from the president, as well as rehabilitation and Rp 7.76 billion ($853,000) in compensation.
"We needed some time to prepare the suit. There was talk about who would represent me, but we decided that I would go alone. This is also to avoid speculation that this is just another NGO campaign," she said.
She said she had been nervous about facing the judges alone. "I have been scolded many times for not knowing basic courtroom rules," she said with a smile.
The judges, she added, often doze off during hearings. "I am treated like a criminal. So much different from how the judges treat Angelina Sondakh," she said. "But I have to follow through with this. I have to finish what I started."
Ulma Haryanto Legal experts testifying at the Central Jakarta District Court on Wednesday said they believed that the state violated the rights of a former palace performer who was arrested without trial following the 1965 coup.
"I agree that the president should be held responsible when a citizen's rights have been violated since the state has the ultimate responsibility to uphold human rights," lawyer and human-rights activist Todung Mulya Lubis told the court.
The 71-year old Nani Nurani has filed a motion against the government, in this case President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the head of state, for the unlawful detention and stigma she has suffered since her arrest in 1968.
The former palace singer and dancer during the rule of founding President Sukarno spent seven years in prison and has undergone constant interrogations for a crime she said "had nothing to do" with her.
The New Order regime blamed the communist PKI party for the death of seven generals and had its followers or anyone with the faintest link to the party executed or detained. Artists and performers were targeted since the PKI was known to support local culture and art.
Expert witness Rosa Agustina, a law professor at the University of Indonesia, said Nani's arrest and detention without warrant or clear legal basis was a sufficiently serious violation as to warrant restitution. "She needn't have to wait for a trial that proves her innocence when she has clearly suffered unjustly," Rosa said.
Nani has demanded full rehabilitation of her name, an apology from the president, and compensation of Rp 7.76 billion ($861,000) for material and immaterial losses.
Todung said he believed that Nani had a strong legal case due to deprivation of various citizen's rights during her arrest and lifelong stigmatization as a "communist" and a "political convict."
Nani claimed that she had experienced difficulties in finding work and applying for an national ID card, and that she had been required to report regularly to the subdistrict office.
"There are many who suffered like her but who are now too old and tired to take action. But I hope that if Nani wins, it will set a positive precedent for other victims of similar stigmatization," Todung said.
The trial has dragged on for months since Nani filed her case in October last year, and the presiding judge has now adjourned it until March 7.
Indonesia would set a powerful example for other Southeast Asian countries if it abolished the death penalty, according to the Lowy Institute for International Policy.
"As Southeast Asia's largest country and the most populous Muslim-majority country worldwide, changes in Indonesia could build momentum for abolition across the region," said Dave McRae, a Lowy Institute research fellow.
Three countries, the Philippines, Cambodia and East Timor, have already abolished the death penalty.
Indonesia currently issues the death penalty to criminals convicted of terrorism, murder and drug-related crimes. But now, as two death row inmates challenge their sentences, capital punishment is again under review by the Constitutional Court, McRae said. The two inmates were sentenced to death after killing someone during a robbery. Their lawyers have argued that the offense is not a serious enough crime to warrant capital punishment.
While capital sentences have not reduced since the Reformasi period, Indonesia executes fewer people than other countries with the death penalty, including China, Iran or the United States. The country could repeal the death penalty without much impact on the criminal justice system, McRae said.
"Indonesia is at a crossroads regarding the death penalty," he said. "With fewer than two executions per year on average for the past thirty years, its usage is a level where comparative scholars argue Indonesia could abolish the death penalty at virtually no cost."
Concern for migrant workers facing the death penalty abroad could be a strong motivator to abolish the practice, McRae said. If Indonesia was to repeal the death penalty, the nation would be is a stronger position when advocating for citizens sentenced to death abroad.
"It (would) provide a pragmatic reason to abolish the death penalty'" McRae said. "With increasing mobility, and China and India also facing increasing pressure from their own populations to protect their citizens abroad, this is an issue that could increase support for abolition across the region."
The Lowy Institute for International Policy is a think tank is based in Sydney, Australia.
Freedom of speech & expression
Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta Legal activists condemned a Supreme Court ruling that upheld the Jakarta High Court verdict which sentenced a defendant to six months in prison for defaming a private company in an open letter to a national daily.
Business owner, Khoe "Aseng" Seng Seng, was given the sentence after being found guilty of defaming real estate developer PT Duta Pertiwi.
In an open letter printed in Kompas and Suara Pembaruan dailies in 2006, Aseng complained that he had been conned by the company which had sold land that it did not own.
"The Supreme Court's ruling is in violation of human rights' principles which guarantee the freedom to express opinions," said Sinung Karto from the human rights watchdog Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS).
Karto maintained that what Aseng wrote in the papers did not constitute libel or defamation as it was based on facts.
PT Duta Pertiwi filed a defamation suit against Aseng in 2006 and won the case at the East Jakarta District Court, The court found Aseng guilty of defaming the company in the written piece and sentenced him to six months in prison. Aseng lost his appeal twice, first at the Jakarta High Court and recently at the Supreme Court.
Aseng purchased a kiosk from the company in 2006 and later found out that it was built on a plot of land owned by the city government. He then wrote a letter to the editors of the two papers expressing his grievances over the deal.
"The letters to the editors that Aseng wrote were opinions and not news. In fact, the company should sue the media where Aseng's piece was published, as they are the ones who should be responsible according to the press law," said Dedi Ali Ahmad from the Press Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Pers).
He said that the Supreme Court had set a bad precedent with the ruling. Aseng said he learned about the Supreme Court ruling last week.
He said that he only exercised freedom of expression when writing the letter to the editor. "I did not know where to air my grievances so I wrote the open letter. I have contacted lawyers of the company but I did not receive a response," he said.
Aseng said that during the court trial he brought as evidence all documents relating to his ownership of the kiosk but judges had ignored them.
Sinung said that rights groups would assist Aseng to file a case review before the Supreme Court. The groups would also file a report on several irregularities during the legal proceedings to the Judicial Commission. Lawyers representing Aseng suspected that there had been foul play in handling the case.
In 2009, the Tangerang District Court ruled in favor of a private hospital in a civil suit requiring defendant Prita Mulyasari to pay around Rp 340 million (US$40,120) to the hospital.
Prita was found guilty of distributing slanderous emails against the hospital. The Supreme Court exonerated Prita from civil suit charges but sentenced the mother of two to six months in prison.
In January 2010, a farmer in Kulon Progo regency, Yogyakarta, Tukijo, was convicted of criminal defamation in 2010 for asking a subdistrict head for information about the result of a land appraisal.
A. Junaidi, Jakarta A new study has revealed that only 12 groups of companies own almost all print, broadcast and online media in Indonesia.
The results of the research, which was conducted by Centre for Innovation, Policy & Governance and Hivos, and funded by Ford Foundation, were launched in Jakarta on Thursday.
"The research shows how the owners play a significant role in determining media policy," Shita Laksmi of Hivos said.
Shita said that the influence of owners impacted on citizens' rights to get factual and balanced information. "Citizens receive biased information when the information was related to the media owners," she said.
Bambang Muryanto and Slamet Susanto, Yogyakarta A number of local journalists from different media outlets staged a rally in front of the Gedung Agung state palace in Yogyakarta on Wednesday, calling for a stop of various forms of violence committed by particular groups in society.
The protest was held after a television reporter was injured following an exchange of stones and insults between supporters of the Islamic Jihad Front (FJI) and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) on Tuesday after a trial session of FPI Yogyakarta chairman Bambang Tedy, who is standing trial on charges of alleged assault and defamation at the Yogyakarta District Court.
A TV One reporter, Nuryanto, 33, who was covering the story, was injured during the incident. "Don't make Indonesia an unsafe place for journalists," the head of the TV One station's Yogyakarta bureau, Hendrawan Setiawan, said in his speech at the protest.
He said it was embarrassing that the violence happened right in front of security personnel. He also urged the police to thoroughly investigate the incident that had injured his reporter.
The incident occurred when FJI members who had attended the trial mocked FPI members who were outside the court building. The situation rapidly degenerated into stone-throwing between the two sides, and Nuryanto, who was taking pictures of the incident, was caught in the crossfire.
Nuryanto was taken to Yogyakarta Bethesda Hospital after the scuffle and received two stitches for the injury on his left temple. He also reported the case to the Yogyakarta City Police.
The chairwoman of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Yogyakarta branch, Pito Agustine Rudiana, called on journalists to take measures to ensure their safety while covering conflicts.
She said journalists had to follow certain standard operational procedures and the journalistic code of conduct as well as maintain independence when reporting conflicts. "No news is worth a life," she said.
Separately, FPI Yogyakarta chairman Bambang Tedi and his wife Sebrat Haryanti paid a visit on Wednesday afternoon to the TV One Yogyakarta bureau office and were received by Hendrawan Setiawan and Nuryanto. "We are concerned with what happened to Nuryanto," Bambang said.
He said he had no idea who had thrown the stone that hit Nuryanto and apologized if it was thrown by a member of the FPI. He also offered to hand over Rp 2 million (US$222) in cash as an expression of empathy, but Nuryanto turned it down. Nuryanto said what he experienced was part of the risks he had to face as a journalist.
Bambang Teddy was tried for allegedly assaulting Erna Efriyanti, who reported him to the police for allegedly verbally abusing her, punching and spitting on her as she attempted to collect a debt from his wife.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Ezra Sihite Even as four major bones of contention remain undecided in the discussion over the draft elections law, two new issues have arisen: limiting campaign spending and ensuring a quota of female legislative candidates.
Nurul Arifin, a member of the special committee charged with deliberations over the draft, explained the proposed limits.
"For candidates in regional legislative elections, individual personal donations will be limited to Rp 250 million ($28,000), and group or corporate donations may not exceed Rp 500 million," Nurul said on Wednesday.
He added that the limits for national legislature candidates would be Rp 1 billion for individual donations and 5 billion for corporations or organizations.
Another key issue Nurul highlighted in relation to donations was preventing foreign influence in the electoral process.
"The Prosperous Justice Party [PKS] is firm in its determination that foreign interests may not be permitted to be directly involved in the context of elections," he said of his party's position.
Nurul went on to explain that "foreign parties" included the governments of other nations, foreign companies or local companies with majority foreign share ownership, overseas NGOs or community organizations and foreign citizens.
Speaking on behalf of the government, Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said that a spending limit would be a valuable addition to the elections law. "The government agrees. We need that," the minister said at the legislature on Wednes day.
He added that the government preferred a spending limit rather than a campaign finance limit as the latter would be difficult to monitor accurately.
"If finance is monitored, it will be difficult because the money isn't from [the candidate]," he said after testifying before House of Representatives Commission II, which oversees home affairs. Campaign spending would include, among other expenses, materials such as banners, posters and stickers.
"In principle, the government agrees that elections shouldn't have the connotation of being expensive. It shouldn't seem prohibitively expensive to become a member of the House of Representatives," Gamawan said.
Aside from saying it would be considered, lawmakers made little reference on Wednesday to a female candidate quota.
Previous moves toward affirmative action to boost the number of female lawmakers had been based on requiring parties to give a third of votes received to female candidates, regardless of their individual popularity with electors.
The Constitutional Court ruled prior to the 2009 elections, however, that candidates in general elections receiving the most votes were entitled to legislative seats, regardless of gender. It is not known what mechanism is under consideration by lawmakers that could potentially sidestep the Constitutional Court's ruling.
The other four contentious issues already referred to the special committee were those of the electoral threshold, the number of seats per electoral division, vote counting methodology and whether ballot papers would be candidate-based or party-based.
Rabby Pramudatama, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party is attacking two national television stations for what it calls "biased and imbalanced" reporting on the alleged involvement of party members in graft scandals.
Party deputy-secretary-general Ramadhan Pohan said that Metro TV and TVOne repeatedly attacked the Democratic Party to support their owners' presidential aspirations. "There is a tendency for the media to be used to benefit their owners," Ramadhan told reporters at a press conference in Jakarta on Tuesday.
Ramadhan made his statement in support of Ferry Juliantoro, who along with nine other Democratic Party members reported Metro TV and TVOne to the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) for alleged "imbalanced reporting" on Feb. 23.
"The protest is the voice of the party. I received messages from members nationwide who expressed similar concerns about the reporting," Ramadhan said.
Meanwhile, Ferry said that the stations had disproportionately aired unfavorable news about the Democratic Party. "They were biased in terms of their programs, such as those that stated that the Democratic Party was a hotbed of corruptors. That is an overgeneralization," Ferry said.
Metro TV, part of the Media Group, is owned by Surya Paloh, founder and financier of the recently established Nasdem Party, while TVOne is owned by the Bakrie Family, whose chief patron, Aburizal "Ical" Bakrie, is Golkar Party chairman and has been tipped as a potential presidential candidate in 2014.
Democratic Party members have accused the stations of intentionally undermining the party's popularity by continuously reporting on the corruption scandals implicating party members.
The party itself has been in serious trouble resulting from corruption allegation leveled at some key members, including those currently on trial for graft allegations.
The scandals began when former party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin was accused of corruption connected to Rp 191.7 billion (US$21.1 million) project to build the athletes' village for the Southeast Asian Games in Palembang, South Sumatra, last year.
Testimony and evidence given at Nazaruddin's trial has implicated lawmaker Angelina Sondakh, another party deputy-secretary-general; Youth and Sports Minister Andi Mallarangeng, the party patron board chairman; and party chairman Anas Urbaningrum.
In response, Metro TV news director Suryopratomo said that the station's news coverage was based on facts and grounded upon the principles of journalism.
"The Democratic Party received the votes of almost 70 percent of Indonesians in the last election. It's the public's interest to know what happens to the party," Suryopratomo said.
"It's too much to say that our reporting has been used for the benefit of Nasdem Party. There are no parallel relations between the media and the party. Our newsroom is independent." The Democratic Party's complaints were evidence that the party was in trouble," he added.
Separately, TVOne editor in-chief Karni Ilyas said that Democratic Party members alone have damaged the party's popularity, not the media.
"I could not choose any other topic aside from the Democratic Party, because the reporting on the party has fulfilled all journalistic principles. It is the interest of the public, dramatic, important, as well as imminent," he said.
Idy Muzayyad from the KPI said that the commission would follow up on the complaint and conduct a mediation between the party and the television station. "In the complaint's material [the commission] was not informed about the details of what particular TV shows or programs that had such tendentious criteria," he said.
Separately, Anas Urbaningrum hinted over the weekend that the Democratic Party might launch its own television station to counter its bad press. "It's our weakness, we don't have a TV station."
Ezra Sihite In the wake of rumors of mounting efforts to unseat the government, the country's second-largest political party, Golkar, vowed loyalty on Monday. "We are in support of the government," Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie said at the House of Representatives.
Senior Democratic Party members Djoko Suyanto and Ramadhan Pohan recently spoke about indications from political rivals that they were aiming to threaten the government.
Aburizal, whose party is a member of the ruling coalition, said he had "no knowledge" of any effort to undermine the government. He said that as a member of the coalition, Golkar would continue to stand behind the government until its term expired.
Saleh Husin, the secretary of the legislative faction of the opposition People's Conscience Party (Hanura), said on Monday that his party was not taking seriously the recent accusation made by Ramadhan.
Ramadhan has accused Hanura founder Gen. (ret.) Wiranto of planting a Hanura executive, prominent lawyer Elza Syarief, as a member of the defense counsel of graft defendant Muhammad Nazaruddin, a former treasurer of the Democrats. Ramadhan claimed Elza was there to help undermine the image of the Democrats by pushing for Nazaruddin to name Democrats allegedly implicated in grafts cases.
"This means nothing, Ramadhan is a nobody," Saleh said, condemning the Democrat's statement as "inaccurate." Hanura chairman Akbar Faisal also attacked Ramadhan's accusation, saying the Democrat appeared to have not learned from his own experience.
Aburizal recently accused Ramadhan of libel after he said the Golkar chairman was the part-owner of a mining company currently in dispute with local residents in Bima on Lombok.
"He should have learned from the case in which a suit was threatened by Mr. Aburizal Bakrie following his negligent public statement," Akbar said. "I am saddened by the existence of such politicians."
Akbar said Ramadhan clearly did not understand the history of relations between Wiranto and Yudhoyono, once his underling. "I am certain that SBY does not condone Ramadhan's methods and maneuvers," he said.
Meanwhile, executives of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which is also part of the governing coalition, made no effort on Monday to respond to a broadside attack by Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam on Sunday.
Dipo accused the PKS of being a "traitor" because it rejected a government plan to raise fuel prices by a third in a bid to alleviate the burden of subsidies on the state budget.
Other members of the six-party ruling coalition include the National Mandate Party (PAN), the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The chairman of the People's Conscience Party, Wiranto, has denied accusations that he is attempting to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party through the Muhammad Nazaruddin graft case, saying the claim sounded like the talk of a "panicked" party.
Democratic politician Ramadhan Pohan suggested last week that Wiranto had planted Elza Syarief, an executive with his Hanura party, as a lawyer for Nazaruddin, the former Democratic treasurer, with an eye on taking down the party and the president. Wiranto said on Saturday that he had been surprised by Ramadhan's accusation.
The Democrat also accused Wiranto, a former military chief and security affairs minister, and a one-time boss of Yudhoyono, of masterminding protests against the president, who has beaten Wiranto in two elections.
"I very much regret the accusation, which I think is very shallow, emotional and tendentious. To me, it sounds like they're extraordinarily panicked," Wiranto said.
He said he had told Hanura members not to respond to the accusations because it would only divert attention from the ongoing corruption scandal surrounding the Democratic Party.
Last week, Ramadhan criticized Elza's role as Nazaruddin's attorney, suggesting that she was behind the former party treasure's naming of current party executives as involved in corruption. Ramadhan claimed that Hanura, through Elza, was engineering Nazaruddin's naming of Democratic names in the media.
The Democrats have suffered in opinion polls as more accusations and revelations have come out about the graft case surrounding the athletes' village for last year's Southeast Asian Games.
Wiranto said Elza's tactics as Nazaruddin's lawyer had nothing to do with Hanura. He emphasized that her job had nothing to do with her party duties. He added that Nazaruddin, not Hanura, named Elza to represent him.
Another Democratic politician, Ruhut Sitompul, said Elza seemed to be playing a double role in her position with Hanura and as Nazaruddin's lawyer, with an eventual goal to put pressure on the Democratic Party.
Ruhut claimed that Wiranto was worried because his popularity continued to slide ahead of elections in 2014. "Ramadhan Pohan doesn't have to apologize. Maybe [Wiranto] is afraid of 2014 because SBY continues to shine," he said on Friday.
At a news conference on Friday, Oktasari, the chairwoman of Hanura's youth movement, called Wiranto a statesman. She said Ramadhan's accusations were strange, and that Wiranto was well-respected and it was Yudhoyono who needed to apologize for his failure to lead the country and eradicate corruption.
Agus Triyono A national rights group plans to summon the management of Metro TV after a former reporter alleged on Friday that she was fired for trying to set up a union.
The reporter, Luviana, told the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) that before her dismissal she had been forming a union with two colleagues, Matheus Dwi Hartanto and Edi Wahyudi. She said they wanted to demand fairer treatment and better pay for Metro TV employees.
"There are some employees who don't get bonuses, there are some who get a quarter of their salaries and some who get five times their salaries," Luviana told the commission. "[Bonuses] are given without any clear reason."
Both Matheus and Edi were also asked to resign from the station, she said.
"From what we have read from the timeline prepared by Luviana, there are irregularities in Metro TV's employment schemes, salaries and evaluations," Komnas HAM chairman Ifdhal Kasim said. "Luviana had been at Metro TV for nine years but she was never given an evaluation."
Ifdhal said Metro TV may have violated the Labor Law, which guarantees all employees' the right to form a union and receive fair treatment. "Bonuses are given based on achievements and this shows that there are working conditions that are not in line with the law," he said.
"This is crucial. If it is true that Metro TV fired Luviana for forming a union that would mean it violated her constitutional rights."
Palembang Around 2,000 employees of PT Willmar International Plantation (PT WIP), which operates in Lempuing Jaya district, Ogan Komering Ilir (OKI) regency, have staged rallies for the past two days demanding fair annual bonuses.
On the first day, the rally was held at the company's headquarters, on Thursday the workers rallied at the OKI legislative council building.
Labor association leader Suyono said that the company had been unfair to them. "The management has given bonuses not in line with company profits," he told The Jakarta Post by phone.
Andrea, a company representative, said that they could not make a decision yet. "We will meet the council to discuss the matter," she said. She said the company had incurred Rp 10 billion (US$1.1 million) in losses from the two idle days.
The Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) South Sumatra branch head, Sumarjono, said that annual incentives were subject to companies' policies. "Giving bonuses is normative. (The employees) can't demand them," he said.
Ismira Lutfia More than 200 Indonesian citizens are currently facing the death penalty or other heavy sentences overseas, government officials said on Thursday.
They are sitting in jails across Asia, from Malaysia to Iran. According to a count by the government-sanctioned task force on migrant worker protection, better known as Satgas TKI, 149 Indonesian citizens are facing serious sentences in Malaysia, while 37 migrants face similar threats in Saudi Arabia. Fourteen others are sitting on death row in China, and one each in Brunei, Singapore and Iran.
The most serious cases lie in Saudi Arabia, where three migrant workers Tuti Tursilawati, Siti Zaenab and Satina are each facing "a critical situation," task force spokesman Humphrey Djemat said in the statement.
One of those workers, a woman named Tuti from the West Java town of Majalengka, was sentenced to death after killing her employer during a struggle where he was allegedly trying to rape her, Humphrey said.
The task force, with the help of former Indonesian president BJ Habibie, have made appeals for clemency. Tuti's case is currently under review.
"The review is expected to last three months," Humphrey said. "In the meantime, Satgas TKI and the Embassy of Indonesia in Riyadh are trying to make a peaceful settlement with the victim's family."
Under Saudi law, a convict can be released from death row if they are pardoned by the victim's family.
Satgas TKI claims to have helped 49 Indonesians escape death row in the six months since the task force was formed. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has extended the task force's term for another six months. (JG/BeritaSatu)
Environment & natural disasters
Tunggadewa Mattangkilang, Balikpapan The East Kalimantan administration has revealed that 230 degraded coal mining concessions in the province have never been restored by the concession holders, despite their obligation to do so.
Governor Awang Farouk Ishak said on Tuesday that among the factors behind this problem was the fact that some of the money for the reclamation was not being released by the central government.
The land-reclamation fund, known as jaminan reklamasi or jamrek, constitutes deposits paid by all mining companies to the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry (ESDM) prior to the start of mining.
Once their mining operations are finished, the deposit is returned to the companies to use in rehabilitating and restoring any areas within their concessions that were degraded as a result of their activities.
Awang said that in many former concession sites, no reclamation had been done, leaving the areas full of gaping, rainwater-filled craters.
"We want to know why the deposits aren't being released for the purpose of reclamation, when the companies have already paid them to the central government, in this case the ESDM," he said at a symposium.
In January, two children drowned after falling into a disused mine shaft that had filled up with water in Samarinda, the provincial capital. The large amounts of loose soil in abandoned concessions have also contributed to landslides and flash floods during heavy rains.
Officials at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry did not respond to requests for comment on the governor's claim.
Awang said another factor in the problem was that the provincial administration did not have enough authority to take action against companies failing to rehabilitate their concessions once their operations were over.
Under prevailing regulations, the matter falls under the jurisdiction of district and municipal authorities, while provincial authorities only play a monitoring role.
"We need to have a greater role because there are a lot of problem mining companies that the lower-level authorities are not cracking down on," the governor said. "If the provincial government was given the power to act against those companies, we would do it."
Kahar Al Bahri, the coordinator of the East Kalimantan branch of the Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam), told the symposium that no mining company in the province had rehabilitated more than 50 percent of its concessions. Most, he said, only restored around 30 percent and stopped there.
"Even the major companies only do window dressing [for their disused mines]," he said. "That means that they'll take just a 30-hectare area out of their whole concession and rehabilitate it as much as possible so that they can show it off to visiting government officials."
Kahar said it was urgent that all disused mining shafts be closed off, otherwise rainwater would continue to leak the toxic chemicals within into the groundwater and contaminate local water supplies.
He also said that over the next 30 years, some 3,000 mine shafts were expected to go out of commission in the province, based on data from the Forestry Ministry.
"It would be incredibly stupid of the government to expect to be able to reclaim all that land on its own," he said. "That would be a huge burden on the government and the regional budgets."
To get the companies to face up to their responsibilities, he urged the authorities to be more strict about enforcing the reclamation regulation.
"There must be a high level of control from the authorities. If there's a violation, it must be addressed immediately. Revoke the company's permit if necessary," Kahar said.
"The problem now is that the control from the authorities and the communities is weak because the companies are denying them access to the concessions."
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Environmental organization Greenpeace Indonesia has accused Sinar Mas Group-owned industry giant Asia Pulp & Paper (APP) of illegally exploiting protected trees.
A year-long investigation carried out by Greenpeace's activists on APP's Indah Kiat Perawang mill in Riau province has identified that least 46 of 56 sample logs were allegedly from ramin trees (Gonystylus).
The logs, which were up to one meter in diameter, were found mixed in with other timber from rainforest trees at the mill last year, Greenpeace alleged.
"Our investigation has found that APP is breaking the Indonesian law, driving Sumatran tigers and ramin trees closer to extinction and undermining CITE, the international conservation agreement governing trade of protected species. This is contradictory to APP's public claim to have a zero tolerance for illegal timber," Bustar Maitar, head of Greenpeace's Global Forest Network for Indonesia, said on Thursday.
Greenpeace called on APP customers to stop buying products from the company to "clean up its act and hold on to its commitment".
The ramin is a medium-sized branchless tree that can grow to 24 meters. It grows slowly and mainly thrives in peat land. The logging of the ramin tree, which requires the clearing of peat forest, releases large amounts of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.
Ramin trees have been protected under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) since 2003. The Indonesian government issued a number of regulations in 2001 to protect the trees and ban exports of all ramin products.
"We also call on the government to immediately seize all illegal ramin from APP's operations in Indonesia. We have given the evidence to the authorities to help their efforts in improving governance in the forestry sector," Bustar said.
Greenpeace has also lodged a formal complaint to the Forestry Ministry. Forestry Ministry's director general of forest protection and conservation, Darori, confirmed that officials received the complaints from Greenpeace.
"We applaud Greenpeace for informing us about APP allegedly illegally trading ramin because the company doesn't have a permit to do so. However, it will be very difficult to verify the report as Greenpeace did not give us the actual proof, such as samples of the ramin. They only gave us written report and photos," he told The Jakarta Post.
Darori said that the ministry could reprimand APP or revoke its permit if it was proven to be guilty.
In response, APP said in a written statement that the company took any evidence of violation in the protection of an endangered tree species very seriously. The company said that it had dispatched a team of specialists to the Indah Kiat Perawang mill to find any evidence to support the Greenpeace allegations.
An APP official who did not want to be named said that all of the company's major pulp and paper mills, including the Indah Kiat Perawang mill, had received certificates from the Program for the Endorsement of Forest Certification International and the Indonesian Ecolabeling Institute (LEI).
"APP implements stringent externally-audited legal origin certification [LoV] and chain of custody [CoC] systems and protocols to track certified material from forests to the final product to ensure that the wood, wood fiber and non-wood fiber contained in the products or product line can be traced back to a certified forest," the official said.
Fitri, West Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara Sweat drips down the children's faces and soaks through their uniforms as they enter their classroom in Batu Mekar ward in West Lombok's Lingsar subdistrict.
"It's like this every day because we live so far from the school," says Mila Herpiana, a sixth-grader at Batu Mekar State Elementary School (SDN) No. 3. "But this is the only school in the area. Besides, it's OK, the sweat dries off soon enough."
Mila is among the 80 students at the school who live in Rumbuk village in Batu Mekar Ward, three kilometers away from the school in Batu Rimba village.
Each day, they have to walk an hour through dense forest just to get to class. Their journey also requires them to cross a rickety bridge over the Skot River, which often swells up and submerges the bridge during the rainy season.
An alternative route, which is passable by motorcycle, skirts the forest and fruit orchards in the area, but it is twice the distance at six kilometers.
In the afternoon, the students have to repeat the exhausting hike to get back home. Many, like Herianda Maulan, often choose to leave their books behind because the added weight makes the trip even more tiring. "The worst parts of it all are the steep inclines and the twisting paths," he says.
The situation faced by the students mirrors the plight of some children in Banten, who also have to contend with dangerous bridge crossings and tricky terrain to get to school.
While media coverage of the Banten cases has prompted authorities and local volunteers to start taking action, in West Lombok the students' ordeal has continued to go unnoticed.
Things are hardly any better for their teachers, most of whom are contract workers and therefore are not eligible for the higher pay and benefits afforded to teachers who enjoy civil servant status.
Muhamadun, the sixth-grade English teacher, lives about eight kilometers away and earns a mere Rp 100,000 ($11) a month, but this doesn't discourage him from coming in to teach every day. "I love these kids," he says. "I make just Rp 100,000 a month now, but I'm waiting to be made a civil servant by the West Lombok administration."
Khairul Fathi, the SDN 3 principal, says despite the school's isolation in the jungle, the children are genuinely willing to show up each day and learn. He attributes their enthusiasm to the dedication of teachers like Muhamadun and others who often volunteer to give lessons in Rumbuk village when the bridge floods over and the children can't get to school.
The message from the school officials and the children to the authorities is the same: they want the bridge fixed so that it no longer floods over. They also want a safer path built through the forest, one that a motorcycle can pass through, so the children aren't exhausted by the time they get to class. In the end, they just want someone to take notice of their plight.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The National Mandate Party is so pessimistic the proposed new legislative election law will pass that it has proposed giving up and making minor revisions to the existing 2008 law instead.
"If we're forced to because of a deadlock, I suggest we go back to the old law, with improvements. For example, the second and third counts [of ballots, conducted in Jakarta] were controversial during the last elections. Do them at the regional electoral office," Taufik Kurniawan, the secretary general of the party known as PAN, said on Thursday.
The legislative schedule for 2012, which all parties in the House of Representatives have agreed to, has lawmakers due to pass the new electoral law by March.
But disagreement over aspects of the law, especially the legislative threshold the minimum percentage of votes a party must secure to gain a place in the House has prevented the draft law from approaching finalization.
In the 2009 elections, the threshold was set at 2.5 percent, which allowed nine parties to enter the House. But the party that currently enjoys the greatest support in surveys, Golkar, would like to raise that to 5 percent for the next elections, and eventually to 10 percent.
In survey results released on Monday by the Center for Policy Studies and Strategic Development, all but three parties Golkar, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Democratic Party polled less than 5 percent. PAN and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) tied for fourth place with 4.8 percent, while the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP) received 4.6 percent and 4.1 percent, respectively.
Given the disagreements, Taufik argued that it would be unfair simply to put the draft law to a vote, as the majority could disenfranchise smaller voices.
Instead, Taufik said, the old law could be used, with improvements based on decisions from the Constitutional Court regarding several electoral procedure issues, handed down in the wake of the 2009 elections.
PKS's Mahfudz Siddiq said he also saw the debate on the bill as heading toward a stalemate, but he did not agree with Taufik that it should be scrapped.
He said the House debate should be short-circuited with a high-level discussion. "If it's debated in the House, it will never be settled. We need direct communication between the leaders of each party," Mahfudz said.
Niniek Karmini Barack Obama's former nanny, Evie, is overwhelmed by her jolt from transgender slum-dweller to local celebrity. TV crews troop in and out of her tiny concrete hovel. Estranged relatives finally want to meet. She even has a promising job offer.
Evie, who was born male but considers herself a woman, decided after enduring years of abuse and ridicule she'd be better off trying to just fit in. She stopped cross-dressing and has since eked out a living hand-washing clothes.
But since being the subject of a recent article by The Associated Press about the struggles of transgender people in this predominantly Muslim nation, the 66-year-old has been showered with attention. It's mostly because of her long-ago connection to the now-US president though she hopes it might generate more openness on gender issues.
"After living without hope for so long, like I was locked in a dark room, I now feel like the door is open," said Evie, who like many Indonesians goes by one name. "It's like the winds of heaven are blowing hope for me. Even my relatives who never cared about me are now coming to see me."
Though many newcomers to Indonesia are surprised by the quasi-acceptance and pervasiveness of transgenders seen on TV, working in salons they are usually the object of scorn.
"I realize this won't last long," she said. "But I think my story might help open people's eyes so they will respect us more."
An American teacher at Saint Peter's Catholic School in Jakarta, Philip Myers, was so touched by Evie's story when he saw it earlier this week that he offered her a job as a cook and a maid.
"I really don't care if she wants to come in wearing a dress, or pants. The outward appearance is not the issue. Her heart is what's important," Myers said.
Evie was excited by the idea. But for now, she's too overwhelmed to think about it. During a break between TV interviews at her home in a tightly packed Jakarta slum on Thursday, piled high with dirty laundry she's collected from neighbours, she said she hoped he would be patient.
She also said she would love to hear from her former charge but there has been no outreach yet from the White House.
Evie started caring for 8-year-old "Barry" Obama in 1969 when he lived in Indonesia's capital with his mother, Ann Dunham, who had arrived in the country two years earlier after marrying her second husband, Indonesian Lolo Soetoro.
Evie played with Obama and picked him up from school. She worked in the home as a man and says she never let young Barry see her in women's clothes, though neighbours remember seeing her leave the home in the evening dressed in drag.
The TV crews have been primarily interested in that brief period, Evie said, before Obama's family left Indonesia in the early 1970s and before she resorted to prostitution when work as household help dried up.
In the years that followed, she and her friends faced regular beatings from security guards and soldiers. They were often rounded up, loaded into trucks, and taken to a field where they were kicked, hit and otherwise abused.
When one day, nearly 20 years ago now, she saw the body of one of her friends in a sewage canal, her beautiful face bashed in, she decided enough was enough.
She gave away all of her dresses, colorful pants and bras: She was ready to live as a man. She kept to a quiet existence on the margins of the Indonesian capital, where neighbours have been flabbergasted by all of this week's fuss.
"They came with TV cameras and interview her as though she is a star," said Ayi Hasanah, a 50-year-old housewife who lives nearby. "Hopefully this can change her life. Because as far as I can see, her life is very hard."
Niniek Karmini, Jakarta, Indonesia Once, long ago, Evie looked after "Barry" Obama, the kid who would grow up to become the world's most powerful man. Now, his transgender former nanny has given up her tight, flowery dresses, her brocade vest and her bras, and is living in fear on Indonesia's streets.
Evie, who was born a man but believes she is really a woman, has endured a lifetime of taunts and beatings because of her identity. She describes how soldiers once shaved her long, black hair to the scalp and smashed out glowing cigarettes onto her hands and arms.
The turning point came when she found a transgender friend's bloated body floating in a backed-up sewage canal two decades ago. She grabbed all her girlie clothes in her arms and stuffed them into two big boxes. Half-used lipstick, powder, eye makeup she gave them all away.
"I knew in my heart I was a woman, but I didn't want to die like that," says Evie, now 66, her lips trembling slightly as the memories flood back. "So I decided to just accept it.... I've been living like this, a man, ever since."
Indonesia's attitude toward transgenders is complex. Nobody knows how many of them live in the sprawling archipelagic nation of 240 million, but activists estimate 7 million.
Because Indonesia is home to more Muslims than any other country in the world, the pervasiveness of men who live as women and vice versa often catches newcomers by surprise. They hold the occasional pageant, work as singers or at salons and include well-known celebrity talk show host Dorce Gamalama.
However, societal disdain still runs deep when transgenders act in TV comedies, they are invariably the brunt of the joke. They have taken a much lower profile in recent years, following a series of attacks by Muslim hard-liners. And the country's highest Islamic body has decreed that they are required to live as they were born because each gender has obligations to fulfill, such as reproduction.
"They must learn to accept their nature," says Ichwan Syam, a prominent Muslim cleric at the influential Indonesian Ulema Council. "If they are not willing to cure themselves medically and religiously" they have "to accept their fate to be ridiculed and harassed."
Many transgenders turn to prostitution because jobs are hard to find and because they want to live according to what they believe is their true gender. In doing so, they put themselves at risk of contracting AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.
Some, like Evie, have decided it's better to hide their feelings.
Others are pushing back. Last month, a 50-year-old Indonesian transvestite applied to be the next leader of the national human rights commission, showing up in a borrowed luxury vehicle with paparazzi cameras flashing as she stepped out. "I'm too ugly to be a prostitute," Yuli Retoblaut said, chuckling. "But I can be their bodyguard."
The threat of violence is very real: Indonesia's National Commission for Human Rights receives about 1,000 reports of abuses per year, ranging from murder and rape to the disruption to group activities. Worldwide, at least one person is killed every other day, according to the Trans Murder Monitoring Project, which collects homicide reports.
Evie says she chose her current name because she thought it sounded sweet. But she adds, as she pulls out her national identification card, her official name is Turdi and gender male. Several longtime residents of Obama's old Menteng neighborhood confirmed that Turdi had worked there as his nanny for two years, also caring for his baby sister Maya. When asked about the nanny, the White House had no comment.
Evie, who like many Indonesians goes by a single name, now lives in a closet-sized hovel in a tightly packed slum in an eastern corner of Jakarta, collecting and scrubbing dirty laundry to pay for food. She wears baggy blue jeans and a white T-shirt advertising a tranquil beach resort far away in a place she's never been. She speaks softly, politely, and a deep worry line is etched between her eyes.
As a child, Evie was often beaten by a father who couldn't stand having such a "sissy" for a son. "He wanted me to act like a boy, even though I didn't feel it in my soul," she says. Teased and bullied, she dropped out of school after the third grade and decided to learn how to cook.
As it turned out, she was pretty good at it, making her way into the kitchens of several high-ranking officials by the time she was a teenager, she recalls with a smile and a wink. And so it was, at a cocktail party in 1969, that she met Ann Dunham, Barack Obama's mother, who had arrived in the country two years earlier after marrying her second husband, Indonesian Lolo Soetoro.
Dunham was so impressed by Evie's beef steak and fried rice that she offered her a job in the family home. It didn't take long before Evie also was 8-year-old Barry's caretaker, playing with him and bringing him to and from school.
Neighbors recalled that they often saw Evie leave the house in the evening fully made up and dressed in drag. But she says it's doubtful Barry ever knew. "He was so young," says Evie. "And I never let him see me wearing women's clothes. But he did see me trying on his mother's lipstick, sometimes. That used to really crack him up."
When the family left in the early 1970s, things started going downhill. She moved in with a boyfriend. That relationship ended three years later, and she became a sex worker. "I tried to get a job as a maid, but no one would hire me," says Evie. "I needed money to buy food, get a place to stay."
It was a cat-and-mouse game with security guards and because the country was still under the dictatorship of Gen. Suharto soldiers. They often rounded up "banshees" or "warias," as they are known locally, loaded them into trucks, and brought them to a field where they were kicked, hit and otherwise abused.
The raid that changed everything came in 1985. She and her friends scattered into dark alleys to escape the swinging batons. One particularly beautiful girl, Susi, jumped into a canal strewn with garbage.
When things quieted, those who ran went back to look for her. "We searched all night," says Evie, who is still haunted by the memory of her friend's face. "Finally... we found her. It was horrible. Her body swollen, face bashed in."
Today Evie seeks solace in religion, going regularly to the mosque and praying five times a day. She says she's just waiting to die. "I don't have a future anymore."
She says she didn't know the boy she helped raise won the 2008 US presidential election until she saw a picture of the family in local newspapers and on TV. She blurted out that she knew him. "I couldn't believe my eyes," she says, breaking into a huge grin.
Her friends at first laughed and thought she was crazy, but those who live in the family's old neighborhood say it's true. "Many neighbors would remember Turdi... she was popular here at that time," says Rudy Yara, who still lives across the street from Obama's former house. "She was a nice person and was always patient and caring in keeping young Barry."
Evie hopes her former charge will use his power to fight for people like her. Obama named Amanda Simpson, the first openly transgender appointee, as a senior technical adviser in the Commerce Department in 2010.
For Evie, who's now just trying to earn enough to survive each day on Jakarta's streets, the election victory itself was enough to give her a reason for the first time in a long time to feel proud. "Now when people call me scum," she says, "I can just say: 'But I was the nanny for the President of the United States!'"
Aidi Yursal, Medan Scores of asylum seekers who have been detained for years by immigration authorities in Medan have demanded an end to their limbo and want an immediate decision on whether they will be sent to a third country.
"I have been living at this shelter in Medan with my wife and two children for almost two years now," Muhammad, an asylum-seeker from Afghanistan, said on Wednesday. "We're living in uncertainty while we wait to find out which country will accept us." He said that he hoped to land in Australia, New Zealand or Canada.
Like the scores of other asylum seekers from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Burma and elsewhere who are being held in Indonesia, Muhammad and his family rely on food rations of one kilogram of rice per person every four days, as well as a monthly stipend of Rp 300,000 ($33) every 15 days, from the International Organization for Migration.
The children also receive a rudimentary education, but Muhammad said that did not justify the years they had spent waiting for the IOM and the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to process their cases.
Muhammad dispelled rumors that asylum seekers were planning to march to the IOM office to protest the lengthy process, saying that he did not want to jeopardize his family's chances of being granted asylum.
The rumor also said the detainees at the Belawan immigration detention center, 20 kilometers north of Medan, were also planning to take part in a rally, but an official there said it was not true.
"How could they possibly take part in a rally at a place 20 kilometers away?" the official asked, on condition of anonymity. "Besides, we keep a very close watch on them and they have to get permission for every single trip outside of the detention center."
The official added that the asylum-seekers at Belawan had not been in the country as long as those at the IOM camp in Medan and had yet to be processed by the IOM and UNHCR.
The plight of asylum seekers in the country was highlighted again late last month when a 28-year-old Afghan man died after reportedly being beaten at the immigration detention center in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. Officers at the center are still under investigation.
The Directorate General of Immigration says that as of December, there were about 4,000 illegal immigrants in the country. More than 3,000 were classified as asylum seekers.
Ulma Haryanto The National Commission of Human Rights called on the Justice and Human Rights Ministry on Friday to conduct an internal evaluation of the Immigration Directorate General after the brutal death of an asylum seeker from Afghanistan.
"The Justice and Human Rights Ministry has to be responsible for this since asylum seekers and refugees waiting for placement are under their protection," said Ifdhal Kasim, the chairman of the commission known as Komnas HAM.
The UN refugee agency UNHCR said it was "deeply saddened" by the death and issued a news release on Friday urging an investigation of the killing. "We call on the Indonesian authorities to conduct a swift and thorough investigation that will shed light on this incident," the statement read.
Ageng Pribadi, the head of the immigration detention center in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, said he was "shocked" to learn of the finding of a lifeless 28-year-old Taqi Naroye in his immigration detention center earlier this week.
Naroye and five other Afghan asylum seekers reportedly tried to escape from the center on Sunday night but were caught by local residents and returned to the detention center the next evening.
"It was 9:30 p.m. when I oversaw my men putting him in an isolation chamber and I instructed them to stay away from him," Ageng said. He said he went straight to bed afterward. Ageng lives just behind the detention center.
"I always briefed my men to treat the detainees as their friends. I want no violence under my watch," he said. "Even so, they fought with each other a lot."
He said the guards claimed the detainees were arrogant and liked to threaten the guards. "Naroye once told the guards that, 'There are 30 of you and 50 of us. If we escape, what can you do?' When he was brought back by the guards, I guess what they wanted was to punish him," Ageng said.
The guards told investigators that Naroye was beaten by an angry mob, but police disagree. "It was not caused by a mob attack but the guards who abused the victim until he died," Pontianak crime unit chief Comr. Puji Prayitno told local news portal Harian Equator on Wednesday.
Police have determined the cause of death was blunt force trauma, ABC News reported. Two of the four guards working the night shift during Naroye's beating have been taken in for questioning by local investigators. Police have not named a suspect.
Abuses within the immigration detention center have usually gone unnoticed until news of escapes or even deaths reached the public.
"Public access to the center is limited," said Elfansuri Chairah, who heads Komnas HAM's research department for international laws and regulations. "If we were not Komnas HAM, we probably would also have difficulty getting access to the facility," he added.
Previous requests by the Jakarta Globe to visit the immigration detention center in Kalideres, West Jakarta, were ignored.
Elfansuri and his team found that officers in the field always claimed to have been given no certain standard operating procedures for dealing with the stream of migrants.
"Our detention centers look like prison cells," Elfansuri said. "Those who are fleeing from persecution are now faced with a reality where they are being treated like criminals. This is very depressing." The frustrating conditions, he added, led some to attempt escape and even suicide.
Ravindra, a Tamil refugee, described his detention in Bandar Lampung. "On our first day we were slapped and punched in our stomachs by immigration officers," he said.
The Kalimantan center was recently renovated with funds from the International Organization for Migration.
A 28-year-old Afghan asylum seeker was allegedly beaten to death by guards in an Indonesian detention center Monday night.
The man, identified in various news reports as Taqi Naroye, reportedly escaped from the Pontianak detention center in West Kalimantan on Sunday. He was caught by local residents and returned to the detention center the next evening. In total, six men had escaped from the center.
According to West Kalimantan's immigration chief, Ahmad Hasaf, Taqi was returned to the center in good health. But that night, the 28 year old was allegedly savagely beaten by guards, according to local police reports.
A local resident told reporters that he could hear Taqi screaming in pain until 2 a.m. Tuesday. His heavily battered body was dropped off at Soedarso hospital on Tuesday morning. He was pronounced dead on arrival.
The guards previously told investigators that Taqi was beaten by an angry mob. But police disagree. "It was not caused by a mob attack but the guards who abused the victim until he died," Comr. Puji Prayitno, Pontianak crime unit chief told the local news portal Harian Equator on Wednesday.
indonesian police have determined the cause of death as blunt force trauma, ABC News reported. Two of the four guards working the night shift during Taqi's beating have been taken in for questioning by local investigators. Police have not named a suspect.
The Kalimantan center was recently renovated with funds from the International Organization for Migration.
The UN refugee agency was "deeply saddened" by the death and issued a press release Friday urging Indonesian authorities to investigate the killing. "We call on the Indonesian authorities to conduct a swift and thorough investigation that will shed light on this incident," the statement read.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Dessy Sagita & Novianti Setuningsih All that talk by the Yudhoyono administration about getting tough on corruption took another hit on Wednesday when a Jakarta court threw out an attempt to make it more difficult for graft convicts to have their sentences cut.
The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights had issued a decree outlining stricter requirements for corruption suspects to receive the kinds of sentence reductions that are handed out on some holidays.
But the decree was successfully challenged in the Jakarta State Administrative Court, which said imposing tighter requirements for corruptors "violates existing laws and the principle of good governance." Corruptors, the court said, should not be discriminated against in obtaining remissions.
The policy was enacted shortly after Justice Minister Amir Syamsuddin and his deputy minister, Denny Indrayana, took office last year. Amir's predecessor, Patrialis Akbar, had been criticized for being overly generous in cutting sentences.
The policy, while welcomed by antigraft watchdogs and activists, caused an uproar among legislators because it resulted in graft convict Paskah Suzetta, a former legislator and minister, being sent back to jail just moments after he was released early thanks to a remission.
Several members of House Commission III, overseeing legal affairs, went so far as to boycott hearings with the minister. Last month, lawmakers even pushed for a formal inquiry of the decree.
The challenge to the decree was lodged by former Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra in the name of eight corruption convicts: Ahmad Hafiz Zawawi, Bobby Satrio Hardiwibowo Suhardiman, Mulyono Subroto, Hesti Andi Tjahyanto, Agus Wijayanto Legowo, H. Ibrahim and Hengky Baramuli. Yusril is also implicated in a graft scandal.
After Wednesday's ruling, Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo said Amir and Denny "must resign as minister and deputy minister now that the court has ruled against" the decree.
Eva Kusuma Sundari, from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said the president must punish Amir and Denny as "the court ruling suggests that the justice minister broke the law."
Amir and Denny said separately that they respected the ruling and would abide by it. But Denny also said he "regretted that the court was unable to capture the public's desire that sentence cuts and conditional releases no longer be easily distributed to corruptors."
Indonesia Corruption Watch lashed out at the ruling, calling it a "bad footnote in the battle against corruption in Indonesia."
Febridiansyah, ICW's legal researcher, said the verdict made it seem that the administrative court was legitimizing the provision of perks to corruptors. He said a 2006 government regulation stipulated that not everyone had the right to remissions. "The awarding of remissions should prioritize the public's sense of justice," he said.
Corruptors, he added, should get heavier sentences than other criminals because their crimes hurt so many people. "They are already handed light sentences and given discounts on top of that. How can one talk about corruption eradication?" he said. Febridiansyah said he hoped the Justice and Human Rights Ministry would appeal.
Slamet Susanto and Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Yogyakarta/Surabaya A number of bureaucrats officially declared their disengagement with corrupt practices by signing "integrity pacts", although anticorruption activists doubted their commitment.
As many as 125 officials from the Yogyakarta municipal administration and legislative council signed the pact on Wednesday as part of their campaign for bureaucracy reform. They vowed not to commit corruption, collusion and nepotism and to stay away from drugs.
The officials comprised heads of regency administration agencies, heads of divisions, district heads, subdistrict heads and municipal councilors.
The signing ceremony was symbolically carried out by several top officials including Mayor Haryadi Suyuti, Deputy Mayor Imam Priyono, municipal legislative council's deputy speaker Sinarbiyat Nujanat and Deputy Administrative Reforms Minister Ismail Mohammad.
The pact consists of seven points requiring its signatories to proactively prevent and eradicate corruption, collusion and nepotism practices, to never ask for bribes, to build commitments to maintain accountability, to avoid conflicts of interest and to become a model for adherence to regulations.
Apart from the seven points, the municipal administration has also added new points, including the ones on commitments against illegal drug use.
The declaration came a day after such a move had been initiated by East Java officials.
On Tuesday, they established what they called a corruption-free integrity zone, marked with the signing of an integrity pact between the governor and 38 regents and mayors from across the province. The signing of the pact, which took place at the Negara Grahadi building in Surabaya, was witnessed by Administrative Reforms Minister Azwar Abubakar and Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairman Busyro Muqoddas.
Two agencies included in the first integrity zone are the East Java Transportation Office's Weigh Station Technical Implementation Unit (UPT) and the East Java Investment Board's Integrated Licensing Service UPT.
East Java Governor Soekarwo expressed hopes the signing of the integrity pact would improve public services. According to Busyro, the presence of the integrity zone in the scope of public services is part of an effort to prevent corruption as mandated by the 2010-2015 National Corruption Eradication Strategy.
However, the move received a cool response from the East Java Anticorruption Working Network (JKAK), which claimed the declaration only paid lip service to anticorruption efforts.
According to JKAK coordinator Lutfi Jayadi Kurniawan, the most important matter was to set an accountability parameter on public services in East Java, so members of community could assess directly and openly information on all the services they receive.
JKAK argued that the two agencies chosen in the corruption-free integrity zone did not represent public services, because according to the public services law, basic public services include healthcare, education and civil administration.
"The choice of the weigh station UPT and Investment Board Integrated Licensing Service UPT is because they are concerned only about the province's sources of income, but not public services," said Lutfi.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Anti-graft activists praised the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) latest move to send their former director of investigations, Brig. Gen. Yurod Saleh, back to the National Police headquarters due to his alleged close associations with graft defendant Muhammad Nazaruddin. However they also criticized the KPK for not previously revealing the links between both men to the public.
"We appreciate the KPK's latest move to return Yurod Saleh to the National Police headquarters due to the alleged links with Nazaruddin but the KPK should clarify that nothing inappropriate occurred during Muhammad Nazaruddin's questioning process as a result of this association," Emerson Yuntho of the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
Coordinator of the Indonesia Police Watch (IPW) Neta S Pane agreed that the KPK should have gone public first to reassure the nation that Yurod hadn't managed to impede the interrogation process of Nazaruddin before returning him to his original position. "The KPK should be able to address this speculation or else they will be considered as lacking in discipline with regard to their own staff," he said.
He suggested that the KPK should conduct an investigation of Yurod and examine various sources to make sure that he hadn't intervened during the investigation into Nazaruddin. He added that if Yurod was later found guilty of such interference then he should be severely punished.
According to the KPK, there are currently five candidates from the police force who are being considered as replacements for Yurod.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) will be stripped of all investigative powers under a plan being considered by the House of Representatives Commission III overseeing legal affairs.
"It's an option to be included in the deliberation of a bill on the KPK. We want the bill to stipulate that the KPK focus only on corruption prevention, while the police and the Attorney General's Office (AGO) will go further on law enforcement," Commission III chief and Democratic Party member Benny K. Harman said on Wednesday. "Therefore, we will also revise both laws on the Attorney General and the police."
Benny said that the KPK currently had too many responsibilities for the anti-graft body to be able to prevent corruption. "It's undeniable that the KPK has successfully imprisoned a number of corruptors, but it has failed to prevent an increase of corrupt acts," he added.
Legislators from Commission III are scheduled to visit several countries, including France and China, to study their anti-graft bodies.
Separately, KPK chief Abraham Samad told reporters that the revision of the bill on the KPK was unnecessary. "The law we have now is not ideal, but I think it's enough to give us the authority to fulfill our responsibility," he said on the sidelines of a meeting with the House's monitoring team in the Bank Century bailout case.
Abraham refused to answer other questions, including whether or not the plan to revise the bill is an attempt to protect lawmakers accused of corruption. (swd)
Farouk Arnaz & Ezra Sihite The Corruption Eradication Commission is sending its head of investigations, Yurod Saleh, back to the National Police amid reports of ties to graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin.
A National Police spokesman, Brig. Gen. Muhammad Taufik, said on Monday that the antigraft body, known as the KPK, had notified the police that Yurod's services were no longer needed, but did not provide further details.
"If you ask the reason [for the transfer], we don't know," he said. "[Police officers] are only assigned temporarily to the KPK. If the KPK feels he is no longer needed, we won't complain."
The KPK does not have its own investigators, relying on officers from the National Police. National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Sutarman confirmed Yurod was moving. KPK deputy chairman Bambang Widjojanto declined to say why Yurod was being moved, or when it would happen.
Citing an anonymous source described as "a senior KPK official," news site tempo.co said the KPK had held an ethics tribunal for Yurod after it learned he had close ties to Nazaruddin.
When the KPK was questioning Nazaruddin's brother, Muhammad Nasir, he and Yurod met and kissed each other on the cheek. "The incident was recorded by CCTV," the news site quoted the source as saying.
Before Nazaruddin was named a suspect, he had several telephone conversations with Yurod, and the KPK also had records indicating that money was funneled to Yurod from one of Nazaruddin's companies, the source continued. Taufik called the report "baseless rumor."
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Politicians at the House of Representatives have called for the reinstatement of Brig. Gen. Yurod Saleh as the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) director of investigations.
The KPK announced they would return Yurod to the National Police, following speculation that he might have had personal ties with graft defendant and former Democratic Party lawmaker M. Nazaruddin.
"We don't see any reason for the KPK to return Yurod to the National Police because we see that he is the right man in the right place. We will ask KPK chairman Abraham Samad to reinstate Yurod in his post as director of investigations," lawmaker Nasir Djamil of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said at the House on Monday.
Nasir said he suspected that Yurod was a casualty of an internal rift within the KPK's leadership. "I am afraid that a rivalry, which could affect decisions made by the KPK, is taking place within the antigraft body. The sacking of Yurod is a reflection of this," he said.
Lawmaker Trimedya Panjaitan of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) was the first to question the KPK's decision to fire Yurod.
"Why should the KPK replace someone like Yurod, who has the capacity to do his job? There must be a hidden agenda behind this. It is just unreasonable because Yurod is young, intelligent and able to perform his duty," Trimedya said last week during a hearing with the KPK.
KPK deputy chief Bambang Widjojanto denied speculation that the sacking of Yurod was politically motivated, saying that "any final decision to replace KPK personnel would be solely made by the commission's chairman". "We always conduct fit-and-proper evaluations before making any decision," he said.
Contacted separately, KPK spokesperson Johan Budi said that the agency had yet to make a final decision on replacing investigators. "The KPK plans to replace three investigators, but I have no information yet on whether Yurod is one of them," he said.
Yurod was installed as the KPK's head of investigations April last year. Speculation was rife that the decision to replace Yurod from his post was due to his close ties to Nazaruddin.
Nazaruddin's brother, Democratic Party lawmaker M. Nasir, denied the allegation, saying that his brother did not have any relations with Yurod.
National Police criminal investigation division chief Comr. Gen. Sutarman has confirmed that Yurod has now returned to the force, although he declined to give details on the motive behind his return. "I have no idea why the KPK made the decision. But we welcome the decision, we don't see any problems with that," he said.
The Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) applauded the KPK's plan to replace Yurod as a start toward creating an independent institution.
"Independent investigation has been a problem for the KPK since 2003, and this can be a first step for the antigraft body to be more independent in its investigations. Replacing their director of investigations is a way for KPK to maintain its neutrality," he said.
He said that what mattered would be investigators' credentials and not their institutional background, be it the National Police or Attorney General's Office.
Erwida Maulia Indonesia's immigration office said it will immediately investigate the alleged mistreatment of Hollywood actor Taylor Kitsch by an allegedly corrupt Indonesian customs officer as he tried to enter Indonesia to work on a movie shoot.
The Canadian actor, 30, told US "Late Show" host David Letterman about his encounter with airport customs officials.
In a clip of the interview on CBS.com, Kitsch described the unpleasant encounter with the customs officer who did not immediately allow him to enter Indonesia and asked for his iPhone as a bribe.
He said the customs officer would not allow him to enter because his passport pages were full, although Kitsch had a visa to work on Oliver Stone's film "Savages," also featuring John Travolta, Uma Thurman and Salma Hayek.
"You're out of pages so I can't stamp it, so you're gone," Kitsch quoted the officer as saying. "And I'm like, 'Hold on, I can work here; I've got the visa.' He didn't believe I was an actor, so I'm literally pitching myself to this guy," he added.
Kitsch said he showed the customs officer a trailer of "John Carter," in which he starred, on his iPhone. The official then asked about the iPhone, "Can you give me one of those?"
The officer finally allowed Kitsch to pass after Kitsch managed to convince him he was in the movie trailer.
Letterman said during the TV show that the unpleasant encounter with the corrupt customs officer had occurred in the Philippines and Kitsch did not correct him.
But, the Philippine Bureau of Customs commissioner Ruffy Biazon denied the claims, saying he had investigated them and found that the Philippine government had not given any permits for location shooting of "Savages."
Authorities had found no customs or immigration records of Kitsch's visit, Biazon said. "I feel confident that Mr. Kitsch was mistaken in saying that his bad experience during his travel was in the Philippines," he said in his report, published on the Web site of local television station ABS-CBN.
Biazon said he learned some scenes in the upcoming film were actually recently filmed in Indonesia, the Philippines' neighbor to the south. According to the Web site Balifilm.com, recent shooting for "Savages" took place over six days on the island of Moyo in Indonesia's West Nusa Tenggara province.
Indonesian immigration office spokesman Maryoto Hadi said he had not heard of the incident, but would soon investigate it.
"If an officer of ours abuses his authority and taints the image of the organization especially, we will surely take action against him, in accordance to the existing regulation," Maryoto told The Jakarta Globe in a phone interview. "We will surely investigate the truth behind this news," he added.
Kitsch is best known for his portrayal of American football star Tim Riggins in the television series "Friday Night Lights."
Arya Dipa A non-active regent who has been found guilty of corruption has not yet been sent to prison even though the Supreme Court (MA) overturned a previous court verdict that had acquitted him of corruption charges.
The West Java Higher Prosecutor's Office said it was unable to execute the court ruling that had sentenced Eep Hidayat to five years' imprisonment after finding him guilty of power abuse, arguing it had not yet received a copy of the sentence.
"Ask the [Bandung] District Court why the copy of the sentence has not yet been sent here," said Fadil Zumhanna special crime assistant with the Prosecutor's Office, in Bandung, West Java, over the weekend.
The Bandung District Court's junior secretary for corruption crimes, Susilo Nandang Bagio, confirmed that the court had received a copy of the ruling to hand down a sentence of five years' imprisonment on Eep. He also said that copies of the documents had in fact been sent to both Eep and the higher court.
Eep was convicted of collecting illegal levies between 2005 and 2008 that resulted in losses of Rp 2.5 billion (US$275,000) to the state. As well as the prison term, he was also ordered to return the state money and pay Rp 200 million in fines, on pain of another three months in prison if he failed to pay.
The sentence was signed by presiding Supreme Court judge Artidjo Alkostar and member judges Leo Hutagalung and Syamsul Chaniago.
The Supreme Court's ruling came after an appeal by the prosecutor's office over Eep's acquittal on all the charges at the Bandung District Court.
During the trial in Bandung, the panel of judges, presided over by I Gusti Lanang, considered that Eep had not contravened Articles 2 and 18 of the Corruption Eradication Law as had been indicted.
Eep's lawyer Abdi Yuhana claimed that it was the Home Ministry that had to account for the policy on the collection of property tax. The particular method of tax collection, he said, had been practiced by all the provincial, regency and municipality administrations across the country.
"It is regulated by the Home Ministry. It is not just applied in Subang but in all regional administrations," Abdi said. He also criticized the Supreme Court's sentence as being biased.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The first trial of bribery suspect Nunun Nurbaeti looks to implicate another politician as prosecutors mentioned the alleged involvement of Emir Moeis, an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator.
When the vote-buying case at the House of Representatives (DPR) took place in 2004, Emir was the chairman of the House's Commission IX, which handled the selection of Miranda S. Goeltom as a Bank Indonesia deputy senior governor.
Asked whether Emir would be the next target, prosecutor Mochamad Rum declined to elaborate. "Just wait and watch the trial's progress," he said.
According to the indictment, PDI-P legislator Dudhie Makmun Murod distributed the traveler's checks worth Rp 9.8 billion (US$1.08 million) to his colleagues at Commission IX after receiving them from Ari Malangjudo, an aide of Nunun.
"The checks were distributed to, among others, Agus Condro Prayitno, who accepted 10 checks worth Rp 500 million and Emir Moeis Rp 200 million," prosecutor Andi Suharlis said during the trial.
The Rp 9.8 billion checks were part of the Rp 20.85 billion in total, which were distributed by Nunun.
The case has sent all 33 former lawmakers at the House's Commission IX mostly from the PDI-P, the Golkar Party and the United Development Party (PPP) to jail, but not the benefactor who provided the money. Several lawmakers implicated in the case are apparently still also "off the hook".
The indictment said Nunun and Golkar lawmaker Hamka Yandhu who was sentenced in 2010 first discussed the fees for Commission IX members at Nunun's office a day before the commission held a fit and proper test for three BI senior deputy governor candidates. Ari later joined the meeting.
"I want you to help me to express gratitude to the House's members," Nunun said to Ari. She later told him Hamka would organize everything for him.
At that time, they had prepared four paper bags containing the checks. Each bag was marked with different colors of red, yellow, green and white to fit the colors of the political parties set to receive the checks.
During the meeting, Hamka told Ari that he and Nunun had arranged the delivery of the rewards. Nunun told Ari that he needed to meet the people who would collect each bag.
On June 8, 2004, the day when a fit and proper test was held, someone claiming to be from the PDI-P called Ari at around 12:15 p.m. and told him that he would like him to take something entrusted to him. The person told him to go to the Bebek Bali restaurant in Senayan, Central Jakarta, which is just around the corner from the House building.
Ari reported it to Nunun, who later ordered an office boy named Ngatiran to bring the four paper bags to Ari's office. Ari later came to the restaurant where he met Dudhie who was sent to jail in 2010 and there he handed over the bag with the red label.
In May 2010, in his defense statement, Dudhie told the Jakarta Corruption Court that all PDI-P politicians from Commission IX had accepted the checks worth Rp 9.8 billion to back Miranda, now a suspect, in her election. He mentioned Emir also accepted the bribe.
Dudhie also said it was Panda who ordered him to take the bag from Ari at the Bebek Bali restaurant and later to hand the funds over to PDI-P legislators from the commission.
In mid 2011, during trials of former PDI-P lawmakers in the case, Emir, a witness against 12 of his former colleagues, said the traveler's checks were distributed by Dudhie a day after they cast their votes.
"I did not know where the traveler's checks came from, but I assumed they were distributed to elect Miranda," Emir said before the court. He later returned the checks to Panda Nababan but later accepted them again after being told those were for party campaign activities.
Terrorism & religious extremism
Indonesia's counter-terror unit Detachment 88 is funded and trained by Australia. Why are we so involved with a unit whose work includes counter- separatist activities? Marni Cordell reports from Jakarta.
Marni Cordell, Jakarta When politicians in Australia hail the success of Indonesia's counter-terror forces in catching, charging and often killing the country's top terror operatives, it's Detachment 88's work they are talking about.
Detachment 88 is an elite counter-terror unit within the Indonesian National Police that was formed in the aftermath of the 2002 Bali Bombings. It is funded and trained by Australia, and enjoys close co-operation with the Australian Federal Police.
Noordin Top, Dulmatin, Abu Bakar Bashir, Umar Patek have all been apprehended since the force became operational in 2003. Jakarta-based terror expert Sidney Jones calls them "the top of the top" and Australia's training and money have been instrumental in their success in disarming Indonesia's significant terror network. According to DFAT, Indonesian authorities have convicted over 470 terrorists and their accomplices since 2000.
But there are growing concerns about what else they are using that deadly efficiency for and although we train and fund them, we exercise little control over their operations.
When Detachment 88 was accused in 2010 of torturing independence activists in the Indonesian province of Maluku, the AFP and Australian Government said they were concerned about the allegations but had "no mandate to investigate the conduct of foreign police within another country".
But the incident was not an isolated one now, activists in West Papua claim Detachment 88 is being deployed to hunt down not only armed resistance fighters, but also civilians with ties to the independence movement, in what appears to be a growing campaign of intimidation.
I met Eric Sonindemi, a participant in last October's Third Papuan People's Congress, in a cafe in Jakarta. He told me that soon after their arrival from Jakarta, a surge of Detachment 88 personnel was involved in the deadly attack on Congress, in which six people were killed and many others wounded.
"Most of the security forces were in plain clothes, but they weren't really concealing their weapons they were sort of showing off," Sonindemi told NM. "Detachment 88 was there," he said, explaining that he "saw their equipment and riots shields".
On the last day of Congress, Sonindemi was as surprised as other participants when the police and military opened fire because the gathering had been peaceful.
"Everyone thought it was going to be safe because the event ended peacefully and [Congress leader] Forkorus Yaboisembut thanked the police and Indonesia for their support. People went home thinking they were safe," he said. But then security forces began firing indiscriminately into the dwindling crowd.
"I was in a nearby monastery when the shooting started which wasn't until about 30-45 minutes after the Congress had ended," Sonindemi said.
"I hid in one of the brothers' rooms and put on one of his robes, pretending to be a student. Soon the fully armed police and military arrived. They used tear gas and threatened to ransack the place before taking away a number of people, who were all told to squat and crawl toward the sports field."
"Hundreds of people were detained that night and many of them were beaten in detention. I spoke to one person who had a gash in his head, a broken nose and bruises on his face. He had been beaten with the butt of a rifle by a policeman. He was subsequently released and never charged with any crime."
Sonindemi explains that the security situation in Papua has "really been heating up" since August last year. "Before August, the police and military would not come in big numbers if there was a public rally. That has changed now," he told New Matilda.
According to Jakarta Globe journalist Nivell Rayda, who has been investigating Detachment 88, there has been a marked shift by the force in recent months toward policing "separatism" rather than terrorism.
When I spoke to Rayda last week in the Jakarta Globe newsroom he said he believes this is because Indonesia has not had a major terror attack since the second JW Marriott bombing in 2009 and says he noticed a similar trend between 2005 and 2009, when there was also a period of relative calm.
"Detachment 88 being somewhat of an elite unit, being funded and trained by foreign countries... they just lay dormant their resources, their equipment and their tactical abilities, and investigation techniques just laying dormant for years," he told NM. It was during this period that the unit was involved in the torture of local independence activists in Maluku.
"In 2009 we had another major attack, but since then we've arrested nearly all the major players and terrorism suspects... there haven't really been any major terrorism events taking shape, and it looks like the pattern seems to repeat itself: Detachment 88 has been engaging once more in non- terrorism issues, including [counter] separatism," he said.
Rayda agrees that Detachment 88 is not only pursuing armed resistance fighters, and cites a case in August last year in Nafri, Papua, in which two young girls were detained among a group of 15 people after a fatal shooting attack on a public minivan.
The OPM was blamed but denied involvement and Detachment 88 was dispatched to help local police with the investigation. Nivell told New Matilda, "After Detachment 88 stepped in, they arrested 15 people including a 7- and an 8-year-old girl. These 15 people were beaten, they were tortured, they were arbitrarily detained and treated inhumanely.
"But the following day, they released 13 of them. So only two of them were responsible for the shooting, and the other 13 were innocent but they were beaten as well."
Eric Sonindemi said mass arrests are a common tactic used by police in Papua to intimidate people and weed out the perpetrators.
A Jakarta-based security analyst who asked not to be named admitted when I met with them last week that they held concerns about Detachment 88's loose definition of terrorism but claimed the force was "moving away from [policing separatism] now".
"Detachment 88 has been sent to Papua in certain cases where the local police don't have investigative skills, but it's more to help in the investigations than to engage in raids," the analyst told NM. "The exception to that was the... death of [OPM leader] Kelly Kwalik in December 2010, which did involve Detachment 88."
But Rayda disagrees. In fact when he asked the Indonesian National Police why Detachment 88 were involved in raids against OPM members that displaced thousands of villagers in Papua's Paniai in December last year, he says the police were quite up front about the fact that they believe "terrorism is not only limited to bombings and militants and stuff like that. It also extends to separatism".
An Australian funded and trained elite counter-separatist force? This was not the Australian government's intention when it began pouring millions of dollars into the Indonesian counter-terror effort after the Bali bombings. Both the 2002 MoU with Indonesia on combating international terrorism, and the MoU on police co-operation between our two countries, focus firmly on transnational, not local, crime and the AFP says Detachment 88 has not sought assistance from Australia in any investigations or operations to counter internal separatist movements. However, the Australians do admit to working very closely with the Indonesian National Police at Jakarta headquarters, where Detachment 88 is now controlled.
New Matilda asked the AFP how much they know about Detachment 88's operations before they take place. We also asked the minister for Home Affairs, Jason Clare, whether Australia condoned a definition of terrorism that included peaceful expressions of dissent. We did not receive a response by the time of publication.
Detachment 88 has a distinctive owl logo but Nivell Rayda say locals recognise their presence because, unlike the local police, they carry foreign-made weapons and wear balaclava-like masks. Curiously, Detachment 88 officers are commonly issued with Steyr assault rifles an unusual rifle to be used by Indonesian forces. The Steyr is standard issue to Australian troops and is manufactured by Australian Defence Industries in Lithgow NSW.
Rayda has spoken to a number of activists in Papua and Indonesia's other trouble spots who have noticed officers from the elite unit at rallies and during raids.
Sonindemi agreed when I met with him that, "The understanding that Detachment 88 are in Papua now is quite widespread", and told me he was deeply concerned about the situation. "Usually in Papua conflicts emerge because of increased troop deployment. It's usually the source of the problem."
Bayu Marhaenjati Former Global TV cameraman Imam Mochammad Firdaus was sentenced to three years and four months in prison at the West Jakarta District Court for his role in a plot to send book-shaped bombs to advocates of liberal Islam last year.
Imam was found guilty of hiding information about the thwarted terrorism plot. According to the prosecution, the former cameraman knew of Pepi Fernando's plan and failed to notify the authorities, a crime under Article 13 of Indonesia's 2003 Terrorism Law. His sentence is lower than the five years demanded by prosecutors.
"Based on materials of the indictment, we've decided that Imam Mochammad Firdaus was proven guilty and sentence him to three years and four months in prison," Chief Judge Supeno said as he read out the verdict. Imam has seven days to decide if he plans to appeal the verdict.
Bayu Marhaenjati The mastermind behind last year's book bombing plot, Pepi Fernando, was sentenced to 18 years in jail by the West Jakarta District Court on Monday.
Pepi planned to send bombs disguised as books to four advocates of liberal Islam in Jakarta during March of last year. He was also behind a failed plot to bomb the Christ Cathedral Church in Serpong, Tangerang during the same month.
"We've decided that Pepi Fernando is guilty of terrorism and sentence him to 18 years in jail," Chief Judge Moestofa said as he read out the verdict.
Pepi's lawyer, Asludin, said after court that the sentence was too harsh, but still was considerably lower than the life sentence sought by the prosecution. The defense attorney had expected a lower sentence, since his client had cooperated with the prosecution during the trial.
"The panel of judges acknowledged that [cooperatiness]," Asludin said. Pepi had not decided whether he would appeal the verdict.
Nivell Rayda The sun was rising slowly behind Salahutu Mountain but the island of Ambon remained dark as thunder-infested clouds hid the rays overhead.
A storm was brewing quickly, with drops of rain visible just over the horizon on the Banda Sea. The air felt cold in the middle of Ambon's rainy season, and as I traveled with my guide on a one-hour motorbike ride, my body shivered uncontrollably.
I gripped my jacket tighter around my body as I glanced briefly at the reflection of my guide, Rezon, on the side mirror of his motorbike. He seemed accustomed to the low temperature, wearing sandals, shorts and a thin T-shirt with a printed image of the Spice Islands.
"This is where we are, and this is where we are headed," he said, pointing to the lower-left side of the printed part on his T-shirt.
I was on my way to meet a pro-Maluku independence activist, a man who chooses to be identified only as Geba, which means "friend" in the local dialect.
I had met him a day earlier at a small coffee shop in Ambon city, tucked away in a secluded section of a frantic market. Chatting over a cup of coffee, he recounted how Malukans had lost much of their rightful wealth first robbed by the Europeans, who profited from centuries with a monopoly on the islands' spices, and later by the Indonesian government, which siphoned Maluku's natural resources to develop Jakarta.
But Geba, who claims to be a proud member of the outlawed South Maluku Republic (RMS), had wanted to return to his own home before showing me a more sinister side to his struggle. "I have paid a hefty price for my fight," he said when we met for the second time, sitting on his back porch.
Carefully unbuttoning his shirt, he revealed scores of burn marks all over his chest, stomach and back, each the size of a cigarette butt.
"Hundreds of times, the police burned me with a lit cigarette," he said, recalling the time he spent in detention in 2006 after organizing an RMS ceremony, during which the banned Benang Raja flag had been unfurled.
The RMS activist said his captors told him to lie with his face down and his body flat across two chairs, allowing police officers to kick his back with their boots.
"They also hit me in the head with the butt of a rifle," he said. "I was kicked in the neck, too, and they smashed a glass on my head. Even with blood gushing from my head and three sets of my teeth broken, the torture didn't stop."
Geba identified his tormentors as members of the National Police's Special Detachment 88 (Densus 88), an elite unit more often associated with fighting terrorists and militants than people accused of peacefully protesting for independence.
Densus 88 was formed shortly after the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists. The counterterrorism unit began attracting foreign donors and training agreements, making it the most elite unit in the police force.
It is easy to distinguish an ordinary police officer from a member of the Densus 88. While most officers hold locally made Pindad assault rifles or handguns, Densus 88 officers carry anything from Austrian Steyr AUG assault rifles to the reincarnation of the M16 rifle, the AR-15.
With terrorism threats waning in the years after the second Bali bombing in 2005 there were only minor incidents in the provinces, like the bombing of a pig market in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and a series of ambushes against law enforcers in Ambon so too did Densus 88's once prominent role begin to fade.
It was a few years before Indonesia was rocked by another major terrorism incident: the twin suicide attacks at the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta in 2009.
"Ideally, they [Densus 88] should keep focusing on cracking down on the terrorism network," said Taufik Andrie, the research director of security think tank the Institute for International Peace Building (YPP).
"But we cannot dispute the fact that [Densus 88] are more equipped with the tactical know-how and gadgetry to conduct investigations more effectively than other police units."
In June 2007, the counterterrorism unit was involved in the arrest of 22 RMS activists accused of unfurling the Benang Raja flag in front of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Eva Kusuma Sundari, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and a member of the legislature's Commission III, which oversees the National Police, said the counterterror unit has even investigated banking crimes.
"I have met with some of the officers personally and they said they were involved in evaluating banking crime cases that were dropped by the police," she said.
With the death of major terrorism suspects Noordin M. Top and Dulmatin, and with terrorist figures like Abu Bakar Bashir, Umar Patek and Abu Umar behind bars, Densus 88 is now stepping up its engagement in non-terrorism issues again.
In August last year, counterterrorism officers were deployed in conflict- riven Papua after four people were killed in an ambush by suspected armed separatists in Nafri village, on the outskirts of Jayapura.
"We have dispatched crime scene investigators and Densus 88 officers to Nafri to help Papua police hunt for the perpetrators," said then-National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Bachrul Alam.
Oktovianus Pekei, a Papuan priest in the district of Paniai, said suspected counterterrorism officers also raided people's homes in the district capital, Enarotali, during a standoff with members of the armed rebel movement, the Free Papuan Organization (OPM) in November.
"The police officers in Paniai were different from Brimob, although police say they were Brimob," he said, referring to the police's paramilitary unit, the Mobile Brigade.
"These officers [in Paniai] wore ski masks and heavy combat gear and helmets. They also carried sophisticated weaponry and state-of-the art equipment."
Activists in West Nusa Tenggara said Densus 88 officers were also present in Bima district in January following massive protests against the exploration permit obtained by gold prospector Sumber Mineral Nusantara.
A month earlier, three people were killed and 50 demonstrators were arrested when the police opened fire on the protesters, who had occupied a local ferry port for days. The incident led to an even bigger protest in January, with residents setting fire to the district office and forcing prison wardens to release some 50 detainees.
Mulyadin, a spokesman for the protesters, said Densus 88 officers in Bima's Lambu subdistrict searched people's homes for escaped detainees and tried to blend in with ordinary officers so they would go unnoticed.
However, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution, formerly part of Densus 88 himself, denied that counterterrorism officers were present in Bima.
"Why would they [be there]?" he said. "They are counterterrorism officers, and the case is a general crime. "I know [Densus 88] officers are well trained, but that doesn't mean provincial police can just ask for their assistance," he added. "Densus is under the direct command of the National Police chief."
Still, he confirmed Densus officers were in Papua to help the local police fight armed militias, and he justified their presence "Terrorism is not only limited to radicals waging jihad," he said. "By the definition set under the 2003 Terrorism Law, terrorism refers to any act that can cause unrest."
But Noor Huda Ismail, an analyst on terrorism and security with the Institute for International Peacebuilding, said Densus 88 should stay away from handling separatism cases. "Densus was formed to tackle terrorism issues, and after all these years the [terrorism] network [in Indonesia] has not been uncovered completely," he said.
Ismail argued that terrorism suspect Umar Patek lived secretly in Indonesia after years on the run abroad, giving him plenty of time to expand his network here. There are also new players, he said, including the slain Sigit Qurdowi, who led a terrorist group that launched two suicide bomb attacks in Java last year.
"There are also members of the Aceh camp who have not been captured to this day," he added, referring to a terrorism paramilitary camp that the police raided in 2010.
Taufik of security think tank YPP said that after Densus 88 formed, its officers tortured nearly all arrested terrorism suspects, with some suspects reportedly burned and beaten.
"It was not until 2008, when they [the officers] got help from reformed militants and sources, that the torture stopped," he said. "Armed with enough information about the terrorism network in Indonesia, [Densus 88] felt that there was no longer the need to extract information by torture. "But extrajudicial killings of suspected terrorists have continued," he added.
In 2010, Densus 88 officers gunned down five people in Cawang, East Jakarta, claiming they were armed terrorists who had tried to attack arresting officers. The police only ever identified four of the fatalities, fueling suspicions that the fifth victim had been innocent.
"There is a great chance that suspects will be tortured again if [Densus 88] is allowed to engage in non-terrorism issues," Taufik said. "They don't have the knowledge [to investigate], but they're under strong pressure to get the job done."
Yonias Siahaya, 58, knows this too well. In January 2010, he was crippled from the waist-down for two weeks after he was taken to the former Densus 88 headquarters in Tantuwi, Ambon. He had been accused of possessing a Benang Raja flag inherited from his father, an RMS militiaman.
"My face was covered with a black plastic bag by four [Densus 88] officers," he told the Globe at his wooden home in Ambon. "I was interrogated and they beat me in the chest whenever I gave the wrong answer. I collapsed down to the floor and that's when they kicked me repeatedly."
He said the torture damaged some of his nerves and dislocated joints in his waist, but the police said he was faking his condition. He was forced to wait one and a half months before eventually receiving treatment at a state hospital in Kudamati, Ambon, although he was handcuffed to his bed the entire time. "It still hurts whenever I go to the bathroom," he said. "At night I often have migraine attacks."
Yonias now limps his way around after only partially regaining control of his leg muscles. He had to stop working as a construction laborer and now sells snacks and drinks from a rickety food stall.
Charlotta Sapakoly, a widow of RMS activist Yusuf Sapakoly, said she noticed that the police crackdown on pro-independence activists in Maluku became more violent after Densus 88 got involved.
"My husband was first arrested in 2003 for participating in an RMS flag- raising ceremony," she said. "They didn't torture him or anything then. But when he was arrested by Densus in 2007, it was another story.
"On some days when I visited him in prison, he could barely walk there were bruises all over his body. Once, I even spotted that there was a bone sticking out of his elbow. [Yusuf] wouldn't tell me what happened. It was later, after he died, that one of his former cellmates told me what had happened."
A blow to the stomach had ruptured Yusuf's kidney. "In September [2007], he was in a coma for three days," Charlotta said. "His face was black and blue, and he had to have dialysis treatment 11 times."
Yusuf, detained for his involvement in the Benang Raja flag incident during Yudhoyono's visit to Ambon in 2007, died in 2010. He never received proper treatment for the years of kidney failure and internal bleeding he sustained during his detention.
Signs of harsh tactics surfaced again in August when Densus 88 joined the local police in Nafri, Papua, to investigate the shooting of a public minivan.
The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) said 15 people were arrested after the police stormed the Horas Skyline village; some people were kicked, beaten and threatened with pointed guns. The police later released all but two suspects for lack of evidence.
"Among the arrested were under-age girls, identified as 8-year-old Desi Kogoya and 7-year-old Novi Kogoya, who were arbitrarily detained and endured inhumane treatments," the rights group said in its year-end report.
Haris Azhar, the chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Densus 88's involvement in cracking down on pro-independence political activists threatens freedom of speech.
"There's the precedent that Densus 88 was involved in the torture of the peaceful separatist movement of RMS, which posed no physical threats to the public at large," he said. "This is dangerous. If Densus 88 is allowed to handle non-terrorism issues, then all political activists will be treated as terrorists."
Haris said that by labeling political activists and separatist insurgence groups as terrorists, the Indonesian government also risks jeopardizing its prospects for peaceful reconciliation with pro-independence groups.
"Densus 88 only sees its targets as enemies, not as discussion partners, which is how the government should view separatist groups," he said.
Elaine Pearson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia division, said she was deeply troubled by Densus 88's involvement in suppressing peaceful protests.
"There is a long history of counterterrorism forces in Papua conflating nonviolent political expression with criminal activity, and arresting political activists on dubious treason charges," she said.
"Densus 88 has an appalling human rights record, and without serious government oversight and with continued restrictions on access to Papua, any abuses by the force are likely to go unchecked," she added.
Australian Embassy spokesman Ray Marcelo, reiterating Canberra's recognition of Indonesia's territorial integrity, said his country does not support Densus 88's involvement in non-terrorism activities.
"The sole focus of Australian engagement with Densus 88 is in combating terrorism," he said. "Australia does not provide any support to Densus 88 or any other unit of the [Indonesian Police] and [Indonesian Military] in relation to any activities directed at combating separatist groups."
But Saud said Densus 88's authority to engage in separatism is outlined in the definition of terrorism as stipulated under the 2003 Terrorism Law.
Members of hard-line Muslim group Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid gathered outside the US embassy in Jakarta on Wednesday to protest last week's announcement by the US government designating the group as a terrorist organization.
"We from JAT wish to meet with the ambassador or a representative to hear a clarification of the US statement," spokesman Son Hadi said in Jakarta on Wednesday. Embassy officials refused the request to meet.
JAT was founded by convicted terrorist Abu Bakar Bashir, whose 15-year prison sentence was reinstated by the Supreme Court on Monday after an earlier ruling had cut it to nine years.
A day after the US announcement, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution said JAT could "carry on in Indonesia as long as it is not breaking the law."
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta New Supreme Court chief justice, M. Hatta Ali, has admitted the court received financial aid from the United States in connection with trials of suspected terrorists.
"If some party wants to help us, why shouldn't we think about it? It was coincidental that the US offered us that assistance," Hatta told reporters after being sworn in by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at the State Palace on Thursday.
"If the aid had come from another country we would also surely think about it, but that would not be as controversial as the assistance from the US, would it?" he added.
Hatta, however, denied that the assistance had been aimed at interfering with the judicial process. "I don't think so," he said when asked if the aid had been given in order to influence Indonesian judges. According to Hatta, the assistance from the US had been used to enhance the security of the defendants' trials.
"Isn't it better for the US if we have metal detectors at court buildings and our security officers use bullet-proof vests?" he said, adding that the US never presented any other motive other than helping the courts to conduct trials safely and securely.
"I can guarantee that our judges are very independent and professional. They cannot be influenced in any way because they have been taught not to accept any form of intervention," Hatta added.
Last week, the Supreme Court announced that it had rejected an appeal filed by firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and upheld the ruling made by the South Jakarta District Court in June sentencing Ba'asyir to 15 years in prison after finding him guilty of running a terrorist training camp in Aceh. Ba'asyir responded the Supreme Court's decision by saying "it was in line with the US' order".
The US has also formally included hard-line Islamic group Jemaah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT), an extremist organization founded by Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in 2008, on its list of foreign terror networks.
The US Department of State said on its website that the group was responsible for multiple coordinated attacks against innocent civilians, police and military personnel in Indonesia.
"JAT has robbed banks and carried out other illicit activities to fund the purchase of assault weapons, pistols and bomb-making materials," the department said. (nvn)
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta Dozens of people under the Forum Nusantara banner protested in front of the Kompas Gramedia building in Palmerah, West Jakarta, on Tuesday, claiming the newspaper had provoked people to urge the disbandment of certain groups.
"Let the mass organizations exist, as long as they do not do harm," group spokesman Amrizal said at the rally.
The media has recently reported on groups that both support and oppose the disbandment of some organizations, stemming from the Palangkaraya people's movement in Central Kalimantan that rejected the establishment of a local chapter of hard-line group Islam Defenders Front (FPI).
The FPI is a notorious hard-line group known for its violent crackdowns on nightclubs and massage parlors, which it deems "sinful places." Some community groups in several regions, including Jakarta, followed suit and staged "Indonesia without FPI" protests last month.
Forum Nusantara said that in the multidimensional crisis in Indonesia, the role of media supposed to provide information instead of developing public opinion through what they claimed as 'unobjective' articles.
Group members claimed that the articles created religious and cultural conflicts. They urged the media to be more objective and stop publishing articles on the disbandment of Islamic organizations.
Carla Isati Octama When President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono addressed a gathering of the foreign ambassadors in Indonesia last month, he drew a flurry of criticism for brushing off the rising tide of interreligious conflicts as simply media hype.
He assured the ambassadors that on this particular issue, "things aren't as bad as the mass media is reporting."
Not so, say some of the leading figures in the national media scene, who argue that the president's administration is unwilling to face up to a very real problem.
"His statement should be seen as a diplomatic one, an attempt to mask the reality," Wahyu Muryadi, chief editor of Tempo magazine, said on Thursday. "Tempo's own observations of what's happening in Indonesia show an unsettling and increasing intensity in religious conflicts."
He said it was regrettable that Yudhoyono had deflected accountability for the problem by blaming the media.
"It's unfortunate that he accused the mass media of exaggerating these stories," Wahyu said. "He shouldn't blame the media. The media only reports the facts, what we see happening with our own eyes."
If Yudhoyono had a genuine grievance about unbalanced reporting, Wahyu went on, he should have addressed them through the proper channels.
"If there is [media hype] in reporting on religious conflicts, then that's a serious violation of the journalistic code of ethics," he said. "The recourse in that case is to report it to the Press Council, not grumble in front of the diplomats."
Incidents of interreligious strife have in recent years grabbed much of the headlines in the national media and drawn the attention of rights groups abroad.
Last November, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom noted that there were "strong political forces, terrorist networks and extremist groups that continue to be serious obstacles to Indonesia's democratic trajectory and a source of ongoing violations of religious freedom and related human rights" in the country.
The group cited several cases of concern, including the forced closure of a church in West Java, the suicide bombing of a church in Central Java, Baha'is detained on charges of proselytizing in East Java, sectarian tensions re-emerging in Ambon, and individuals who murdered defenseless Ahmadiyah Muslims being handed light sentences.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have also urged an end to the discrimination against the Ahmadiyah and the continued closure of the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor.
Eko Maryadi, chairman of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said there was no doubt that religious conflicts were a real problem and not a media-engineered issue.
"It's the president's right to say things are fine in Indonesia, but the fact remains that in the past three years, religious radicalism has been on the rise," he said. "These are all indisputable facts."
He said while it was possible that some media outlets were guilty of biased coverage of such cases, the truth was that not all religious conflicts were being reported.
Hedy Lugito, deputy chief editor of the current affairs magazine Gatra, said he believed the national coverage of religious conflicts was fair and balanced.
"I don't know what media in particular Yudhoyono was referring to, because the local media is quite wise about its reporting," he said. "Perhaps he was talking about the foreign media, because some of them do have political interests to pursue."
At Gatra, he went on, the editorial policy on covering religious conflicts was to be careful not to aggravate the problem through careless reporting. "We tend to be more careful so that the problem doesn't grow any bigger, but not at the expense of obscuring the facts," Hedy said.
Ainur Rohmah, Semarang The Central Java provincial administration has been urged to find immediate and thorough settlements to land disputes to prevent more conflicts from boiling over.
The Legal Aid Institute (LBH) Semarang, the Association for Community and Ecology Based Law Reform (Huma) and the Participative Mapping Working Network (JKPP) announced on Wednesday that they had jointly mapped agrarian conflicts in the province as of the last quarter of 2011.
Andiyono of LBH Semarang said that the province had the highest number of agrarian conflicts in Java Island with 42 cases in 2011. The cases were spread across 37 subdistricts in various regencies or municipalities, including Cilacap, Pati, Blora, Semarang, Temanggung, Kendal, Batang and Pekalongan.
"The National Land Agency [BPN] Central Java branch has dealt with the surface of the issue, but has not targeted the root of the problem. This is dangerous as it could result in drawn-out conflicts," Andiyono said.
A number of people from Blora regency, grouped under GERAM, staged a rally at the provincial BPN office, the higher prosecutors' office, the police headquarters and the environment office earlier this week.
They demanded transparency in a case involving the alleged illegal occupation of 6.8 hectares of camping ground owned by the state in Lemcadika Pancasona Camping Ground, Bentolo, Tinapan subdistrict, Todanan district, Blora.
GERAM's coordinator Eko Arifianto said that the land had shrunk from 270,705 square meters to 219,085 square meters because the remainder had been allegedly converted into a construction site for a sugar factory.
He said that the land conversion might be linked to the government's goal to make the province self-sufficient in sugar by 2013. He said the establishment of one sugar factory in Blora and another in Purbalingga was aimed at accelerating the production of sugar to 402,000 tons annually.
Eko said that locals were against the establishment of the sugar factory in Blora because they were concerned that it might affect the environment in Bentolo, which had served as a long-standing environmental bumper zone due to its water resources and historical importance.
He also questioned whether the factory had completed a credible environmental impact analysis.
"A clear status and survey of the site is needed as [the construction of the factory] has caused unrest in Blora. The government has to deploy a team to investigate the case," Eko said.
Separately, speaking at a forum on Wednesday, head of the BPN Central Java office, Djoko Dwi Tjiptanto, said his office had contributed to the settlement of land dispute cases through mediation forums involving the disputing parties.
He said that from 2008 to 2011 his office had settled 808 such cases in the province.
Yogyakarta Nearly 95 percent of the 4.7 million civil servants in Indonesia are incompetent, Administrative Reforms Minister Azwar Abubakar says.
Given their lack of competency, Azwar said, most civil servants had no initiative to carry out their tasks. "Mostly, they only follow orders. They don't have initiative," the minister added.
Azwar said that there were problems in recruiting quality employees despite there being 100,000 civil service vacancies a year against 3 million people entering the workforce.
"In the future, we have to only recruit civil servants who are competent and have competitive advantages."
The minister added that the government would implement a moratorium on new civil service hires. "We will only recruit civil servants based on our needs," he said as quoted by Antara.
Ezra Sihite & Markus Junianto Sihaloho The House of Representatives seems to be shooting itself in the foot with a ban on skimpy clothes, as the unit in charge of formulating the regulation is struggling to set the definition of "proper clothing."
"We can't really describe how to dress properly when someone goes to a public institution's office," Jaka Dwi Winarko, the spokesman for the House secretariat general, said on Wednesday. "It just has to be proper according to general standards."
Jaka said the regulation was designed to target lawmakers' expert staff members and private assistants who he said were known for wearing "improper clothes." The problem did not extend to members of the House themselves, Jaka said.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie said the ban would help prevent rape in society at large. "The DPR [House] does not deal with miniskirts, but we know that many rapes and immoral cases occur because women dress inappropriately," he said on Tuesday. "With so many rape cases, I'd still like to call on women to wear decent clothes."
House Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso said lawmakers' secretaries and assistants should not "dress like they're going to the malls."
The plan to curb miniskirts has been condemned by women's rights activists and some lawmakers, such as the Democratic Party's Ruhut Sitompul and the Golkar Party's Nurul Arifin.
Even Yogyakarta's Queen Hemas questioned the plan during her visit to the House on Wednesday. "I am surprised that with all their work [lawmakers] have the time to regulate the size of people's skirts," she said.
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari said Marzuki's remarks were a sign of his "shallow" perspective on women.
Eva highlighted countries like Saudi Arabia, where cases of rape, particularly against Indonesian maids, are rampant despite strict clothing regulations. Conversely, in Scandinavian countries, where clothing is not regulated, there are few such incidents. "The real problem is with men. Don't treat women like sexual objects," she said.
Chika Noya, founder of Action for Women Against Rape, called the comments "ridiculous." "We expect them to make regulations to protect women from violence, not condemn them for the way they dress."
But former models-turned-politicians Venna Melinda and Noura Dian Hartarony said they were fine with the ban, explaining that the rule could help form "the character of the nation."
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta As the public remains cautious over the government's plan to increase fuel prices, the House of Representatives (DPR) has shifted its focus from that crucial issue to a preoccupation with promiscuity.
Instead of speaking about the fuel hike policy, set to go into effect in three weeks, House Speaker Marzuki Alie talked about promiscuity at the legislative body on Tuesday. "We hope it [sex scandals] won't happen again," Marzuki told the press.
He was responding to a regulation recently issued by the House's households affairs body which bans women from wearing revealing dresses as it might trigger immoral conduct.
The regulation requires all staff members at the House to wear proper attire at work. "The regulation is aimed at improving the House's image. Nevertheless, it's the ethics. We must adhere to Indonesian culture," household affairs body deputy chief Refrizal told reporters recently.
Marzuki acknowledged that the regulation was part of efforts to restore the image of the House. He said he hoped the newly issued regulation would prevent sex scandals from occurring at the House.
Former legislator Permadi once said a cleaning service staff member had told him he often found used condoms in the rooms of the legislators. Permadi also claimed some personal assistants had been sexually abused by legislators.
The sex scandal between Golkar legislator Yahya Zaini and dangdut singer Maria Eva in 2006 is an example of such promiscuity.
The House again caught the public's attention last year when Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) legislator Arifinto was photographed viewing pornography on his laptop during a House session. "That was then and we don't want it to happen again," Marzuki said.
Despite some commentators calling the regulation sexist, lawmakers gave it their full support. Model-turned-lawmaker Venna Melinda encouraged the issuance of other regulations to promote the greater good, such as improving hygiene and health around the House complex.
"What about those who freely smoke at non-smoking areas around the House complex? Shouldn't we also care about this?" said Venna, a Democratic Party legislator.
As part of efforts to restore its image, the House recently closed down a coffee shop inside its building that had allegedly been used by legislators to facilitate "mafia" negotiations concerning the state budget.
House observers, however, say that legislators have missed the core problem that has resulted in the tainted image of the House: its poor performance.
"Banning women from wearing miniskirts around the House will not guarantee any improvement in the legislature's performance, nor will it boost its image," House of Representatives Watchdog (Formappi) executive director Sebastian Salang told The Jakarta Post.
He cited corrupt practices and House members' laziness as the primary factors that had damaged the legislature's image.
Center for Legal and Policy Studies (PSHK) analyst Ronald Rofiandri suggested House leaders, as well as all legislators, focus on improving the quality of their work to boost the overall image of Indonesia's legislature.
Ezra Sihite It's not corruption or fuel prices that has some lawmakers concerned these days it's cleavage and short skirts.
The House of Representatives' Household Affairs Committee (BURT) has penned a new regulation designed to address the concerns of certain male House members who appear to be uncomfortable with some female staffers' style of dress.
Deputy House Speaker Pramono Anung said the new regulation, which is understood to require "modest" and "proper" dress, was needed in order to prevent male House members from losing control. "It has become necessary to prevent unwanted incidents. Polite dress is also good for House members," the PDI-P lawmaker said on Monday.
Pramono said he was setting a good example with his staff. "We're improving the image of the House, little by little. My staff are mostly male, and those who are female wear jilbab [headscarves]."
But some lawmakers are not convinced of the need for the new regulation. "There are plenty of other steps that could improve the image of the House. For example, the Speaker could stop wasting his breath on counter- productive topics," said Bambang Soesatyo of the House commission which handles legal affairs.
The Golkar politician went on to suggest that "sexiness" was in the eye of the beholder. "The limits of 'sexy' are relative to people's respective values," Bambang said.
"Deciding what constitutes sexy clothing isn't as simple as measuring a miniskirt. It could include a tight blouse, a couple of undone buttons, a flirtatious manner and so on."
The new rule would be impossible to implement, he said, citing for example the possible ban on short skirts. "Maybe wearing a long skirt but putting cleavage on show would be just as flirtatious. Those things could all be said to be tempting," he said.
Contacted on Monday, the deputy chairwoman of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) said the ban was inappropriate and perhaps unconstitutional.
"If the issue is people's mode of dress, that's a private matter and one that can't be controlled by the state," Masruchah said. "So I think that if this is made into a rule, it will be inconsistent with the constitution."
Golkar lawmaker Nurul Arifin agreed. "The House of Representatives doesn't need to be worrying about miniskirts. As far as I can see, [staffers' dress] has been completely normal," he said on Monday. "No one is over the top." "Please, gentlemen, don't have such lecherous minds," Nurul added.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta The House of Representatives' Households Affairs Committee (BURT) has issued a regulation banning staff from wearing revealing attire at work.
"BURT has suggested that the House secretary-general ensure all staff members at the House wear proper attire at work," BURT deputy chief Refrizal told reporters at the House of Representatives on Monday.
Refrizal emphasized the importance of adhering to Indonesian culture. "It is ethics," he said. "The regulation is also aimed at maintaining the House's image," he added. (swd)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Ezra Sihite A transparency activist group has accused a House of Representatives deputy speaker of shamelessness over his reintroduction of a monthly housing allowance for legislators as a substitute for their official residences.
Uchok Sky Khadafi, coordinator of the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), said lawmakers did not appreciate the largesse that came with their positions. Ordinary taxpayers, he noted, pay for the lawmakers' perks and get so no such luxuries themselves.
Uchok said that the cost of maintaining the residences is Rp 76 billion ($8.36 million) a year, while the housing allowance had cost the state budget Rp 100 billion a year when it was last used, in 2010.
"It's a shameless decision. The state has given lawmakers luxury facilities but they rejected them. This makes the lawmakers look ungrateful," Uchok said on Saturday. He said it was embarrassing because the housing allowance was merely a product of lawmakers' desire to increase their monthly income from state coffers.
Lawmakers stopped receiving housing allowances after renovations to official residences for House members in Kalibata, South Jakarta, were completed last year.
"If the official residences are maintained, the state only has to allocate a budget of Rp 76 billion [for housing maintenance]. Housing allowances for members will cost up to Rp 99 billion per year," he said.
House Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso earlier said that lawmakers would return their official residences to the state. "Because the existence of official residences became a controversy, we decided to return them to the state," Priyo said on Friday.
Lawmakers consider it more cost-effective to rent houses, often leaving official residences abandoned despite the large sums of money spent on their maintenance. "A house allowance would be more effective," Priyo said.
Fitra data showed that the Rp 76 billion budget allocated for the maintenance of official residences for lawmakers this year is more than double last year's budget of Rp 33 billion.
Lawmakers received a housing allowance of Rp 15 million per month in 2010, for a combined total of Rp 99.9 billion for the year, when the official residences in Kalibata were being renovated. Official residences for lawmakers are also located at Meruya in West Jakarta.
The renovation in Kalibata came under public scrutiny because the budget was believed to be marked up and corrupted. The project was initially set for completion in 2008, but wasn't finished until the end of 2010. Its total cost was Rp 479 billion.
Some NGOs criticized the project because the tender winner, Pembangunan Perumahan, sub-contracted it at least twice. The Rp 612 million renovation cost per unit was also considered steep; with a price of Rp 152 million per unit closer to industry standard.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta After weeks of absence at the House of Representatives, graft suspect Angelina "Angie" Sondakh has returned to the House to fulfill her duty as a legislator.
The legislator from the House's Commission X overseeing education, youth affairs, sports, tourism, art and culture was seen in a Democratic Party's meeting on food security on Friday.
"I came today to attend the faction's weekly meeting after two weeks off to deal with the legal process. I am thankful that the faction supports me," she said, adding that she had yet to appoint a team of lawyers to defend her.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named Angelina a suspect for her alleged involvement in the SEA Games bribery case. She and another suspect, Mindo Rosalina Manulang, allegedly arranged bribes to be paid to a number of lawmakers to award a Rp 191 million (US$22.3 million) contract to build the athletes' village for the sports event in Palembang, South Sumatra.
Head of the party's faction Jafar Hafzah had also confirmed that Angelina would soon be back at work. "Angelina sent a BlackBerry message informing me that she would soon be back in her post at the House," he said.
Tensions boiled over again in Central Maluku on Wednesday, where the latest in a series of bloody clashes between neighboring villages ended with one dead and four injured.
The spate of attacks between residents of Porto and Haria, in Saparua, Central Maluku, began in August and have since claimed several lives and seriously injured others.
Mob violence, allegedly over a water source called "the king's water," erupted again on Wednesday after someone reportedly opened fire on a public minivan in Saparua and injured a female passenger, Maluku Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Johanes Huwae said on Thursday in Ambon.
Rival mobs from both villages then attacked each other with sharp weapons, guns and explosives, Johanes said. The injured were admitted to Saparua Hospital for treatment.
The situation in Saparua was still tense as Maluku Governor Karel Albert Ralahalu, Maluku Military commander Maj. Gen, Suharsono and Maluku Police chief Brig. Gen Syarief Gunawan arrived on the scene, Johanes said. A similar clash claimed the life of another villager last month. (Antara/JG)
Ronna Nirmala Jakarta provincial prosecutors are probing the alleged sale of public assets by the two private companies that operate Jakarta's piped water system.
French-owned Palyja is suspected of selling Rp 4.3 billion ($473,000) in assets belonging to public water authority PAM Jaya and pocketing the proceeds. Aetra, which is run by a consortium based in Singapore, sold assets worth Rp 3.2 billion, although those funds were later returned to PAM Jaya.
Suhendra, a spokesman for the Jakarta public prosecutor's office, said the case had been upgraded to a full criminal inquiry.
The assets sold are understood to be motorbikes and cars that were deemed beyond their useful life. They were sold in the years since 2003. The sale was detected by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) during an audit of Palyja's accounts from 2003 to 2007.
The BPK said the income from the sale of the used vehicles was not returned to the public institution PAM Jaya and was instead recorded as profits for the private operator. "We are going to probe further into this, to see who was responsible for the transfer of these assets in the form of a large number of vehicles," Suhendra said.
His colleague, special crimes assistant prosecutor Aditya Warman, said that because there were suspicions of losses to the state, their office would likely use the Anti-Corruption Law to prosecute any wrongdoing.
Palyja denies any wrongdoing. "I will say again that the sale of moveable assets by Palyja was done according to our contract," Palyja's head of corporate communications, Meyritha Maryanie, said on Monday.
Meanwhile, the Ministry for Public Works said that the PAM Jaya assets should have stayed in public hands. "If a private partner sells any public assets, [the proceeds] must be returned to PAM Jaya," said Rachmat Karnadi, a ministry official responsible for drinking water supply.
Emmy Fitri The word "preman" is believed to come from the English words "free man," to describe someone who has no master.
In our city, of course, preman, or street thugs, have long been associated with gangs, petty crime, extortion and debt collecting.
At the Senen bus station in Jakarta, for instance, a cigarette vendor says he spares one or two packs of smokes each day as a "jatah preman," or allotment for local thugs.
"It depends on what you sell, if it's bottled water, you set aside five or ten bottles as a loss. It's for the thugs," said Umar Besar, who has been selling smokes in the station since 2007.
On the streets, jatah preman is a mutually understood path to harmony a payoff for a sort of peace. "We don't see it as it extortion. We know them well and it's already like family," Umar said of the shakedowns. He admitted, however, that for small guys like him the preman tax is painful.
Umar counts himself lucky to have missed the darker days of preman dominance in the 1990s, when the bus station was home to thugs who drank, carried on with prostitutes and even killed people in the area. Now, one barely notices the thugs, at least during daylight hours.
In the evening, streetlights and better security have made the vicinity less of a gang haven. But if low-scale strong-arming has decreased in some places, that does not mean the preman have gone away. Indeed, some say gangs are stronger than ever on Jakarta's streets.
In recent weeks, gangs have again grabbed headlines with the shooting and subsequent arrest of well-known gang leader John Kei late last month inside a Central Jakarta hotel, where police said he was taking drugs with former movie star Alba Fuad.
The gang leader was accused by police of being involved in the January murder of Tan Hari Tantono, the boss of a small steel company. Kei, who was shot in the leg by police during the shootout, denied the charges and his family said it planned to report the officers involved in the shooting.
In a seemingly unrelated incident, two days after Kei's arrest, two rival gangs battled in the early morning at the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital's funeral home, killing two people, injuring several and outraging lawmakers and other commentators.
To most of us, this dark side of Jakarta's underworld whether petty scams or shootouts is a mystery we don't want to know about.
"Gangs are controlling Jakarta. They are ruthless and operate in the open, undermining police and other security forces," preman-turned-preacher Anton Medan told the Jakarta Globe in an interview. "It's scary if you know what really goes on," Anton said, recalling his gang days in the 1980s, before he was imprisoned and then repented.
Middle- and upper-class people only brush up against roughneck preman if they are being chased by debt collectors working for banks and loan sharks or perhaps if they get caught up in one of the periodic brawls that erupt inside Jakarta's nightspots over protection money and turf.
In 2010, members of John Kei's gang, chiefly migrants from Maluku, traded blows inside the trendy Blowfish nightclub in Jakarta with some rival toughs from Flores, killing two people.
The two gangs, who vie for turf throughout the city, later fought a pitched battle outside the South Jakarta District Court, where suspects in the Blowfish case were on trial.
The Blowfish mess highlighted the role gangs allegedly play in providing security services both for legal nightspots and shadier underground businesses like gambling dens.
And while the affluent may turn a blind eye to the dark side, it cannot be separated from daily life in the city any more than traffic or pollution.
"They are very organized," said Anton, who keeps up his knowledge of the world he left behind. "They use legitimate youth organizations as a cover to recruit, train and deploy young people to be enforcers, debt collectors and assassins." "They are more dangerous because they have money, power and backing," he added.
Anton said organized thugs could be dealt with if the police had the will to do so. But the underlying problem, he added, is that the police and the military also have a history of using preman gangs for their own ends.
Battles over lucrative territory are a big part of the picture. When Basri Sangaji, one of John Kei's rivals in the gang world, was founded murdered in a Jakarta hotel in 2004, the crime was said to be part of a broader turf battle, and police linked Kei to the crime, saying debt collection was at stake. Kei escaped arrest at the time.
Other fights have erupted over control of illegal parking lots linked to criminal activity. The worst was the November 1998 Ketapang riot in West Jakarta, which claimed 14 lives and was said to be sparked by control of a gambling den and parking lots and involved rival gangs from Ambon and Flores, a division that continues to this day on Jakarta's streets.
Forensic expert Zulhasmar Syamsu called the Ketapang attacks "vicious and sadistic" at the time. Tragically, the violence also exploited religious differences in Maluku that continue to spark periodic upheaval in the region.
Under former President Suharto, security forces frequently used brutal measures to curb thuggery, resorting to what was called petrus (short for "penembakan misterius" or "mysterious shooting") to simply eliminate criminals.
Historian Bonnie Triyana called the tactic "too effective" since it not only had a deterrent effect on aspiring thugs but also left a legacy of excess that people still relate to. Modelled on similar military operations, the petrus sweeps were also liable to be used to settle local rivalries that had little to do with crime.
"Suppose you hate your neighbor who happened to have a tattoo, you could go and tell a nearby military post that there was a preman hovering around your neighborhood," said Bonnie, who is chief editor of Historia magazine and has written extensively on preman.
As an offshoot of the Suharto-era tactics, young people were recruited into various military-inspired organizations that later grew into new crime syndicates that used paramilitary uniforms and cooperated with security forces, said Bonnie.
Lately, there have been growing calls on social media for a tough, even extra-legal, crackdown on gangs due to the current wave of publicity. Bonnie warned against the lure of returning to past tactics to combat the seeming resurgence of preman in the aftermath of the Kei shooting and the shocking brawl inside the army hospital. He warned against using thugs to battle thugs, as Suharto did, because the end result will be to strengthen the criminals.
"Unless there is clean government and law enforcement, those thugs will still walk free whatever you do," Bonnie said.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) will investigate allegations that six Russian-made jets purchased by the Defense Ministry were unduly marked up, Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro announced on Tuesday.
"Please look into the purchase of the Sukhoi planes," Purnomo said after a meeting of the Committee for Defense Industry Policies (KKIP) in Jakarta.
The purchase of six Sukhoi fighter jets arose suspicion after Tubagus Hasanuddin, deputy chairman of House of Representatives Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs, claimed that the purchase may have been marked up by $50 million.
A Sukhoi jet cost $55 million in Indonesia's 2007 purchase, the lawmaker said. But the latest purchase of six Sukhoi jets cost the government $470 million, or $78 million per plane. Russia's state-run military exporter, JSC Rosoboronexport, lists the price at $70 million per plane.
Tubagus suspected that the ministry had used a middleman to make the purchase, a claim Purnomo denied on Tuesday. "There are only two parties in the contract, namely JSC Rosoboronexport and the Defense Ministry," he said.
All military purchases are highly-regulated, passing through two supervisory committees, to reduce the likelihood of price irregularities, the Defense Minister said. But if the KPK believes there have been irregularities in the purchase, the ministry will allow the antigraft organization to investigate, he added.
A price increase between the 2007 purchase and the most recent one is normal, Purnomo said. "The span of time between the two contracts is 5 years, so there has to be a price change," he said.
The listed price also included more than just the planes, Purnomo said. The ministry also bought spare parts and technical coaching from the Russian exporter. The jets are set for delivery in July. They will be housed at Makassar's Hasanuddin Air Force Base, where ten other Sukhoi jets are currently in stationed.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Legislator Tubagus Hasanuddin raised questions on Friday about a recent Defense Ministry purchase of six Russian fighter jets, claiming the deal might have been unduly marked up by $50 million.
Tubagus, deputy chairman of House of Representatives Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs, pointed out the high price of the planes compared to previous purchases of the same aircraft.
Planes already acquired by Indonesia, he said, only cost $55 million each. Indonesia bought six of the Sukhoi jets from Russia in 2007 for $355 million.
There was also a discrepancy with the published list price, he added. The latest price tag published by Russia's state-run JSC Rosoboronexport, the only company authorized to export Russian defense technology, was $70 million, Tubagus said.
But the incoming batch of six Su-30s, which were approved at the end of 2010 and finalized in December 2011, cost $470 million, or $78 million each. The planes are set for delivery in July.
"Assuming a maximum price of $70 million, the total deal should have cost just $420 million, not $470 million," Tubagus said. "Why this discrepancy of $50 million? The government must explain."
Tubagus also addressed speculation that the Defense Ministry had not dealt directly with Rosoboronexport but had instead used a private broker. "Why was this company appointed as a broker when Rosoboronexport already has a representative office in Jakarta?" he said.
The purchase, Tubagus continued, should have been a purely government-to- government affair with no need for any broker involvement.
The six new jets would join Indonesia's 10 other Sukhois in a squadron that resides at Makassar's Hasanuddin Air Force Base.
In 2006, Venezuela bought 24 Su-30s and 30 helicopter gunships from Russia for only $1.5 billion. The ministry has said it expects the Sukhoi purchase will boost its capacity to secure Indonesian airspace.
The Sukhoi controversy was the latest incident pitting legislators against the Defense Ministry over suspect equipment deals. The House is currently split over the ministry's plan to purchase 100 secondhand Leopard 2A6 battle tanks from the Dutch military.
Legislators critical of the deal say the 62-ton tank is unsuitable for Indonesian terrain. They also contend that the $280 million purchase would involve no transfer of technology and leave Indonesia highly dependent on Europe for spare parts and maintenance.
However, the ministry says it will push ahead with the deal, claiming the tank is, in fact, well-suited to the archipelago's geography.
Ministry officials also say there will indeed be a transfer of technology, one that will enable state armorer Pindad to produce quality battle tanks and allow the country to meet 70 percent of its weapons systems requirements from domestic producers by 2024.
Ulma Haryanto The National Commission on Human Rights called on Friday for the revision of the 1997 Military Tribunal Law to include a public trial for cases outside of "military affairs."
"The law is no longer contextual and has diverted from the regulatory legislations above it," said Ifdhal Kasim, chairman of the commission known as Komnas HAM.
A decree on the separation of the military and national police was issued in 2000 by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). The 2004 Law on the Indonesian National Armed Forces, says common crimes committed by military officers fall within the jurisdiction of public courts.
"In their everyday life, these military officers could clash with a civilian. There might be conflicts that result in a crime being committed. But this will never be brought to public court," Ifdhal said.
He also said the current laws gave too much power to commanding officers, making the tribunal prone to abuse of power and obstruction of justice.
For starters, he said, a case could only be forwarded to a tribunal if it was recommended by a senior military officer, or Papera, who has the authority to decide whether a case is dropped or sent to the military tribunal.
"Secondly, the tribunal is exclusive and is not open for public or transparent," Ifdhal said. "Victims and incriminating witnesses are often apprehensive to testify at the court, which leads to lenient sentences."
Ifdhal referred to the case in Papua last year where three soldiers accused of killing a Papuan man were given 15-month sentences for insubordination by a tribunal. "The tribunal did not convict them for murder, but instead for insubordination," he said.
In January, the military was criticized for handing out sentences of between eight and 10 months to three soldiers who tortured two Papuan men, in an act caught on video and posted to YouTube.
The video showed the soldiers putting a burning stick to the genitals of a man and threatening another with a knife while asking them about a weapons cache. "The convicted officers would still get their salary and not be treated as criminals," he said, adding that judges in a military tribunal could be dismissed by the Armed Forces commander.
The House of Representatives is expected to discuss the revision. Eva Kusuma Sundari, from House of Representatives Commission III overseeing legal affairs, said the draft bill was once included in the National Legislation Program (Prolegnas) in 2009. "But it was not effective since none of the commission members ever initiated a drafting committee," Eva said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono swore in the new Supreme Court Chief Justice M. Hatta Ali at the State Palace on Thursday.
The ceremony, which was held at 10.30 a.m., was attended by all justices, Cabinet members, and lawmakers. It officially marks the beginning of Hatta's tenure as the leader of the nation's highest judiciary body.
Hatta, a native of Makassar, South Sulawesi, won the Supreme Court leadership election last month. He replaced former chief justice Harifin A. Tumpa who entered retirement on Thursday. Hatta's strongest rivals in the race were justices Ahmad Kamil, Abdul Kadir, M. Saleh and Paulus E. Lotulung.
Hatta has pledged to improve the integrity of the nation's judiciary system, which has been labeled as one of the most corrupt state institutions in Indonesia.
Hatta is a career judge who was appointed to the Supreme Court in August 2007. He has also been involved in contentious decisions. As part of a panel of justices in April 2010, Hatta upheld reducing the custodial sentence of businesswoman Artalyta Suryani by six months only three months after the Judicial Mafia Task Force revealed she was enjoying luxurious accommodation in prison.
Criminal justice & prison system
Ulma Haryanto In the wake of a court's decision that Irzen Octa died of natural causes, the former lawmaker's widow said on Friday that she would not give up the fight until justice is served.
"I was shocked," Essi Ronaldi said of the judges' ruling. "How could the judges make that kind of decision?"
The South Jakarta District Court ruled on Thursday that Irzen, who died last year after being interrogated by debt collectors in the office of Citibank Indonesia, passed away because of a ruptured blood vessel.
The three third-party debt collectors hired by Citibank Indonesia who stood trial for death were only convicted of unpleasant conduct. "Somebody has clearly died from what they did, but the court only convicted them of unpleasant conduct?" Essi said.
The court, which was presided by Judge Maman M. Ambari, said the debt collectors did not kidnap Irzen or kill him, as claimed by the prosecution. In their ruling, the judges said the trio merely prevented Irzen from leaving by confiscating his identity card. They were each sentenced to one year in prison. The court also acquitted the two supervisors of the convicted debt collectors.
Essi stopped going to the hearings after claiming to be "overwhelmed" by how the judges had taken Citibank's side and because of the "unwillingness" of prosecutors to properly try the case.
"My heart just could not take it. I was disappointed from the beginning, so I decided not to come to the hearings," she said. "I am, of course, still willing to find out the truth. My daughter and I cannot accept this. It's not revenge, but we have to prove who is wrong here," Slamet Yuwono, the family's lawyer, also expressed his disappointment in the ruling but was not surprised.
"At the beginning, when the police were still examining the case, we were suspicious as to why the investigators had chosen the law on unpleasant conduct," Slamet said.
He also said that the family's suspicions grew when the judges discredited the second autopsy result. "Everybody saw the bruises and other wounds [when the body was exhumed for a second autopsy]," he continued. "Irzen died inside Citibank's premises. Someone still has to be responsible for this."
Farouk Arnaz Two police officers in Katingan district, South Kalimantan, suffered first-degree burns after being set alight on Sunday by a motorcyclist they had ticketed the day before, in the third violent attack against the police in the space of a week.
Brig. Gen. Muhammad Taufik, a National Police spokesman, said on Monday that the incident stemmed from a routine traffic stop on Saturday night conducted by the two officers, First Brig. Martua Sianipar and Brig. Wahyu.
One of the motorcyclists they stopped, identified only as M.N., lacked registration papers. The officers then issued him a ticket and seized his motorcycle.
"The next day, the perpetrator went to the Katingan Police station and demanded that his motorcycle be returned," Taufik said. "But of course the two officers refused, saying that he could only get it back after a court hearing."
He said the perpetrator then whipped out a bottle filled with gasoline, splashed the two officers with it and set them on fire. He then fled to a nearby mosque, but was caught by a crowd.
Fortunately, Taufik said, the two officers' injuries were not very serious. "They suffered first-degree burns. It's not too bad, and they won't need surgery," he said.
The perpetrator, identified as an ojek (motorcycle taxi) driver, is expected to be charged with aggravated assault under the Criminal Code, which carries a maximum prison sentence of five years.
The incident comes just days after three police patrol officers were assaulted by a mob in Ciamis, West Java.
That attack occurred last Thursday night, after the officers ran over a motorcyclist in their car, killing him. Instead of stopping to help, the officers attempted to flee the scene. However, a crowd that had gathered prevented them from leaving and proceeded to beat them.
The attack ended after community elders intervened, and the officers, whose identities have not been released, were taken to the hospital. The motorcyclist's passenger was reported injured in the collision.
Four days earlier, two police informants were beaten to death and their bodies burned by a mob in Deli Serdang district, North Sumatra.
The informants, initially misidentified as police brigadiers, were aiding in a sting operation against an alleged bookie in Lau Bekri village. When the target saw them, however, he called out that they were thieves, prompting bystanders to turn on the informants and the police officer they were with.
The officer and two of four informants managed to flee to safety, but the other two were attacked and killed by the mob, which later placed their bodies in their car and set it on fire.
Taufik said the recent civilian attacks against the police were not related, but nevertheless highlighted an increasingly volatile public attitude toward the police.
"We're certainly going to look into why the public is growing angrier with the police, but in the Ciamis case it's clear that our men were at fault," he said, adding that in the Katingan incident, the police had done nothing wrong.
Three police officers in Ciamis, West Java, were assaulted by a mob after they killed a motorcyclist in a hit-and-run car accident.
In the accident, which occurred at about 8 p.m. on Thursday, the officers hit the motorcyclist in their patrol car. Instead of stopping to help, the officers attempted to flee the scene. However, a crowd that had gathered prevented them from leaving and proceeded to beat them.
The attack ended after community elders intervened, and the officers, whose identities have not been released, were taken to the hospital with the body of the motorcyclist. The Ciamis Police declined to comment on the incident.
Bayu Marhaenjati & Farouk Arnaz National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo vowed on Friday to arrest any ruffians violating the law, saying there was no place for thuggery in Indonesia. "There is no tolerance for legal violations. We will enforce the law," he said.
The four-star general, however, said that thuggery was not only about law enforcement but part of bigger social problems facing the country. "Thuggery has many dimensions. That's why all parties have to be involved in solving the problem," he said.
Timur's statement comes amid a recent spell of violent acts, brawls and killings that have been attributed to thugs.
Last month, the police arrested notorious gangster John Kei for allegedly killing businessman Ayung, or Tan Hari Tantono. The owner of Sanex Stee was found dead at the Swiss-Belhotel in Jakarta in January.
About two weeks ago, a group of mourners at Gatot Subroto Army Hospital in Central Jakarta were attacked by members of a rival gang. Two people were killed and four others seriously injured. After naming five suspects in the case, the police said they were still looking for other gang members involved in the attack.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Rikwanto said the police had deployed detectives to several regions to track down key members of the gang and help wrap up the case. "One of the fugitives is a woman," he said.
The five suspects currently being held by the police are Edo Tupessy; Gretes, aka Hery; Tony, aka Ongen; Rens; and Abraham. All five have been charged with murder under the Criminal Code, which carries a maximum sentence of life in prison.
Rikwanto confirmed earlier reports that the woman on the police wanted list was Edo's younger sister, Irene.
The police also arrested 19 people during a raid in West Jakarta's Kampung Ambon late last month. But all of them were released on Friday due to a lack of evidence linking them to the hospital attack. During the raid, the police found a gun and an assortment of other weapons at the home of one of the suspects.
Agus Triyono & Rangga Prakoso Law enforcement institutions were unanimous on Wednesday in denying accusations by a noted lawyer that they were protecting their own by ignoring a money laundering watchdog's reports of suspicious transactions.
Lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution said law enforcers were not addressing recent reports by the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) concerning members within their own ranks.
"What's the point of the PPATK announcing these [suspicions] if they aren't followed up?" Adnan told journalists at the Constitutional Court. "The PPATK has worked hard, but the results of its work are unused. I feel sorry for [the investigators]," he added.
During a hearing last week with House of Representatives Commission III overseeing legal affairs, PPATK chairman Muhammad Yusuf announced that the agency had identified at least 1,890 suspicious transactions involving law enforcers. That included police officers, prosecutors, judges and employees of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar denied the police were ignoring the reports. "We investigate all suspicious transactions and the results are reported back to the PPATK," Boy said.
Not all of the transactions have indications of criminal activity, he said. And for any that do, he said, the investigation would be stepped up and possible charges prepared.
He could not say, however, how many transactions were being investigated in such a manner. Looking into the reports takes time, he added, since the officials in question aren't necessarily in Jakarta. "We need to coordinate with the regional police," he said.
Attorney General Basrief Arief also denied his institution was ignoring the reports, saying they were being looked at. He emphasized that the reports were state secrets and should not be made public.
"Only I myself open [the reports], and after reading them I close them and lock them up. Any instruction I issue is investigated in secret," Basrief said, adding that even his secretary could not access the reports.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said that not every suspicious transaction had indications that corruption was involved.
"Therefore, not all of those reports were continued on to the investigation stage," he said. "We have to select the reports." He said the KPK always followed up reports from the PPATK and many had been investigated. "I cannot identify them one by one because they number so many," Johan said.
On Monday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was quoted by Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam as saying he wanted all suspicious transactions involving his ministers to be investigated.
Dipo said the presidential office had not yet received the PPATK information alleging suspicious transactions involving ministers, but added that a legal process was already under way.
Muhamad Al Azhari Keen to strengthen the country's control over its own natural resources, the government has come out with a new regulation that would force foreign companies holding mining permits to start divesting their stakes to local entities in the sixth year after production.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono signed the new regulation into law on Feb. 21, but it was only made available to the public on Wednesday.
The regulation says foreign investors holding mining business permits (IUP) and special mining business permits (IUPK) must divest a minimum of 51 percent of their stake in the mining operation to Indonesian entities within a five-year period.
"In a bid to give a greater opportunity for Indonesian entities to participate in the mineral and coal-mining business, it needs to be regulated that foreign investors must divest parts of the stake to Indonesian entities," the regulation states.
The divestment must begin during the sixth year of mining production. Under the existing regulations, by the sixth year, Indonesian investors must own at least a 20 percent stake in mining ventures.
It has to be gradually increased to 30 percent in the seventh year, 37 percent in the eight year, 44 percent in the ninth year and 51 percent in the tenth year. The new regulation applies to firms mining for coal, minerals and metals.
The divested shares can be acquired by the central, provincial or district governments, state-owned enterprises, local government-owned companies or even local private firms.
Since Indonesia introduced the new mining law in 2009, the old licensing scheme called contracts of work has been replaced with two types of licenses, the IUP and IUPK, with the latter typically awarded to larger- scale mining operations with a longer concession period.
However, Supriatna Suhala, the executive director of the Indonesian Coal Mining Association (APBI), said the new regulation would not affect existing contracts of work.
That means that giant miners still operating under that scheme, including Freeport Indonesia, the local unit of US gold and copper miner Freeport- McMoRan Copper & Gold, and Newmont Nusa Tenggara, the local division of US gold miner Newmont Mining Corp., will not experience any impact to their operations.
"This will instead affect future investment in the mining sector," Supriatna said, citing as an example upcoming investments such as one involving French miner Eramet.
Eramet chairman and chief executive Patrick Buffet said last September that the company planned to spend $450 million in the first phase of a $6 billion investment to develop a nickel and cobalt mine as well as a processing plant on North Maluku's Halmahera Island.
"If they [the government] want to put a brake on this sector, that's fine, but the fact is they want more investment in the mining sector," Buffet said. "This regulation will make Indonesia less attractive to new investors. Five years is too short for investors to enjoy a profit in the mining sector."
Supriatna said that with bank-loan maturity in the mining sector being at between 10 and 13 years, divesting after five years would lose whatever potential gains already existed.
Indonesia will force foreign firms to sell down stakes in mines by the 10th year of production, with domestic ownership to be at least 51 percent, in a move likely to hurt existing miners and scare off potential investors.
The new rule is the latest government move to extract greater domestic profit from the vast mineral wealth in the world's top exporter of thermal coal and tin.
The requirement, stated in a regulation on the mining ministry's website, comes as the government is renegotiating contracts with the leading foreign metals miners in the country, Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc and Newmont Corp.
Southeast Asia's largest economy contains some of the world's richest mineral deposits, such as the Freeport-run Grasberg, the world's largest gold mine, and its fast-growing mining sector accounts for about 11 percent of GDP. But the change in regulation may deter overseas investment in the country that's also rich in nickel, copper and bauxite.
"Mining is a long-term and capital-intensive investment," said Syahrir Abubakar, executive director of the Indonesia Mining Association, whose members include the local units of Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. and Newmont Mining Corp. "If they have to divest within 10 years, they are not yet reaching the break-even point of their investment."
It was not clear if the regulation, effective from Feb. 21, will apply only to new investors or also to existing mining investors.
"Holders of mining business permits and special mining business permits, in terms of foreign investment, are required to divest the shares gradually 5 years after production, so in the 10th year the shares are at least 51 percent owned by Indonesian entities," the regulation stated.
Coal mining will be less affected by the shareholding rule as most of ventures are majority-owned by local investors, Supriatna Suhala, executive director at the Indonesia Coal Mining Association, said by telephone.
"The impact will be on minerals, especially on newcomers," Suhala said. "Mineral investment will require a few billion dollars. People with a few hundred million dollars can invest in coal mining, so this segment doesn't really need foreign investors."
BHP, Freeport, Newmont BHP Billiton Ltd. is "reviewing this recent statement by the President of Indonesia," Fiona Martin, a spokeswoman at BHP, said in an e-mail. The world's largest mining company holds a 75 percent stake in the IndoMet Coal project in the Indonesian part of Borneo island. Adaro Energy owns the rest.
Freeport operates the Grasberg mine in Papua province, which accounted for 19 percent of the company's revenue last year and contains the world's largest recoverable copper reserve, according to the company.
Newmont runs the Batu Hijau copper mine in West Nusa Tenggara province. The company and its overseas partners including Sumitomo Corp. have sold a 24 percent stake in their venture to a unit of Bumi Resources and three local administrations. The central government is in the process of buying another 7 percent stake.
After steep rises in commodity prices over the last decade, Indonesian politicians have become increasingly vocal in their demands to improve deals with mining companies, many of which were made in the era of former autocratic leader Suharto.
The 2009 mining law was aimed at boosting investment in mining and metals processing, but its supporting regulations have not gone down well with the industry, and new investors still face risks such as policy reversals, local community demands, a tortuous permit process and poor infrastructure.
Another previous regulation aimed to ban exports of some unprocessed metals from 2014, despite widespread industry pleas to delay the plan, in a move that could cripple miners' profits, cut global supplies and boost prices. (Reuters/Bloomberg)
Tunggadewa Mattangkilang Authorities in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, revoked the permits of two coal-mining firms based on an evaluation of their environmental credentials, but activists have criticized the move as meaningless.
Deputy Mayor Nusyirwan Ismail said on Wednesday that the evaluation involved dozens of mining companies operating in the area, and was carried out by the municipal mining and environmental protection agencies.
Bumi Batuah and Prima Coal Mining had their permits rescinded, while four other companies had their permits suspended, pending further evaluation. "We revoked the licenses of two of the companies after finding that they were destroying the ecosystem and failed to post a land-reclamation deposit," Nusyirwan said.
The deposit is mandatory for companies operating in the forestry sector and is used to restore any land that is damaged.
Nusyirwan added that the two companies will still be liable for rehabilitating the degraded land within their concessions. Failing to do so could result in prosecution. "If they don't comply by rehabilitating the land, we will report the matter to the police and prosecutors," he said.
The move, however, was dismissed by environmental activists as political showboating by the Samarinda administration.
Kahar Al Bahri, provincial chairman of the Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam), pointed out that Bumi Batuah and Prima Coal Mining had shut down operations in that area several months ago. "Revoking their permits was moot," Kahar said. "The evaluation won't do anything about the environmental impact from mining in Samarinda."
Kahar added that a more effective move would have been to revoke the permits of seven mining firms currently embroiled in disputes with residents.
Coal mining concessions account for 32,000 hectares, or 46 percent, of Samarinda's total area of 71,000 hectares, according to Jatam.
Aditya Suharmoko and Vikram Subhedar, Jakarta/Hong Kong At the start of 2012, Indonesia was basking in accolades for its economic performance. It was home to the world's best-performing emerging stock market over 2009- 2011, and Jakarta had just been restored to investment grade after 14 years by two rating agencies. The glow faded fast.
Now, investors are shying away from its bonds and shares as the case for piling more money into Southeast Asia's biggest and fastest-growing economy has weakened. Indonesia still has plenty of positives. Growth held up better than that of peers when Europe's debt crisis intensified. A bounty of natural resources and an expanding middle class provide the foundation for continued growth.
But recently, confusion over economic policy has chased foreign money away. Foreign investors have cut their holdings of government bonds on fears of inflation from a potential 33 percent hike in local fuel prices.
Some economists have questioned the wisdom of a series of interest rate cuts since late last year. This means there will be extra attention on a central bank policy meeting on Thursday. It comes two days after a bond auction drew a weak response, resulting in sales of about one-third of what the government targeted.
That was in stark contrast to the last two auctions, which drew robust demand. All 14 analysts polled by Reuters believe Bank Indonesia (BI) will hold its benchmark overnight rate at its record low 5.75 percent.
There have been widely diverging views on BI's strategy. On Feb. 20, Citigroup said it expected more rate cuts, based on indications from BI that inflation would remain under control.
Nomura had forecast a 25 basis point cut on Thursday, but on Tuesday changed to hold and said it expects BI to soon "shift its policy bias from supporting growth to controlling potential second-round effects from the inflation shock."
In January last year, annual inflation hit a 21-month high of 7 percent. That led some funds to exit, and spurred BI to make its only rate increase in 2011, by 25 basis points to 6.75 percent. The inflation rate has been falling, and last month was a 22-month low of 3.6 percent. With inflation in check and worries growing about Europe denting growth, BI cut its rate 75 bps in late 2011 and another 25 bps in February.
In the past month, high oil prices have revived inflation concerns. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has said the government must cut its spending on subsidizing local oil prices, and in late February, submitted two options to Parliament for putting in rises.
The government has raised its 2012 inflation forecast to 7 percent from 5.3 percent, according to a document seen by Reuters on Wednesday.
Higher inflation threatens to hit domestic consumption the cornerstone around which most Indonesia-focused portfolios are constructed. That's why some funds feel relative valuations for Indonesian stocks versus the rest of Southeast Asia and other emerging markets are looking rich.
"People see that valuations are already expensive amid uncertainties of expectations on the fuel price hike. We have reduced long positions," said Herbie Mohede, a fund manager in Jakarta at PT Samuel Aset Manajemen, which manages about $130 million in Indonesian stocks and bonds. Indonesia grew 6.5 percent in 2011, the fastest in 15 years. But if inflation this year is 7 percent, that would top growth, seen at 6.1 percent in a Reuters poll.
"We expect growth to remain in trend, although a moderation to possibly below 6 percent is already due to happen because of the extended slowdown in the global economy," said Gundy Cahyadi, an economist at OCBC in Singapore.
When fund managers returned to emerging markets following the post-Lehman Brothers shakeout, Indonesia found itself front-and-centre on their screens. In 2010, the Jakarta stock market's benchmark soared 46 percent.
Good economic fundamentals contributed to the upgrades of Indonesia's sovereign debt, on junk status since the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, by Fitch Ratings in December and Moody's Investors Service in January.
The stock exchange has seen foreign inflows of $183 million in the year up to March 2, a fraction of the $2.65 billion for all of 2011, according to Reuters data.
Also, Indonesian equity funds did not see net inflows in the two weeks ending Feb. 24 despite emerging markets as a group receiving solid flows over the period, according to JPMorgan. The index is up just 3 percent this year compared with the 10.3 percent rise in Asian stocks outside Japan. Southeast Asia's top performer this year has been the small Vietnam market, up 26 percent.
Jakarta's top consumption-driven companies have fared even worse, with Unilever Indonesia flat so far this year and the main auto assembler Astra International down 6.6 percent.
Fuel subsidies protect local consumers from rising global oil prices, but at the same time Morgan Stanley notes that Indonesia could see a deterioration in its fiscal balances if the government does not allow domestic fuel prices to rise.
Given this difficult backdrop, Indonesian markets are likely to remain relative underperformer among emerging markets. The yield on benchmark 10- year Indonesian government bonds has risen about 80 basis points since falling to a record low around 5 percent on Feb 9.
The rupiah lost about 0.5 percent on Wednesday was off 1.2 percent this year, according to Thomson Reuters data, as it was hit by capital outflows.
Considering the amount of money that has found its way into the country in recent years, the unwind could have some way to go, making Indonesia an underperformer in Asia for a while.
US-based money manager Cumberland Advisors, which invests in emerging markets primarily via exchange-traded funds, said in an emailed note to clients on Feb. 27 that it had sold its positions in Indonesia while adding to Brazil and India and maintaining "significant" positions in China. Cumberland's move comes largely due to valuations.
On a forward 12-month price-to-earnings basis, the MSCI Indonesia trades at a multiple of 13 times, according to Thomson Reuters I/B/E/S. That represents a 26 premium over the MSCI Emerging Markets index and a 36.4 percent premium to the MSCI China index.
"While some of the premium for Indonesian stocks is justified, current valuations do look to us to be too rich," said Bill Witherell, Cumberland's chief global economist.
Indonesia is set to become the biggest market for luxury goods in Southeast Asia, the head of LVMH for South Asia, Southeast Asia and the Middle East said, according to CNBC.
Currently, wealthy Indonesians rely on overseas trips to Honk Kong and Singapore to satisfy their yen for high-end jewelry, clothing and other accessories, Ravi Thakran said on Thursday.
But political stability and a thriving economy focused on improving infrastructure is sure to boost Indonesia's luxury market, he told CNBC. "I really see a new 'I' emerging in BRICS. Going forward, we believe the Indonesian market will be one of the big surprises," Thakran told CNBC.
According to CNBC, LVMH has plans to open 20 to 22 new Sephora cosmetics outlets in Indonesia over the next two or three years.
Jewelry and watches have become popular status among Asia's wealthiest, Thakran said in the report. "When you look at jewelery or watches, Asians are buying the highest priced segment and the most sophisticated of the products."
He said LVMH was still bullish on growth in China, which is the world's second-largest market for luxury goods. "In fact, Chinese numbers across the region, be it in Dubai, Singapore, Hong Kong, they are buying more and more in all these markets."
Linda Yulisman, Jakarta Indonesia's exports were down in January partly driven by declining shipments to key buyers, including China, Singapore and the US despite moderate annualized growth, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) announced on Thursday.
The nation's monthly exports were US$15.49 billion in January, down 9.28 percent from $17.08 billion in December, as exports of non-oil and gas exports dropped 7.9 percent to $12.52 billion and oil and gas exports decreased 14.66 percent to $2.97 billion, the BPS said.
Nevertheless, exports surged 6.07 percent in January, compared to the same period a year earlier, partly attributed to 4.4 percent year-on-year growth of non-oil and gas exports.
"The biggest contributor to non-oil and gas exports was still mineral fuel, with a value of $2.17 billion, followed by fat and animal/vegetable oil totaling $2.14 billion," newly appointed BPS chief Suryamin said during the announcement in Jakarta.
Deputy Trade Minister Bayu Krisnamurthi attributed the declines to the global economic downturn, which first started to affect the nation's exports in October.
"In the beginning of the year, exports still increased, although their growth slowed as the impact of the global crisis hurt the nation's exports," Bayu said in a written statement released on the same day.
Bayu said that Indonesia's non-oil and gas exports to China, for example, declined 17 percent in January, versus a 151 percent increase in the same period last year, while exports to South Korea were down 17 percent in January, versus a 208 percent increase in January 2010.
Japan, China and the United States remained the nation's top three export destinations for non-oil and gas goods, valued at $1.61 billion (12.84 percent share of total non-oil and gas exports), $1.36 billion (10.86 percent) and $1.2 billion (9.56 percent) respectively.
Suryamin said that year-on-year imports surged by 16.02 percent, despite an 11.57 percent decline in imports in January to $14.47 billion from last December, most of which was due to slowing non-oil and gas imports, which were down by 9.72 percent.
On the other side of the equation, China remained the biggest source of imports for Indonesia, with the nation's overall imports from China reaching $2.53 billion, accounting for 21.88 percent of all imports, followed by Japan at $1.74 billion (15.06 percent) and Singapore at $846.8 million (7.31 percent).
Suryamin said that Indonesia's overall trade surplus was $923.4 million in January, down 54.96 percent from $2.05 billion in the same month last year, which he attributed to increased imports of Chinese goods.
According to the BPS, Indonesia's trade deficit with China widened by 78.65 percent to $1.17 billion compared to $654.9 billion a year earlier.
Indonesia's non-oil imports comprise $10.5 billion in raw materials and intermediary goods with (71.94 percent), $3 billion in capital goods (20.38 percent) and consumption goods at $1.1 billion (7.68 percent), Suryamin said.
Last week, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono tried to reiterate his supposed commitment to fighting corruption when he signed off on new punishments for graft convicts. The so-called impoverishment program would impose substantial fines upon offenders, aiming to ensure that they and their families can't enjoy even a single rupiah of any ill-gotten wealth.
It sounds all well and good, but at this point the president's move seems more like a last-ditch, cosmetic effort to prevent his own popularity, and that of his beleaguered Democratic Party, from tanking further.
If the public had any doubts about widespread corruption among the Democrats and the party's general lack of commitment to cleaning up the nation's politics, following due process and helping the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) do its job, those doubts must have evaporated with graft suspect Angelina Sondakh's recent appearance at the House of Representatives.
Despite previous assurances by the Democratic Party politician and her superiors that she would stand aside while investigations were under way, Angelina has done anything but. Most disturbingly, she had the gall to sit in on a legislative session.
In a speech on Feb. 5, after Angelina was named a suspect, Yudhoyono said all party members who had been named suspects by the KPK must step down.
The next day, party official Didi Irawadi Syamsudin promised that the Democrats would "soon" issue the decree suspending Angelina, saying, "While the investigation is under way, we will suspend her from all posts. It's just a matter of administrative process before we do so officially."
Angelina did lose her position as deputy secretary general of the party. Yet on Feb. 14, she remained seated in the legislature. Adding insult to injury, she was moved from her position on House Commission X on youth and sports affairs to Commission III on legal affairs.
Such a thoughtless move, presented to the public as nothing more than a regular rotation, was not surprisingly met with an uproar. KPK head Abraham Samad said he would not attend any Commission III meetings if Angelina was present. Yudhoyono predictably blew his top and berated party chairman Anas Urbaningrum and House faction leader Jafar Hafsah for such a politically incompetent act.
The party later backtracked, with Saan Mustopa, the secretary of the Democrats in the House, claiming the transfer was only "planned" even though in several interviews Jafar had used the word "already." Angelina ended up on Commission VIII, which deals with religious affairs.
Of course, as usual, there was no discussion at all on either the president's order that KPK suspects resign or Didi's promise that Angelina would soon be suspended from all her posts.
No doubt we will be told the paperwork hasn't been processed, that it's only the labyrinths of committees and bureaucratic processes and signatures to be got that is holding this up. Hence Angelina's right to attend legislative sessions at the House, even as she is questioned in court for graft.
Even Angelina seems to think things have returned to normal. Although she should step down immediately and await the court's pleasure, she called a press conference to ask reporters to respect her silence on the matters before the court.
She has already been advised both judicially and publicly to tell the truth and to understand the seriousness of perjury. She has also given her word that she would accept a suspension. Instead, she not only turned up at the House for business as usual but she also asked the press to get off her back.
Angelina may have gained a temporary immunity from justice, bestowed upon her by those who have not processed her suspension papers or were impressed by her performance in front of the camera. But the steady hands of time are ticking away, and like her namesake in Gilbert and Sullivan's classic comic opera "Trial by Jury," Angelina definitely and unmistakably will soon hear those fateful words breaking the silence she craves: "Angelina, come thou into court."
There, the former maxim of the law, "qui tacet consentire videtur" ("he who keeps silent is taken to consent") or, in other words, those who keep silent cannot be found guilty no longer applies.
Yet Angelina does not appear to understand the gravity of her situation. And she is not alone in this. Recently, House Speaker Marzuki Alie went on the record as saying, "I think there is something wrong with the way we work."
We presume the irony of his statement was lost on him. But it's not lost on the public, which is fed up with the stonewalling and obfuscation of politicians and their faceless advisers who treat the citizens of Indonesia with patronizing condescension. It simply won't do. The electorate is becoming more and more politically astute, informed and outraged.
The way things were done in the past had one intention only leaving people with a sense of soothed feelings and a curious sense of being unable to recall exactly what explanation was given. To politicians wedded to the past and its mentalities whatever their age that attitude will prove their ruin, especially when the public no longer trusts the "bapaks" after so many public relations blunders, lies and court sentences.
Angelina can expect to be given every benefit of law and justice; this is her right. In the meantime, however, she must do everything in her power to cooperate transparently with the processes in motion and in a spirit of justice rather than playing fast and loose with the letter of the law, which has somehow allowed her to sit in the House at the same time she is under serious investigation for robbing the constituents it is her job and duty to serve.
Angelina should stand aside and the president and his party should ensure that she does. If not, the developing sense of contempt for the ruling Democratic Party will only become more entrenched.
For the integrity of the country's political system, not to mention the survival of whatever credibility it still holds, the Democratic Party must see to it that corruption does not go unpunished.
The government is dead serious in entertaining the idea of a plot being underway to bring down President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono by creating massive chaos via rioting when the government raises fuel prices on April 1.
What was initially dismissed as a wild rumor when Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto openly broached his thoughts last week has now become grounds for policy. On Monday, Djoko led a meeting of ministers under his charge to discuss plans to mobilize security forces in dealing with the large-scale public protests expected to take place in the coming weeks.
Fresh in their memories are the events that led to the downfall of strongman Soeharto in 1998. Two weeks after he raised domestic fuel prices, the large protests turned into bloody riots that forced him to quit and abruptly ended his 32-year rule. Surprisingly, that's the memory that haunts the Yudhoyono administration, while there are more recent references when the government hiked fuel prices with little interruption to political stability.
If this is mere paranoia on the part of officials, we can let them live in fear. But this paranoia is being used as the basis of a policy of how they plan to deal with people intending to express their objection to the planned increase in fuel prices. Is President Yudhoyono, who won a second term in a landslide vote in the 2009 elections and who rules a coalition government of six political parties that controls more than three-quarters of seats in the House of Representatives, that insecure?
More disturbing is the underlying thinking behind using a security approach for anything that remotely threatens stability. That was the preferred and only method used under Soeharto, producing a deadly effect in dealing with demonstrations.
That the increase in fuel prices will lead to massive protests is something that is inevitable in a country that respects freedom of expression. Many people will be hurt by the fuel price increases and they will want to express their anger. Almost as sure is that many government detractors will take advantage of the situation to score political points. A tiny minority the usual suspects may harbor a coup, but surely they can be dismissed.
Rather than planning to deploy security forces, the government would be better off to mobilize its resources in a public information campaign explaining the rationale for the increase in fuel prices. It will not be a novelty. In 2005, the government did such a splendid job before raising fuel prices, not once but twice, with minimum impact on security.
The real source of insecurity stems not so much from the streets, but from the lack of support from some coalition partners. They have either openly rejected the increase in fuel prices or given half-hearted support. The problem is not so much external as it is internal: Yudhoyono's inability to manage his coalition government. He'd be better off working on this problem than anticipating some imagined coup plot.