Farouk Arnaz & Tri Listiyarini With already 1,547 people killed in 9,884 road accidents this year, authorities and transport industry experts are pointing to weak implementation of the law as the main culprit.
"The number [of deaths due to traffic accidents] will soar to 65,000 in 2020 if the problem is not dealt with seriously," warned lawmaker Abdul Hakim, who drafted the 2009 Road Traffic Law. "The losses inflicted are estimated at 2.9 percent of gross domestic product."
According to data from the Asian Development Bank, traffic accidents in Indonesia killed 37,000 people in 2005 and 48,400 people in 2010.
Of the accidents so far this year, more than 9,000 have involved motorbikes, more than 1,000 have involved passenger cars and more than 207 have involved buses, National Police spokesman Saud Usman Nasution said. In the accidents, 2,562 people suffered serious injuries and 7,564 had minor injuries, he added.
Abdul, who is secretary of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) faction in the House of Representatives, blamed the spike in accidents on weak implementation of the traffic law, which requires public transportation drivers to be trained before receiving a license.
"In the implementation level, public transportation drivers can easily obtain their licenses without getting any training," he said, calling on the police to impose a tighter watch over the issuance of licenses for public transportation drivers.
The lawmaker recommended that each province set up a center for driver safety to improve their skills and cut the accident rate, as required under the law. To date, these centers have only been established in four provinces: Riau, North Sumatra, Kendari (Southeast Sulawesi) and West Nusa Tenggara.
In the past week alone, at least 28 people were killed in just three bus accidents in West Java.
The Organization of Land Transportation Owners (Organda) also blamed the failure to adequately train public transport drivers for the increase in traffic accidents. "The government must train the drivers because they apply for their drivers' licenses, which should be issued only after they get training from a regulator," Organda chairwoman Eka Sari Lorena Soerbakti said.
She said the government should allocate a budget say Rp 10,000 ($1.10) from the driver's license fee to help drivers get the training they need.
Police, meanwhile, are pushing transportation agencies to impose stricter roadworthiness tests, which are required under the traffic law but often conducted merely as formality.
Abdul said police officers should also be present at every bus terminal to examine the roadworthiness of buses before they leave, as they do at airports. "The police have mapped the areas that are prone to accidents," he said. "We are also keeping a watch on those areas."
[Additional reporting from Investor Daily.]
Jakarta The Constitutional Court (MK) has rejected a request by civil activists for a review of the 2009 National Heroes Law, saying that articles in the law do not contravene the Constitution.
Civil activists, mostly those from the 1998 pro-democracy movement, said they feared the law would allow former president Soeharto to be bestowed posthumously with the coveted status of national hero.
"The request for a review is unreasonable. We, therefore, reject it," Constitutional Court chief Mahfud MD said after presiding the court's hearing on Thursday.
The activists requested the judicial review because the government had accepted the nomination of Soeharto as a candidate to receive the national hero status despite the former president's notoriety for corruption, and his poor human rights record.
Among the activists who submitted the request were Ray Rangkuti, Edwin Partogi and M. Chozin Amirullah.
Haris Azhar, a lawyer for the activists, said he regretted the court's decision, saying that it opened the door for Soeharto and his cronies to be named national heroes. "We worry that the stipulations in the law will be used by Soeharto loyalists to give the former president the national hero title," he said.
The activists had demanded that the Constitutional Court review four articles in the law, namely Article 1 point 4 on the definition of national heroes, Article 16 point 1 on national hero selection council, Article 25 on general requirements, and Article 26 on special requirements.
Gatot Goei, another lawyer for the activists, said two military personnel served as members of a council that would select figures eligible to be named national heroes.
Given the fact that Soeharto was the highest-ranking military commander during his tenure, Goei said, there was a chance that military personnel would be in favor of the former strongman being named a national hero.
If Soeharto is named a national hero, Haris said, pro-democracy activists would have to go to greater lengths to provide younger generations with an understanding that some heroes were corrupt and involved in killings.
The existence of the National Hero Law, he added, which had been strengthened by the Constitutional Court's ruling, might tarnish Indonesia's history.
"I think it is an indication that our law system still allows too much room for abetters of crime," Hariz, who is also the coordinator for the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said.
Goei, however, said that the Constitutional Court's ruling had modified the hero-selection process outlined in the law. According to the court, the Article 1 on the definition of national hero cannot stand alone in determining categories of hero.
"The ruling should make the council stricter in bestowing a title," he said.
Indonesia has 156 heroes, said Asvi Warman Adam of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). (rpt)
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura The recurrent shooting incidents in Papua and the fact that none of the perpetrators has been caught have severely hampered development in the province, according to a local legislator who has called on the police and military to immediately solve the cases.
"The shootings in Papua, especially in Timika and Puncak Jaya, must be immediately stopped to create a conducive climate in the province, so as not to hamper development and create a positive condition to accelerate development," said Papua Legislative Council speaker John Ibo at the opening of a plenary session in Jayapura on Monday.
The shootings, taking place since 2009 at the PT Freeport Indonesia (FI) mining concession area in Timika, Papua, have killed 15 people and injured at least 59 others. This year alone, three shootings have taken place and claimed the lives of two PT FI employees and one police Mobile Brigade member.
Papua Police deputy chief Insp. Gen. Paulus Waterpauw on Monday called on the public to cooperate and support the police to help solve the cases, otherwise the investigation could be delayed. "Hopefully, we can discover the perpetrators as well as their motives," Waterpauw told reporters in Jayapura.
Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial) director and human rights observer Poengky Indarti deemed that the violence in Papua, especially the shootings, was politically motivated and intended to disrupt security in Papua so that it remained a conflict-prone area.
"Please bear in mind that the violent acts in Timika were not the first. Prior to the legislative and presidential elections, various acts of violence took place in Papua. The violence in Papua could be a serial case, but also a series of interrelated violence in order to create insecurity in Papua," Poengky told The Jakarta Post via email.
She said the recurrent acts of terror in Timika had been planned and committed by trained people, especially when security forces imposed control and tight security to ensure security and success during the elections.
"Security personnel have always blamed the Free Papua Movement [OPM] for being behind the shootings, and even as an excuse to hunt down and kill Kelly Kwalik. Various civilians were also caught and detained, but the authorities failed to prove their involvement and had to let them go," she added.
The shootings have prevailed until now. Given that security is very tight at PT FI, with only those given permission by security personnel allowed to enter the area, the failure to identify and arrest the perpetrators is considered strange. Therefore, Imparsial has urged security personnel not to be so quick to blame the OPM for the violence in Timika.
Poengky said there were several other possible reasons for the shootings, such as Papua getting the impacts of the political tension in Jakarta and business competition of security services, keeping in mind the security disturbances at PT FI.
Imparsial has urged the National Police to be stern in law enforcement efforts so as to resolve the violence at PT FI in particular and Timika in general, so people in Timika and Papuans can live in peace.
Imparsial has also urged civil authorities in Papua to play an active role in helping to create a conducive situation in Papua and nurture a sense of security among the people of Papua, especially in Timika.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Police in Papua have been criticized for not doing enough to investigate a string of shootings that have killed at least three people in the past month.
"It's unbelievable that the police can't find clues in the cases. All the time, when a shooting happens, the police always say that the Free Papua Movement [OPM] did it. They know who is behind it, but they are not serious about pursuing the case," Papua-based lawyer Latifah Anum Siregar said on Wednesday.
The latest shooting occurred Tuesday morning at mining company PT Freeport Indonesia's Mile 37 in Tanggul Timur. Papua Mobile Brigade (Brimob) unit member First Brig. Ronald Sopamena was killed in the gunfight.
On Jan. 9, two employees of a PT Freeport Indonesia's contractor, PT Kuala Pelabuhan Indonesia, Thomas Bagensa and Nasyum Simapoiref, were shot dead at Mile 51 and their bodies set on fire. The police has yet to disclosed further information about the shooting.
The chairman of Papua's legislative council Commission A overseeing security issues, Ruben Magai, blamed the string of shootings on police incompetence. "We never see the role of the police in solving such cases," he said.
Ruben said that the police has often repeated that the OPM were involved in the shootings, yet none of the rebels have been arrested and confessed their crimes.
"Please end the stigmatization, we are fed up with it. It is always the ordinary people who are victimized when, in fact, it was the security personnel who failed perform their job to protect people from violence," Ruben said.
Ruben called on the police to immediately find the perpetrators and make the public feel safe. "What's left now is just antipathy towards the government," he said.
On Wednesday, the body of Ronald Sopamena was sent to his birthplace in Ternate, North Maluku, for burial. He was the third person shot dead while working in areas controlled by the US mining giant.
Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Bigman L Tobing said that Ronald was shot at 9 a.m. local time while conducting a routine patrol. Tobing said that the police knew about the armed groups that operate in the area.
"We already know about them. It's just because of the current situation that we have not been able to arrest them. The weather is so bad that they can see us while we can't," Tobing said.
PT Freeport Indonesia spokesperson, Ramdani Sirait, said that the road to Tanggul Timur would be closed during the investigation into the shooting.
Timika, Papua Unidentified gunmen have attacked a group of workers near Freeport-McMoRan's gold and copper mine in eastern Indonesia, wounding several of them.
Company spokesman Ramdani Sirait said the shooting of the workers from a local contractor occurred on Thursday morning.
It was the second attack this week and the third this year near the world's largest gold mine in restive Papua province where a low-level insurgency is fighting for independence.
A police officer was fatally shot and another wounded on Tuesday. Two contract workers were killed last month.
The mine, run by a subsidiary of the Phoenix, Arizona-based Freeport- McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. has been hit with arson, roadside attacks and blockades since operations began in the 1970s.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura A Czech man arrested in Manokwari on Wednesday worked as a journalist. He was arrested after taking pictures of a pro- independence demonstration in the West Papua capital.
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wachyono said the journalist, Petr Zamecnik, claimed to be working as a reporter for a Prague-based business publication and to be doing a story on tourist sites in the province, including the famous Raja Ampat dive site and the Arfak Mountains.
"At the moment we are detaining the Czech national," Wachyono said. "He cannot provide press identification. He just showed us a number of Web sites where he said he worked."
Foreign journalists entering West Papua and neighboring Papua require special permits from the foreign affairs and communication ministries, as well as from the local police.
Authorities have said the requirement is for the journalists' own safety, because both resource-rich provinces have seen low-level insurgencies since it became part of Indonesia in 1969.
Activists, however, say it is part of an attempt to cover up human rights abuses by security officials. Permits are rarely issued except for nature and travel documentaries and reporting.
Wachyono said Zamecnik had entered the country using a tourist visa, which did not allow him to work here. "We have handed him over to immigration, it is up to them whether he will be deported or not," the officer said.
The demonstration was staged by the West Papua National Authority in support of Forkorus Yaboisembut, chairman of the Papuan Customary Council, who is on trial for treason in Jayapura, the capital of Papua.
Prosecutors at the Jayapura District Court have accused Forkorus of declaring independence for West Papua during the Third Papuan Congress on Oct. 19. He also proclaimed himself president of an independent West Papua and Edison Waromi, chairman of the West Papua National Authority, vice president, the court was told.
Forkorus, Edison and three other Papuan activists could face up to 15 years in prison. One of their lawyers, Johanes Harry Maturbongs, told the court the charges were "baseless." He said the congress was aimed at "addressing poverty and the indigenous rights of Papuans."
Another lawyer, Latifah Anum Siregar, said the arrests were unlawful, adding that the police had failed to show arrest warrants for congress participants.
At least six congress participants were killed when police and military soldiers broke up the congress. Hundreds more were injured and reportedly suffered torture and degrading treatment at the hands of authorities.
Jakarta Problems related to Papua are Indonesia's internal affair. The United State has never considered the Papua problem in its cooperative defense relationships.
This was conveyed by US Ambassador to Indonesia Scott Marciel on Wednesday February 8 after introducing the United States-ASEAN Business Council (USABC) to Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro in Jakarta. Also present at the event was USABC president Alexander C. Feldman and US business representatives from companies such as Conoco Phillips, Freeport McMoran, Ford, Chewon, Caterpillar and Seagate.
"We support Jakarta-Papua dialogue efforts", said Marciel. According to Marciel, the US government is aware that there are challenges in implementing development in Papua. Because of this therefore, the US supports the government's efforts at dialogue.
Marciel emphasised that the US perception on the Papua problem is that it is an internal affair linked with development. This has not been a consideration in building defense cooperation.
"What we are talking about is military cooperation, meanwhile the problems in Papua are not about defense", he said. By military cooperation he meant issues of disaster relief, maritime security and maintaining peace.
"If there are problems with human rights violations linked to the military, certainly that would be a consideration. But the discussions were not specifically related to Papua", he said.
Defense Ministry Secretary General Erris Heryanto added that the Papua issue was not touched upon at all during the meeting between USABC and the Indonesian government. The meeting was confined to introducing the USABC.
Speaking separately during a meeting with Kompas daily's chief editor Jakob Oetama in Jakarta on Wednesday, former National Resilience Institute (Lemhannas) governor Agum Gumelar also expressed concern that the problems in Papua remain unresolved. Violence is still taking place. Yet, with the correct approach, the problems in Papua, particularly the ongoing violence, can be brought under control.
Dialog, continued Gumelar, is one means to prevent conflict in Papua. "I was once assigned to Papua. As citizens the Papuans feel different to the majority of Indonesian citizens. But, like in the US and Malaysia, difference in skin colour and hair have never separated them as a nation", he said.
Gumelar explained that armed violence in Papua cannot just be dealt with by the police. Armed violence should be handled jointly by the police and the Indonesian military.
From West Papua is was reported Wednesday that the Manokwari district police have detained a 34-year-old Czechoslovakian tourist named Petr Zamecnik. He was caught taking photographs of a demonstration demanding the release of the president and prime minister of the Federal Republic of West Papua, Forkorus Yaboisembut and Edison Waromi. The two are currently on trial after being arrested at the Third Papuan People's Congress in Jayapura on October 19 last yaer.
Zamecnik who admitted to being a journalist, has been handed over to immigration official for deportation after being arrested in front of the West Papuan Regional House of Representatives. The demonstrators managed to hold a protest over the arrest of Yaboisembut and Waromi but the action was brought under control by security personnel. Zamecnik has been in West Papua since February 2.
According to Manokwari Police Chief Deputy Senior Commissioner Agustinus Supriyanto, Zamecnik was taken into custody for violating his visa. His purpose for coming to West Papua was as a tourist intending to visit Raja Ampat, the Arfak mountains and Anggi lake, but he took pictures of a protest action instead. (EDNAHT/PPGARA)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
The National Police on Wednesday accused the group associated with Temy Kwalik, a local Papuan who was linked with the Free Papua Organization (OPM) separatist movement, as being responsible for the deadly shooting of one of its Mobile Brigade (Brimob) officers.
On Tuesday, Brimob member First Brig. Ronald Supamena was shot dead by an unknown assailant while on a routine patrol inside the PT Freeport Indonesia mining site. "The gunman is suspected to be from Temy Kwalik's group," Papua police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wahyono said as quoted by tribunnews.com.
Ronald was the fourth Brimob officer killed at Papua in the last three months. In December, three Brimob officers were killed while on duty in the restive region, including Second Brig. Ridwan Napitupulu, Second Brig. Ferianto Kaluku and Second Brig. Eko Afriansyah.
Papua Customary Council (DAP) representative John Gobai told The Jakarta Post in December that the deployment of Brimob to Papua had not been welcomed by the local Papuans, describing Brimob personnel as "identical with violence" in the eyes of many Papuans since the police's special operations unit "preferred to beat the people in their security operations". (sat)
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh In a show of force by the winners of the last local elections, tens of thousands of members of the Aceh Party descended on the provincial capital on Sunday in support of the party's candidates for the April 9 polls.
The party has been the dominant political force in Aceh since it was established after the 2005 peace deal that ended three decades of independence struggle in the province. It includes many of the former guerrillas from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) who fought Jakarta.
Its gubernatorial candidate for the April 9 polls is a former GAM foreign minister, Zaini Abdullah. His running mate is the Aceh Party chairman, Muzakir Manaf, GAM's former armed forces commander.
"We stand before you to vow to develop Aceh in line with what was preached by his excellency, Hasan Tiro," Zaini said, referring to GAM's founder.
The Aceh Party won the 2009 elections with 47 percent of the vote. It now holds 33 of the 69 seats in the Aceh Legislative Council, and is a clear favorite to maintain its dominance, particularly at the district level.
Parties at both the local and national levels have jumped on the bandwagon, throwing their support behind Zaini and Muzakir.
The National Mandate Party (PAN), which won 7 percent of the vote nationwide in the 2009 elections, said it was officially supporting Zaini and Muzakir. "A leaders' meeting in Jakarta has decided to support the Aceh Party's candidates," said Anwar Ahmad, the chairman of PAN's Aceh branch.
A coalition of 18 small national and local parties, calling themselves the Cross Party Forum, also announced they would back Zaini and Muzakir.
The Aceh Party said it had also received the support of several top military figures, including Maj. Gen. (ret) Sunarko and Maj. Gen. (ret) Djali Yusuf. "God willing, they will advise us going forward," Muzakir said.
The elections will see people voting for governor, district heads and mayors. They were originally scheduled for Feb. 16 but were pushed back. The Aceh Party, which had threatened to boycott the polls if they were not postponed, registered its candidates with the Independent Election Commission Aceh (KIP Aceh) late last month.
While the party is expected to dominate voting in districts and cities, it may have trouble unseating Aceh's popular governor, Irwandi Yusuf. A former GAM official, Irwandi took office in 2006 with 39 percent of the vote on the Aceh Party ticket. But after a falling out, he decided to run for re- election as an independent.
That decision was at the heart of the dispute surrounding the polls, with the Aceh Party claiming that under the terms of the 2005 peace deal, independent gubernatorial candidates were only allowed in the 2006 elections.
The lead-up to the polls has been marred by a spate of unresolved shootings and firebombings that the House of Representatives in Jakarta has said are politically motivated.
Nani Afrida, Banda Aceh With political elites in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam at loggerheads with each other in a battle to rule the resource-rich province in the upcoming gubernatorial poll, violence threatens to tear the province apart.
Last week, the house of an election campaign team member was riddled with bullets, highlighting a rift that is feared to ignite more armed violence between supporters of former commanders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist group.
Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf, former head of GAM's notorious intelligence unit who is running for a second term in the April 9 election, said there was mounting concern over the unchecked circulation of firearms that could be in the possession of rival parties.
Irwandi said recently that he had instructed several former GAM intelligence personnel to cooperate with the police and the military to find the source of the unlicensed firearms.
"We've confiscated hundreds of firearms. Several former GAM combatants submitted their weapons voluntarily. But in some cases, we paid the public to hand over weapons," said Irwandi, who often carries an FN pistol for protection.
"There are still a lot of weapons circulating in Aceh," he said, denying an allegation that surrendered weapons had been eventually distributed to his followers in order to defend themselves against their opponents.
Aceh is striving to recover, both economically and socially, from more than three decades of separatist conflict that claimed more than 17,000 lives.
In August 2005, GAM agreed to drop its demand for independence and signed a peace accord with the Indonesian government, less than one year after the Dec. 26, 2004 tsunami that killed at least 220,000 people in the region.
However, former GAM combatants handed over only 830 weapons to the military, with more than 5,000 remaining unaccounted for. The weapons are believed to have been used to carry out several incidents of armed violence in the province ahead of the polls.
"We're not responsible for the recent armed attacks. We're always accused when there's an incident related to violence," said gubernatorial candidate Zaini Abdullah, a former GAM minister who previously lived in exile in Sweden. "Former combatants no longer keep any firearms. We gave them all to the authorities."
Although Zaini and Irwandi once fought together as GAM members for Aceh's independence, both are now at loggerheads ahead of the election. "Irwandi has betrayed the idealism that we fought for. We guided him and promoted him, but look what he has done to us and to the Acehnese," said Zaini.
Zaini's candidacy is supported by the Aceh Party, founded by former GAM combatants to achieve their political goal, while Irwandi is running as an independent candidate.
Members of Irwandi's campaign team have on at least two occasions been the victims of shootings carried out by unidentified gunmen, while Zaini's team has experienced no serious threats.
Supporters of both camps dominate the power struggle in Aceh, while five other gubernatorial candidates seem to have few supporters.
"The situation nowadays is critical. GAM has been divided since the 2006 gubernatorial election, but the current situation is worse," said the former GAM spokesman for Aceh Timur regency, Kafrawi.
"My concern is that the current peace should not be ruined by infighting. We're tired of conflict. This peaceful condition that we live in should be maintained at all costs," he said.
Freedom of speech & expression
The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission on Thursday slammed the blocking of its Web site by some Indonesian Internet providers for having "pornographic elements."
In a statement issued on Thursday, Cary Alan Johnson, executive director of the US-based non-profit organization, called the move an attack to freedom of expression.
"This is not the first time that attempts to organize and educate lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and their allies have been met with state censorship. All too often, governments use the charge of pornography as a smokescreen to attack freedom of expression," he said in a statement.
"Oppressive governments can't stop the tide of LGBT voices whether they are on the Internet, in the media or on the streets. IGLHRC stands with human rights defenders in Indonesia in their struggle to keep the Web free for dialog on basic human rights issues."
The group said they were first alerted of the issue on Feb. 1 by an LGBT human rights defender in Indonesia who sent them the following message: "The IGLHRC Web site has been banned by Telkomsel and IM2, mobile phone operators, in Indonesia. According to a spokesperson for the internet service provider IM2, the order came from the Minister of Communication and Information who ... banned [the Web site] due to its content, which they determined contains pornography."
When the Jakarta Globe tried to access the site www.IGLHRC.org from a mobile device running on the Telkomsel network at around 9 p.m., the following message appeared: "Situs yang hendak anda buka tidak dapat diakses karena mengandung unsur pornografi." ("The site you are trying to open cannot be accessed because it contains pornographic elements.") At about 11:30 p.m., the site was already accessible on the same device.
The IGLHRC statement said the site was also blocked by other operators, but the Globe was able to access the site on mobile devices running on the Indosat and XL networks.
The statement went on to say that First Media was the only operator that consistently refused to ban the site.
In response, Ricardo Indra, Telkomsel spokesman, told the Globe: "Telkomsel blocks pornographic Web sites based on a list of URL addresses recommended by the Communication and Information Ministry, which monitors and updates regularly a list of these pornographic sites."
"Telkomsel adheres to the regulations set by regulating bodies and the government regarding the blockage of the Web sites."
According to its Web site, IGLHRC is "a leading international organization dedicated to human rights advocacy on behalf of people who experience discrimination or abuse on the basis of their actual or perceived sexual orientation, gender identity or expression."
Communication and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring ordered the blocking of pornographic sites in late 2010. Last week, ministry spokesman Gatot S. Dewa Broto said more than 983,000 Web sites containing pornography had been blocked.
Kate Lamb, Jakarta After pulling the plug on more than a million online porn sites, Indonesia's Communications Minister, Tifatul Sembiring, has now set his sights on Twitter.
In a country known for its voracious online appetite, the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology says it will target and block anonymous and offensive accounts on the popular social networking site.
Exactly what the minister means by offensive tweets remains to be seen, but in accordance with Indonesia's controversial Information and Electronic Law, online users can be charged with blasphemy, fraud, gambling, threats and pornography.
Such could be the fate of Alexander Aan, who was arrested in Sumatra in late January for posting the message "God does not exist" on his Facebook page. Those in violation of the law face between seven and 12 years in prison.
"Sites like Twitter are very important for a country like Indonesia," a renowned Indonesian filmmaker, Joko Anwar, who has more than 195,000 followers on his Twitter account, says.
"We have reached a certain level of freedom, but we still need more. In 2009, most people still thought it was taboo to criticise the government... but now people are talking about it on sites like Twitter and they are becoming more and more aware."
Despite living in an archipelagic nation plagued by poor infrastructure, Indonesians are the second-highest users of Facebook and third-highest users of Twitter globally.
Gossip aside, the country's 55 million internet users have shown significant support for online sociopolitical movements targeting anything from anti-corruption efforts to sectarian violence. Given the strong online community, shutting down offensive and seemingly immoral content in the Indonesian cybersphere might not be an easy task.
Professor Suhono Harso Supangkat, an IT lecturer at the Bandung Institute of Technology, says the move is unlikely to be effective. "If the government closes a Twitter account, for instance, people will find another media to channel their opinions," he said.
Lauded for its role in the Arab Spring and uprisings in Iran, Twitter's announcement that it can block tweets on a per-country basis attracted criticism around its integrity.
For Anwar, the matter is easily solved. "I don't think the government should be concerned about what is said on Twitter too much. Why? They can just tweet back," the filmmaker says.
Media rights group Reporters Without Borders called on Indonesian authorities Saturday to put extra efforts into ensuring press freedom after a series of media freedom violations in the country.
RSF highlighted among other violations, the murder of Darma Sahlan, a journalist working for the weekly Monitor Medan, who was found dead in a ditch in the village of Lawe Dua in Aceh province on Feb. 5.
"We urge the authorities to do everything possible to shed light on his death, and to not rule out the possibility that he was murdered in connection with his work," it said in a release.
His wife told a local newspaper Serambi Indonesia that her husband had a heated phone conversation with someone a month before over one of his stories. An autopsy showed he had sustained a blow to the head from a blunt object and injuries to the face. Skid marks were also found near the body.
"They must also do what is necessary to guarantee the safety of journalists and freedom of information. We are very worried by the problems for journalists throughout the country and in West Papua in particular," it added.
The France-based international media group also criticized the arrest in Indonesia of a Czech journalist Petr Zamecnik, 35, on Wednesday for taking photos of a pro-independence demonstration in Manokwari town in Papua region.
Indonesia imposes strict visa regulations on foreign visitors to Papua and tight restrictions on foreign journalists looking to report from the region.
Jakarta annexed Papua in 1969 in a self-determination referendum widely seen as rigged and continues to keep a tight grip on the region through its military and police to quell a decades-long insurgency by poorly armed rebels. In 2010, two French journalists were deported from Papua for filming a peaceful demonstration outside government-approved areas.
Indonesia is ranked 146th out of 179 countries in the latest Reporters Without Borders press freedom index. Human Rights Watch in its 2010 report said Indonesian officials and other powerful people are increasingly using the country's draconian criminal libel laws to silence critics and stymie democratic debate.
Natasua Christy Wahyuni, Farouk Arnaz & Rizky Amelia President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Thursday reminded the media of its responsibility to safeguard the integrity of journalism as he reiterated the need for press freedom.
Addressing the celebration of National Press Day 2012 in Jambi, Yudhoyono recognized the press's unique power to influence the government and inform the public. He said the press should strive for balanced reporting that doesn't constantly push toward the bad or good, since that would only bring about public distrust.
"That would make the people become cynical and sceptical and they would blame the government, or even the nation," Yudhoyono said.
Yudhoyono said that besides serving as a means for social control over the government, the press should monitor the circumstances of ordinary people. "Our society now is very critical in observing balance in news reporting," the president said. The media, he added, should help build a peaceful atmosphere by refraining from reporting anything that might only worsen conditions.
His comments come after a spate of violent incidents across the country, many at protests or disputes over land. These events often involved mobs of civilians as well as law enforcers and security personnel.
The Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) used the occasion to present Education and Culture Minister Mohammad Nuh with the Gold Medal for Press Freedom for his consistency in providing concrete support to the improvement of journalists' professionalism.
"For me, there is no reason to hinder the work of journalists in getting or seeking information because in reality they are partners in communicating and spreading the ministry's program," Nuh said. The medal was given for his role as Communication and Informatics Minister in 2007-2009.
In his current position, Nuh will also provide scholarships for three journalists who won a writing competition held to mark National Press Day. The Spirit of Journalism Award was also presented to respected veteran press activist Atmakusumah Astraatmadja.
Meanwhile, National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Muhammad Taufik said his institution would move fast to promote a memorandum of understanding signed with the Press Council on Thursday regarding the settlement of press disputes. "We will enhance education and training as well as the socialization of the content of the MoU so that the people and the police know about it," Taufik said.
The MoU is geared toward ending controversy regarding disputes caused by reports in the press. Under the MoU, the police are supposed to let the Press Council decide whether an allegation against a press report should be dealt with under the Press Law or the Penal Code.
The Press Council will also exhaust all avenues of discussion and out-of- court settlements before recommending a case be followed up in court.
Indonesia has come under fire recently for the state of press freedom. A recent global comparative study by Reporters Without Borders found it had dropped to 146th position in 2011 down from 117th a year earlier.
[Additional reporting from Suara Pembaruan and Antara.]
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Bagus BT Saragih, Bandung/Jakarta At a time when the Democratic Party's central leadership is being bombarded with the major Wisma Atlet corruption scandal, party members in West Java are involved in an internal conflict regarding money politics ahead of the regional leadership board election and upcoming regional congress.
The allegations have surfaced amid the Democratic Party's ethics council beginning an investigation into alleged massive vote-buying by candidates during the party's last chairmanship election. The investigation may result in the dismissal of graft-implicated party chairman Anas Urbaningrum.
West Java Regional executive board (DPD) head Iwan Sulandjana said he had received reports from district level leadership boards in Garut, Ciamis and Bogor of a number of support letters and money received from West Java legislative councilors of the Democrat Party.
"The money politics issue is related to the support to elect the West Java Democratic Party leader. This is against what has been expressed by the Democratic Party board of trustees chairman, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who recently instructed every party member not to resort to actions that violated party ethics," Iwan said in Bandung on Monday.
The West Java Democratic Party regional congress is scheduled to be held in May this year the latest.
Iwan, a retired major general and former chief of the Siliwangi Military Command, has claimed that Yudhoyono gave his blessing to continue leading the party in West Java as the biggest contributor to the Democrats' victory in the 2009 elections.
Alongside West Java Legislative Council Democratic Party faction leader Awing Asmawi, Iwan provided evidence of alleged money politics launched by West Java Legislative Council speaker Irfan Suryanegara, who has long been at odds with party leaders. Party executives at the district branches were allegedly asked to support Irfan as provincial party leader, with letters of support being addressed to the Democratic Party central executive board head in Jakarta.
"Based on information received from Garut branch leaders, they were gathered in one place and asked to sign the letter of support. They were then given cash envelopes by Acen Roni. Isn't this an indication of money politics? Similar incidents also took place in Bogor and Ciamis, carried out by members of the West Java Democratic Party faction," said Iwan.
A branch leader in Pamarican, Ciamis, Holidin, said they gathered in a hotel together with 15 other Democratic Party branch leaders in Ciamis on Saturday. They were asked to support Irfan, but only five of them were willing. "I signed and received Rp 100,000 [US$11]," said Holidin.
Meanwhile, newly installed ethics council secretary TB Silalahi said a number of party members from regional branches had been summoned to testify before council members as to whether they had accepted bribes during the election held in Bandung, West Java, in 2010.
"We have learned from media reports that some party members in the regions made public admissions that they had accepted bribes. Of course we have to respond with an internal investigation," Silalahi said on Sunday.
Endy M. Bayuni In any democracy, a political party is a public institution. As such, the Democratic Party (PD), which won the largest number of votes with 22 percent in the 2009 elections, should be treated by those who run it as an institution accountable and answerable to the public.
However, the way that party leaders are handling the corruption scandal currently affecting their party, which involves its former chief treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, shows they have virtually ignored the public as the main stakeholder and instead treat the party as their own private institution.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as chief patron, has resisted pressure to dismiss chairman Anas Urbaningrum, whose name has been mentioned in court hearings as an accessory to the crime. In a news conference at his residence last Sunday, Yudhoyono said he would let the law take its full course before doing anything about Anas. For his part, Anas has appeared in several TV interviews professing his innocence.
Not surprisingly, PD's public standing has dramatically declined, a fact that even Yudhoyono recognized in his press briefing. Most opinion surveys show PD trailing third behind Golkar, the largest partner in the PD-led coalition government, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the main opposition party.
The corruption scandal has taken its toll on the party's image. One could argue that there are other reasons for this decline, but the longer the corruption case drags on, the deeper the party will be dragged into the mud.
The Feb. 3 announcement by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to name Angelina Sondakh, an elected PD member of the House of Representatives, as the latest suspect in the corruption scandal, indicates that the case is expanding. Sit back and enjoy the show, if you are not a supporter of PD of course.
With Anas' name frequently mentioned in court hearings, it is only a matter of time before the KPK questions him about the extent of his involvement or knowledge in the fund-raising scam that Nazaruddin is accused of being involved in. Nazaruddin is alleged to have used his party position to secure lucrative contracts to build a sports facility in Palembang, South Sumatra. He has since claimed that the proceeds were distributed among several senior party members, including Angelina, with the full knowledge of chairman Anas.
Irrespective of Anas' claims of innocence, as party chair he should take responsibility for the actions of his chief treasurer. There is simply no way around it. If the court does not see it that way, many voters have certainly made up their mind, and as the surveys show, they are abandoning the party. One hopes that Yudhoyono will weigh in on the issue quickly and use his power to dismiss Anas and save the party from its current mode of self-destruction.
Since both men choose to ignore the first rule about a political party (that it is a public and not private institution) then stakeholders will always have the option to turn to other parties. The second rule about political parties is that voters have a choice.
This is unfortunate because since its launch in 2004, with Yudhoyono as its leader, PD emerged as a viable alternative party in what was then an emerging democratic climate. The party helped him win presidential elections in 2004 and 2009, ironically on a strong anti-corruption platform. The party gained the most trust and confidence from the voting public in 2009.
PD had the opportunity to stay on for the long haul and become one of the most established political parties in Indonesia. When all other big parties, like Golkar and PDI-P, saw their electoral fortunes falling further in 2009, PD surprised everybody else by tripling its share of votes to over 22 percent.
But the way its leaders, including Yudhoyono, have handled the corruption scandal has rendered its image as not all that different from the other parties, that have become mere private play-things for a handful of hungry-power political dynasties.
With the next election just two years away, it is hard to see how the Democrats can repair their reputation in time and repeat their 2009 performance. Going by the results of most opinion polls, they would be lucky to even stay in the top two in 2014.
The Presidential Palace has defended the plan to purchase a presidential plane, saying that the total cost of $138 million would still represent a significant saving of $32 million to the government than if President Susilo Bambang were to rent the plane over a five-year period.
This sounds like a plausible argument except that one could stretch the same argument by asking why stop with Yudhoyono? What about Vice President Boediono, who also travels frequently? What about Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, who spends more than half of his time jet-setting to represent Indonesia? Using the same logic, shouldn't we then buy three jets for the sake of efficiency?
Whatever the answer, we should make sure that none of the former drug- taking Lion Air pilots be allowed to fly the plane, whether it is the president, vice president or foreign minister. It's just too risky.
Ridwan Max Sijabat House of Representatives lawmakers have agreed to let political party leaders decide some of the most crucial issues surrounding pending revisions to the law on legislative elections.
Yasonna Laoly, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and Agun Gunandjar Sudarsa, a lawmaker from the Golkar Party, confirmed that their parties' leaders had met several times to discuss the bill.
"The concessions made by the party leaders will be passed on to members of their faction, who will make a decision on the eve of the bill's endorsement," Agun said on Thursday.
The special committee deliberating the bill, slated to go before the full House in March, agreed to let party leaders to decide the bill's fate, after representatives of the House's nine factions failed to resolve differences on revising the electoral system, the electoral threshold, the number of seats for each electoral districts and a vote-counting mechanism.
The PDI-P, Golkar Party and the Democratic Party (PD) want to increase the electoral threshold from 2.5 percent to somewhere between 3 to 6 percent, claiming it would make governing more efficient, while the House's six smaller parties want to keep the threshold unchanged.
Another contentious issue is electoral system reform. PDI-P lawmakers in the House want to revert a closed-list proportional system that would allow parties to nominate qualified candidates, while the other parties back the present open-list system.
The House's three largest parties, however, were in agreement on a proposal to redraw electoral district boundaries and reduce the number of House seats allotted to each district. The smaller parties do not want to change district sizes or seat allotments to maximize their chances of winning more seats outside their existing strongholds.
Parties in the House are also at odds on requiring the General Election Committee (KPU) to count votes manually or to introduce electronic vote counting.
On the electoral threshold, Yasonna said 5 percent was modest and consistent with the 1945 Constitution, which mandated a multi-party system with no more than 10 parties.
"Small parties should not be concerned about a higher electoral threshold because there's no guarantee that even major parties will have a guarantee that they can reach it. It will depend on their performance during the five-year period," he said.
Meanwhile, according to Yasonna, the PDI-P wanted to revert to the closed- list system implemented during the New Order, believing that the current open list system had failed to produce qualified legislators.
"Many people, including celebrities, have used money and their popularity to win seats while qualified candidates lost in the election because they had no money," he said.
Separately, Ray Rangkuty, the executive director of the Care Forum for Democratic Elections, slammed the decision to leave the fate of electoral reform in the hands of political party big-wigs.
"The House's factions have sidelined the interests of the public and are fighting only for their own interests," Ray said.
The law on elections has been amended three times in the Reform era, which Ray said demonstrated that parties wanted to maintain their roles as contenders, regulators and referees in elections.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta The National Intelligence Agency (BIN) has called on the public to stay vigilant ahead of the 2014 legislative and presidential elections as it forecasts that social violence will likely escalate.
"Violence will continue to escalate approaching the elections and clashes are going to get worse," BIN chief Lt. Gen. Marciano Norman told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday after a hearing with the House of Representatives (DPR) Commission I overseeing defense, foreign affairs and information.
"I ask the public to be alert to things that will get worse. Be aware of horizontal clashes. Refuse to be played off against one another by certain groups," he added.
A recent finding by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) showed that the government's slow response to every conflict in the country had contributed to the weakening of state authority, a condition that had gradually led people to turn to violence to achieve their ends.
Marciano cited terrorism, separatist movements and social distrust as the main threats to the unity of Indonesia.
"Terrorism is still there even though it appears absent. We must stay alert to this threat as it will have a huge impact once it emerges," he said. "We must also keep an eye on separatists in order to uphold the NKRI [Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia]. The growing social distrust has put the country's unity at stake," he added.
According to Marciano, social injustices and poor law enforcement have triggered the threats, particularly the growing social distrust that, if neglected, could tear society into pieces.
"All stakeholders, including governmental officials, must thoroughly question themselves. Social distrust does not grow without reason. All related stakeholders should seriously resolve recent problems, particularly conflicts over land and mining areas, as well as those involving labor," he said.
Massive strikes by angry workers over wage issues in Bekasi and Tangerang regencies home to multinational companies' production bases last month prompted many factories to shut down and workers to blockade toll roads in protest.
Marciano said social distrust had driven people to adopt severe methods of fighting for their rights, such as organizing rallies, some of which, according to BIN, have broken the law.
"We understand that some people are fearing for their rights but they should obey the rules. We found that some of the rallies took place without permits," he said, adding that BIN had seen the signs of such rallies beforehand, and had kept a close watch on them. He refused to elaborate on this.
Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq called on the government to pay attention to the escalating horizontal conflicts. "Poor law enforcement has forced the people to act violently to fight for what they think is right. Violence is escalating because people are disappointed by the legislative body, the government, as well as the judicial system, which they feel has failed to accommodate their needs."
Mahfudz said the House had recommended that law enforcers not merely approach these problems from a "national security point of view". "BIN must not wait long to communicate its findings to relevant institutions... For this reason, we strongly urge BIN to work to find the core cause of the recent clashes."
Fellow lawmaker Evita Nursanty said that horizontal conflicts would not have escalated had BIN been watching the signs more carefully. "The escalating number of conflicts among the people has shown us that BIN has missed something. I think BIN should be ready to improve its performance," she said.
Bagus BT Saragih and Andi Hajramurni, Makassar For politician and former lawyer Amir Syamsuddin, the job of weeding out corrupt politicians in the ruling Democratic Party turned out to be a real can of worms.
The party's chief patron, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, unexpectedly replaced Amir with TB Silalahi as the party's ethics council secretary, tasked with ensuring members steered clear of corruption or other unethical acts.
"The decision was made on Tuesday by Pak Yudhoyono, who also serves as the head of the council," Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Jero Wacik, who is also one the party's five council members, said on Wednesday.
Yudhoyono's decision was made after Amir, the law and human rights minister, signed a letter to discharge legislator Angelina Sondakh from her post as the party's deputy secretary-general after the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) recently declared her a suspect in a graft case.
Under the party's code of ethics, a member who is declared a suspect can be automatically removed from the party's structure. But somehow, that rule has not been applied to Angelina.
"Angelina is still at her post as we're still waiting for the ethics council's decision," said Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum, who is another member of the ethics council and a friend of Angelina.
Amir's dismissal opens up another chapter of infighting within the party, centering on the allegation that Anas is implicated in a graft case involving former party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, who is standing trial over alleged corruption in the construction of a SEA Games' facility in Palembang, South Sumatra.
Nazaruddin's case has also dragged down Angelina, who allegedly sent illicit money to Anas.
Despite mounting calls for Anas' removal by senior Democratic Party politicians, including Amir and Jero, Yudhoyono recently confirmed his stance was to keep Anas in the top job unless the KPK declared him a suspect.
But Amir, who has now become a member of the party's board of patrons, denied that his departure was linked to infighting or his letter to Angelina.
"There's no political motive behind my resignation. I want to focus more on my job as a minister," said Amir, who was installed as a minister in October, replacing National Mandate Party (PAN) politician Patrialis Akbar.
Amir is among a group of politicians battling to salvage the party's declining popularity by urging Yudhoyono to immediately root out corrupt officials ahead of the 2014 general election.
But, instead of leading the clean-up of his party and repairing the party's tarnished image himself, Yudhoyono is passing the job to Silalahi, 73, whom analysts describe as a controversial figure.
Silalahi used to be Yudhoyono's patron when he served in the military and is known to have close ties with businessman Tomy Winata, whose business entity Bank Artha Graha is implicated in a vote-buying scandal over the election of Miranda Goeltom as a senior deputy central bank governor in 2004. The KPK recently declared Miranda a suspect in the case.
Last year, a 2006-dated US diplomatic wire published by whistle-blower website WikiLeaks, said that Silalahi "served as an intermediary, who delivered funds from Tomy to Yudhoyono".
Silalahi was implicated in a graft case in 2007 in which he allegedly received houses as payoffs by businessman Henry Leo, who is now serving a six-year jail sentence for embezzling Rp 410 billion from military pension funds. Silalahi has repeatedly denied the allegation.
Jakarta The nation's enthusiasm for democracy could be losing momentum, with a new survey finding a growing public distrust of political parties.
A survey by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) shows that the public overwhelmingly distrust the political parties, which they deem as dysfunctional.
"There are only 22.4 percent of respondents who believe that political parties still perform well," CSIS researcher Sunny Tanuwidjaja told a media briefing on Monday.
He said that the growing public distrust was attributed to the current poor performance in law enforcement, efforts to eradicate poverty and stopping corruption, which were the public's main concerns.
CSIS questioned 2,220 respondents randomly from 23 provinces nationwide as part of the survey, conducted between Jan. 16 and 24. The survey found that 92.2 percent of respondents did not know the names of the legislators who come from the party of their choice.
"It shows us that there is a wide gap between legislators and their constituents. Therefore, the House of Representatives and the political parties can no longer claim themselves as people's representatives," Sunny said.
Analysis of the results found that the deep distrust could reduce the quality of the upcoming 2014 general election, as more people might avoid using their vote or perform a "donkey vote".
If legislative elections were held at the time of the survey, the Democratic Party would garner just 12.6 percent of the national vote, the Golkar Party 10.5 percent and the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) 7.8 percent.
In the 2009 legislative elections, the Democratic Party garnered 20.85 percent vote, the Golkar Party received 14.45 percent and the PDI-P gathered 14.03 percent.
The survey suggests that the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) or the United Development Party (PPP) would garner between 0.7 percent and 4.5 percent of the vote.
But with almost half of all respondents holding back their vote, CSIS's Politic and International Relations department head Philips J. Vermonte said that the 2014's general election would be very competitive for political parties but not for good reasons.
He said that the competition came because people feel that there were not any good options to choose from. "Right now there are no distinct political parties that favor certain groups of people or ideology, they all have turned to be centrist parties," Sunny said.
A similar survey conducted by Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) in May last year, revealed a declining public participation in legislative elections caused by a weakening relationship between political party and their constituents that could lead to 20 percent less people voting within a decade.
Meanwhile, Australian National University political expert Marcus Mietzner said that the biggest problem for political parties was their funding systems which could be responsible for corruption.
"Indonesian political parties are forced to raise their money because there is no reasonable financing system," he told The Jakarta Post on Monday. "If you don't fund the political party, they have to get the money from somewhere; it's logical."
Mietzner said that the problem with corruption was that it was systemic and structural, despite assumptions that it was a failure of morals and ethics.
The survey also suggested that the government was doing a better job than the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK). "Some 55.3 percent of respondents think that the government has shown good performance, while 50.7 percent of respondents think that the KPK has shown good performance," Sunny said.
Sita W. Dewi, Jakarta The Centre of Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) on Monday released the results of its latest survey that indicates support for political parties has plunged.
"Support toward the ruling Democratic Party has declined. However, support for other political parties did not show an increase either because [respondents] were disappointed towards all of the parties and have no idea which party to support," CSIS political and international relations researcher Sunny Tanuwidjaja said in Jakarta.
Sunny said that the legislative elections in 2014 would be very competitive as there was no party standing out from the pack.
"Existing political parties offer similar things nowadays. They all have programs to solve all issues. None offer programs or ideology that are unique and stand out," Sunny said, adding that most parties had also failed to attract wavering Democratic Party voters because they did not offer any better alternatives.
The study pointed out that the Democratic Party, whose prominent figures have been marred by a series of graft cases, has seen an 8.25 percent drop in support the biggest decline among other parties to 12.6 percent, compared to the support it gained in the 2009 elections.
The Golkar party has the support of 10.5 percent of respondents, down 3.95 percent from 2009. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) recorded 7.8 percent of respondents' votes, declining by 6.23 percent compared to 2009.
The National Awakening Party (PKB) has the support of 4.4 percent of those surveyed, slightly dropping by 0.54 percent compared to 2009, while the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) saw a 4.78 percent decline in its support, which is only 3.1 percent of respondents.
The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) recorded support by three percent of respondents, down by 1.46 percent compared to 2009. The United Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) recorded support by 2.8 percent, 2.3 percent, 0.7 percent of respondents respectively. Their support fell by 2.53 percent, 3.71 percent and 3.07 percent respectively compared to support they gained in 2009. The remaining 48.4 percent of respondents were undecided.
The study is based on the responses of 2,117 people from across the country surveyed between Jan.16 and 24. (cor)
Markus Junianto Sihaloho While the majority of Indonesians agree in principle that other people's religions and faiths should be respected, this does not consistently translate to everyday life, according to a new survey.
The survey, which was released on Saturday, found that 95.4 percent of 2,500 people questioned across the country believed that religious freedom should be respected. It was conducted jointly by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and Syarif Hidayatullah University in Jakarta.
The results were unveiled on Saturday by lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari, who said the reality of events playing out across Indonesia did not reflect this broad consensus.
"This means that people's tolerance for religious differences is just intellectual discourse or a moral commitment," she said. "It's not yet at the level of action or political commitment."
Forty-six percent of respondents said they would not accept an interreligious marriage among their immediate family members, underlining the disconnect between honoring religious difference in theory and in practice.
Eva said the survey also showed there was a very low level of implementation of the state's founding ideology, Pancasila, which stipulates equal footing for all religions. She said only 3 percent of those questioned said they consciously applied Pancasila. The rest said they did not go out of their way to implement it.
"This contradicts the fact that the results of the survey found that the majority of people, or 90 percent of Indonesians, agree that Pancasila should provide a foundation for everyday action and life," she said.
The survey's results, she said, should serve as a serious warning for the MPR and the government that Pancasila is increasingly losing its meaning as an ideology for the nation.
"Seventy-seven percent of the people questioned also expressed concerns that globalization and foreign values and ideologies were pushing out Pancasila," Eva said.
Meanwhile, thousands of representatives of the country's six officially recognized religions gathered on Sunday at the House of Representatives in Jakarta to mark World Interfaith Harmony Week. The theme of the gathering was "Diversity Creates Harmony in Indonesia."
Among those present were Din Syamsuddin, the chairman of the country's second-largest Islamic organization, Muhammadiyah, Andreas Sewangu of the Indonesian Bishops Council and I Nyoman Udayana of the Indonesian Hindu Dharma Association. Also present were Philip Wijaya from the Buddhist Council and Wawan Wiratman from the Confucian High Council, among others.
"On this occasion, we pledge that there is no religion in Indonesia that refuses to allow diversity," Syamsuddin said. "Do not always look for what is different, but look to our similarities to live in harmony and peace in Indonesia."
Those present also expressed a commitment to maintain harmony in the society and state, under the ideology of Pancasila.
MPR chairman Taufik Kiemas vowed to support every program that promoted interfaith tolerance in the country. "Each year, the MPR will support events that renew pledges of commitment to interfaith harmony in Indonesia," he said.
Udayana said the state had a responsibility to maintain interfaith harmony in Indonesia. "The state guarantees freedom of religion," he said. "There should be no discrimination between the majority and minority."
Hajriyanto Thohari, deputy chairman of the MPR, said state institutions should work closely with religious groups to promote unity in diversity and the recognition of the pluralistic nature of the nation. He also agreed that while most people professed an acceptance of Pancasila and pluralism, this was mainly in theory and not in actual practice.
Andreas D. Arditya, Jakarta The Jakarta administration has issued a new regulation on the minimum wages for people working in several lucrative business sectors, setting them between 5 and 30 percent higher than provincial-wide salaries.
The new regulation came late, with a ministerial decree requiring provincial governments to decide on a new minimum wage two months before the new policy takes effect on Jan. 1 each year.
Jakarta Manpower and Transmigration Agency head Deded Sukendar on Monday said that the new regulation was signed last week, setting higher wages for 10 lucrative sectors.
The provincial minimum wage has been set at Rp 1,529,150 (US$167) per month, which applied for an unmarried worker with less than one year's work experience.
The 10 lucrative sectors in the capital are infrastructure and public works; chemical, energy and mining; metal, electronics and machinery; automotive; insurance and banking; food and beverage; health and pharmacy; textile, clothing and leather; tourism and communications.
The two sectors that received the highest increases of 30 percent are the communications sector and insurance and banking sector. Last year, the two sectors were only 7 and 10 percent higher than the minimum wage.
"Both sectors have made major contributions to the city's economy," Deded said. With the approval, the sectors were not only the highest paying in the capital but also in Indonesia.
Dissatisfied with the new policy, Korean textile manufacturers in Jakarta plan to relocate factories to Myanmar or Vietnam where workers' wages were lesser.
Deputy chairman of the Korean Garment Association in Indonesia, Eung-sik, on Monday said that at least 96 investors were considering to move production away from the industrial zone in Cakung, North Jakarta, following the wage rises.
Tempo.co reported that Bambang Haryanto, human resources development manager of the Cakung zone, said that textile industry had previously not been categorized as lucrative. "It's already hard for us to meet the new minimum wage, let alone the sectoral wage," he said.
The Jakarta Labor Forum, an umbrella organization for workers unions, gave a lukewarm response to the decision and demanded that the city administration include retail sector as one of the lucrative sectors.
"The increases should had been higher. The city only gave an average 16 percent increase for the lucrative sectors," forum spokesman Muhammad Rusdi said.
The Jakarta chapter of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) previously protested against the sectoral wages, saying they were not necessary and could be counterproductive.
Business owners who fail to meet the minimum wages face fines of up to Rp 400 million and a maximum four years in jail. Waivers are granted to businesses in financial strife.
Anita Rachman Yuliana can't remember the last time she had a proper sit-down meal during her lunch break at the North Jakarta garment factory where she works.
The 30-year-old mother of one said she simply doesn't have the time, even though the workers are technically entitled to an hourlong break.
If she doesn't eat fast and hurry back to work, she said it would mean having to stay late to meet her target for the day, something other companies might consider overtime, but for which she does not get paid.
This system of setting target outputs for workers is common among factories to make sure workers are productive and not idling their time away. But according to Yuliana, the problem with the system known as the "score" among workers is that the target is always moving, usually up.
If she and her co-workers manage to consistently meet a target of sewing 600 clothing parts a day, for instance, they are soon given a higher target. But if they don't meet the target, it means having more to do the next day.
"So the other option is to finish them during our lunch break or after working hours," she said. "This has been going on for more than five years now. I used to work for hours after my workday had finished, unpaid. But now it's not so bad anymore. Only 30 minutes, or an hour at most."
Yuliana and her co-workers are not alone. According to Jumisih, chairwoman of the Factory Workers Forum (FBLP), this system is used by dozens of garment companies in the Nusantara Bonded Zone (KBN) Industrial Estate in North Jakarta.
For employees of these companies, said Restaria Hutabarat, a public lawyer at the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH Jakarta), the scheme is simply known as jam molor, or flexible hours.
"It's a term for forced overtime, paid or unpaid. And indeed, it has been happening for years, especially in garment factories," said Resta, who is currently assisting workers in a garment company in Tangerang. The practice is illegal, she said, and that's why it must cease.
Under any circumstance, unpaid forced overtime is against the law, according to Manpower and Transmigration Ministry spokesman Suhartono.
Workers forced to work under these circumstances can and should complain, he said, adding that the ministry's offices in the regions monitored companies. "We are going to check with our branches. They should check all companies regularly," he said.
The 2003 Labor Law stipulates that there should only be seven working hours a day or 40 hours a week in a six-day workweek. For a five-day workweek, each workday is capped at eight hours. Article 78 of the law states that "if employers make workers work more than 40 hours a week, it's called overtime."
However, Suhartono said work conditions were covered by the contracts signed between employees and employers. And this is the tricky part: If employees agree to work on a target-based system, can it be considered forced overtime if they fail to reach the target within working hours?
"They are paid based on the number of items they produce, not how long they work," said Sofjan Wanandi, chairman of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo).
Setting targets, he explained, allows companies to have a quantifiable way of measuring the productivity of each worker. "If workers refuse, then we have no problem [letting them go]. There's no pressure [on them to stay]," Sofjan said.
Resta acknowledged that under the score system, work done by employees outside the 40 hours each week to meet their target was unlikely to be considered overtime by companies. "They have a different perspective because they operate based on profits," she said.
But she dismissed the idea that workers would work slower if they were paid for overtime. "I don't believe workers would be lazy. Because in a company, jobs are linked. If Department A doesn't finish on time, then Department B can't finish its work either," she said.
Ahmad Erani Yustika, an economist at the Institute for Development of Economics and Finance (Indef), agreed that the problem was complicated. He said it was understandable why companies would insist on a target, but stressed that forcing employees to work overtime without pay violated basic human values.
In the absence of specific regulations on the issue, he suggested that employers and workers reach a mutually acceptable middle ground through dialogue.
For example, workers failing to meet their targets could get disincentives such as cuts in their transportation or health benefits, while those who meet or exceed their targets would get some form of incentive.
The companies, Ahmad said, should also have set standards to measure their workers' performance, so neither side could cheat the system.
Nining Elitos, coordinator of the Indonesian Trade Union Alliance (Kasbi), said workers in garment companies in Tangerang and surrounding areas had previously tried to appeal against the target system.
"The practice is spreading, from North to South Jakarta to Tangerang," she said. "We tried to question the system but failed. We didn't get the support we needed from the government."
A recent incident, though, has given Kasbi renewed hope. More than 4,400 workers at Nikomas, a supplier for Nike in Serang, Banten, are getting a total of nearly $1 million for almost 600,000 hours of unpaid forced overtime over two years.
The agreement was reached in January after nearly a year of negotiations, and the company is now in the process of disbursing the payment.
"Nikomas itself wasn't aware of the target system, but some of their supervisors set targets for their workers," said Djoko Haryono, from the National Workers Union (SPN), which is overseeing the agreement.
As a result, thousands of Nikomas employees ended up working up to an extra two hours a day, six days a week, to meet their targets. "[The Nikomas case] has motivated us, because we also have the same problem in the company we are working for right now," said Sanan Setiabudi, a member of a labor union working with LBH Jakarta in a Tangerang garment company case.
Sanan said they had been forced to work under the target scheme for the past nine months, "but the workers are too afraid to testify."
Despite the Nikomas victory, SPN's Djoko said arguing against the target scheme was not easy. What is needed, he said, is for workers to be able to speak out openly against the system without fear of retribution.
"We have to have testimony from workers, because only through that can we make the company listen," he said. "[In the Nikomas case], we had hundreds of workers testifying about the scheme. And we were lucky because we were able to resolve it outside of court. I'm sure that we wouldn't have been able to finish the case this soon had the company dragged the case to court."
It's a lesson Jumisih of the FBLP seems to have learned. The group took one case to court, she said, but it failed because of a lack of evidence. She said the FBLP was now counting the number of factories applying the target system. "I want to meet the people who advocated for the Nike workers, maybe we can learn something," she said.
Djoko said SPN was compiling its Nike success strategy into a book so others could follow. "It will be launched soon," he said.
Jim Keady, a director of Educating for Justice, which worked with SPN to win the overtime pay for the Nikomas workers, said the case was proof that change was possible. He said that rather than take their grievances to the local authorities or the central government, the workers took the issue "to Nike and to the media." Keady suggested other disgruntled workers take a similar approach.
Such a cause, though, must have facts and data behind it, he said. In the Nikomas case, he said, the facts were that thousands of workers were forced work after clocking out, without pay, for several extra hours each day, just to meet production targets. The task, Keady said, was to prove to employers that this injustice was happening.
Whether such an approach would work with smaller companies or those producing goods for local firms is something he is not prepared to vouch for. However, he said it was absolutely worth trying for, adding that he hoped the Nikomas victory would empower other workers to stand up and fight for what was theirs.
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Labor issues including disputes over minimum wages are not the main issue affecting Indonesian businesses, with political instability, poor governance and corruption pose as the bigger problems.
Graeme Buckley, a senior program analyst with the Geneva-based International Labor Organization (ILO), said that Indonesia could attract more investors if the government maintained political stability.
"Generally speaking, foreign investors are more concerned about violence, instability and issues related with corruption or government inefficiency. Those factors are far more important than the issue of minimum wages," he told The Jakarta Post at the launch of the findings of a survey of 216 workers in Jakarta.
He said that recent economic growth did not necessarily mean an improvement in people's welfare because most businesses did not revolve around unskilled labor. "This is why I think the government has a key role to ensure the economic growth not only benefits the elite," Buckley said.
The survey mapped out Indonesian workers' perception of 17 conditions needed to create a conducive environment for sustainable enterprises. It found that social and political elements were the most influential elements in creating an environment to support sustainable enterprises, particularly when it came to social dialogue and social protection as an instrument for protecting workers' welfare.
In terms of civil liberties, Indonesia performed better than other countries such as Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. However, it remained poorer than those countries in terms of political risk indicators.
Mohammed Mwamadzingo, the ILO's senior workers specialist, welcomed Indonesia's respect for universal human rights and international labor standards. But he said that there were issues that need further attention, including social dialogue between workers, employers and the government, where they could work together to plan for the future.
"I read in the papers about [recent worker's protests] as we were coming to Jakarta. There were demonstrations especially in the Bekasi area. We believe that it resulted from the lack of dialogue between employers and workers," he said.
Improving the workers' welfare, especially through minimum wages, could improve productivity. "It's never going to be an obstacle for any investor. We read from many countries that Indonesia has been probably one of countries with the lowest minimum wages in the world. But many investors still go to China and Malaysia, where the minimum wages are far higher than here. So wages are not a determinant fact of investment in Indonesia," he said.
Syafril Arsyad, deputy secretary-general of the All-Indonesian Workers Union Confederation (KSPSI), said that the majority of respondents had negative perceptions of the government's role in facilitating the partnership with workers and employers.
"Most of us think that the government plays its role in implementing international labor standards with less 'fairness', such as in resolving disputes in tripartite dialogue and in deciding proper wages," he said.
Djimanto, deputy chairman of Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo), said that creating conducive climate for sustainable enterprises should involve common logical perceptions between all parties. However, he said revenue or sales resources remained the key thing that could enable enterprises to fulfill those interests.
About 86 percent of survey respondents appreciated the role of the government in creating freedom of association. However, a majority of respondents felt that the government tended to favor employers in dispute settlement.
Batam Hundreds of workers at PT Varta Microbattery Indonesia (VMI) in Batam, Riau Islands, went on strike on Wednesday.
The deputy chairman of the company's metal workers union, Ramon Yapeth, said on Wednesday that management and the union had deadlocked on housing allowances, with the workers asking for Rp 250,000 (US$28.25) a month and the company countering with Rp 100,000.
"We decided to go on strike. What do they mean, offering Rp 100,000 a month? That's not enough to pay the electricity bill, let alone the rent," Ramon said.
PT VMI human resources manager Puji Hartani said that the company was still negotiating with the workers. "Our lawyers are still working out a draft for a win-win solution. I can't give details on the amount to be paid by the company. Just wait, it will soon be complete," Puji said.
Dessy Sagita Antismoking activists have slammed the latest conspiracy theory that global forces want to hurt Indonesia's economy by destroying its tobacco industry.
A book, "Killing Indonesia: Global Conspiracy on Destroying Clove Cigarettes," was out on bookshelves this week to defend Indonesia's tobacco industry, especially clove cigarettes, which are a locally made product dubbed by the book as the country's cultural legacy.
The book claims the global anti-tobacco campaign is merely a foreign plot to kill Indonesia's clove industry. It said that if foreigners succeeded in restricting clove cigarettes, they would replace them with foreign-made ones, known as "white cigarettes."
One activist derided the claims. "Our society has a very limited understanding of the dangers of smoking because the sources of information have always been marginalized, so people will absorb whatever they hear," said Fuad Baradja of the Indonesian Smoking Control Foundation (LM3), speaking at a seminar in Jakarta on Sunday.
Fuad said he suspected the book was just the latest attempt by the cash- rich tobacco industry players to influence public opinion, especially because the intensity of antismoking campaigns had risen in recent years.
It's not about local cigarettes versus foreign ones, Fuad said. "This is about people's health," he said.
Since the 19th century, Indonesia's tobacco industry has been one of its most profitable, despite being taxed heavily and vilified by the antismoking lobby.
Today, Indonesia has more than 65 million smokers, the third most in the world. A list of the country's richest people includes several owners of cigarette companies.
The government views the industry as playing a key role in the national economy, given the revenue big tobacco contributes and the 824,000 workers it employs.
From 2005 to 2009, the government's excise tax revenue increased from Rp 33.3 trillion ($3.7 billion) to Rp 56.7 trillion, thanks to cigarettes, which account for 97.8 percent of all excise tax receipts.
The increase was largely because of rising excise rates on cigarettes. In 2010, it went up from an average of 9.6 percent to 21 percent. In 2011, it increased it again by 5 percent.
The increases are said to be aimed at both boosting revenue and limiting consumption. But it seems only the former objective is being met.
"Every year the government raises the tobacco excise, but tobacco firms' profits keep increasing on the back of higher consumption," said Cece Ridwanulloh, an analyst from Ekokapital Sekuritas.
Jakarta A coalition of lawmakers is circulating a petition challenging a government policy not to reduce the prison sentences of corruption convicts.
The legislators plan to summon President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the House to explain the policy, which the legislators claim violate the right of the corruptors.
Eighty-seven lawmakers have signed the petition, including Deputy House Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso of the Golkar Party, who added his name on Monday after receiving the petition from lawmakers on House Commission III overseeing legal affairs.
Commission III lawmakers backing the document include Trimedya Panjaitan from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P); Bambang Soesatyo, Aziz Syamsuddin and Nudirman Munir from Golkar; Nasir Djamil from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS); Ahmad Yani from the United Development Party (PPP) and Syarifuddin Sudding from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura).
"We want to summon the President to ask whether or not he knows about the policy and agrees with it," Ahmad told reporters.
The lawmakers used their interpellation rights to question a policy set by Law and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsuddin to ban the sentence reductions.
Amir said that the ban on sentence reductions did not violate the 2006 Law on the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which allows corruption convicts to be paroled or to have their sentences reduced under specific circumstances.
Jakarta Law and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsuddin said on Monday that the ministry had revoked the authority of the 16 "enter-jail-free" cards that it gave to lawmakers from House commission III overseeing law.
The "enter-jail-free" cards bestowed by the ministry to the lawmakers came under intense public scrutiny last week after deputy minister Denny Indrayana conducted an impromptu visit to Cipinang Penitentiary and unexpectedly spotted Democratic Party lawmaker Muhammad Nasir on a closed circuit television camera (CCTV) talking to Muhammad Nazaruddin, a suspect in high-profile graft case.
The meeting between Nasir and his brother Nazaruddin took place at 8 p.m. and was held outside the Cipinang Penitentiary's visiting hours, which last only until 3.30 p.m, and has prompted suspicion about the alleged political intervention in the prosecution of the former Democratic Party treasurer.
The minister said that, although Commission III lawmakers could visit penitentiaries to enforce their supervision role, they would no longer possess special authority granted by their so-called "enter-jail-free" cards.
"[The cards] are no longer valid," Amir said as quoted by tempo.co, adding that it was important for lawmakers to coordinate with his ministry in conducting supervision of penitentiaries.
Amir discharged three top-brass officials in his Jakarta office on Sunday as the ministry's response to the case, stating in his press briefing that the ministry would soon hold fit-and-proper tests to pick the replacements for the ousted officials. (sat)
Rizky Amelia The fallout from the discovery of late-night visitors meeting with high-profile graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin has claimed its first scalps, with Cipinang Penitentiary warden Suharman among four people losing their posts over the fiasco.
Amir Syamsuddin, the justice and human rights minister, said on Sunday that sweeping changes had been ordered following the discovery that Nazaruddin had met with his brother, Muhammad Nasir, and several lawyers in his cell at Cipinang at 11 p.m. last Wednesday. Prison visiting hours end at 5 p.m.
Amir said that in addition to removing Suharman from his position, he had also replaced the head of his ministry's Jakarta office, Taswin Tarib, and the office's corrections unit head, Hafiluddin.
"The ministry is committed to measures to improve the system by replacing the regional office head, the regional office corrections unit head and the Cipinang Penitentiary head," Amir said at a press conference at his office.
Denny Indrayana, the deputy justice minister, added that the Cipinang head of security, identified only as F.A., had also been replaced.
Amir said replacements would be appointed through a fit-and-proper test "that prioritizes the integrity as much as the capacity of the candidates." "All this is being done as part of the reward-and-punishment scheme to improve [the ministry]," he said.
Denny, who made the impromptu late-night inspection that led to the uproar, said the three officials had been removed "based on evaluations of their performance and violations."
Amir said he would not rescind a policy introduced by his predecessor, Patrialis Akbar, allowing members of House of Representatives Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, access to prisons to conduct checks at any time.
Nasir, who serves on Commission III for the Democratic Party, claimed last week that his visit to Nazaruddin was work-related. However, he later admitted that it was personal in nature.
Nazaruddin, the former Democrat treasurer, also served on Commission III before he was arrested and put on trial in a scandal related to the Southeast Asian Games.
Amir said that the policy would remain in place "so that there are no accusations that I'm blocking the House form carrying out its function."
"We don't mind [legislators visiting], as long as they inform myself or the director general of corrections," he said. "But what's at question here is whether these visits are really part of their job or whether there are other reasons at play."
He said that not all Commission III legislators had been issued a special access card to enter prisons, and that Nasir did not have one. "Only 16 people have been issued these cards, and Nasir's name isn't on that list," he said.
Amir said he would order more cameras to be installed at Cipinang as well as at other major penitentiaries across the country. The CCTV systems send live feeds directly to the minister and deputy minister's offices.
Carlos K.Y. Paath & Ezra Sihite Corruption Eradication Commission investigators surprised lawmakers on Friday when they showed up to search the office of the much-maligned House of Representatives Budget Committee.
At least 10 investigators from the commission known as the KPK went to the House in the morning to conduct the search related to a case involving National Mandate Party (PAN) lawmaker Wa Ode Nurhayati.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi confirmed the search, the first related to the Regional Infrastructure Adjustment Fund (DPID) case implicating the former Budget Committee member. "We continue to develop the case. We might me able to name other suspects if we find enough evidence," Johan told reporters as the search was under way.
The KPK investigators could not find a key to Wa Ode's office so they forced their way in and later emerged with boxes of files and a computer.
Later they widened their search to include the offices of the Budget Committee leaders, including Melchias Markus Mekeng of the Golkar Party, Olly Dondokambey of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Mirwan Amir of the Democratic Party and Tamsil Linrung of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
All of them had been earlier named by Wa Ode and subsequently questioned by the KPK as witnesses in the case. Some of them have also come up in connection with other corruption cases.
Mirwan, for instance, has been linked to the scandal over the construction of an athletes' village for the Southeast Asia Games that has implicated many in the Democratic Party.
After more than 10 hours of searching, the KPK investigators left, taking with them boxes of documents, disks and Wa Ode's personal computer.
Wa Ode was arrested in January after the KPK found evidence that she accepted bribes to ensure funding was allocated for projects in three Aceh districts. She allegedly received about Rp 6 billion ($666,000) in October and November 2010. The KPK has named businessman Fahd Arafiq, who allegedly paid the bribe, as another suspect in the case.
Before her arrest, Wa Ode said she would divulge details she claimed would implicate the leadership of the Budget Committee in the bribery scandal. "I will provide all the information to investigators," she said.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie and most of the committee's leaders said they were surprised by the KPK search. "I don't know," Marzuki said when reporters asked him about the actions of the KPK.
Budget Committee chairman Melchias said the search had been blown up by the media. He also accused Wa Ode of trying to implicate him in the case. "She's the one who received the money," he said. Tamsil said he had no problem with the search as long as it followed proper procedure.
Antigraft activists have expressed hope that Wa Ode's arrest will shed light on much bigger cases involving the committee's leaders, who wield great power over where money goes for projects across the country.
"I strongly hope the KPK can draw out more important information and evidence from Wa Ode so that it can be followed up with further investigation of more influential actors," said Ucok Sky Khadafi, coordinator of the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra).
Wa Ode last year had been something of a public darling, gaining considerable media coverage for blowing the whistle on her colleagues.
She claimed in May that lawmakers entrusted with budget oversight were skimming between 7 percent and 15 percent from funds allocated for regional infrastructure projects, resulting in 10 provinces and 126 districts missing out on funding.
Ezra Sihite The brother of high-profile graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin has offered a variety of excuses after his late-night visit to the suspect's jail cell earlier this week was revealed by the deputy justice minister on Thursday.
Muhammad Nasir, Nazaruddin's older brother and a member of House of Representatives Commission III, said on Friday that the visit at 11 p.m. on Wednesday was part of his duty as a legislator. "It's my obligation as a member of Commission III," he said. He did not elaborate on how the visit related to his job.
House Commission III, of which Nazaruddin was also a member before being arrested and put on trial for bid-rigging, oversees legal affairs. Asked why he had scheduled a work-related visit for so late at night, Nasir then said that it was simply a family visit. "It's no biggie," he said. "I just wanted to see my brother."
He soon changed tack again, saying he had gone to Cipinang Penitentiary out of concern for Nazaruddin's health. "He was sick the other day, and he was concerned about having to be put on a drip, so I went to see how he was," said Nasir, who had previously been reported as the suspect's cousin.
He admitted that he had used his position as a House member to finagle the late-night visit, and insisted this was normal conduct for legislators.
The visit was discovered during a spot inspection by Justice and Human Rights Ministry officials. They also found two lawyers, Djufri Taufik and Arief Rachman, in Nazaruddin's cell.
Denny Indrayana, the deputy justice minister, said on Thursday he doubted their claim that they were visiting Nazaruddin because he was sick. "At such a late hour, when would Nazaruddin have rested?" he said. Visiting hours are from 10 a.m. to noon, and 1 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.
Denny refused to blame prison officials for allowing the late visit, saying it was likely they had been pressured by the visitors. "We don't think they can be blamed because Nazaruddin's family and friends often threaten them," he said.
Nazaruddin, the former Democratic Party treasurer, is being held at Cipinang pending his ongoing trial in a graft case surrounding the construction of the Southeast Asian Games athletes' village in Palembang.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which revealed on Thursday that it was building holding cells in its office, said on Friday there were no plans yet to transfer Nazaruddin there. The cells are expected to be ready by March.
Rizky Amelia & Ulma Haryanto After the Constitutional Court called it unconstitutional to put a travel ban on suspects during the early stages of investigation, the nation's antigraft body said on Thursday that the ruling would not affect its own efforts to hunt down corruptors.
"The ruling is on the Immigration Law, not on the KPK Law," said Johan Budi, a spokesman for the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
The Constitutional Court ruled on Wednesday that a phrase in the Immigration Law allowing travel bans during the preliminary stage of investigation, when the status of a person is not yet clear, was unconstitutional.
But Johan said that based on the KPK Law, the antigraft body can still ask the immigration office to ban someone under preliminary investigation from leaving the country.
Maryoto, a spokesman for the Immigration Office, agreed with that assessment, saying the court ruling applied only to general crimes and not to extraordinary crime such as corruption.
"I'm sure the Attorney General's Office and the National Police understand this," Maryoto said. "If the KPK asks us to ban someone under preliminary investigation, then we'll do it."
However, O.C. Kaligis, whose law firm filed the judicial review, dismissed the statements, saying the ruling was applicable across the board and on any crime. "All ban requests are proposed to the immigration office, so the ruling can be applied to all requests, including those from the KPK," he said.
The legal motion was triggered by the travel ban imposed on former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin before he was named a suspect, one of the petitioners, Slamet Yuwono, earlier told the Jakarta Globe.
Constitutional Court spokesman Akil Mochtar clarified on Thursday that the travel ban on I Wayan Koster, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), remains valid.
Wayan is implicated in the corruption scandal involving Nazaruddin but has not been named a suspect. "The ban on Wayan was issued because the case is already in the investigation stage," Akil said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho There is a growing feeling among some activists and politicians that members of the antigraft body are spending too much time mingling with lawmakers, threatening the body's image and its investigations.
With so many lawmakers ending up the targets of investigations by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), it raises questions about the relationship between the graft fighters and the politicians when they meet outside of official House sessions.
Ray Rangkuti, director of the Indonesian Civic Network (Lima), said the commission should have learned from two of its former deputy commissioners Chandra Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto. They ended up in court in part because of meetings they had with people linked to a case they were handling.
"We urge that KPK meetings outside of those of the official forum at the House of Representatives be limited," he said. "It should be understood that the KPK is in a position where they cannot just do whatever they want."
He said the commission should incorporate a regulation for this in its code of ethics. The Law on the KPK already says commissioners should not meet privately with anyone linked to a case they're working on.
Syarifuddin Sudding, a member of House Commission III for legal affairs, said he was puzzled by the number of recent visits politicians have made to the KPK. He said he thought these visits were probably an attempt by the politicians to intervene in the commission's investigations.
One such visit he mentioned took place on Jan. 20. House Speaker Marzuki Alie and the House's secretary general, Nining Indra Saleh, who have been criticized for wasteful spending on projects at the House building, went to the KPK office in South Jakarta.
Last Friday, he said, a number of his colleagues on House Commission III went to the KPK. These included Bambang Soesatyo of the Golkar Party, Trimedia Panjaitan of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Nasir Jamil of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Ahmad Yani of the United Development Party (PPP). Several members of these parties, he said, are currently being targeted by the KPK.
Syarifuddin also said the KPK was dragging its feet on several cases that concerned the suspected involvement of lawmakers.
Abdullah Dahlan, a researcher from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), said the KPK needed to keep its distance from politicians and lawmakers. "The KPK should prioritize professionalism, and should not give in to pressure or work for any political interests," he said.
The public, he added, would be disappointed if the KPK did not continue its investigations into corruption cases involving suspected lawmakers.
Bahruddin Nasori, a House Commission III member from the National Awakening Party (PKB), said to allay any suspicions of improper intervention, lawmakers should only communicate with KPK commissioners through official forums, such as working meetings or hearings.
"If there is anything they want to say, then it should be expressed in official forums only," he said. "It is true that political parties, through their representatives at the House, chose the KPK members, but this does not mean we can co-opt the KPK. We all need to protect the KPK as part of our battle against corruption."
Nurkholis Hidayat, director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Jakarta), said politicians should always be suspected and their visits to the KPK should accordingly be viewed with suspicion.
Haryono Umar, another former KPK commissioner, and Chandra last year had an ethics council hearing over meetings they had with politicians during their time at the antigraft body.
Although the disbanded committee said Chandra and Haryono had not violated the KPK's code of conduct, three committee members, including chairman Abdullah Hehamahua, recommended they be sanctioned.
Hehamahua said when Chandra and Haryono met with Democratic lawmakers Muhammad Nazaruddin and Benny K. Harman, the two KPK deputies were aware of the potential conflict of interest, given that Nazaruddin and Benny were both members of the House's legal affairs commission, which has oversight of the antigraft body.
"When talking about a code of conduct, we are talking about whether an act is proper or not, reasonable or not, and not about right or wrong," he said in October after the ethics committee issued its ruling. "When [KPK officials] meet someone, they must alert other officials before or after the meeting. This meeting was planned, not accidental."
Rizky Amelia & Ezra Sihite Graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin, who has lobbed corruption allegations at a string of high-profile officials, has been receiving late-night visitors at his prison cell, according to an official at the Justice and Human Rights Ministry.
A surprise inspection at Cipinang Penitentiary caught Nazaruddin meeting with his cousin, lawmaker Muhammad Nasir, attorney Djufri Taufik and several other people at 11 p.m., according to Denny Indrayana, the deputy minister. Visiting hours are from 10 a.m. and noon, and 1 p.m. and 5:30 p.m.
Denny said the visitors claimed that Nazaruddin was ill, which meant they could visit him outside official visiting hours. "But at such a late hour, when would Nazaruddin have rested?" he said.
Nazaruddin, the Democratic Party's former treasurer, is the main suspect in a graft case surrounding the construction of the Southeast Asian Games athletes' village in Palembang He is being detained at Cipinang in East Jakarta during his trial at the Anti-Corruption Court.
Though prison staff would have allowed the visitors in, Denny took pains to defend them. He said it was likely they had been pressured to allow the after-hour visits.
"We don't think they can be blamed because Nazaruddin's family and friends often threaten them," he said. He added that Nasir, from the ruling Democratic Party, often used his status as lawmaker to get his way.
Denny said ultimately it was his responsibility as deputy minister to ensure that regulations were being followed at all of the country's prisons.
Many people have said it is no secret that wealthy convicts pay for special treatment in prison. In 2010, an inspection at the Pondok Bambu women's prison found graft convict Artalyta Suryani living in the veritable lap of luxury, with a special air-conditioned cell that was connected to a 64- square-meter room.
A judicial corruption squad also found special treatment being given to Liem Marita, who was jailed for drugs. She had a large bed, a refrigerator, a living room complete with sofa, a cassette player and a work table. The squad also found a karaoke room with a television. The prisoners also had their cellphones with them.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which is investigating the Sea Games scandal, said it would talk to the Human Rights Ministry and the Anti-Corruption Court about Nazaruddin's unauthorized late-night visits.
To address the issue in the longer term, KPK spokesman Johan Budi said the antigraft body was working on having holding cells built in the basement of its building in South Jakarta. "We are now having three or four cells built in our basement," he said.
Ulma Haryanto The court case of Muhammad Nazaruddin and the slowly unfolding web of graft that has resulted from it have brought a specific type of corruption into focus: that involving procurements.
Court documents show that the former Democratic Party treasurer is linked to dozens of companies that participated in government project tenders.
The most recent example is the construction of the Southeast Asian Games athletes' village in South Sumatra. No Nazaruddin company participated in the tender for that project, but through his position in the government he was able to persuade the Youth and Sports Ministry to give the contract to the company of his choice.
Since the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) was established in 2002, the biggest percentage of its cases were connected to the procurement of goods and services.
By 2011 the KPK had handled 235 cases, 96 related to procurements. In that time, as many as 3,773 procurement cases had been reported to the antigraft body. It also assisted regional police and prosecutors' offices in investigating and prosecuting at least 80 cases related to procurements.
Agus Sunaryanto, head of investigations at Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), said that almost everything the government did involved a certain amount of procurement. "The government's job is to serve the public. To do that, it needs to purchase goods and services, he said on Wednesday.
"About 70 to 80 percent of the state budget is dedicated to making procurements. It is safe to assume that [those involved in corruption] will flock to where the money is."
The sensitivity and importance of procurements was the reason behind the Indonesia Strengthening Public Procurement Program (ISP3), which ran from 2007 to last year.
Funded by the Australian government through AusAid, ISP3 aimed to help the government improve the efficiency, transparency and accountability of its public procurement system.
In partnership with Indonesia's Public Procurement Agency (LKPP), which was established in 2007, the program helped develop best practices and set guidelines, said Ben Power, AusAid's head of economic governance.
According to Power, poor procurement decisions in Indonesia have cost the country $8 billion annually, making the area ripe for reform.
Together with the LKPP, AusAid came up with a nine-week procurement training module for people in both the government and the private sector. The training began in March last year, but it will take them more than a year to complete the entire module.
"It was difficult for the participants to get permission from their work to attend the training so we could only do it for one week every other month," said Dharma Nursani, director of training and competency development at the LKPP.
As many as 29 people are taking part in the program, with 15 from the LKPP and 14 from the Indonesian Procurement Experts Association (IAPI).
"Indonesia is at a point where it has started to recognize procurement as added value. At the moment it's seen as an administrative process," said trainer Robert Thompson, who is based in Britain.
According to him, better procurement management will help Indonesia's government better serve its people by cutting costs and boosting efficiency.
"Good procurement means every decision that is made has justification behind it," he said. "There's a full analysis and you're not looking purely at price, and you can justify the benefit that will come through."
Rizky Amelia Former Health Minister Siti Fadilah Supari wrote off at least Rp 6.8 billion ($760,000) in alleged embezzlement under her watch as "small" and "trifling," after her questioning on Tuesday by antigraft investigators.
"These issues are actually trifling compared to other national issues," she said upon leaving the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) office. "Hopefully the KPK doesn't bore itself with this small matter."
Siti, who served as minister between 2004 and 2009, was called in by the KPK as a witness against Ratna Dewi Umar, the ministry's former director of medical services.
Ratna has been named a suspect for her role in various alleged mark-ups and other forms of embezzlement linked to the procurement of equipment in 2007, which are believed to have caused at least Rp 6.8 billion in state losses.
Siti declined to go into detail about her questioning, saying she was only asked by the KPK to "confirm whether this or that was true or not."
She also denied any knowledge of the alleged graft, saying there had been so many procurement projects under her watch that she could not keep track of all of them.
"There were lots of them, thousands of projects," she said. "I've been summoned for questioning by the KPK on many occasions, each time to answer for a different case. I believe there are seven cases that they're investigating. So one by one I've had to confirm and clarify that those projects were carried out by [my subordinates] at the ministry."
However, Indonesia Corruption Watch activist Febri Hendri said that according to ministry documents obtained by the antigraft group, Siti instructed her subordinates in June 2006 to bypass the tender process in a project to procure equipment for the ministry's crisis response center to deal with a bird flu outbreak.
In a letter addressed to the ministry's Directorate General of Medical Services, where Ratna worked, Siti said that the project "should be done immediately, so a direct appointment is needed." The letter purported to show the former minister arguing that the avian flu outbreak was an extraordinary event threatening many lives.
Rustam Pakaya, the former crisis center head and current human resources director at Dharmais Cancer Hospital, has been named a suspect by the KPK for his role in the project.
The KPK is also investigating a Rp 500 million donation that the ministry made in 2007 to a women's Koran recital group that was believed to have come from the embezzled money.
Actress Sri Wahyuningsih, who was part of the group and also questioned on Tuesday, said she had been asked whether she knew that the donation came from embezzled funds.
"I wasn't aware of it at all," she told reporters. "If I'd known, I wouldn't have accepted it. The nerve of donating it to a Koran recital group!" She added that as far as she knew, the money was a contribution from the Health Ministry for a musical event.
Terrorism & religious extremism
Farouk Arnaz As recently as last year, a terror network had held military training and exercises on a small island in Southeast Sulawesi, pointing to signs that it is still active, an anti-terror squad member said on Sunday.
The officer, who declined to be named, said that the information had been obtained from the questioning of a recently arrested suspect believed to belong to the Abu Umar terror network.
The officer said Sabar, who is also known as Bacho or Ridho and is now considered a terror suspect, had conducted the training. Bacho and another terror suspect, Udin Bubur, the officer said, were high on the police list of wanted terror suspects.
"They held the preparation [for jihad] by holding military training in a small island that locals call Kura Kura Island in southeast Sulawesi," the officer said.
Police were now trying to find out who had taken part in the training and where the funds came from, as well as what weapons were used.
"The key is with Bacho, who we believed is an alumnus of the Jamaah Islamiyah military academy in the southern Philippines," he said. "The two are just as dangerous. Udin, we are convinced, is holding an M-16 rifle he owns and five other firearms he had received from Abu Umar. Sabar is the military trainer."
Abu Umar was arrested last July as he was trying to smuggle firearms from the southern Philippines into Indonesia. The group he led was said to be planning an attack on the Singaporean embassy in Jakarta and to abduct and kill Shiites in predominantly Sunni Indonesia. Police said that Umar's group was financing its activities by the sales of illegal firearms.
On Wednesday, Mulyadi, a wanted terror suspect believed to be part of the Abu Umar's terrorist network, turned himself in to police. His questioning has led to the finding of several firearms in a number of locations, including in Depok, police said.
Last month, prosecutors indicted Umar as well as nine of his followers on charges of terrorism and providing illicit weapons. Umar was also sought for supplying weapons to a group that attacked a police post in Loki, Ambon, in 2005, leaving five officers dead.
Kate Lamb, Jakarta Umar Patek, the man who allegedly built the 700 kilogram bomb that ripped through two crowded Bali nightclubs in 2002, is unlikely to be executed, terrorism analysts said on the eve of his trial.
Patek is the last of the bombers to go on trial for his alleged role in the Bali bombing that killed 202 people, including 88 Australians. If convicted of multiple terror-related charges, including premeditated murder, bomb- making and possession of firearms, Patek faces death by firing squad.
"The fact that they are throwing several criminal and terrorism charges at him is designed to maximise his sentence, but it's an unusual package," says Sidney Jones, a noted terrorism analyst from the International Crisis Group. "I don't think he will get the death sentence, which is actually quite rare in Indonesia. He wasn't the mastermind behind the attack."
Analysts say Patek could receive a more lenient sentence because he has co-operated with police and lacks the irreverence displayed by the three other Bali bombers.
Despite a $US1 million bounty on his head, Patek was on the run for nine years, until he was arrested by Pakistani security forces in January 2011 in Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed just a few months later.
A member of Jemaah Islamiyah and one of Indonesia's first-generation jihadists who cut his teeth during the Afghan jihad against the Soviets and in training camps in Pakistan and the Philippines, Patek commands considerable respect in extremist circles.
"This is beyond Bali," says former hardliner Noor Huda Ismail, who today runs an NGO that works on de-radicalising convicted terrorists. "Patek is a goldmine of information about terror networks and logistics throughout south-east Asia."
Given Patek's links with al-Qaeda and the Taliban, Mr Ismail says that executing him could be counterproductive. "If Patek is sentenced to death then we lose the chance to extract important information," he says. "And if he gets the death sentence, he will definitely wage radical warfare in prison."
If sentenced to death, Patek would also be afforded an appeal process that could take years to conclude. With Indonesian prisons a fertile ground for breeding radicalism, Patek may find himself in a similar situation to the former Bali bombers, whose prolonged appeal process allowed them a platform from which to spread their jihadist views.
Amrozi, Imam Samudra and Mukhlas, whose real name was Ali Ghufron, were subsequently executed.
Ali Fauzi, one of Patek's closest friends, says a death sentence is only likely to add "fuel to fire" in the cause of Indonesia's fractured hardliners. "The fact that he refused to participate in the military training camp in Aceh is one of the examples that he actually disagreed with launching jihad in Indonesia," Mr Fauzi told The Age in Patek's defence.
Since his extradition from Pakistan to Indonesia, Patek has claimed that he attempted to discourage the Bali bombers from going ahead with the attack. Patek's trial starts amid heavy security today and is expected to run for the next four months.
Mohd Adhe Bhakti Three Islamic terrorists were each sentenced to between seven and nine years in prison on Wednesday for their roles in the suicide bombing of a West Java mosque last year.
Achmad Basuki, the younger brother of the suicide bomber, Muhammad Syarif, was sentenced by the Tangerang District Court to nine years in prison.
The court, presided over by Judge Syamsul Bahri, ruled that Basuki was involved in planning the attack on the mosque at the district police headquarters in Cirebon, West Java, on April 15. He was also judged to have tried to conceal key evidence in the subsequent investigation.
Thirty people, mostly policemen and including the Cirebon police chief, were wounded when Syarif, 32, detonated explosives strapped to his body as worshippers gathered for Friday noon prayers. Syarif was the sole fatality.
Another of those convicted on Wednesday was Arif Budiman, who was ruled to have helped Syarif and Basuki plan the attack. He was sentenced to seven years in prison. Prosecutors had been seeking 10-year sentences for both Basuki and Arif.
The third defendant, Mardiansyah, a.k.a. Abu Maryam, was also given seven years for his indirect role in selling firearms to the terrorist cell to which Syarif belonged. "It was his actions that allowed the terrorist cell to come into possession of firearms," Judge Pudji Tri Rahadi said.
Mardiansyah was a former employee at a gun shop in Depok owned by Sofyan Tsauri, a former police officer.
Sofyan was convicted last year, prior to the Cirebon bombing, for supplying weapons to a militant training camp in Aceh. After his arrest, Mardiansyah sold off his remaining stock of weapons to various buyers, including Dzulkifli Lubis, a middleman for the Cirebon terror cell.
Wednesday's verdicts were meant to be handed down last week, along with those of Dzulkifli and nine others who got between five and eight years in prison for their involvement with the Cirebon terror cell. It was delayed to this week to address a minor discrepancy over the inclusion in the list of evidence of a motorcycle seized from the suspects.
The Tangerang District Court is now preparing to try those arrested in connection with the Umar bin Khatab Islamic boarding school in Bima, West Nusa Tenggara, which was raided last July on suspicion of planning attacks on the police. Suspicions about the school were piqued by an explosion there, reportedly in a bomb-making class, that killed the school treasurer.
Anita Rachman Indonesia's notorious Islamic Defenders Front has dismissed a demonstration against the self-styled moral crusaders planned in Jakarta today as a Western conspiracy.
Ahmad Sobri Lubis, secretary general of the organization, known as the FPI, said it was unconcerned about the planned rally by the Movement For an FPI-Free Indonesia, which has drawn strength from strong anti-FPI sentiment in Central Kalimantan. He said the Jakarta protesters was a small group paid by the West to destroy the FPI.
"They are the allies of the West and other foreign parties; Nongovernmental organizations funded by the West," Ahmad told the Jakarta Globe. "They have been holding protests to discredit the FPI and smear the organization. It's just the voice of a small number of people that have been blown up by the media."
He also accused the media of bias in its coverage of the FPI, saying the media only reported about those opposed to the group, not the supporters. "Because the power of the West holds the media very tightly," he said. "The media has become a brainwashing tool for the sake of the West."
He reiterated that he was unconcerned about the protest, saying that even if the government disbanded the FPI, it would reform with a new name. "Because the right to assemble [in an organization] is guaranteed by the law," he said.
Farouk Arnaz & Anita Rachman In an ironic twist, the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) is reporting five men in Central Kalimantan, including the governor and police chief, for the very offenses it has so often been accused of committing: unpleasant behavior, deprivation of freedom and destruction by a mob.
The action followed a protest by Dayak tribespeople at Tjilik Riwut Airport in Central Kalimantan's capital of Palangkaraya on Saturday, meant to prevent members of the FPI from arriving to attend the opening ceremony of their new branch office there.
The airplane carrying FPI leader Rizieq Syihab and his entourage had to divert to South Kalimantan before trying to land again.
"Me and my friends from the FPI executive board have just been well- received by the special team formed by the National Police chief that is composed from various departments to hold a dialogue on Saturday's incident. We are reporting the incident," Rizieq said at the police headquarters.
However, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution immediately denied the police were setting up any kind of team regarding the incident. The report, he said, would be treated just like any other report filed to the police.
Meanwhile, people in Jakarta inspired by the Palangkaraya protests have formed the "Movement for an FPI-free Indonesia."
Spokeswoman Tunggal Pawestri told the Jakarta Globe that the group planned to hold a rally at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle with some 500 people for 4 p.m. today to protest the FPI and organizations like it.
She said the plan had been developed on social media such as Facebook and Twitter. Tunggal said that although complaints had been piling up against the FPI over its antics, little had been done about it.
"Civil society can do something. If Kalimantan can do it, Jakarta can also do it. We are rejecting violence committed by mass organizations," she said. Tunggal said she hoped the rally would encourage people to speak their mind about the FPI and other intolerant groups.
The FPI, self-appointed arbiter of Indonesia's morals, has been known to raid nightclubs, places that sell alcohol and food stalls that remain open during the fasting month of Ramadan, as well as red-light districts.
Rizieq said the Palangkaraya crowd was not Dayak but "a group of racist, fascist, anarchist thugs under the guidance of [Central Kalimantan] Governor Agustin Teras Narang and allowed by the West Kalimantan Police chief, Brig. Gen. Damianus Zaky."
He said protesters were led by Yansen Binti, whom he called a drug leader immune to the law; Lukas Tingkes, whom he called a corruptor also above the law; and a man identified only as Sabran. Rizieq showed journalists a picture of the three men leading the protest.
Budiyardi, a councilor of Seruyan district who was traveling with Rizieq, claimed that not everyone in Central Kalimantan rejected the FPI and that he and others in Seruyan wanted the group to open an office there.
But on Tuesday, West Kalimantan Deputy Governor Achmad Diran read a joint statement by various religious and social organizations in the province, the leaders of the three branches of the government, the police and the military that rejected the FPI's presence there.
The group included the heads of the provincial chapter of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and chapters of all major religious organizations. Rizieq insisted the FPI still planned to open chapters in Central Kalimantan.
Anita Rachman The anti-Islamic Defenders Front rally may have broken up early, but organizers say they have no intention of staying silent.
Tunggal Pawestri, a spokesman with the Movement for an FPI-Free Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe that the group was already brainstorming ways to stage an even bigger gathering in the near future.
Eyewitness reports put the number of attendees at Tuesday's rally between 200 and 300. The protest at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle was called to an early halt, however, after police warned people that members of the hardline group, known as the FPI, were on the way.
One organizer claimed that police had said to her: "If something happens [after the FPI comes], that's not our responsibility."
Protester Dimas Hary said he was not disappointed over the fact that the speeches ended after only 15 minutes. Instead, he criticized police for refusing to give any guarantee of safety once rumors of the FPI's arrival began to spread.
"The one thing that doesn't disappoint me is my friends' big hearts in staying here longer," he said. Dimas said he hoped the group would hold another, better-attended rally soon.
Ririn Sefani, another rally organizer, said that aside from protests, the group was also exploring legal avenues in opposing the FPI.
She said plans were underway to speak to the Ministry of Home Affairs and other government departments. "And we are actually open to dialogues," she added.
Ririn defended the decision to end the rally early, citing the nonviolent nature of the organization. "I think our action is polite. It's a peaceful really. We even sent our press release to the FPI as well."
Monica Halim, 21, told the Globe that she would continue to support the movement due to her continued disgust with the FPI's tactics, which include raids on businesses during the holy month of Ramadan.
"I am a Catholic, but I know that they [FPI] do not only bother non- Muslims, they also bother Muslims," she said. "I came here because I agreed with the movement, an FPI-free Indonesia."
Anita Rachman Police said they have detained "several" people who were being attacked by members of the crowd after trying to rip posters and signs out of protesters' hands at a chaotic anti-Islamic Defenders Front rally at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Tuesday afternoon.
"There are several people we have escorted to our post... You don't know how may spies there could be [in the crowd]," said Jakarta Police officer M. Nababan.
He said that the FPI could have agent provocateurs and "spies" milling among the protesters in order to stir up trouble. "I have reminded the [protesters] to please hold a peaceful action, but today everything could easily be heated up. What if it explodes? Who will save the protesters?" he said.
Nababan said he hoped there would be no more violence, as the winner of any conflict would not be the police, but journalists. "Who will win? The media, seeing police shooting people!" he said.
A Jakarta Globe reporter spotted members of the Liberal Islam Group (JIL) at the scene, and also said members of hardline groups other than the FPI were milling about.
Organizers of the rally against the use of violence by hardline groups had announced that they were aborting the protest shortly after it began due to fears that FPI members could arrive and spark a violent confrontation.
One organizer alleged that police had said to her: "If something happens [after the FPI comes to HI], that's not our responsibility."
Despite word of the rally being cancelled, television reports showed the traffic circle, and the streets surrounding it, to be filled with citizens, police and journalists milling about and disrupting traffic on the busy roundabout.
Scuffles were seen breaking out amongst the crowd, and Metro TV footage showed one man ripping a large anti-FPI banner out of the hands of one group of protesters and then becoming involved in a drawn out fight with several people.
Some officials blamed the outbreaks of violence on anarchist provocateurs hoping to incite a violent confrontation.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi said the outdated 1985 Law on Mass Organization had prevented his ministry from creating decisive measures against the notorious and hard-line Islam Defenders Front (FPI).
Gamawan urged the House of Representatives to speed-up deliberation on the revision of the law, which had been protracted for months.
"The measures against violent mass-organization in the 1985 law were too complicated, time consuming and not efficient. I want this law to be amended to accommodate simpler procedures in taking decisive actions against violent mass-organization," Gamawan said on Monday.
He also said that the law was too old and that it contained articles no longer relevant to the current situation concerning mass organizations. The move to revise the 1985 law, however, appeared to be the result of public pressure to disband vigilante groups such as the FPI.
Dozens of NGOs, however, protested against the bill, which they said could threaten the constitutional right to form or to be involved in civil society organizations.
Gamawan dismissed the allegation, instead claiming the new law would promote better protection for civilians' right to be involved in mass organizations and freedom of speech.
Concerning the incident in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan on Saturday, where representatives from local customary groups rejected the presence of four senior FPI leaders, Gamawan said he had talked to Central Kalimantan Governor Agustin Teras Narang.
"I heard the governor would hold a forum involving local religious leaders, representatives from customary groups and the Indonesian Ulema Council to respond the incident. I think that will be a good step and I support it," said Gamawan, who is also a former West Sumatra governor.
Hundreds of protesters, largely from the Dayak tribe, staged a protest at Tjilik Riwut Airport in Palangka Raya to block the arrival of FPI leaders and managed to force their way onto the airport's apron and runway to confront the FPI officials who had come to the city to inaugurate a provincial branch of the organization.
Following the security breach, the management of the airport ordered the FPI members to remain on board a Sriwijaya Air plane while the other passengers disembarked. The four FPI members were then not allowed to leave the plane and were flown to Banjarmasin in South Kalimantan.
Earlier on Monday, the FPI filed a report with the National Police over the incident. They accused five men, namely Teras Narang, Narang's relative Lukas Tingkes, local youth figure Yansen Binti and Sabran Sukron, as those behind the airport protest. The FPI said the protest was organized to cover up local crimes.
M. Arif, Jakarta A peaceful action called "Indonesia Without the FPI" that is currently being held at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle will soon move off to the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) office on nearby Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta.
"We want to move to YLBHI because there is news that the FPI (Islamic Defenders Front) will arrive", said action coordinator Vivi Widyawati at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Tuesday February 14 at 4.30pm.
According to Widyawati, the Indonesia Without the FPI protesters wish to avoid a confrontation should the FPI turn up. The police have been unable to guarantee security if protesters who oppose the action arrive.
The peaceful action Indonesia Without the FPI was held by around 60 people. Their numbers were less than the number of journalists covering the event, people watching the action and security personnel on guard.
The protesters are demanding that the government provide a sense of security and protect society from violence. The demonstrators came from a number of different organisations, including among others the Indonesian Transsexuals Communication Forum (FKWI).
During the action they sang the national anthem Indonesia Raya and brought a variety of posters. The messages on the posters read, among other things, "A Valentines Day gif for Habib Razieq" (the head of the FPI), "An Indonesia without the FPI" and "An Indonesia without Violence".
As a result of the demonstration, the flow of traffic from Jl. Thamrin in the direction of Jl. Sudirman became congested. Traffic in the opposite direction meanwhile continued to flow smoothly and the Trans Jakarta busway was not affected.
New from the FPI headquarters meanwhile was that the FPI will not be holding a counter action in response to the peaceful action held by their opponents. (nik/nrl)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
David Saut, Jakarta Around 60 people held an "Indonesia Without the FPI" protest action at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle at 4pm this afternoon. Compared with the number of protesters however, there were more police officers on guard, numbering in the hundreds.
The protesters demanded that the government provide a sense of safety and security to society and protect them from violence.
"Our hope is a peaceful Indonesia without violence", said action coordinator Vivi Widyawati speaking to journalists at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on JL. MH Thamrin in Central Jakarta on Tuesday February 14.
According to Widyawati, protesters from the "Indonesia Without the FPI Movement" are not afraid if the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) does not accept the demonstration. "If they commit violence, then we will fight back by peaceful means", she said.
Widyawati added that the action represented a declaration of anger against all forms of violence that are taking place at the moment. "So if FPI demonstrators arrive we are ready to hold a dialogue with them", she said.
As of 4.15pm traffic in vicinity of the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle was still flowing smoothly. The number of protesters continues to grow with hundreds of police officers on guard. The organisers of the demonstration have been promoting the peaceful action through Twitter and BlackBerry Messenger since Monday. (nrl/nrl)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Dessy Sagita For many, the rejection by indigenous Dayak tribesmen in Central Kalimantan of the presence of the Islamic Defenders Front is understandable, given the hard-line group's track record, while others say there's more to the incident than meets the eye.
The chairman of the Indonesia Council of Ulema (MUI), Amidhan, said the hundreds of tribesmen who stormed Tjilik Riwut Airport in Palangkaraya on Saturday to stop front members arriving for the opening of an FPI office in Central Kalimantan must have been infiltrated by provocateurs.
"I think that there must have been a third party," he said. "I do not know who provoked them so that the rejection by the local people was so extreme." He said that if there really was such strong anti-FPI local sentiment, the group would not have planned to open an office there in the first place.
The Dayak protest stopped operations at the airport for more than two hours. Airport authorities eventually redirected the plane carrying FPI leader Habib Rizieq Syihab and his entourage to an alternate location. The FPI executives were dropped in Banjarmasin before the plane returned to Tjillik Riwut.
However, Amidhan said he understood local concern in view of FPI's record. The group has been known to raid establishments that sell alcohol, nightclubs and food stalls that remain open during the fasting month of Ramadan, and red-light districts.
He also said the FPI had been negligent in not first testing the waters in Central Kalimantan to see how it might be received before deciding to open an office there.
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, the deputy chairman of the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said the Dayaks' strong reaction was understandable.
"The FPI is already present in East Kalimantan, and they have already repeatedly engaged in sweeps there and even attacked the Ahmadiyah community in Samarinda," he said. "It is only normal that the Dayak youths were worried that the same thing would happen in their province."
He pointed out that Central Kalimantan was home to the largest Ahmadiyah community in Borneo.
Ismail Hasani, a researcher at the Setara Institute, said the Dayak tribe's actions should not be misinterpreted, lest they be used to create more conflict. They were acting, he said, not against freedom of association or expression, but against FPI's violent, vigilante ways.
"It also sends a clear message that intolerance and uniformity in the name of religion and the kind of morality promoted by FPI are not an option in Indonesia's pluralistic society," he said in a statement on Sunday.
Taufik Kiemas, the chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), said the Dayaks' actions should be understood in the context of their culture. "Local wisdom should be respected by all, without exception," he said on Sunday.
Din Syamsuddin, the chairman of Muhammadiyah, the country's second largest Islamic organization, said on Sunday that harmony between religious-based organizations was imperative to maintain peace. "We should safeguard this mutual respect," he said.
Jakarta People's Consultative Assembly chairman Taufiq Kiemas said that hard-line group the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) must respect the Dayak community's local wisdom in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan.
Taufiq argued that the local community were unhappy with the presence of the FPI. "Every place has its own local wisdom. Everyone must respect that," Taufik said as quoted by tempo.co on Sunday.
The chief patron of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) also added that the FPI should educate themselves about respecting local wisdom.
Taufiq was asked to comment on Central Kalimantan residents' rejection of four FPI senior leaders in Palangkaraya on Saturday. Around 800 protesters, mostly from the Dayak tribe, reportedly staged a rally at Tjilik Riwut Airport to block the FPI leaders' arrival in Palangkaraya.
While FPI leaders were scheduled to inaugurate the organization's provincial branch in the city, the protesters said that they were not welcome and demanded they leave the city immediately. The FPI is notorious for using violence against minority groups in the name of Islam. (asa)
Jakarta Human rights watchdog Setara Institute defended Central Kalimantan residents' rejection of the presence of four leaders of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) in Palangkaraya on Saturday.
"The people are not rejecting FPI's freedom of expression. They are rejecting the group's widely known violent actions," Setara researcher Ismail Hasani said, adding that the residents represented Indonesia's pluralistic society.
Ismail said further that rejecting the presence of FPI in their city was Central Kalimantan residents way of expressing disappointment to the state, which appears indecisive when it comes to intolerant majority groups.
"The state ignores such groups and lets them act freely with their violent acts here and there. Leaders of this country must see the rejection as a call to be stricter with violent groups to really maintain religious harmony in Indonesia," Ismail added.
Hundreds of Central Kalimantan residents, who were mostly from the Dayak tribe, staged a rally at Tjilik Riwut Airport to block the FPI leaders' arrival in Palangkaraya on Saturday. The FPI leaders were scheduled to inaugurate the organization's provincial branch in the city.
Farouk Arnaz After being blocked from landing at an airport in Central Kalimantan by an angry crowd of indigenous Dayaks, the chairman of the Islamic Defenders Front on Monday filed a police complaint against the province's governor and police chief for their alleged involvement in the protest.
"We will report the incident," said Habib Rizieq Syihab, leader of the hardline Islamic group known as the FPI. "They're not Dayak, they're a mob of fascist, racist thugs and anarchists and Central Kalimantan Governor Teras Narang and Regional Police Chief Damianus Zaky just let this happen."
Members of the Dayak tribe protested at Tjilik Riwut airport in Palangkaraya on Saturday, hoping to stop members of the hardline Islamic group, known as the FPI, from arriving to attend the opening ceremony of a branch office in Central Kalimantan.
The Dayak display stopped operations at the airport for more than two and half hours. Airport authorities eventually redirected the plane carrying FPI leader Habib Rizieq Syihab and his entourage to an alternate location.
According to Rizieq, the two provincial officials were implicated in crimes ranging from attempted murder to deprivation of freedom stemming from their support of the protest. The FPI chief also said that one of the leaders of the Dayak protesters was linked to a drug gang and another was a corruption suspect.
"It is impossible that the governor and police chief did not know about this because the mob had already planned to depart to the airport from the governor's complex. It's a lie if they say they were not involved," he said.
He added that both officials had been reported to the police's Criminal Investigation Department (Bareskrim) in the hope that both men would be removed from their positions.
Dessy Sagita The bravery displayed by the indigenous Dayak group from Central Kalimantan in standing up to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in its province should be appreciated and used to encourage other groups to speak up against religious intolerance, an activist said on Saturday.
Members of the Dayak tribe protested at Tjilik Riwut airport in Palangkaraya on Saturday, hoping to stop members of the FPI from arriving to attend the opening ceremony of the FPI branch office in Central Kalimantan.
"This is momentous. Don't stay silent when you see people breeding hatred and intolerance," said Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy.
The Dayak display stopped operations at the airport for more than two and half hours. Airport authorities eventually redirected the plane carrying FPI leader Habib Rizieq Syihab and his entourage to an alternate location. The plane reportedly landed in Banjarmasin to drop off the FPI executives then continued to Tjillik after the airport returned to normal.
Bonar said the action taken by the Dayaks was completely understandable considering the FPI's track record of being connected with violent acts against minority groups.
He said the FPI had announced its intention to open a branch in the neighboring province of East Kalimantan, and shortly after the declaration FPI members started to conduct raids on entertainment centers in the area. "[The FPI] also harassed Ahmadiyah members in East Kalimantan," he said.
"No wonder the people of Central Kalimantan are worried. The province has the biggest number of Ahmadiyah followers on the island. They are afraid that the FPI's presence will taint the religious tolerance in their province."
However, he said, Dayak tribesmen should act wisely by following proper procedures to deny the FPI's presence. "There must be a very strong argument why the FPI should not exist in their province, otherwise they will be violating the right for people to gather and have an organization," he said.
Bonar said the tribesmen must find out who are the leading figures of the FPI Central Kalimantan chapter, and determine their backgrounds. "Have a dialogue, find out what the vision of the organization is and make it promise not to commit any acts of violence or violate any laws. If they refuse to make such a commitment, only then will the Dayak people have a good reason to kick the FPI out of their district," he said.
Bonar added that, given the FPI's track record, it would be unlikely the organization would not commit any violations. "Radicalism is inevitable, but as long as the radicals do not spread hate speech or violate any laws, they can be tolerated," he said.
A spokesman for the Domestic Affairs Ministry, Redonnyzar Moenoek, told the Jakarta Globe that he could not comment before investigating the case. "I have to verify the report and find out more before I can comment on this one," he said.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta Hundreds of protesters from the local community in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan, staged a protest on Saturday at the Tjilik Riwut airport to block the arrival of four senior leaders of the Islamic hard-line group Islam Defenders Front (FPI).
Some of the protesters, largely from the Dayak tribe, managed to force their way onto the airport's apron and runway to search for the FPI officials, who came to Palangkaraya to inaugurate the organization's provincial branch.
Following the security breach, management of the airport ordered the FPI members to remain on board a Sriwijaya Air plane while other passengers disembarked. The four FPI members were then flown to Banjarmasin in South Kalimantan.
The protesters dispersed only after they were assured by the airport operator that none of the FPI members had got off the plane. Initial reports said that FPI chairman Habib Rizieq Syihab, was on the plane.
Secretary general of FPI Ahmad Sobri Lubis denied the report, saying that Rizieq was not bound for Palangkaraya. "Habib was not on the plane. He was in Jakarta and is currently ill," Ahmad told The Jakarta Post in a telephone interview on Saturday.
In fact, it was Ahmad Sobri, who led the four-person delegation toPalangkaraya. "I was the one who boarded the flight to Palangkaraya," he said.
He confirmed that there were three other senior members of FPI on the plane, who later ended their journey in Banjarmasin. "The plane was surrounded by Dayaks at the [Tjilik Riwut] airport," Ahmad said.
Ahmad said the four FPI members were going to attend a mass prayer in the city and the inauguration of a provincial chapter of the organization, headquartered in Palangkaraya.
Lucas Tingkes, deputy chairman of the Central Kalimantan Dayak Tribe Council (DAD) said that the organization had asked the Central Kalimantan Police to ban the FPI provincial chapter.
"We have concerns that FPI's presence will create tension because the organization's activities often create anxiety among members of the community. Central Kalimantan is known as a place conducive to religious harmony," he said as quoted by Antara newswire.
In 2001, more than 400 people were killed and over 50,000 others were displaced in ethnic- and religious-based conflict between native Dayaks and migrant Madurese settlers in Palangkaraya, as well as in Sampit in Central Kalimantan.
Chairman of the Indonesia Dayak Youth Movement of Central Kalimantan, Yansen A. Binti, said that FPI was not welcome in Central Kalimantan. He said that there were already interfaith organizations including the Inter- Religious Harmony Forum (FKUB), Regional Intelligence Community (Kominda) and the Early Awareness Society Forum (FKDM).
"All those organizations seek to preserve and maintain harmonious relations among religions in Central Kalimantan. So FPI is not needed here, particularly because it has been on the news promoting violence," he said.
In a press statement made later on Saturday, Rizieq said that he had instructed all FPI members in Kalimantan not to be provoked by the incident. "All this time, the relationship between FPI and both the Muslim and non-Muslim Dayak communities has been very good," he said.
He put the blame for the incident on Central Kalimantan Governor Agustin Teras Narang who, he claimed, had an "extremely bad" attitude to FPI. He also said that Yansen who, he believed, was related to Teras had made threats against his organization and convinced locals to reject FPI.
In 2008, following opposition from the majority Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) community, the FPI branch in Jember, East Java had to disband.
The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) stayed away from Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan, on Saturday after hearing that locals had rejected their visit and were searching planes that landed looking members of the hardliner group.
Around 700 local residents searched passengers who got off airplanes that landed at Tjilik Riwut airport looking for FPI members. Some FPI members, including chairman Habib Rizieq, were headed to Palangkaraya for the inauguration of FPI board members at the Palangkaraya chapter.
"People rejected them and demonstrated," Norman Dani, head of Tjilik airport, said as quoted by Detik.com.
The Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) had earlier warned FPI not to go to Palangkaraya. But since members were already on their way, airport management called the airplane operator to divert the plane to Banjarmasin, East Kalimantan and asked FPI members to get off the plane. "We don't want any clashes or destruction, " Norman said.
After blocking the airport for more than two hours, locals dispersed when the airport announced that no FPI members would landed in Palangkaraya.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi said he had done everything possible to convince Islamic groups that have rejected the presence of the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin in Bogor, West Java, including reminding them that there had been a Supreme Court ruling justifying the church's presence.
"We have of course negotiated with the groups numerous times. I have even held special meetings with each group to lobby them," Gamawan said on Monday.
When asked why he did not tell the hard-line groups to just let the congregation pray in the church, as it was every Indonesian citizen's constitutional right, Gamawan said only that he had done that.
"We said that if there were legal issues surrounding this matter, then let legal processes take their course but they insisted on their stance," Gamawan added.
Gamawan said the Bogor municipal administration had prepared four alternative locations where the congregation could pray.
"The Bogor administration will procure the new location while GKI Yasmin will still be owned by the congregation. However, the place should not be used for prayer or Sunday services," Gamawan said.
"I think everybody's interest can be accommodated this way. In fact, the GKI Yasmin's asset will be added free of charge," he added.
When asked if churchgoers still insisted on praying in their old church, Gamawan said, "It's up to them. If they insist, there has been a court ruling supporting them; then just go ahead."
The Bogor administration has banned the congregation from using its church for religious services for more than two years due to questionable permit application issues.
The local administration defied a 2010 Supreme Court ruling guaranteeing the congregation's right to hold services at the church.
Ulma Haryanto After more than a year of being banned from praying inside their own church by Bogor administration and local militant groups, members of the embattled GKI Yasmin church again turned to the central government for intervention in the case.
They staged another Sunday service in front of the State Palace, vowing to continue holding services there until they were allowed into their church again. "We want to remind the central government about this case, so that they take responsibility," said Dwiyanti Novita Rini, a church spokeswoman.
The central government, she said, should enforce the Supreme Court's decision to allow them to use the church for Sunday mass and other religious activities.
"The president's spokesman once said that the president could not interfere because this was the jurisdiction of the regional government, but this is a matter of religious [rights] and should be under the authority of the central government," she said on Sunday. The congregation stayed in front of the palace until 3 p.m.
National Awakening Party (PKB) lawmaker Lily Wahid, lawyer and human rights activist Todung Mulya Lubis, Andy Yentriyani of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), the Indonesian Communion of Churches' Gomar Goeltom, deputy secretary general of Nahdlatul Ulama Imdadun Rahmat and pluralist activist Muhammad Guntur Romli also attended the service.
Sunday's service was the congregation's third mass prayers in front of the palace
Imdadun delivered a speech after the prayer, condemning militant groups and saying that "the state has been ruled by radical groups who don't want unity between diverse beliefs to be upheld in the country."
The Supreme Court ruled in 2010 that the Bogor authorities needed to restore the church's permit but the city's mayor, Diani Budiarto, has refused to do so.
The case is one of several cited by activists as a sign that religious intolerance in Indonesia is growing as people become increasingly exposed to fundamentalism.
In an open letter sent to US President Barack Obama recently, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom called on Obama to speak out against Indonesia's growing religious tensions.
New York-based Human Rights Watch also urged Obama to discuss human-rights issues in Indonesia, including attacks on religious minorities, restrictions on freedom of expression and the lack of accountability of security forces for human rights abuses.
Panca Nugraha, Mataram Six years after having been evicted from their villages, Ahmadis still see any settlement to their problems far off on distant horizon.
The local administration has proposed plans for the Ahmadis relocation from their temporary shelter at Wisma Transito in Mataram, but they say they are pessimistic about the prospects.
There have been few significant changes thus far at the shelter, which comprises two main buildings, 20 by 6 square meters each. Each is divided into rooms of 3 by 3 square meters, using only used clothes or banners. Each of the 33 families occupies one room.
"What has changed is the number of us, as many babies have been born here," the group's spokesperson Syahidin told The Jakarta Post.
People have been staying at the shelter since they were evicted in February 2006 from their village in Lingsar district, West Lombok regency, because their beliefs are considered heretical by many mainstream Muslims.
They have complained since then that they have not been granted their basic rights as refugees. Social aid was discontinued in 2008. "We feel that we have been neglected. I am afraid that the administration's plan to relocate us will turn out to be just further discourse, as in the past," Syahidin said.
He added that the refugees urgently desired recognition that they also were truly Indonesian citizens. "We need a normal life and education for our children the country's future generation."
He urged the government to take care of their assets left in the village, including houses and agricultural fields. The majority of them are farmers, but they are not yet able to continue farming.
Among 140 people staying at the shelter, 48 are infants and young children, including two of Syahidin's four children. "We have had a total of 19 babies born here. Some have been named after the shelter such as 'Transiti', 'Transita' or even 'Transito'," he said.
They earn a living by working as, among other things, construction workers, ojek (motorcycle taxi) drivers, barbers or door-to-door food vendors.
Sarim Ahmad, 45, earned a living over the past two months selling chicken noodles. He previously sold fried snacks. "I have saved some of the earnings to buy a cart and start selling chicken noodles," Sarim said.
He was hopeful that the government would find a solution for the Ahmadis and help them earn a living. He also urged the government to recognize their citizenship, and not just prior to elections.
The plan was raised during NTB Governor Zainul Majdi's visit to West Lombok early last month. "A solution to this problem has always been a concern for the provincial administration," provincial administration public relations division head Lalu Moh Faozal said.
He said the administration was keen to make sure that the rights of the refugees, as citizens, were guaranteed.
The administration has been providing counseling through a preaching forum for displaced people in the hopes that they might return to the mainstream. "There has been progress in the handling of Ahmadi refugees, for sure," Lalu said.
He called on the refugees to maintain harmony with local people so as to avoid horizontal conflicts with the local community. "We keep trying to find a solution to this problem. We expect them to be patient."
Since being sworn in 2009, Governor Zainul Majdi himself has yet to be seen visiting the refugees, despite the fact that Wisma Transito Mataram is located only some two kilometers from his office complex and takes only a 15 minute drive.
Vento Saudale The chief of Bogor's public order agency says he has been named a police suspect for blocking people from praying outside the illegally sealed GKI Yasmin church last October.
"I was just doing my duty," Bambang Budianto, head of the agency, known as Satpol PP, said on Friday in Bogor.
In violation of a 2010 Supreme Court order to open it, the Bogor administration has sealed off the church under the pretext that its congregation leaders doctored a petition to obtain the church's building permit.
Since 2008, the congregation has been forced to hold Sunday services on the sidewalk outside the church or in the homes of parishioners, in the face of continued protests and intimidation by Islamic hard-line groups. The church has been offered a new location and compensation, but so far has refused to move.
Bambang confirmed that he has been summoned by the West Java Police as a suspect for violating Article 175 of the Criminal Code on restricting people's freedom of worship. "I was summoned to come on Friday," he said. "But it was delayed until Monday because I had an important meeting."
While the Supreme Court's ruling is clear, the government's reluctance to enforce it has caused uncertainty over the status of GKI Yasmin.
Anti-church groups in Bogor have insisted on blocking worshippers from entering the church, prompting a series of violent clashes. The first confrontation began in April 2010 when Satpol PP sealed off the church for the first time, and the second in October last year when officers blocked the congregation from praying on the sidewalk in front of the church.
The police are under pressure to balance their response after earlier naming church member Jayadi Damanik a suspect for an incident in October, during which Bambang was allegedly knocked unconscious in a confrontation with worshippers. Jayadi has been charged with unpleasant conduct and assault, which carries a maximum prison sentence of 15 years.
Both sides reported each other to the police after the incident. Bambang filed a complaint against Jayadi, saying he had attacked him, while the church reported Bambang to the police for twice obstructing its services.
Bogor Mayor Diani Budiarto has also been criticized for ignoring the Supreme Court order to lift the ban that he placed on the church in 2008. He insists there are indications the congregation falsified local residents' signatures needed to obtain a construction permit for the church.
Earlier, the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and civil society groups called for the central government to intervene in the dispute. "All it takes is a little courage from the president and his ministers to take action against the mayor," Indah Kurnia of the PDI-P said recently.
Indah said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should see the case as a test that would determine the future of religious freedom in the country.
Testriono The GKI Yasmin congregation in Bogor has been prohibited by the local administration from holding services in its church for years. The Supreme Court has ruled that revoking the church's permit is illegal. However, GKI Yasmin and many other churches in Indonesia have not been protected from a small but vocal minority that has tried to prevent them from receiving permits to build and worship a minority that in some cases has even organized mobs to attack them.
The case of GKI Yasmin is troubling, but it is not representative of the status of all churches across the country. Throughout Indonesia, there are churches that do successfully receive building permits and congregations that can worship peacefully in religiously diverse neighborhoods. People working to resolve the problems in Bogor can look to the positive examples of interfaith relations in communities that have overcome religious tensions.
A 2011 research report, "The Controversy of Churches in Greater Jakarta," sheds some light on the factors that result in constructive interfaith relations and situations where churches successfully receive permission to build. The report was developed by a team of researchers from the Paramadina Foundation, a Muslim civil society organization focused on religious tolerance, along with several civil society organizations with similar missions. The success stories for half of the 13 church-building cases studied show three crucial factors for congregations to build without fear.
The first factor is support from the local government and police, who have the power to accept or reject building applications and to stop mobs that want to disrupt the construction process. In the case of the GKI Terang Hidup church in Jakarta, for example, the local police facilitated dialogue between the church building committee and the groups resisting the church's construction. The police also provided security and informed the surrounding communities about the process.
The second factor is support from religious elites in the surrounding area. For example, with St. Mikael church in Bekasi, West Java, the church building committee approached a local Muslim leader with strong support in the community, initiating good relations and persuading him to support the church.
The third factor is successful dialogue with the local Muslim community. This is important to avoid misunderstandings and emphasize that the church is not being built to proselytize to Muslims, but rather for the use of church members. All of the successfully-established churches studied convinced their communities that they were not trying to convert Muslims.
For instance, when the St. Albertus church in Bekasi was being constructed, the church building committee invited nearby communities, local government officials and police to several discussions. This repetitive approach gradually won support.
These three strategies can help preserve good relations between religious majority and minority groups, and they should be publicized more widely. They can also be applied to help ensure the successful establishment of mosques in Christian-majority communities.
It is also important for committees to anticipate the responses from conservative religious organizations, which in many cases have rejected the construction of churches. These organizations, though small in number, have consistently voiced their opposition in certain places and relied on mobilizing community members to oppose the construction of churches often through violent means.
Fortunately, mainstream Muslim organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia and its youth wing have always supported the right to establish houses of worship. Building a church with the support of the local branch of these mainstream organizations usually deters radical organizations from violently rejecting the project. These mainstream groups should keep demanding that local governments and police guarantee the right to build houses of worship, and they should educate Muslims to actively support that right.
The central government should learn from this research so it can mitigate conflicts caused by church construction and uphold Indonesia's constitution, which guarantees religious freedom.
[Testriono is a researcher at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) at the State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, as well as an assistant editor of its journal, Studia Islamika.]
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Islamist parties demanded on Wednesday that the government ignore a Supreme Court ruling to unseal the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor, forcing the legislature to water down its already irresolute recommendation on ending the long-running dispute.
At a meeting with government officials to discuss the impasse over the beleaguered GKI Yasmin congregation, lawmakers from the United Development Party (PPP) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) argued that the final recommendation should not cite the Supreme Court's order to reinstate the church's permit.
Stripped of that clause, the legislature's recommendation contained no actionable steps, merely reiterating a call for the Bogor administration and the central government to "immediately resolve" the dispute that has forced the church's congregation to hold services on the street or in parishioners' homes since 2008.
Hazrul Azwar, the PPP chairman at the House of Representatives, insisted it would be unfair to include the Supreme Court's ruling and omit another from the Bogor District Court, which ordered the revocation of the church's permit for alleged administrative violations. "If the Supreme Court ruling is cited, then so, too, should the Bogor District Court ruling," Hazrul said.
The objection was protested by several legislators including Aziz Syamsuddin from the Golkar Party, who pointed out that the Supreme Court ruling carries more weight than that of any lower court.
Golkar lawmakers Agun Gunanjar Sudarsa and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama also said the higher ruling went along with the nation's pluralist ideals, but Hazrul said all parties had agreed earlier not to touch on that point.
"We already agreed earlier during the lobbying that no one would bring up the Supreme Court ruling," Hazrul protested. "So why is it now being included in the recommendation?"
In the end, House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung, who chaired the meeting, said no mention of the ruling would be made in the final recommendation.
The Supreme Court ruling, issued in 2010, should have ended discrimination against the church, but Bogor Mayor Diani Budiarto has refused to comply.
Representatives from the church were also barred from participating in the meeting on Wednesday, instead being banished to the spectators' gallery.
The meeting, Pramono said, was between the House and the government, and it was not open to those involved in the dispute. Bona Sigalingging, a spokesman for the congregation, said he was disappointed with the proceedings.
"We've been summoned to attend this meeting three times before, but each time it was canceled," he said. "Now that it's finally happening, we've been sent away."
Among those at the meeting was Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi, who claimed he and Diani "respect the Supreme Court's ruling."
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta The Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin congregation's long fight for their right to pray in their church went back to square one on Wednesday when the House of Representatives (DPR) ignored the Supreme Court's (MA) ruling and told the churchgoers to go back to the negotiation table to seek a solution.
The House's stance was presented in a meeting with the relevant ministries, the Ombudsman and the National Police, with the GKI Yasmin congregation in attendance. The hearing was held in an attempt to find a solution to the lengthy standoff between the Bogor administration and the churchgoers.
The Bogor administration has for more than two years banned the congregation from using its church for religious services due to permit application issues. The local administration defied a 2010 Supreme Court ruling guaranteeing the congregation's right to hold services at the church.
Despite the fact that the problem was rooted in the unwillingness of the administration to follow the court's verdict, Wednesday's meeting did not touch upon the issue at all.
Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi said the Bogor mayor had executed the Supreme Court's verdict but he later issued another decree to annul the church's construction permit.
"This is the reason why the government has taken the initiative to bring all the parties concerned to the negotiating table to seek a peaceful solution," he said, adding that the key problem was the construction permit and not sectarian conflict.
Gamawan said with regard to the Bogor mayor's new decree, the Supreme Court has issued an edict which would allow GKI Yasmin to file another lawsuit if they wished.
The meeting was tense from the beginning as United Development Party (PPP) and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) legislators protested the presence of the Yasmin congregation.
Legislator Eva Kusuma Sundari of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) demanded the meeting comply with the Supreme Court's verdict and the Ombudsman's recommendation.
Fellow legislator Lily Wahid Chadijah recalled that she and Eva had been intimidated and forced away from the church by hardliners when they recently visited.
The Ombudsman's deputy chairwoman, Azlaeny Agus, lambasted the Bogor mayor as a dissident for refusing to comply with the Supreme Court's ruling and ignoring the recommendation by the Ombudsman, the independent state institution supervising the government's public service.
The GKI Yasmin delegation expressed their disappointment with the House, which they said had failed to recognize the supremacy of the law and, instead, had bowed under the weight of slander surrounding the issue of the construction permit and the Munir Karta case.
"The Ombudsman stated the validity of the church's building permit was not related to the Munir Karta case after it investigated the real problem in the field," GKI Yasmin spokesman Bona Sigalinging said.
Munir Karta, a neighborhood chief at the Yasmin Housing Compound, was convicted by the Bogor District Court last year for falsifying 10 resident signatures when applying for the construction permit. Karta's appeal to the Supreme Court is pending.
Margareth S. Aritonang, Jakarta Members of the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin's congregation from Bogor have been forced out of a meeting with the House of Representatives on Wednesday that was organized to solve the church's problems.
Congregation leaders were officially invited by the House to attend a meeting arranged by House Commissions II, III and VIII which oversee regional autonomy, legal affairs and human rights, and religion respectively but were forced to move out due to objections from some House members.
Some House members demanded that the members of GKI Yasmin leave the meeting because they represented neither the House nor the government. Others argued that it was unfair to allow members of the congregation to join the meeting without Bogor residents being represented.
After around 30 minutes of heated arguments, House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung asked members of the congregation to leave the room. GKI Yasmin spokesperson Bona Sigalingging told the House members that the congregation would accept the decision.
"However, we are so disappointed with the decision to ask us leave the meeting because we have been officially invited to come. We leave the meeting as a show of respect to the institution of the House," he said.
The meeting was the fourth scheduled by the House to help solve years of controversy over the establishment of the GKI Yasmin church in Bogor, West Java. The three other meetings were cancelled because of the absence of government representatives.
Also attending Wednesday's meeting were Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi, West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan, Bogor Mayor Diani Budiarto and representatives from the National Police.
The local administration has for more than two years banned the congregation from using the church for religious services due to permit application issues. The local administration defied a 2010 Supreme Court ruling guaranteeing the congregation's right to hold services at the church.
For yet another year, Valentine's Day is receiving little love from conservative Islamic groups across Indonesia, who contend the holiday goes against the religious values to which all Indonesians should adhere.
In Sukabumi, West Java, dozens of members of the local branch of Hizbut Tahrir, a pan-Islamic movement, rallied at the town square on Sunday to protest against celebrating Valentine's Day.
Dadun Abdul Manaf, the group's Sukabumi spokesman, said Valentine's Day was un-Islamic and that the local administration should ban it.
He claimed the tradition gave unmarried couples an excuse to "engage in activities that violate morality" and "destroy the religious and national fabric," such as premarital sex.
"Lots of people celebrate by having sex with a partner with whom they're not married, and before that they have parties where they drink alcohol," Dadun huffed.
He demanded the government discourage all forms of Valentine's Day celebrations, including by launching a countercelebration in the form of a mass prayer recital on the same day.
The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) also spoke out against the holiday. In Lebak district, Banten, local MUI officials called on Muslims to not celebrate Valentine's Day because it would "incite vice" and was a "foreign cultural influence."
Baidjuri, the MUI Lebak secretary, called on parents not to allow their children to honor the tradition in any way.
"It's better if people follow traditions that are in line with Islam and provided for in the Koran and the hadiths [words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad]," he insisted. "That's why the MUI has issued a decree declaring the celebration of Valentine's as haram [forbidden in Islam]."
In Palembang, the local MUI branch said it had also put out a decree against Valentine's Day because it was "a tradition for Western people and incompatible with religious norms."
Sodikun, the MUI Palembang head, said Muslims should engage in more meaningful activities, such as donating blood. "That's much more useful than doing things that are forbidden by religion," he said.
In Pekanbaru, Riau, hundreds of high school students also got into the act with a rally on Friday, calling on their peers not to "fall for the Valentine's con."
"Besides going against Islamic teaching, it doesn't comply with Eastern values or any of the values of the people of Pekanbaru," rally coordinator Yogi Al-Giananda claimed. "We hope that all the businesses such as shopping malls, hotels and restaurants do not offer any services to celebrate Valentine's Day."
Jakarta Dozens of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Sukabumi branch members rallied at Sukabumi City Square on Sunday to protest the celebration of Valentine's Day that falls on Feb. 14.
"Valentine's Day is against Islamic tradition hence we must reject it. I hope the local administration will issue a ban on any activity related to Valentine's Day celebrations," HTI Sukabumi spokesman Dadun Abdul Manaf said on Sunday as quoted by kompas.com.
Dadun said Valentine's Day was often used by unmarried couples to commit immoral acts. "On that day, many people celebrate it by having casual sex or drinking alcohol," said Dadun.
They also called on all Muslim youth to do everything in accordance with Islamic teachings, such as preaching and programs to develop communities. (iwa)
Yuli Krisna, Bandung Nazril "Ariel" Irham, the lead singer of the band Peterpan who was jailed for distributing pornography following a controversial sex video scandal, is participating in an "assimilation" program that could lead to a conditional release in July, an official said on Thursday.
"He has been participating in the assimilation program for two weeks now," said Nasir Almi, the head of the West Java Justice and Human Rights Office.
The program has seen Ariel, who was sentenced in January last year to three years and six months in jail, work in an architectural consulting firm in Bandung for five days a week, from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. At night he goes back to the Kebonwaru penitentiary in Bandung.
"There is close supervision from a [jail] personnel," said Budiman, head of the office's prisoner service department.
Under the law, Ariel had to serve at least half of his jail term to be eligible to take part in an assimilation program. Having been in custody since his arrest in 2010, he completed half his sentence in December. The assimilation program will last until his conditional release, if granted.
"We will observe his behavior during the assimilation program and if it is in line with the laws and agreed regulations, then he can get the conditional release," Nasir said.
He added that the employer was proposed by Ariel. "We approved it because it is in line with the expertise of the concerned, architecture," he said. Ariel studied architecture at Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung.
In mid-2010, Ariel was arrested and charged in after sex tapes featuring him and two actresses circulated online. He was later found guilty of distributing pornography, even though the tapes had been taken from his laptop without his knowledge by a former Peterpan employee, Reza Rizaldy.
Reza gave the files to his cousin, who put them on the Internet. Reza was sentenced to two years, but the cousin was not charged. Police on Wednesday said they were still investigating television celebrities and models Luna Maya and Cut Tari for their involvement in the sex tapes.
Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution, a National Police spokesman, said the case had not been dropped but that it was difficult to find sufficient evidence to complete the dossiers. Neither Luna, Ariel's girlfriend, or Tari, who was married at the time, have been charged.
Police said on Wednesday that they were still investigating TV celebrities and models Luna Maya and Cut Tari for sex tapes allegedly featuring them with rock star Nazril "Ariel" Irham.
Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution, a National Police spokesman, said the case had not been dropped but that it was difficult to find sufficient evidence to complete the dossiers.
Ariel was convicted of porn distribution in January last year after the videos were distributed on the Internet. He was sentenced to three years in prison, despite insisting that the videos had been leaked without his knowledge.
Neither Luna, Ariel's girlfriend, or Tari, who was married at the time, have been charged.
Ismira Lutfia The Defense Ministry is touting a pending bill on national security as a key part of the solution to the spate of violent land disputes that has erupted across the country during recent years.
Maj. Gen. Puguh Santoso, the ministry's director general of defense strategy, said the bill would give local residents a greater say in resolving the disputes as well as minimize the military's role.
"This bill recognizes that the local people are the ones with the best understanding of a particular dispute, so it treats them as the subject rather than the object in finding a resolution," he said.
The bill calls for the establishment of regional communications forums whose members will include local leaders, councilors, security and military chiefs.
Should a conflict break out, Puguh said, the forum would convene and receive input from the military and police on the security situation. It would then be better informed to make decisions on how to deal with the conflict and the subsequent steps to take.
In order to prevent the kind of recent violent clashes that have resulted in allegations of human rights abuses on the part of the security forces, Puguh said that under the terms of the security bill, the military would have to seek approval from a National Security Council before taking any kind of action.
"What we hope to achieve through the communications forums is a situation whereby military intervention is not the default response but is an option that remains on tap, pending approval from the central authorities," he said. "In the question of when the military can be called in, the potential for violence has always been a major issue.
"So that's why the military will no longer be able to take the initiative and dive headfirst into a violent situation. There has to be carefully coordination."
However, Puguh said the protocol would be different in the context of a humanitarian situation, such as in the response to a natural disaster. "In that context, the military could be directly deployed. On that front, its capabilities are beyond doubt," he said.
Security forces, in particular the police, have come under close scrutiny over the past several months for their heavy-handed crackdowns in protests over land disputes in various parts of the country.
In late December, three civilians were killed in a clash with security forces during a protest over gold prospecting activities in Bima district, West Nusa Tenggara. Earlier that same month, farmers from Mesuji district in Lampung presented a video to legislators that they claimed showed security forces murdering residents in a bid to evict them from their land.
The national security bill has previously been criticized as essentially reviving the Restoration of Security and Order (Kopkamtib), the notorious secret police created and employed by former President Suharto, but Puguh denied that was the case.
If anything, he said, the new bill was meant to support existing local laws and regulations on security.
"The national security bill is nothing like the Kopkamtib," Puguh said. "In fact, it's very different. Our hope is that the bill will help to better integrate various security sectors so that there's no more fragmentation and we can develop a more cohesive system."
He added that the unified system would be overseen by a National Security Council made up of various cabinet ministers and operate on threat analyses made by the State Intelligence Agency (BIN).
"The security council and the bill won't operate in isolation." Puguh said. "And the council's authority will only be to give recommendations of a strategic nature, not of a technical nature."
Tangerang Hundreds of residents of a Chinese-Indonesian community popularly known as Cina Benteng (Chinese of the Fort) living in Sewan Tongyan area in Neglasari subdistrict, sTangerang, staged a rally on Friday in protest of a move by a private land owner to fence off a plot of land that the former believes is part of their local public cemetery.
Embih, one of the protesting residents, said that the 8,700-square meter plot of land had been donated by the late Thio Keng Bih to be Cina Benteng cemetery, had now had been reclaimed by one of the later's heirs.
"As far as we know, Thio Keng Bih donated the plot of land for the public cemetery so it's impossible for the family members to suddenly reclaim and fence it off," he said.
The residents also urged the local administration to provide them with an explanation about the land title.
District administration chief Boyke Ahmad Syafei told the protesting residents that he would summon the subdistrict chief and the family of the benefactor for clarification. "I will take the matter to Mayor Wahidin Halim," he said.
Rahmat Around 500 protesters burned down buildings and other facilities belonging to Vale Indonesia in Morowali, Central Sulawesi, on Monday in another violent dispute between local residents and companies.
Police said the situation was under control and slowly getting back to normal.
The protesters had staged protests for weeks in front of the district's council before moving to the company's camp on Monday.
They asked Vale, the country's largest nickel miner, to implement a working contract it had possessed since 1968 to build a nickel mine and processing site in the area so that locals would benefit from the operations.
Since the company had not responded, the protesters proceeded to destroy and burn the camp's buildings and facilities. No injuries were reported.
Morowali district head Anwar Hafid said the fire had allegedly been set by disgruntled residents regarding the company's plan to build a nickel smelter in the area.
"Residents have staged protests for a few weeks, demanding the company quickly implement its plan as stipulated in the contract. However, the company has never implemented [the plan]," Anwar said. He also said that he supported the residents' demands, even though he regretted people's way of expressing it.
Nico Kanter, president director and chief executive of Vale, said the company respected the rights of the people in expressing their minds. "We are very concerned about the arson of our camp," he said.
Nico added that the company would file a report on the incident to the local authorities for further investigation.
Central Sulawesi Police said they were investigating the attacks amid rumors that there were people masterminding the riot. Local officials said there were competing claims from other companies over areas handed over to Vale. Some have suggested the rival companies could be behind the protests.
Violent disputes and clashes between companies and local residents over land claims have erupted in recent months in several locations across the archipelago, with some clashes resulting in deaths.
In the same district just several months ago, residents attacked and burned down a rig belonging to state oil and gas company Pertamina and oil firm Medco Tomori.
Similar incidents also occurred in Mesuji, Lampung; Bima, West Nusa Tenggara; and at Freeport McMoran's mine in Papua. In all the incidents, criticism has been leveled at the government for failing to enforce the law and making clear the ownership and boundaries of the lands around the mining and plantation sites.
[Additional reporting by Antara.]
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Ezra Sihite Following public outrage over a string of questionable spending decisions by the House of Representatives, the House Honor Council has proposed that the state do away with the official housing set aside for legislators.
Lawmakers have been accused of showing a reluctance to live at the houses for multiple reasons because the units are not up to lawmakers' high-end lifestyles, causing many houses to remain vacant.
On top of that, the houses have been renovated and given new facilities, costing state coffers hundreds of billions of rupiah. Lawmakers are also given monthly allowances for house maintenance.
As a replacement for the housing, the council proposed that each lawmaker rent a house. Rent money would be disbursed to them as long as it does not exceed the maximum budget allocated for the purpose. "The House's leaders have listened to the proposal. We will discuss it further," House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung said.
The House has two housing complexes one in Kalibata, South Jakarta, and another in Meruya, West Jakarta. Both are regarded as being situated among the capital's prime real estate.
A recently completed Rp 479 billion ($53.6 million) renovation of the Kalibata complex sparked accusations that huge markups were included in the project.
While renovation for each house cost Rp 612 million, experts have said each one should have only cost Rp 125 million. While awaiting the renovations' completion, lawmakers were given Rp 15 million monthly for lodging accommodation.
But even with the renovations finished, two-thirds of legislators do not live in the houses, lawmaker Tubagus Hasanuddin said.
Pramono said that the House's housing complexes could be turned into business and commercial facilities, arguing that they would be more useful to the public in these capacities.
Legislators involved in common-law marriages will not be disciplined by the House of Representatives (DPR) unless they fail to make good on promises to their wives, officials said on Thursday.
Wives in common-law marriages have no rights to common property, alimony or custody of children in the event of a divorce.
Muhammad Prakosa, chairman of the House Ethics Council, said that common- law marriages, although not recognized by the state, were permitted in Islam.
A new television series set to air across Indonesia this month will be an alternative to the common drama found in the average Sinetron, promoters are promising. Tim Bui, a new 13-episode football themed drama set in prison, hopes to promote tolerance, team work and conflict resolution.
"Tim Bui revolutionizes drama TV in Indonesia, offering viewers a more educational alternative to many of the sinetron dramas currently dominating the market," said Brian D. Hanley, the Asia Director for Search for Common Ground, a nongovernmental organization. "Tim Bui promotes positive models of social interaction, and is locally written, produced, and broadcast."
Tim Bui is produced by SFCG and local media partner SET film, and funded by the United Kingdom's Department for International Development and the Australian Government through its aid program AusAID. Producers hope the series, which hits Indonesia on Feb. 19 on Metro TV, will reach millions across the archipelago.
The mini series is set in a jail that is home to two rival ethnic gangs. Through the course of the series, and through a prison football team, the gangs evolve from bitter, violent rivals into teammates. The show also tackles issues such as discrimination, corruption, women's rights and radicalism (and the redemption from it), all issues that SFCG's deals with in Indonesia.
The organization will schedule community outreach as the show airs to promote "tolerance, teamwork and conflict transformation.
"These activities include the establishment of soccer teams, leagues, and competitions, as well as the hosting of conflict transformation workshops, and will take place at pesantren [Islamic boarding schools] and prisons across Indonesia," a news release said.
Search for Common Ground has also produced 'The Team,' a global radio and television drama that has aired in historically conflict ridden zones in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East.
Criminal justice & prison system
Agus Triyono Former antigraft czar and convicted murderer Antasari Azhar on Monday lost his bid for a review of his murder trial and the police investigation that led up to it.
Supreme Court judge Suhadi announced the ruling at a press conference, but declined to explain the reasoning behind the decision. Suhadi said the decision to deny a case review was arrived at unanimously, and that "the basis for the consideration will be published in two or three days."
Antasari, former chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), is serving 18 years for the murder of businessman Nasrudin Zulkarnaen.
Antasari's attorney, Juniver Girsang, said last November that a case review was warranted in light of a threatening text message sent to Nasrudin in the days before his death in a drive-by shooting in March 2009.
The message, Juniver alleged, did not originate from his client's number. "We've been notified by the National Police's detectives unit that my client's report on the matter has been handed over to the Jakarta Police, so we're asking the police to immediately find out who the true sender of that message was," he said in November.
Juniver said it was important to resolve the issue because of the significance of the text message, among other pieces of evidence and witness testimony, in leading to Antasari's conviction in February 2010.
The message to Nasrudin read: "Only you and I know of this matter. If it gets blown up, you know the consequences."
Prosecutors alleged that Antasari, the chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) at the time, ordered Nasrudin killed over a love triangle involving Nasrudin's third wife.
Critics, however, have long contended that the case against Antasari was trumped up in a bid to undermine the antigraft agency. Even the victim's brother, Andi Syamsudin, has highlighted several irregularities in the police's initial investigation of Antasari and the credibility of some of the witnesses in the trial.
Sumenep, East Java A lone protester let loose more than 100 poisonous snakes in the Sumenep District Court to vent his anger after judges rejected his claim that he was the rightful owner of a 2,500-square-meter property on which the government built a school 35 years ago.
The court recently ruled in favor of the government, which insisted that it would pay Muhammad Amin the compensation only if he could prove his claim with legal documents. He came to the court accompanied by two persons, each carrying a sack.
In his fiery speech at the court's office, the 55-year-old villager from the Kangean islets off Madura Island became outraged, calling the verdict "just more proof that justice is never for ordinary people".
"The powerful and the rich are untouchable. Where is the justice?" He went on to strongly criticize the fact that the judges in his case had issued their ruling despite that neither he nor his lawyers were present at the hearing.
Then, turning to the two men accompanying him, he said, "release the snakes". They turned their sacks upside down, releasing the snakes into the building's main lobby and adjacent offices, sending frightened employees and court attendants scurrying around in a panic.
"There are a lot of rats in this office that need exterminating," Amin said, as terrified women screamed and ran away in fright.
Police rushed to the scene and arrested Amin. They said Amin could be charged under the Criminal Code for endangering public safety, kompas.com reported.
The arrest on Wednesday of Ber-naldi Kadir Djemat, who reported TV-actor- turned-politician Zumi Zola to the police on Jan. 24 for allegedly having an affair with his wife, has brought allegations that backdoor dealings with the police may have been involved.
"We will report the chiefs of South Jakarta Police and the city police to the National Police for abuse of power," Bernaldi's lawyer, Humphrey Djemat, told The Jakarta Post over the phone on Wednesday evening.
Bernaldi was arrested by the South Jakarta Police on Wednesday, after being named a suspect on Tuesday. "He has been charged under the Criminal Code for assault," South Jakarta Police spokesman Adj. Comr. Aswin Sipayung said.
Sr. Comr. Imam Sugianto currently serves as the South Jakarta Police chief, while Insp. Gen. Untung S. Rajab heads the city police. "We believe that both officers are involved in backdoor dealings with those on Zumi's side that led to Bernaldi's arrest," he said.
Bernaldi was arrested for allegedly assaulting his mother-in-law's secretary, identified as Rudi, back in October last year.
Bernaldi reportedly wanted to see his son, who was staying with his wife, but was denied entrance to her house. He got into a scuffle with Rudi, who then reported him to the police. However, according to Humphrey, Bernaldi and his mother-in-law had settled the conflict amicably.
"Why is it, then, that the police arrested Bernaldi for a case that has been settled merely weeks after he reported Zumi to the police? There's got to be something fishy here," Humphrey said.
Zumi currently serves as the regent of Tanjung Jabung Timur in Jambi while his father, Zulkifli Nurdin, is a former Jambi governor. According to Humphrey, they had strong evidence that Zulkifli had set up a meeting on Monday with Untung.
"We don't know what happened during the meeting, but when we met with Untung later, he told us to drop the case and seek a peaceful solution with Zumi," he said. "After declining the offer, Bernaldi was named a suspect and arrested."
Indonesia Police Watch chairman Neta S. Pane said that the case could tarnish the image of the National Police. "The case clearly shows that the police take sides and are unprofessional. They should have mediated both parties, instead of doing things that will muddy the waters," he said. (mim)
Shirley Wibisono Automakers from Japan to India are eyeing a bonanza in Indonesia, Southeast Asia's largest economy where a newly wealthy middle class are splashing out on cars like never before.
With the economy growing at a brisk 6.5 percent a year, more Indonesians are climbing into the middle class, hungry for cars and other status symbols their newfound wealth affords.
It is welcome news for automakers who, starved of sales in the ailing economies of Europe and the United States, are now circling Southeast Asia's fastest-growing major economy.
Last year, Indonesians bought 890,400 cars and this year they are expected to snap up around 940,000, according to a report by business research group Frost & Sullivan. "Indonesia has overtaken Thailand as the largest automotive market" in the Asia Pacific region, the report said.
This year "will witness the launch/facelift of around 25-30 new models in Indonesia that will further increase the sales volumes growth," it added.
The strong sales represent something of a gold rush for the industry, and automakers are sinking funds into new factories and showrooms to tap the money flooding the market.
"Last year, foreign automakers pledged to invest nearly $2 billion in Indonesia over the next few years. This year, we will see the realization of those promises," Budi Darmadi, an industry ministry director, told AFP.
Japanese manufacturers, who already hold 90 percent of the market, are leading the way. Toyota has a second production plant in the pipeline, Suzuki is planning to open its third and Nissan is spending $250 million to expand existing facilities.
Toyota, trying to hang on to its 35 percent market share, wants to boost production from 110,000 last year to 180,000 by 2013.
Gunadi Sindhuwinata, a commissioner at Jakarta-based Suzuki Indomobil Motor said his company is planning a two-year, $800 million investment in Indonesia.
Buoyed by soaring sales last year, automakers are confident the trend will continue. Nissan's annual sales surged by 50 percent last year, and Suzuki's by a third.
US automakers Ford and General Motors and even India's Tata group are also jockeying for profits.
Ford, the second-largest US automaker, sold twice as many cars in Indonesia last year as it did the year before and wants to repeat the feat in 2012. The company opened seven new dealerships nationwide last year, and plans to add eight more this year.
General Motors, meanwhile, is investing $150 million to reopen a mothballed plant in West Java to begin producing minivans, in hot demand among Indonesians.
Meanwhile, Indian automaker Tata Motors says it is "crystallizing its plans" for Indonesia, where it is not yet present. "We have chosen Indonesia because we believe that customers in Indonesia would appreciate the vehicles that we market," spokesman Debasis Ray told AFP from the company's Indian headquarters.
Last year Indonesia overtook Thailand in car sales after the Thai economy was devastated by floods. But experts say it still has a long way before outdoing Thailand as an auto manufacturing hub. Thailand, where factories roll out cars for more than 200 export markets, is often referred to as the "Detroit of Asia."
Despite its galloping economy, Indonesia is snarled with red tape, corruption, nearly non-existent infrastructure and traffic gridlock.
At least 1,000 new vehicles are added every day to the streets of Jakarta, where some eight million cars crawl through one of Asia's worst traffic jams every day, according to private and government studies.
In 2014, according to the private Indonesian Transportation Society which includes academics and bureaucrats, traffic in Jakarta will become totally gridlocked.
"Jakarta has major challenges in managing mobility," Frost & Sullivan said in its report. "Traffic jams not only waste productive time but also slow down the market growth."
At a showroom in Jakarta 44-year-old Mohammed Ropi, a private sector employee and one of the many Indonesians climbing the social ladder, eyed a brand new Toyota Avanza as he shopped for a second family car.
"I want this one for myself, but I will only be able to drive it on weekends," he said. "I can't drive it to work because that would take me 90 minutes twice as long as on my motorcycle."