Ulma Haryanto After dying from burns sustained when he set himself on fire in an apparent protest at the Presidential Palace, Sondang Hutabarat is becoming a rallying point for movements across the nation.
Rallies to honor his death took place across the country on Monday, with demonstrators all interpreting the act of self-immolation their own way.
In Palembang, South Sumatra, campus-based anticorruption movement Gerak called on students not to be content with attending classes and easy lives, but to go out to the streets to protest government policies that are not pro-people.
Gerak South Sumatra coordinator Nachung Tajuddin called Sondang the "hammer" that would build solidarity among the student movement and the people of Indonesia.
In Jember, East Java, student activists held a march to honor Sondang's death, which they saw as a form of protest against the government's lack of progress in resolving cases of human rights violations.
"Many cases of human rights violations such as the Trisakti [University shooting in 1998], the murder of human rights defender Munir [Said Thalib], and incidents in Papua have not been resolved completely," said M. Sodik, a member of the Indonesian National Students Movement (GMNI) from Jember.
In Malang, East Java, Sondang's act was interpreted as a protest against corruption.
As of Monday afternoon, about a dozen Facebook groups had also been established to commemorate Sondang's act. Some have speculated that it could trigger a bigger protest, similar to the way Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi's act of self-immolation catalyzed the Arab Spring movement.
But national defense analyst Bantarto Bandoro doubted it would have the same level of impact. "The Indonesian government still fares better than the majority of the Arab countries," he said.
"He wanted to raise awareness that there is something wrong with our politics, but what he did is not the start of a revolution." He added, however, that activists and other groups would certainly try and take advantage of the attention surrounding Sondang's death.
Even politicians have done so, with former President Megawati Sukarnoputri saying on Monday that Sondang's act showed there was something wrong with how the country was being run.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, according to his spokesman Daniel Sparingga, said there were a thousand messages in Sondang's death, and people should take from it what they need.
[Additional reporting by Antara, Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Anita Rachman.]
Apriadi Gunawan, Medan A soldier from the Indonesian Military (TNI) and personnel from the North Sumatran police are reported to have been injured in what appears to be the latest in a line of clashes between members of the two institutions.
The incident was allegedly triggered by a minor traffic accident in Medan, in which a car driven by Brigadier Manurung, a member of the North Sumatra police office, clipped the motorbike of Second Private Andi Julianto.
In the ensuing confrontation, Julianto, a soldier assigned to the Bukit Barisan Military Command, was reported to have sustained a gunshot wound to his stomach, while Manurung suffered head injuries.
Both were rushed to two different hospitals in the city, Manurung to Bhayangkara Hospital and Julianto to Dr. Pirngadi Hospital.
Reports said that following the traffic accident, Julianto and Manurung were involved in a verbal tirade. Although both eventually moved on, it appeared that Julianto, seemingly still irked by the incident, called his friends. Twenty minutes later, they allegedly found Manurung and began to intimidate the police officer.
Clashes between soldiers and police officers have taken place recurrently, especially since the separation of the two institutions in 2000. In Medan, the incident is the third case in the past eight months.
Last month, a number of police personnel were involved in a clash with TNI soldiers during a police raid at a gambling den in Medan Sunggal district. No casualties were reported.
In a gambling raid in Medan Marelan district in April, police officer Brig. Sinuhaji was injured after being hit with a wooden beam by a individual believed to be a soldier, who apparently tried to interfere in the operation.
Police spokesperson Sr. Comr. Heru Prakoso said clashes between police and TNI members were often triggered by misunderstandings. He added that every case had been settled amicably, including Saturday night's incident.
"Every case has been resolved. The police and military have agreed to watch over their respective units so as to prevent similar incidents," Heru told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
"During the fight, Manurung was cornered, prompting him to fire his pistol," Heru said, adding Manurung sustained head wounds from a sharp object during the clash.
Bukit Barisan Military Command Artillery Batallion commander Maj. Mahfud Ghozali said the incident between police and military members was due to a minor matter. He appeared reserved when asked who started the fight, saying that his unit did not want to blame anybody.
"It was just a misunderstanding. One of them was arrogant and the other was furious so the fight ensued," Mahfud said without elaborating.
He added the case had been settled as it had been followed up with coordination at the respective leadership levels. "It was settled. We have coordinated so such an incident will not happen in the future," said Mahfud.
Badarudin, sociologist of Medan-based North Sumatra University, suggested the case be brought to court as a way to avoid similar incidents from happening in the future.
March 3, 2006: One police officer and one soldier die, following a clash between police and military personnel, which sparked a weekend of violence in Ambon.
Aug. 8, 2006: One police officer and one soldier are killed in a shootout in the Monument area Mulyo Musirawa District, South Sumatra.
Feb. 13, 2007: A policeman is shot dead in an exchange of gunfire between police and soldiers in Mulia, the capital of Puncak Jaya, Papua.
June 7, 2009: A member of Megangsakti police station in Musi Rawas regency, South Sumatra shoots dead a soldier during police raid at a night spot.
Sept. 5, 2009: Dozens of unidentified men mob the Matraman Police station on Jl. Matraman Raya, Central Jakarta, hurling stones and flower pots at the office.
July 4, 2010: An attack on the Muaraenim police station by members of the military.
Aug. 17, 2010: Dozens of soldiers attack the Siantar Police station in Pematang Siantar, North Sumatra.
Jakarta The death of Sondang Hutagalung, a student who set himself on fire in an anti-government protest, has sparked an online movement to make him an icon for an antigraft movement.
On Sunday, a group of users of the popular social networking site Facebook set up a group called An Anti-graft Solidarity for Self-Immolating Sondang.
"This group is set up to give support to Sondang for sacrificing his life in the fight against corruption and criticizing the government, which has failed to combat corruption," the group said in its description.
Tributes and condolences also poured in on the microblogging site, Twitter, where hundreds of feeds praised him as a martyr in the fight against graft.
"Time for change, remember Tunisia, dissolve the legislature," Rakrian Yoga said in his Twitter feed, alluding to the death of Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi from self-immolation, which sparked the Tunisian revolution that led to the ouster of the country's president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.
The remains of Sondang were laid to rest at Pondok Kelapa cemetery in East Jakarta at noon. "We will bury him at Pondok Kelapa cemetery at noon, after a wake at his campus and his home," Sondang's brother, Bob Crispianza Hutagalung said before the burial on Sunday, as quoted by tempo.co.
The burial was attended by hundreds of people, including Sondang's friends and fellow activists.
Sondang died on Saturday afternoon after a week in intensive care. The 22- year-old, a student at Bung Karno University, set himself ablaze in front of the Merdeka Palace on Dec. 7.
Sondang was the youngest of four children of taxi driver Victor Hutagalung and homemaker Dame Sipahutar. Bung Karno University will grant an honorary bachelor's degree to him. The honorary degree will be granted in appreciation of the struggle of Sondang, who had been actively involved in a number of anti-government protests.
He doused himself with gasoline and set himself on fire in one such protests on Dec. 7, and was subsequently treated in the intensive care unit of Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital in Central Jakarta. He died on Saturday afternoon.
"A number of public figures and organizations suggested granting the honorary bachelor's degree," university deputy rector Daniel Panda said on Sunday in Jakarta as quoted by tempo.co.
He added that the granting of the degree should not been taken as encouragement for other students to do the same thing. "As an academic, I hope there will be no repeat of such a measure. There are other options. This is a too high a sacrifice."
He was in the class of 2007 of Bung Karno University's Law School and was reportedly due to attend his graduation ceremony. Police have yet to determine the motive for Sondang's death.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed his condolences over the death of Sondang Hutagalung, a presidential aide said. "President SBY is saddened and shares the sadness of his [Sondang's] parents and relatives," presidential special staff for political communications Daniel said Sunday, as quoted by kompas.com.
Daniel said that many lessons could be learned from the unfortunate incident. "We believe that there are thousands of messages left following the death of Sondang," he said. Sondang sustained burns to 90 percent of his body.
Jakarta An 22-year-old Indonesian man has died after setting himself on fire near the presidential palace, according to police, in what is believed to be the country's first self-immolation protest.
The man, identified as student Sondang Hutagalung, died on Saturday after he was taken to hospital with 98 percent burns, Jakarta police spokesman Baharudin Djafar told AFP.
"He died yesterday from a sizeable percentage of burns on his body after setting himself on fire. We still don't know what caused him to immolate himself," he said.
Local media reported that Hutagalung had doused himself in petrol and torched himself near the state palace on Wednesday before running towards a billboard bearing the photograph of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Witnesses told the Jakarta Globe newspaper he had shouted anti-government messages. But Djafar said it was "not possible" to say he was protesting against the government or the president.
"He was the perpetrator as well as the victim. Only he had the answer we couldn't guess his motive," he said. "But we hope nobody will repeat such an act. If you're unhappy with anything, you may protest but please do so without hurting yourself and others."
Presidential adviser Daniel Sparingga said on Thursday that Yudhoyono had been informed of the incident and "expressed his sympathy and concern".
Protests are common in Indonesia but the self-immolation is believed to be the first of its kind in the world's third-largest democracy of 240 million people.
Yudhoyono's popularity rankings have slumped despite strong economic growth, amid corruption and incompetence across all levels of the state. He was sworn in at the start of his second five-year term on 20 October 2009.
The first Indonesian president to be directly elected after decades of authoritarianism, Yudhoyono has won two clear mandates with promises of tough action on corruption, but is seen as too weak and indecisive to take on powerful vested interests.
Ulma Haryanto, Agus Triyono & Zaky Pawas Slowly, the identity of the man believed to have set himself on fire in front of the Presidential Palace on Wednesday is being revealed.
Haris Azhar, chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said based on an initial description, the man could be Sondang Hutagalung, a Bung Karno University student who was an active supporter of the rights group.
"According to [Sondang's] girlfriend and his family, his teeth and army- type shoes are identical to the victim's," Haris said, adding that Sondang's family had gone to the Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital (RSCM), where the man is being treated.
"The hospital still wouldn't allow [the man] to be visited by anyone. We can't confirm anything yet because the man is badly burned," Haris said.
Chrisbiantoro, a Kontras staff member, said that Sondang had an uneven set of teeth and a birthmark on his foot, and that he is known for wearing the same shoes everywhere. "The shoes were gifts from [Sondang's] siblings," he said.
Haris also said that for two months, Kontras and Sondang's family had lost contact with the student. Prior to incident, Haris said, Sondang left his cellphone with his girlfriend. "[Sondang] met with his girlfriend. But she said she doesn't know what he was up to," the Kontras chairman said.
Sondang, he continued, had participated in a number of Kontras rallies and was a member of Munir's Friends, which advocates for investigation into the death of renowned rights activist Munir Said Thalib.
"He has a student organization called Hamurabi. He likes to hang out at the Kontras office because there is training here," Haris said. "He is quite active in Kontras rallies and has been performing in theatrical demonstrations."
Chris said Sondang had showed no signs of wanting to end his life. "[Sondang's] family said he was not in any kind of trouble, but he has been rambling about doing something good for others," the activist said.
Separately, RSCM director Akmal Taher said doctors have drawn a DNA test sample from the victim, but DNA from Sondang's family has not been extracted.
Akmal said that since the incident, the man has been put under intensive care at the hospital, but his chances of survival are slim. "He has burns on 98 percent of his body. It is unlikely he will live," he said.
Zaky Pawas Several police officers were injured and 10 students from Bung Karno University were arrested after an antigovernment rally in Central Jakarta turned to chaos on Wednesday.
"The Central Jakarta Police chief [Sr. Comr. Angesta Romano Yoyol] suffered a head injury. He was hit by a stone thrown by the demonstrators," said Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Baharudin Djafar.
Angesta was taken to nearby Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital but his injury proved fairly minor. Several other police officers also suffered cuts and bruises as the student protesters hurled rocks at them.
The students were commemorating the death of fellow Bung Karno student Sondang Hutagalung, who set himself on fire in front of the Presidential Palace in Jakarta last week.
The students wore their blue university jackets, which they smeared in fake blood, and held signs calling on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to resign. They claimed that the government's inability to reduce corruption and poverty had been the source of Sondang's desperation.
Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. Untung South Rajab said officers had been attempting to move the location of the protest, which had crippled traffic on the busy Jalan Diponegoro.
"We were just advising them to relocate because they had caused so much traffic," Untung said. "As we were in the process of negotiating with them when some protesters started hurling rocks. This is a democratic country. It's OK to demonstrate, but there are procedures that have to be met," he added.
Baharudin said 10 students were arrested but none had been charged. One of the demonstrators, who declined to give his name, denied that students had attacked the officers. "We don't know why we are being arrested," the student said. "This is police violence."
Jakarta Ten students from Bung Karno University remain in detention at Jakarta Police headquarters on Thursday after a rally turned violent.
The students were taken into custody after Central Jakarta Police chief Snr.Com. Angesta Romano Yoyol was injured when he was hit by a stone thrown from the crowd of protestors on Jl. Diponegoro on Wednesday. He was taken to a nearby clinic and then to Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital.
Central Jakarta detective chief Snr. Com. Gatot Edy Pramono said students were still being questioned about the incident, kompas.com reported. The students demonstrated to support for their peer Sondang Hutagalung, who died after setting himself on fire in front of the State Palace last week.
Apriadi Gunawan, Medan Some hundred workers in Medan, North Sumatra staged a rally on Saturday, calling on the government to address their rights and curb human rights violations.
Claiming themselves members of Indonesian Labor Union (SBSI) 92, they held the rally at Majestik cross section in downtown as part of a commemoration of International Human Rights Day.
They lambasted the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Boediono administration as not being serious in dealing with human rights issues.
They pointed to pitfalls with which the workers were still vulnerable and exposed to regarding repression by local administrations when they voiced their own freedom of expression.
They said the workers did not have a full share over the merit of the independence the nation declared 66 years ago. The workers' rights for decent living and justice have been blatantly overlooked, they said.
Rally coordinator Purwadi reminded the government about the workers' contribution to development of the nation. He deplored the government policy allowing the implementation of outsourcing labor recruitment, which he said was unfair.
He said fights for outsourcing recruitment abolition, as well as for freedom of expression, were liable to repression. "The repression showed over those two issues are akin to government's pillory on the workers' rights for justice and welfare," he told The Jakarta Post. He also blamed the discouraging labor condition on outside interference in domestic policy.
Foreign investors and developed countries were said to have provoked the government into restraining the workers' rights to gain a better future.
Majda El Muhtaj, head of Indonesia Human Rights Study Center with State Medan University, said fights for human rights in the country still ended up in an impasse.
Reported acts of intimidation, eviction, murder and persecution, for which the government seemed to show negligence, he said, were evidence of human rights violations in the country.
"Tears of helplessness and bitterness reported on the media, almost everyday, are evidence that the expected good governance that would see public services cater to all people is still under question," he said.
Nani Farida, Jakarta Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum became the target of protesters as demonstrators rallied for World Anticorruption Day in several cities across Indonesia on Friday.
Around 30 protesters attempting to approach Anas' house in East Jakarta were turned back by a similar number of police officers bearing shields and helmets who established a cordon around the home.
Several protesters wore vests identifying them as members of the Islam Defenders' Front (FPI). A banner reading "Catch Corrupters! Catch the Thiefs for the People" was also seen. "Today, Anas is a national icon of corruption for the biggest graft case," a protester said.
Anas has been embroiled in graft allegations following the detention of Nazaruddin, the party's former treasurer and current graft defendant.
Nazaruddin testified in court that Anas accepted bribes connected to the contract to build the athletes' village for the recently-concluded Southeast Asian Games. Anas was also alleged to have bought votes when he was running for party chairman last year. Anas has denied the accusations.
In Semarang, Central Java, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also the party's patron, asked other countries, particularly Indonesia's neighbors, for cooperation in eradicating corruption. Yudhoyono asked them not to harbor corruptors who fled prosecution or questioning in Indonesia.
"Indonesia doesn't want other countries to be havens for corruptors who have stolen our state assets," the President said during an event marking World Anticorruption Day on Friday. Yudhoyono added that Indonesia would listen to the warnings it had received on several cases involving illegal logging, illegal mining and smuggling.
"However, other countries should not just warn us by benefiting from what was stolen from Indonesia," the President said, adding that he had asked leaders at the G-20, APEC and ASEAN summits to work hand-in-hand with Indonesia to fight corruption.
Yudhoyono also instructed ministers, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) and the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) to focus on corruption affecting state and regional budgets.
Across Indonesia on Friday, demonstrators, mostly comprising students, marked the day with sniping criticism of the government. Some said the government was not seriously fighting corruption, with several big graft cases remaining in limbo.
The police fired tear gas into a crowd of hundreds of students in Makassar, South Sulawesi, who started to throw rocks after Governor Yasin Limpo declined to meet with them outside his office.
Makassar City Police chief Erwin Triwanto, who arrived on scene later, ordered his officers to retreat. The incident was diffused after the protesters were received by provincial secretary Andi Mualim.
The protesters had Andi sign an ersatz 'memorandum of understanding' listing graft cases for the government to investigate, including allegations of corruption surrounding Rp 8.8 billion of social aid funds.
The students also urged that Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman-designate Abraham Samad fulfill his promise to investigate big graft allegations, including the Bank Century bailout and the SEA Games scandal.
In Yogyakarta, protesters reminded local authorities about a case implicating former Bantul regent Idham Samawi. "Fight corruption. If not you, who else," read one poster.
In Bandung, West Java, farmers joined students in a march to Gedung Sate, the seat of the West Java administration. They lambasted the government for "its failure to fight against corruption."
Indonesia's ranking on Transparency International's corruption index stands at 3.0.
[Andi Hajramurni, Slamen Susanto and Arya Dipa contributed to the story from Makassar, Yogyakarta and Bandung.]
Andi Hajramurni, Makassar Commemorating International Anti-Corruption Day, which falls Friday, hundreds of university students in Makassar staged rallies on Thursday, demanding that the government take serious action against corruption.
The rallies were held sporadically on several university campuses. Students of the Indonesian Muslim University (UMI), State Islamic University (UIN) Alauddin and Makassar Muhammadiyah University and members of the Association of Muslim University Students (HMI) Makassar were among the protesters. HMI staged a rally in front of the provincial legislative building. Protesters also gathered under the Makassar flyover.
"Corruption has become more and more rampant, and involves members of the second United Indonesia Cabinet. Yet, none of them has undergone legal processing," HMI coordinator Abdul Rahman Alwi said.
Most of the protesters condemned President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono for what they said was a failure in their fight against corruption, which was the cornerstone of their election campaign.
They said that many corruption cases had caused massive state losses but had not been investigated.
They cited the cases of the central bank liquidity fund (BLBI), the Bank Century bailout, the SEA Games athletes' village, and corruption at the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry that reportedly implicates minister Muhaimin Iskandar and Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo.
"So far only Nazaruddin has been tried for the athletes' village corruption case even though a number of officials have been mentioned in testimonies. Government officials seem to be well protected," Rahman said.
They urged law institutions ranging from the police, prosecutors' offices, the court and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to work more seriously in their fights against corruption.
They also demanded that corruption suspects, especially state officials, be arrested, tried and if convicted, that their fortunes be seized and made to benefit the people.
They promised that they would ensure the newly elected KPK chairman to prove his commitment to thoroughly process major corruption cases in his first year with the commission.
They said they would return to the streets with bigger rallies on Friday to commemorate International Anti-Corruption Day.
The Makassar Police said they were ready to deploy 2,600 joint personnel to safeguard the rallies on Friday.
People in over 80 countries in every region of the world have come together to demand the release of Indonesian prisoner of conscience Filep Karma, who is currently serving a 15-year prison sentence for taking part in a peaceful ceremony where a Papuan regional flag was raised.
Filep Karma, 52, is one of the individuals Amnesty International supporters across the globe have chosen for the Write for Rights campaign, one of the largest letter writing campaigns ever undertaken. Hundreds of thousands of people have been writing letters, signing petitions, sending SMS messages and taking action online since 3 December to demand justice for Filep Karma and 13 other cases from a range of countries including Mexico, Nigeria, Russia, Sri Lanka, Turkey, USA and Zimbabwe.
At least 90 prisoners of conscience are currently imprisoned for peaceful political protests or possessing, raising or waving the prohibited regional flags of Maluku and Papua. Amnesty International calls on the Indonesian government to immediately and unconditionally release Filep Karma and all other prisoners of conscience in Indonesia, and to repeal, or at least re- interpret "makar" provisions to stop the imprisonment of non- violent political activists.
"Amnesty International was founded on the idea that people united can shine a light on injustice and create momentum for change," said Donna Guest, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific Deputy Director.
"Hundreds of thousands of people from across the world are sending a clear message to the Indonesian government that they must uphold the right to free speech and immediately and unconditionally release Filep Karma and all other prisoners who are solely imprisoned for having peacefully expressed their views."
Filep Karma, a former civil servant, was one of 200 people who took part in a peaceful ceremony in Abepura, Papua province, on 1 December 2004. Police responded to the raising of the banned "Morning Star" flag by firing warning shots and beating people with batons. Filep Karma was arrested at the site of the ceremony. Police reportedly beat him on the way to the police station. He was subsequently charged with "makar" ("rebellion"), which prescribes punishments of life imprisonment or a maximum of 20 years' imprisonment. On 26 May 2005, Filep Karma was sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment.
Amnesty International takes no position whatsoever on the political status of any province of Indonesia, including calls for independence. However the organisation believes that the right to freedom of expression includes the right to peacefully advocate referendums, independence or any other political solutions that do not involve incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.
The prohibited regional flags are first and foremost symbols for peaceful pro-independence or pro-autonomy movements in Indonesia and often simply reflect local communities' identities. They do not feature any "violent" logo or message in themselves, nor do they symbolize or imply violence. Thus the mere act of raising them is not a "violent" or "disruptive" act but a peaceful act.
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a state party, and the Indonesian Constitution guarantee the rights to freedom of expression, opinion, association and peaceful assembly. While the Indonesian government has the duty and the right to maintain public order, it must ensure that any restrictions to freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly are no more than is permitted under international human rights law.
The Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) is calling for the independence of West Papua and her people from Indonesia.
In a statement that was endorsed by the church leaders at their recent meeting in Samoa, they declared that, "beginning in 2012, we will celebrate a day of freedom in support of our brothers and sisters in Maohi Nui, Bougainville, New Caledonia, West Papua and peoples who yearn to be free. We call on the Secretariat of the PCC to designate such a day."
PCC's Acting General Secretary Reverend Francois Pihaatae said this designated day will be discussed in details during the staff planning retreat in early January of next year.
"The Pacific Conference of Churches is committed to the decolonisation of the Pacific region. We stand beside people under colonial rule and walk with them in their journey towards a future of their own choosing. It is unacceptable that in this day and age we continue to accept the existence of colonies in the Pacific region," Rev. Francois said.
Rev. Francois is calling on church members in the Pacific to join hands and pray about the situation in West Papua.
"Through the power of the Holy Spirit, we believe that true worship is about true commitment for the good of others. Let's walk with the people of West Papua through our prayers and ask God to provide them with comfort and protection in this very difficult time they are facing."
Candles were lit in a vigil in the grounds of Brisbane's St Stephen's Cathedral to honour five West Papuans believed killed in a recent military attack on crowds gathered for the Third Papuan People's Congress.
Members of the West Papua Solidarity Group Brisbane staged the vigil on December 1, supported by Brisbane archdiocese's Catholic Justice and Peace Commission (CJPC).
The commission has also sent material to all parishes and schools in the archdiocese encouraging them to dedicate a day to prayer and action for the people of West Papua.
Two human rights lawyers from the Indonesian human rights organisation Kontras Olga Hamadi (Papua) and Indria Fernida (Jakarta) were also sponsored to attend a series of rallies and media conferences around the city recently.
CJPC executive officer Peter Arndt said the events, supported by the commission, were to promote greater awareness of human rights abuses in West Papua.
"Candles were lit at the vigil for the five Papuans believed to have been killed during a military attack (on October 19 in Jayapura, West Papua) which came after a declaration of independence by congress leaders," Mr Arndt said.
"Six of the congress leaders were arrested and beaten by police. Their names were also read at the vigil. It is believed that they were beaten while in custody."
"The West Papua Solidarity Group Brisbane, with the support of the CJPC, has sent money to the Franciscan Office for Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation to help pay for medical treatment for one of the men. Visiting human rights lawyer Ms Hamadi is a member of a legal team supporting the six arrested men."
Mr Arndt said the commission was pleased it was able to help to bring the human rights lawyers to Brisbane.
"We have been expressing concern about the military violence in West Papua for many years and it is good to have people who know the situation very well to better inform us," he said.
"We have been in regular contact with Church and community representatives in West Papua for some time and we know that things are very tense and difficult there. There have been too many unarmed civilians assaulted and killed by Indonesian security forces and it must stop."
Mr Arndt said Indonesian bishops have called for dialogue between Jakarta and leaders of the Papuan people, including the various independence groups, and Australia should be encouraging its friend and neighbour, Indonesia, to agree to this request.
"Life is very difficult with the constant threat of violence, and things must change," he said.
"We have been very pleased that Australia's media is giving more coverage to the situation and that politicians from all sides have been speaking out about West Papua.
"In recent times, we have heard speeches supporting the human rights of the people of West Papua and criticising the actions of the Indonesian military from Greens Senator Richard di Natale, LNP Federal MP Jane Prentice and State ALP MP Judy Spence."
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Deputy mayor Illiza Sa'aduddin Djamal says she doesn't mind getting her hands dirty in her crusade against the punk community of Banda Aceh, proudly telling of how she has supervised police raids at cafes and city parks in recent months.
"The presence of the punk community is disturbing, and disrupts the life of the Banda Aceh public," Illiza told the Jakarta Globe.
Sixty-four young people have been held by the Aceh Police since Saturday for the supposed crime of being "punk". They have not been charged with any crime or brought before a court.
On Tuesday afternoon, police took the detainees to the Aceh State Police camp, located in the hills 62 kilometers outside of the city, to "re- educate" them. Mohawks and dyed hair came off as police shaved the men's heads and forced them into a lake. The women's hair was cut short in the fashion of a female police officer.
"This is a new social disease affecting Banda Aceh. If it is allowed to continue, the government will have to spend more money to handle them," the deputy mayor said, adding that religious scholars were assisting at the camp.
One of the 64 detainees, a punk music fan from Medan, North Sumatra, said he had traveled to Banda Aceh to take part in a concert that aimed to raise money for orphans.
"What is going on here? I work as a contractor for a bank in Medan. I'll probably be sacked for not coming in to work for a week," said the man, who asked to remain anonymous.
When his case was put to Illiza, the deputy mayor responded: "He's part of the punk community and whoever was caught has to go through our reeducation so they wake up."
She said the police would hold people from outside the province of Aceh for 10 days, but that Acehnese natives could be held longer. "If they join the punks, they will be treated the same as the rest of them," she added.
"They told us in their permit application that they were Aceh Youth, holding a concert to raise money for orphans, but they didn't say they were punks. They had marijuana and alcohol and everything at that concert," Illiza said.
Illiza added that public places in the city such as Taman Sari and the Tsunami Museum were becoming unattractive because young people did not take regular baths and dressed shabbily. "Their morals are wrong. Men and women gather together, and that is against Islamic Shariah," she said.
She guessed that the number of punks in the town was around 200. The punks in custody range from teenagers to people in their thirties. Illiza said that there had been some as young as twelve years old at the concert, but that they had escaped the police raid.
Fuazan, 20, an Acehnese punk whose head is now roughly shaved, said he was not impressed with his treatment at the hands of the police.
"What did we do to deserve arresting?" he asked, looking troubled. "We didn't steal and we didn't bother anyone. The punk community in Banda Aceh is not involved with criminality."
"So what's the crime that justifies us being brought to this camp? This country hasn't yet made it illegal to express yourself, right? And what of our livelihoods? Please help us," Fuazan said. "How are we supposed to support ourselves now that we've been brought here?"
Illiza, who claimed she has the support of the public, said the police would continue to hunt for punks in Banda Aceh.
"We will keep conducting raids until they're all caught, then we'll bring them for reeducation here. Aceh is a Shariah region," Illiza added. "Everyone should obey it and the punk community is clearly against Shariah. This training will be an example in Indonesia of the reeducation of the punks."
Nurdin Hasan Indonesian sharia police are "morally rehabilitating" more than 60 young punk rock fans in Aceh province on Sumatra island, saying the youths are tarnishing the province's image.
Since being arrested at a punk rock concert in the provincial capital Banda Aceh on Saturday night, 59 male and five female punk rock fans have been forced to have their hair cut, bathe in a lake, change clothes and pray.
"We feared that the Islamic sharia law implemented in this province will be tainted by their activities," Banda Aceh deputy mayor Illiza Sa'aduddin Djamal, who ordered the arrests, told AFP on Wednesday. "We hope that by sending them to rehabilitation they will eventually repent."
Hundreds of Indonesian punk fans came from around the country to attend the concert, organised to raise money for orphans.
Police stormed the venue and arrested fans sporting mohawks, tattoos, tight jeans and chains, who were on Tuesday taken to a nearby town to undergo a 10-day "moral rehabilitation" camp run by police.
A girl cried as women in headscarves cut her long unruly hair into a short bob, and some of the men groaned as their heads were shaved, according to an AFP correspondent at the camp.
"Why did they arrest us? They haven't given us any reason," said Fauzal, 20. "We didn't steal anything, we weren't bothering anyone. It's our right to go to a concert."
A 22-year-old man from Medan city, who did not want to be named, said he feared he would lose his job for staying at the camp for 10 days. "I've just started with a bank in Medan. I don't even know what to tell them because I don't know why I've been arrested."
Police said the objective was to deter the youths from "deviant" behaviour. "They never showered, they lived on the street, never performed religious prayers," Aceh police chief Iskandar Hasan told AFP. "We need to fix them so that they will behave properly and morally. They need harsh treatment to change their mental behaviour."
A local rights activist Evi Narti Zain said the arrests breached human rights. "What the police have done is totally bizarre. Being a punk is just a lifestyle. They exist all over the world and they don't break any rules or harm other people," she said.
Hasan denied the accusation, claiming the rehabilitation programme was merely an "orientation into normal Indonesian society".
Aceh, on the northernmost tip of Sumatra island, adopted partial sharia law in 2001 as part of a special autonomy package aimed at quelling separatist sentiment. Only Muslims can be charged under sharia law, although the non- Muslim community is expected to follow some laws out of respect.
Nearly 90 percent of Indonesia's 240 million people are Muslims, but the vast majority practise a moderate form of Islam.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Dozens of young people were being held and punished by Aceh police on Tuesday for the supposed crime of being "punk," despite not being charged with any crime nor being brought before a court.
The 64 music lovers, some of whom had come from as far as Jakarta and West Java, were arrested by regular and Shariah police as they held a charity concert in Banda Aceh's Taman Budaya park on Saturday night.
Banda Aceh police took the arrestees on Tuesday afternoon to the Aceh State Police School for "reeducation." Aceh police chief Ins. Gen. Iskandar Hasan described the punishment awaiting them when they reached the police school in the Seulawah hills, 62 kilometers east of he capital.
"There will be a traditional ceremony. First their hair will be cut. Then they will be tossed into a pool. The women's hair we'll cut in the fashion of a female police officer," Iskander said on Tuesday. "Then we'll teach them a lesson."
Iskander denied the punishment constituted a breach of human rights. "We'll change their disgusting clothes. We'll replace them with nice clothes. We'll give them toothbrushes, toothpaste, shampoo, sandals and prayer gear. It will all be given to them," he said.
"I'll remind [police] not to breach human rights. We are oriented to educating our community, our nation. This is our country too, right?" Iskandar said he would invite the Muslim Cleric Council to participate in "restoring their [the arrestees'] right thinking and morals."
Human rights groups opposed the action. Evi Narti Zain, executive director of the Aceh Human Rights Coalition, said the police's action was violent and illegal.
"What is this education? The police's action is inconsistent because the punks did nothing wrong," Evi said. "Punk music is their way of expressing themselves. It is normal and is found all around the world. It's their right to express their freedom. There's nothing wrong with punk kids."
Aceh Legal Aid Foundation's director, Hospinovizal Sabri, said he had tried to get the young people released since their arrest on Saturday night.
"On the night the punks were arrested by the Police and Shariah Police we met with them, and we went again to the police station and spoke to some of them this morning [Tuesday]," Hospinovizal said. "We are working hard to have them released because they have breached no law."
Hospinovizal said he aimed to take a habeas corpus type action before a judge to have the court force the police to release the young people. "There's a perception from some quarters in Aceh that they are human rubbish, but it is clear they are innocent and are only expressing their independence in their own way."
Iskandar said their date of release would "depend on the budget from the regional government."
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh About a thousand police officers, out of 13,000, in Aceh were identified as drug users, Aceh police chief Ins. Gen. Iskandar Hasan said on Tuesday.
Iskandar said the number of police officers who were found to be drug users was between 850 and 1,000. One hundred and eighty nine of the officers were sent to a month-long training and guidance session for drug users at the Aceh Police station.
"We'll see whether they will change or not in a month using the indicators we have set up," Iskandar said. "If they cannot be changed, we're going to fire them."
The National Narcotics Agency conducted hair tests to determine if the officers were using drugs. A former subdistrict police chief was among those who tested positive. Iskandar said drug dealers want police officers to become drug users.
"It's their strategy to get to the legal enforcers, such as police, military and prosecutors," he said. "It is a strategy to secure their networks. If all the legal enforcers are silent, who will arrest them?"
Regardless of training and guidance, the police who were found to be drug users will be punished. Part of their salaries will be stopped, they will not be promoted or allowed to continue their studies.
Iskandar had previously said that Aceh was known as an international distribution point for crystal methamphetamine, with drugs coming from Malaysia and being distributed to other regions of Indonesia. Aceh is also known for its high quality of marijuana.
Antara & Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Arab movies good. Punk rock bad. That was the message from the staunchly Islamic province of Aceh, where authorities in the capital scrapped a scheduled punk rock concert but allowed a film festival screening Arabic movies to go ahead as planned.
Illiza Sa'aduddin Djamal, the deputy mayor of Banda Aceh, said on Sunday that the reason the concert was canceled was because the organizers had "fooled" the authorities into granting them a permit to hold the event.
"The concert would have been an abomination to Islamic teaching, and they also committed a permit violation," he said. Djamal alleged that the concert organizers falsely claimed in their request for a permit from Aceh's Consultative Assembly of Ulema (MPU) that the concert was a charity event whose proceeds would go to orphanages.
The deputy mayor did not say how or whether the authorities had even been able to disprove the claim.
"We don't want this kind of mistake happening again. We also call on parents to monitor their children to prevent them from being influenced by these questionable communities," he said. "This [punk] group threatens [Islamic] faith and deviates very widely from Islamic teachings, which is why we had to break up the concert."
People had come from as far as Jakarta and West Java for the event. They were rounded up and arrested on Thursday as they gathered at Taman Budaya park ahead of the scheduled start of the concert.
Sr. Comr. Armensyah Thay, the Banda Aceh Police chief, said the young people would be duly processed and those found in possession of drugs would be charged.
It was a whole different story, however, for the Arab Film Festival, which took place at Ulee Kareng Epicentrum in the capital. Authorities in Aceh have frequently been criticized for trying to impose Arabic cultural values there, although organizers of the film festival said their event was meant to do the opposite.
Fauzan Santa, rector of the Dokarim Writing School, which organized the festival, said the purpose was to spark a revival of Acehnese culture by showing how far removed it was from Arabic culture.
This, he said, was seen in the festival's slogan, "Sinoe Aceh sideh Arab, sinoe sideh hana rab," an Acehnese saying that translates to "Here is Aceh, there is Arabia, here and there are far apart."
"This film festival isn't just about entertainment, but through it we hope the people can distinguish between culture and religion," Fauzan said.
"For so long the Acehnese have assumed that Arabic culture is Islamic culture, when in fact it's just the culture of one particular group of people. Arabic culture is not Islamic culture because the latter is universal. Aceh has its own culture, so let's not get caught up in adopting Shariah law and stop assuming that everything that comes from Arabic culture is Islamic and hence has to be done here too."
Fakhrurradzie Gade, Aceh The man known as Indonesia's "green governor" chases the roar of illegal chainsaws through plush jungles in his own Jeep. He goes door-to-door to tell families it's in their interest to keep trees standing.
That's why 5,000 villagers living the edge of a rich, biodiverse peat swamp in his tsunami-ravaged Aceh province feel so betrayed.
Their former hero recently gave a palm oil company a permit to develop land in one of the few places on earth where orangutans, tigers and bears still can be found living side-by-side violating Indonesia's new moratorium on concessions in primary forests and peatlands.
"Why would he agree to this?" said Ibduh, a 50-year village chief, days after filing a criminal complaint against Aceh Gov. Irwandi Yusuf. "It's not just about the animals," he said, men around him nodding. "Us too. Our lives are ruined if this goes through."
Irwandi a former rebel whose life story is worthy of a Hollywood film maintains the palm oil concession is by the book and that he would never do anything to harm his province. But critics say there is little doubt he broke the law.
The charges against him illustrate the challenges facing countries like Indonesia in their efforts to fight climate change by protecting the world's tropical jungles which would spit more carbon when burned than planes, automobiles and factories combined.
Despite government promises, what happens on the ground is often a different story. Murky laws, graft and mismanagement in the forestry sector and shady dealings with local officials means that business often continues as usual for many companies.
"This is really a test case," said Chik Rini, a World Wildlife Fund campaigner, noting that while it's not uncommon for timber, pulp, paper and palm oil companies to raze trees in protected areas, few developments occur in areas that seem so obviously off limits. "If they get away with it here, well, then no forests are safe."
Ibduh, the village chief, sits on the floor of a house rolling a cigarette as he and other men try to understand why after years of stalling Irwandi agreed on Aug. 25 to give PT Kallista Alam a permit to convert 4,000 acres of peat swamp forest in the heart of the renowned Leuser Ecosytem.
In addition to being home to almost every large animal found in Disney's adaptation of "The Jungle Book," it's teeming with thousands of plant and insect species, many yet to be identified.
Irwandi says there's nothing amiss with the concession. "I know what I have to do for the people of Aceh," the 51-year-old says, alleging that political opponents in coming provincial elections are trying to turn the tide against him.
But Ahmad Fauzi Mas'ud, spokesman for the Forestry Ministry, agrees with critics that things don't sound right. "We haven't received the documents for this license yet," he said by telephone as he boarded a plane in the capital Jakarta. "But if it's inside peatland, it can't be converted."
A copy of the map of the new concession, obtained by The Associated Press, has it sitting squarely on a parcel of peatland forest identified as off limits under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's moratorium enacted in May.
For environmentalists, it's an all too familiar story. Fifty years ago in Indonesia, more than three-quarters of the archipelagic nation of 240 million people was blanketed in tropical rain forest. But half those trees have since disappeared.
Aceh offered a uniquely clean slate when its separatist insurgency came to an end after the devastating 2004 tsunami. The decades-long conflict had kept illegal logging at bay.
Irwandi, well-educated with a laid-back style and quick wit, made protecting Aceh's forests one of his first goals when he surprised the pundits and won the governorship in 2006. He was a former rebel, but not the fighting kind. For years, he'd led the propaganda campaign for the insurgents who saw the government in Jakarta as self-serving and corrupt.
He was serving a nine-year sentence for treason when the tsunami hit, crashing down the walls of the prison. "I didn't escape from prison," the rebel-turned-politician likes to say. "It escaped from me."
Irwandi fled to Jakarta, then Malaysia and finally Finland where he ended up joining exiled leaders of the Free Aceh Movement in negotiating an end to fighting after the tsunami with both sides eager to end the suffering.
After his return and election win, Irwandi immediately banned logging in Aceh. To this day, he can often be seen pulling over on the side of the road when spotting a pile of recently felled trees. He also makes spot checks at old logging camps and saw mills.
Which is why his turnabout on the Tripa swamp forest home to the world's densest population of critically endangered Sumatran orangutans has left Ibduh and other villagers so confused and angry.
Already excavators have started knocking down trees and churning up soil. Drainage canals also have been built and villagers' drinking wells are already noticeably drier as result, they say. Security forces are deployed by the palm oil company along the perimeter of the forest, guns raised when anyone tries to enter.
Ibduh and other other, older men recall happier times when they could still earn money collecting rattan, honey and herbs for traditional medicine. Not long ago, they say proudly, pristine swamps and the Tripa river were teeming with catfish so large that many of them were able to earn enough at the local market to go to Mecca for the hajj pilgrimage.
Even now, gliding in a small wooden boat down the broad river that slices through the spectacular Tripa forests, saltwater crocodiles can be seen slipping silently from view. A rhinoceros hornbill lifts off with a gentle helicoptorish whoosh.
And as skies darken, troops of monkeys clamor in the branches above to settle in for the night. "But for how long?" asks Safari, 32, one of the men. "When that forest is cleared, these animals will all be gone, every last one of them."
Banjir Ambarita The Free Papua Organization says 14 of its members died when the police raided one of its sites in the district of Paniai on Tuesday.
Leo Yeimo, spokesman for the Paniai chapter of the outlawed rebel group known as the OPM, said on Thursday that the bodies of all those killed had been evacuated from the group's former headquarters in Eduda. The site has since been transformed into a police station.
"We were constantly attacked by Indonesian security forces from the land as well as from helicopter. They even fired randomly at our headquarters, so many people fell victim," he said.
"We are still being pursued [on Thursday]," he said. "Helicopters are constantly looking for our hideouts. We know the terrain better so we will fight until the last drop of blood we have, we will never surrender."
Leo said six OPM guerillas had been badly injured in the police raid. He identified the injured as Paskalis Kudiai, 15; Martinus Kudiai, 30; Amandus Kudiay, 43; Daud Mote, 40; Yohan Yogi, 21; and Mon Yogi, 20. All six suffered gunshot wounds. It is unclear what if any treatment they are receiving.
Leo said that the group's leader, John Magay Yogi, escaped the raid unharmed. "The bodies of those who were killed have been evacuated to the forest and have been buried at our current hideout," he said.
The OPM spokesman said the guerrillas would launch an attack against security forces if they continued to harass civilians. "If you are looking for us don't threaten the people. Villagers have had enough, they are scared of security officials and fleeing their villages," he said.
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wachyono said he could not confirm the OPM claims. "We don't know if there were casualties on the [OPM] side. What is clear is that they were attacked because they attacked us first," he said. "We will not tolerate any insurgency."
Wachyono said the police had confiscated two assault rifles and 53 rounds of ammunition as well as dozens of sharp weapons and bows from the OPM base. He said officers also seized combat gear and hundreds of documents and separatist paraphernalia, including an outlawed Morning Star Flag, a symbol of Papuan independence.
Supplies for the newly minted police station are being airlifted in because the surrounding area is not yet secure.
Police have intensified their crackdown on the OPM after a recent series of suspected guerrilla attacks in the province left five officers dead.
Reports of violence in Paniai district have increased dramatically in recent weeks, with security forces launching a renewed offensive there. According to people living in Eduda, more police officers and military soldiers poured into the area on Tuesday and Wednesday, displacing a number of civilian residents.
Anti-graft organization Indonesian Corruption Watch will report the subsidiary of US mining giant Freeport-McMoRan to the US Department of Justice next month for involvement in a bribery case.
"We're drafting the report and we will send it in one or two months," deputy chairman of ICW Adnan Topan Husodo said during a national seminar on corruption on Thursday. He said that US law does not allow US companies operating in other countries to take part in bribery.
Human rights group Imparsial revealed that police received $64 million from Freeport between 1995 and 2004. National Police spokesman Gen. Timur Pradopo verified the payments, calling them "lunch money." Timur promised an audit.
"Even though it is being called a grant from Freeport, it was not supposed to be given to the National Police," Adnan said. "The security budget should be given to the state budget because the National Police are a government institution funded by the state budget, instead of by a private company."
Adnan said receiving money outside of the state budget equaled bribery. "Letting the police receive 'security payments' from private institutions will disrupt police independence," he said.
Jakarta PT Freeport Indonesia workers have finally agreed to end their strike after the copper and gold mining giant decided to increase their wages by up to 40 percent.
According to Freeport spokesman Ramdani Sirait, the company has agreed to increase workers' base wages by 24 percent in the first year and 13 percent in the second year of their employment contracts. This would be equal to a 40 percent increase over two years on a compounded basis.
"In addition, Freeport has agreed to provide improved benefits including enhancements to shift and work location incentives, housing allowances, educational assistance and retirement savings plans," Ramdani said in a written statement
"For humanitarian purposes, Freeport has also agreed to pay a one-time signing bonus equivalent to three months of base wages."
Freeport and its workers union have also agreed that future wage negotiations will be based on living expenses and the competitiveness of wages within Indonesia.
Labor union spokesperson Juli Parorrongan said the current monthly wages ranged from Rp 3.3 million (US$361) to Rp 5.5 million. Juli said the union still not satisfied with the new arrangements.
"However, we decided to agree on the increase because we have to consider the humanitarian aspect, given that the striking workers have not been paid by Freeport for the last three months. We were forced to agree to end the strike, but this is not the end of our struggle," Juli told The Jakarta Post over the phone on Wednesday. Juli added that workers would go back to work on Saturday.
He added that labor union chief Sudiro and Freeport Indonesia president director Armando Mahler had signed a memorandum of understanding to end the strike which, has crippled the company's production from its Grasberg mine.
"The memorandum of understanding is an entry point and will be stated in a more comprehensive agreement that will be discussed later," Juli said.
Around 8,000 workers at the Grasberg mining site, which holds the world's largest recoverable reserves of copper, have been on strike since Sept. 15, demanding higher wages.
Prior to the strike, the labor union announced in July demands for Freeport to pay workers $35 per hour. According to the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, the union later reduced its demand to $17.50 per hour in August, $7.50 an hour in October and $4 an hour more recently.
The prolonged negotiations between Freeport and the union followed repeated calls from politicians and government officials to renegotiate the government's contract with Freeport. The contract, renewed in 1991 and due to expire in 2021, has been said to position Indonesia on the losing side.
In October, the strike turned violent when two protesters were shot dead by police during a rally in Timika, the closest town to the Grasberg mine.
Freeport's main pipeline carrying copper and gold ore concentrate from the mine to the port was also sabotaged, and large amounts of concentrate stolen. The turbulent period resulted in the deaths of more than a dozen people in areas near Freeport's operations.
The strike and violence led Freeport to suspend its milling operation on Oct. 22. During the dispute, the Grasberg mining site's production was reduced to only 5 percent of its normal output of 230,000 metric tons per day. (rcf)
Jakarta The Free Papua Movement (OPM) has said that it is waiting for instructions to strike back after claiming that three of its fighters were injured in an armed clash with the police on Tuesday.
"There were victims from our side. We are still waiting for an order to fight back against Indonesian officers," an OPM spokesman, Leo Yeimo, said on Wednesday, as quoted by tempo.co.
He said that the three OPM members injured in the shooting with the police were: 15 year-old Paskalis Kudiai, who was shot in the head, 21 year-old Yohan Yogi, who was shot in the foot, and 20 year-old Mon Yogi, who was shot in the back.
The police earlier revealed that one Mobile Brigade (Brimob) officer was shot and injured in the shooting that took place in Paniai, not far from Timika, Papua, at 10:30 a.m. local time.
Tensions between the police and OPM in Paniai have been mounting since Nov. 30 when the separatist group burned down a district office and damaged seven bridges in the area. Armed conflict between the two groups has caused hundreds of Paniai residents to evacuate the area. (awd)
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura, Papua Papuan police have lifted the Indonesian flag, replacing the Morning Star flag, at an office believed to be the headquarters of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) in Eduda, Paniai. The headquarters will be turned into a police office.
Papuan police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wachyono said on Wednesday that police and military members raided and took over the headquarters.
"Hundreds of OPM members escaped to the mountains," Wachyono said. "A double loop gun, dozens of bullets, some Morning Star [flags] and some sharp weapons have been confiscated by police."
A member of the police Brigade Mobile unit was wounded by gun fire during the raid.
Wachyono said police decided to raid the headquarters because the group, under the leadership of John Magay Yogi, often attacked police officers and took their weapons.
"After John Yogi replaced his father leading the OPM Paniai branch, there were often attacks directed at officers, as well as weapon seizures. On Aug. 16 they attacked a police office and set a bridge on fire in Paniai Timur," Wachyono said. "He [John Yogi] is allegedly behind all of the incidents."
Papua police are anticipating counterattacks after the headquarter take over. "They could attack police offices or posts in suburb areas, so we putting all members on highly alert," Wachyono said. "The officers that have weapons are not allowed to patrol alone."
Paniai police chief Adj. Comr. Jannus Siregar said that crossfire ended today. "They were trying to attack while firing towards our officers in Eduda," Jannus said. "When the officers fired back, they ran into the forest."
According to people living in Eduda, from Tuesday until Wednesday morning, there were increasing numbers of police and military officers deployed in Eduda causing civilians to leave the region.
Wachyono, however, denied that people were leaving the region because of their fear of police. "There were no people evacuating," he said. "Instead, the people who have been disturbed by the group have reported to police asking for protection."
According to him, John's group often forcefully asked for money from civilians and threatened them.
[Additional reporting by Antara.]
Banjir Ambarita It has been revealed that the officer who died after setting himself and part of a police dormitory in Serui, Yappen Islands, Papua, on fire had a history of mental illness and had previously attempted to set fire to the provincial police headquarters, Papua Police confirmed on Wednesday.
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wachyono told the Jakarta Globe that the officer, Brig. Yosef Resubun, had once attempted to burn down Papua Police Headquarters in Jayapura, though he was caught lighting papers.
He said Yosef was detained for 21 days, during which time he was examined psychologically. "When arrested, his mental condition was checked and it was discovered that he had a mental disorder, though it was not permanent."
Wachyono said the officer was transferred to Yapen Islands Police. "He was transferred because in addition to attempting to set the police headquarters on fire, he also had a mental disorder," he said, "Throughout his time in Serui, he had been under surveillance, but sadly he set himself on fire."
Asked whether the depression was due to heavy work pressures, Wachyono said the incident was still under investigation.
A three-month labour strike at Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc's Grasberg mine in Indonesia looks to be nearing the endgame, after sources said the US-based miner and a workers union were expected to sign a pay deal on Tuesday.
The worst ever labour disruption in Indonesia's mining industry, which began in September, has crippled production at the world's second-biggest copper mine in the remote province of Papua.
Below are some facts and figures on Freeport Indonesia and the strike: The two sides have agreed to a pay rise of 40 percent over two years to end Indonesia's longest-running industrial dispute, and will sign the agreement in Jakarta, say sources. The current pay is $2-$3 an hour. The union had demanded an hourly rate of $7.50.
[Sources: Reuters, Freeport website.Reporting by Michael Taylor.]
Arientha Primanita Coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs Djoko Suyanto on Monday denied that there are political prisoners detained in Papua as alleged by human rights organizations.
"No political prisoners in Papua," Djoko said. "I told Amnesty International that there are only criminals. In a seminar or demonstration, no one was detained unless there was also violence and destruction at the event."
Djoko said he met Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific director Sam Zarifi last week. He said it was up to Amnesty International to believe the government's statement, but claimed that the government has done its best for the advancement of Papua.
At least 90 people are in prison in Papua and Maluku for peaceful pro- independence activities, including Filep Karma, a Papuan independence leader currently serving a 15-year sentence in Abepura, Papua. Filep's case has received special attention by the human rights group.
On Dec. 1, 2004, Filep organized a peaceful demonstration in Abepura in which the banned Morning Star flag was raised. Filep was subsequently sentenced in May 2005 for treason and stoking unrest.
Washington-based Freedom Now said Filep, 51, would become one of 13 political prisoners around the world for whom it was currently campaigning, joining the likes of last year's Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo. The organization is also known for having worked for the release of now-free Burmese democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
Djoko said the Indonesian government was accused of violating human rights with legal enforcers abusing and killing people. He said that the government, on the contrary, should not use violence and that local people abuse legal enforcers.
"If military or police officers violate the law, they will be taken to military trial," he said. "And if ordinary people breach [the law] and police hunt them, it is for the sake of legal enforcement and not a human rights violation."
Djoko said he explained in the meeting the government's plan for Papua's development.
Ririn Radiawati Kusuma Tony Wenas, the vice chairman of the Indonesian Mining Association, said on Sunday that he was worried a union decision to extend its three-month strike at the Freeport mine in Papua would hurt the country's investment climate.
Juli Parorrongan, a union spokesman, was on Saturday quoted by Bloomberg as saying that the workers would continue their strike until at least Jan. 15. He said they had informed the manpower authority in Papua of the decision on Dec. 5.
About 8,000 of the 12,000 workers at the Grasberg mine, one of the largest copper and gold mines in the world, have been on strike since Sept. 15 seeking higher wages. The mine is owned by Freeport Indonesia, a subsidiary of US miner Freeport-McMoRan.
Tony, who until recently was president director of International Nickel Indonesia, a nickel mining company, said he was worried the strike could "spread to other mining companies."
The worst outcome, he said, would be if workers at manufacturing companies also started following suit. He said that apart from regulatory uncertainty, labor issues were key factors for investors in deciding whether to bring their money to Indonesia.
Juli was quoted as saying that workers "want to encourage further discussion aimed at settling the problem as soon as possible." He added that an agreement would immediately end the strike.
The Grasberg workers originally demanded a pay increase to $30 to $200 an hour, from $1.50 to $3 an hour. Their demand has since fallen to $7.50 an hour. The company has so far only be en willing to raise salaries by 35 percent over two years.
Freeport Indonesia spokesman Ramdani Sirait told the Jakarta Globe in a text message on Sunday that a 20-kilometer concentrate pipeline from mining sites to the port had been damaged during the strike, causing Freeport to be unable to deliver concentrate to a firm that processes it in Gresik, East Java. "We still can't deliver the material to the port," he said.
The strike caused Freeport to declare force majeure at the end of October on concentrate shipments from Grasberg because it couldn't fulfill certain contractual obligations. Grasberg is currently operating at about 5 percent of its daily 230,000 metric ton capacity because of the work stoppage, a mi ning official has said.
Strikers at PT Freeport Indonesia in Papua say they will remain on strike into 2012 if no agreement can be reached with management on new wages.
"At the moment the strike is still on and has been extended until Jan. 15, 2012," Freeport Indonesia employee union spokesman Juli Parorongan said on Sunday, as quoted by kontan.co.id.
The strikers who are holding firm to a reduced hourly wage offer of US$7.50, down from an initial demand for $43 would return to work as soon as a deal was struck, Juli said.
The union leader said he was confident management would soon agree to increase wages for the workers and seal a deal. "Negotiations are still ongoing, but it seems that we are coming close to an agreement," he said.
Tensions have escalated since 1,000 Freeport Indonesia employees went on strike on September 15, blocking access to the mining site. During subsequent demonstrations several people were shot dead by security officers.
New resolutions on Papua by the Australian Labor Party have been described as a shift in discourse in Canberra on issues around Indonesia's eastern region.
Resolutions adopted at the ALP national conference include calls for independent observers, media and human rights NGOs to be allowed access to Papua.
The ALP also wants those responsible for rights abuses, and for the killings and violence during the recent Papuan People's Congress, to be tried.
Camellia Webb-Gannon, who recently completed a PHD about the West Papua independence movement at Sydney University, says it's a departure from the ruling party's previous deferrals to Indonesian territorial sovereignty.
"That's significant and it probably reflects the media attention, the weighing in of Amnesty International, and other human rights organisations like Human Rights Watch and the campaign to free political prisoners, and that kind of thing. It probably just reflects the heightened awareness in general about West Papua that's taking place."
Peter Alford, Jakarta After months of delay during which the Papuan situation has sharply deteriorated, the Yudhoyono administration's last shot at bridging the chasm between Jakarta and its troublesome eastern-most region is finally about to be fired.
The Unit to Accelerate Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) might be Jakarta's final chance not just Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's to peacefully resolve Papua's political future "within the unitary Indonesian state". UP4B, under retired Lieutenant General Bambang Darmono, is establishing offices and staff in the two Papuan provinces and will begin working on the ground early next year.
With a mandate to co-ordinate all government development activities towards "improving people's welfare" through "socio-economic" and "socio-political and cultural development", UP4B also has as-yet vaguely defined responsibilities for improving conditions of security and justice.
Stiff resistance to UP4B's involvement in security and political affairs, even within Mr Yudhoyono's cabinet, delayed the unit's establishment from May until September 20 when he finally signed the decree.
The concern was that political dialogue under the aegis of improving material conditions for Papuans in their homelands would aggravate the unhealed wounds of Indonesia's forced incorporation of the territory between 1962 and 1969.
General Darmono and Farid Husain, now the President's special envoy for Papuan dialogue, were key players in the 2005 Aceh peace agreement and argued that economic development without political settlement was doomed to fail.
Meanwhile, events had galloped ahead: escalating security forces-versus- separatist clashes; a violent strike at the giant Grasberg copper and goldmine now in its fourth month; three protesters killed at the Third Papuan People's Congress; and big rallies and illegal flag-raisings on "Free Papua" day, December 1.
Conviction is rapidly spreading among politically active Papuans that "special autonomy" has so failed them that only an independence referendum will satisfy.
"Papuan people have rejected special autonomy status. Now they have offered UP4B. What on earth is that?" said Saul Bomay, a community representative at a meeting on Wednesday with General Darmono.
Apriadi Gunawan and Yuli Tri Suwarni, Medan/Bandung North Sumatra has been ranked second after Jakarta in terms of the highest number of human rights violation cases this year, the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) reports. North Sumatra was ranked third after Jakarta and East Java last year.
The rank of human rights violations in Indonesia is based on the number of human rights violation cases reported by members of the public to Komnas HAM. Based on data gathered by Komnas HAM from January until November this year, the five provinces with the highest number of human rights violations is Jakarta (866 dossiers), North Sumatra (446), East Java (432), West Java (417) and West Sumatra (315).
Komnas HAM commissioner Syafruddin Ngulima Simeuleu said the five provinces were often placed in the top five in terms of human rights violation cases.
Last year, he added, the five provinces were also placed in the top five of human rights violators. The difference this year, said Syafruddin, was that North Sumatra rose to second position, while East Java dropped to third.
He added the highest number of human rights violation cases reported by the public to Komnas HAM was on land disputes, including people evicted in areas around the new Kuala Namu Airport in Deli Serdang regency.
Syafruddin said apart from the land disputes, human rights violations in the province also include people's rights in obtaining welfare and justice. He added that in general, human rights violations taking place over the last two years in a number of provinces, including North Sumatra, was omission.
"Human rights violations reported by citizens to Komnas HAM this year is mostly due to omission rather than commission," Syafruddin told The Jakarta Post after speaking in a human rights seminar in Medan on Tuesday.
He described that human rights violation by omission could be interpreted as negligence, in which the institutions should have acted over an issue but failed to do so, while violation by commission can be interpreted that the institutions did what they should not have done.
In Bandung, West Java, around 300 evictees, human rights, labor and environmental activists, affiliated with the West Java People's Alliance (Aljabar), commemorated World Human Rights Day on Tuesday by holding a joint prayer for Indonesian human rights hero Munir.
The demonstrators staged the rally in front of the Gedung Sate governor's office and West Java legislative building in Bandung by carrying banners and posters against injustice and prayed for Sondang Hutagalung, a Bung Karno University student in Jakarta who set fire to himself in front of the State Palace last week.
"What the people say and what Sondang did is the peak of people's frustration against the leaders," said rally coordinator Dadan.
Jakarta Human rights groups have given President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration poor marks with regard to its commitment to upholding human rights.
According to a report by human rights watchdog Setara Institute, Indonesia's human rights index for 2011 is below standard at only 2.3 on a scale of zero to seven.
"The government has done almost nothing to resolve human rights violations in this country. Our report shows that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has yet to punish perpetrators of serious human rights violations such as the incidents in Wamena and Wasior in Papua, or the murder of human rights activist Munir," Setara Institute's chairman Hendardi said recently.
The watchdog interviewed 71 activists and community leaders from 13 provinces in Indonesia concerning eight categories of human rights enforcement: The resolution of human rights abuses of the past; freedom of expression; religious freedom; national plan on human rights action and performance of state human rights institutions; protection of the citizen; the abolition of the death penalty; the elimination of discrimination in Indonesia and the fulfillment of economic, social and cultural rights.
Ramadhian Fadillah, Jakarta Justice and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsuddin says that during the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's (SBY) leadership there have been no human rights violations. On past human rights violations, the government is the process of finding a solution.
"What is clear is that there is a genuine and serious will to find a solution to all [past violations]. But the key thing I need to convey is that during the era of our current president's leadership there have been no human rights violations", said Syamsuddin after attending a National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) workshop at the vice president's office on Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan in Central Jakarta on Saturday December 12.
According to Syamsuddin the government is in the process of finding a formulation and model to resolve outstanding past human rights violation and their prevention.
"What exists no is looking at the numbers that aren't too massive, also doing it out through personal approaches. This has already been conveyed but the means has indeed not been publicised", he said. "Be sure that before 2014, there will be good news for us all with regard to the efforts that are being made by the government, we are resolving them", he continued.
Syamsuddin was reluctant to be pinned down on providing justice to victims of past human rights violations.
"We want to take care of them although one by one but still paying attention to the principle that we are offering something as remuneration for those whose rights have been taken away. But the concrete form is up to God's will, soon we will publicise it", he explained. (aan/gah)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Although during his 2009 election campaign President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono pledged to uphold human rights, the reality over the two years of his administration indicates a different reality. Human rights violations continue to occur and are disregard by the state.
Bi Purwantari Yudhoyono's campaign promises covered guarantees of freedom and human rights, justice without discrimination, non- discriminatory politics and protecting women and children (Institute for Human Rights Studies and Advocacy, Elsham 2010). Instead of this, what has transpired is a continuing gloomy reality in the field of human rights.
More than three quarters of respondents in a survey organised by Kompas Research & Development in 12 major Indonesian cities on December 7-9, 2011 stated that they are dissatisfied with the human rights situation under the Yudhoyono administration. This negative rating covers an assessment of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights.
In relation to civil and political rights, respondents primarily focused on state policy in guaranteeing citizens' rights to gain equal treatment before the law, obtain a sense of security, and freedom of expression and protest.
On the question of freedom of expression or protest, half of respondents said that their rights are not guaranteed. A larger proportion of respondents (74.6 percent) moreover said they do not have a sense of security from acts of violence committed either by the state or fellow citizens.
Furthermore, 81.3 percent of respondents stated that they are dissatisfied with the state's efforts to guaranteed citizens' rights as subjects under the law. This lack of a equality in the eyes of the law demonstrates an ironic situation, particularly because President Yudhoyono often states that Indonesia is a constitutional state so the law should be upheld without discrimination.
Advancements in the upholding of civil and political rights can also be assessed in terms of how a regime resolves cases of past human rights violations. According to almost 90 percent of respondents, the Yudhoyono administration has failed to deal with cases of past human rights violations. There have been almost no meaningful advances in the case of the 13 activists abducted in 1998, the shooting of students at the Trisakti campus and Semanggi in 1998 along with other cases of violence that have claimed lives in other parts of the country such as Papua.
Data collected by the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace shows that the violence committed in Wasior in 2011 and Wimena (West Papua) in 2003 has yet to be fully investigated. Ongoing cases of violence occurring in the operational area of the PT Freeport Indonesia mine in West Papua also add to the public's pessimism about the Yudhoyono administration's protection of the Papuan people's right to life.
The neglect of past cases of human rights violations can be categorised as a state crime that will continue until there is information on or an acknowledgement of the fate and whereabouts of the victims.
Similar to the situation with regard to civil and political rights, economic, social and cultural rights represent basic rights that the state is obliged to fulfill in order to ensure that the dignity and welfare of citizens are protected. Included in this is the right to employment, a place to live and a reasonable education. In the public's eyes, the fulfillment of these rights by the state is still far from their expectations.
In the case of the right to employment for example, more than two thirds of respondents stated that their right to obtain reasonable employment is not yet protected by the state. The legalisation of contract labour systems or outsourcing is evidence that workers' rights remain unprotected. The plain fact is that 87.3 percent of respondents in this survey stated that the state does not protect workers from contract labour systems and does not provide a guarantee of adequate welfare.
Even more saddening is the death sentences handed down against Indonesian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia and Malaysia. Migrant Care data shows that as of October 2011 twenty-six migrant workers have been sentenced to death in Saudi Arabia. Other than glorifying migrant workers as "foreign exchange heroes", the state continues to disregard their protection overseas. It is this issue that generated a negative assessment by 92.2 percent of respondents in this survey with regard to the Yudhoyono administration's performance in protecting migrant workers.
In many cases, the resolution of human rights violations relies on the existence of state institutions, such as the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM). The principal task of this institution, which was formed in 1993, is to investigate cases of human rights violations, and it has become an institution that is relied upon to uncover these violations. The institution's limited authority however has resulted in Komnas HAM's investigations often ending up as just recommendations on paper. Cases of human rights violations uncovered by Komnas HAM are also unable to be taken before the courts. As a consequence, the right of victims to obtain justice has not been realised.
It is in this context that the public believes that institutions such as Komnas HAM have been unable to resolve cases of human rights violations. More than half of respondents stated that they are dissatisfied with Komnas HAM's performance in this regard. Apparently the public will still have to fight in order to win their basic rights. (Litbang Kompas)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
I. Evaluation of government
Public satisfaction with the government's efforts to guarantee the following rights
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Satisfaction with the government's efforts in handling cases of human rights violations
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In general, are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the government's handling of human rights violations in Indonesia?
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Are the following rights being protected?
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II. Komnas HAM
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Humans, regardless of their social, economic and ethnic background, hold in high esteem justice, dignity and freedom from persecution, and Papuans, who have faced decades of rights violations, are no exception. Such was the story Amnesty International Asia-Pacific program director Sam Zarifi told during a recent interview with The Jakarta Post's Mariel Grazella. Sam was visiting Jakarta to discuss human rights in Papua with Coordinating Legal, Political and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto.
Question: How did the meeting with the minister come to be?
Answer: The meeting was really at the invitation of President [Susilo Bambang] Yudhoyono, who suggested publicly that the government should meet with Amnesty International.
That was an important step because for years now we have not been talking to the Indonesian government about Papua. [Papua] was almost a word that we could not use in government meetings. The meeting yesterday [Dec. 6] was really between the coordinating minister and his immediate deputies who are involved with the situation in Papua.
What topics were laid out during the discussion?
The focus was absolutely on Papua. I think that the minister was anxious to convey the Indonesian government's position in Papua by explaining that there was a new approach in the administration's mind towards Papua, and that the administration was stepping away from a military response and was looking at increased economic development as well as political development.
It was a positive meeting in that Amnesty International was also able to raise its own points including criticisms of the government very, very openly. The coordinating minister did not respond by being defensive.
On what points did both sides agree?
There were some essentially practical issues, for instance the 2001 Law on Special Autonomy, which Amnesty International believes has some good provisions. And I think the administration also understands that the failure to implement that law has resulted in some problems.
I think it was important for us to point out that there were important human rights provisions in that law that have also not been implemented that would have been very helpful, specifically the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission and the creation of a human rights court to deal with the situation in Papua.
Amnesty International pointed out that some of the disciplinary measures enacted by the government in response to human rights violations had been disproportionately low and I think the coordinating minister could not factually disagree with that.
Did any disagreements issue forth as well?
An important issue for us is the release of political prisoners held in Papua and Maluku. The coordinating minister explained that he understood that perhaps the international standards of freedom of expression were somewhat different from the law currently in practice in Indonesia regarding free expression.
He suggested that the government would be implementing the laws as they are but we pointed that from a legal point of view the implementation was a violation of Indonesia's international legal obligations and that the existence of political prisoners in Indonesia at this point simply hurts the country's global standing.
There are local rights group that have adamantly campaigned for Papuans. How do you compare your role, as an international rights group, with theirs?
We think we are a force-multiplier for the local groups that work with us, and we can use our international standing to raise the issues that those groups raise with us.
Amid all the other rights abuse that happens in Indonesia, why has Papua caught special attention from the Western world?
There are around 90 political prisoners in Papua. I think it is unacceptable to have political prisoners in Indonesia and I think some of that international attention reflects that fact.
I think the international community expects Indonesia, which is hosting the Bali process and casting itself properly as a regional and global leader on human rights, to set things right in its own backyard.
However, international leaders have not pursued the Indonesian government with full steam in resolving the issues in Papua. Could this be due to the vested economical interest certain countries have in Papua?
There's definitely room for the international community to point out the anomaly of having political prisoners in Indonesia.
On the international stage, there's a tendency to value short-term benefits and specifically, economical benefits or military advantages over respect for human rights. This is in our view a very short-sighted approach. Overall, improved respect for human rights and rule of law, we think, has clear benefits for global relations, the economy and security situations.
And how do you rate the speed at which the government is tackling rights issues in Papua, given that these issues have become worse over the decades?
Every day that the government does not concretely improve the human rights situation, there is a waste of a day. That is absolutely clear.
There is a sense of urgency with conditions in Papua. The government feels the pressure, internationally, and most importantly, internally. So, there's absolutely no justification in delaying human rights improvement.
The term of this administration will end by 2014. How optimistic are you that a good chunk of the problems will have been resolved by then?
The legal obligations are not political. Demand for respect for freedom of expression is something that different administrations or political groups can or cannot accept as a political expedience. Indonesia has signed and ratified the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It's an international obligation, so in a sense we hope and believe that this is a non-political issue.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The struggle for justice for human rights abuse cases in Indonesia could be likened to a broken record falling on deaf ears, as activists have once again reminded the government about its duty to protect its citizens and provide justice for all.
As the country marked International Human Rights Day, which falls every Dec. 10, and preached democracy on the resort island of Bali, human rights advocates lamented the absence of state action in times of religious intolerance, and reiterated that the people of restive Papua continue to live under the threat of state violence.
Abuse cases in Papua have put Indonesia under the spotlight as tensions have escalated in the country's easternmost region following fatal shootings during the third Papuan People's Congress in Abepura, Jayapura, in October, an event that authorities claimed as "a declaration of a new country".
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has found strong evidence of police "brutality" when they forcefully dispersed the event, leading to the deaths of three Papuans and injury to dozens more.
Following protests, the National Police handed out punishments to police officers involved in the violence, but only in the form of reprimands, which critics said were nothing but a "slap on the wrist".
"The government has no adequate, clear and strong human rights policy. The President should have a strong political will to intervene with his institutions to bring justice to bear against all human rights abusers. But I don't see this; only business as usual," Komnas HAM chairman Ifdhal Kasim told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
The government's failure to resolve human rights abuse cases in the past has preserved the culture of impunity, Ifdhal said.
Numerous incidents of violence by police officers against civilians, particularly during disputes between locals and mining or plantation firms, remain unresolved.
The year 2011, Ifdhal said, has been another "dark" year for Indonesia in terms of human rights with the government being considered to have been "absent" when minority groups were persecuted.
The discrimination and persecution of religious minorities, such as the followers of the Ahmadiyah religious sect, which were also frequent this year, has "helped derail justice in the country," said Usman Hamid of the International Center for Transitional Justice.
"Delayed justice has become a common reality with the government being very slow to address human rights issues, especially when it comes to religious freedom and minorities," he said.
The most noted episode in the series of "attacks" against Ahmadis in 2011 occurred in Cikeusik, Banten, in February, in which three Ahmadis were beaten and stoned to death. In August, some of the perpetrators, including an Ahmadi, were handed down prison sentences ranging from three to five months. The guilty are now all free.
In Bogor, West Java, dozens of congregation members of the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Taman Yasmin have performed their Sunday service on the street beside their church for months. The ever watchful eyes of dozens of police officers and constant shouts of local vigilante groups have intimidated their worship.
The Yasmin church has been sealed off by the Bogor city administration since 2008, despite a Supreme Court ruling last year that upheld the legality of the church.
"The large number of intolerance-related cases cannot be separated from the failure of the government's poor political policies," Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) coordinator Haris Azhar said.
Rawagede The Dutch government formally apologized on Friday to the families of victims of a 1947 massacre on Indonesia's Java island, on the 64th anniversary of the executions by its colonial army.
Dutch troops swooped into a village in the town of Rawagede during Indonesia's fight for independence and executed men and boys as their families and neighbors looked on. Dutch officials say 150 people were killed, but a support group and the local community say the death toll was 431.
"In this context and on behalf of the Dutch government, I apologize for the tragedy that took place in Rawagede on the 9th of December, 1947," the Netherlands ambassador to Indonesia Tjeerd de Zwaan said.
He then repeated the apology in the Indonesian language, to the applause of hundreds of people attending the ceremony, some of whom broke down in tears.
In a landmark ruling, a Hague-based civil court in September found the Dutch state responsible for the executions and ruled in favour of seven widows and a survivor of the massacre who brought the case to court.
The court rejected the Dutch argument that no claim could be lodged because of an expiry in the statute of limitations in Dutch law of five years, saying it was "unacceptable."
This same argument is used by the Indonesian government to avoid trial over the torture and killings of an estimated 500,000 communists and their sympathizers in 1965-66 as the Suharto dictatorship emerged.
The ambassador said the massacre was a clear example of how Dutch- Indonesian relations could go "so wrong," and assured the community that the apology had the broad support of the Dutch people.
"I hope that by reflecting together on what happened that day we will also be able to turn together to the future and all its opportunities for close productive cooperation between the two countries," he said.
Camelia Pasandaran & Rahmat The mob attack on a journalist's home that reportedly led to his newborn daughter dying of shock has been denounced as an inhumane act by his peers.
"It goes beyond the limit of humanity," Suryanto, a member of the Makassar branch of the Indonesian Association of Journalists (AJI), said on Thursday.
Suryanto was one of scores of journalists who took to the streets of the South Sulawesi capital to rally in solidarity with Dance Henukh, a reporter with the Rote Ndao News in East Nusa Tenggara's Rote Island.
Suryanto said that he had no doubts that the attack last Sunday was sparked by Dance's previous reporting on local corruption, and blamed the horrific incident on a growing culture of violence against journalists.
He added that the stabbing of a tvOne cameraman in Jakarta earlier this week was another case in point. "There needs to be some kind of shock therapy so that these acts of violence stop," Suryanto said.
Dance, whose home was stoned and burned down by the mob, has since gone into hiding with his family because of continued threats against them.
"There is nothing left. I couldn't save anything, any belongings, not even clothes," he told the Jakarta Globe from an undisclosed location. "It is too dangerous for me and my family [to return]. So we will start a new life." So far police have questioned three witnesses in the case.
A group of election watchdogs has called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to revoke the newly established election team designated to select general election bodies' members for not representing the public.
"The president should revise his decree No. 33/2011 on the establishment of the election bodies' selection team and remove two ministers from the selection team," Indonesian Civilized Circle director (LIMA) Ray Rangkuti said in a statement released on Tuesday.
The president inaugurates the selection team designated to select the General Elections Commission (KPU) and General Elections Monitoring body (Bawaslu) members earlier this month.
Girindra Sandino, a research coordinator from the Independent Elections Monitoring Committee (KIPP) said that the two ministers who act as the team's chairman and deputy would only represent the ruling party and current presidential regime.
The selection team has Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi as its chairman, the Law and Human Rights Minister Amir Syamsudin as its deputy and eight members who all come from academic backgrounds.
"The selection team's members who all come from academic backgrounds did not represent all civilian elements and none of them come from regional areas," he said. (rpt)
Jakarta The National Mandate Party (PAN) on Sunday officially announced its leader, Hatta Rajasa, as its presidential candidate for the 2014 elections, but doubts linger about the electability of Hatta and his party.
According to a survey conducted by Indo Barometer, former president and current Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri was the frontrunner for the 2014 presidential race, backed by 22.1 of respondents, while only 1.6 percent backed Hatta, who now serves as the coordinating economic minister.
Another survey, conducted by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate, ranks Hatta 10th on a list of presidential hopefuls, with only 2.8 percent of respondents supporting him, while a survey conducted by Indoresearch showed Hatta receiving similarly minimal 2.1 percent of votes.
Syamsuddin Haris, a political observer at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said Hatta had slim chances of winning in the 2014 election, since the 58-year-old PAN member "lacked a clear base of supporters" compared to other presidential hopefuls.
"Even [PAN founder] Amien Rais, who had a clear and strong base of supporters as the former chairman of Muhammadiyah, failed in his presidential campaign," he said.
Syamsuddin went on to explain that PAN's decision to nominate Hatta as its presidential candidate was "way too premature", and said the party should instead focus on improving its electability before announcing its presidential candidate.
"The real battle for PAN is actually in the general election. PAN is a relatively small [party] in terms of electability and there is no guarantee [PAN] will pass the 2014 election threshold, which is set to increase."
PAN, which garnered 6.01 percent of the ballot in the 2009 general election, was the first party to officially declare its presidential candidate for the 2014 election.
While reports that the Golkar Party is supporting Aburizal Bakrie as its presidential candidate for 2014, the party has not yet officially announced its candidate.
Other major political parties, such as the Democratic Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), have also not yet announced presidential candidates.
Speculation has emerged that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party is currently weighing the option of forming a coalition with PAN to support Hatta's presidential bid due to the lack of powerful figures within the party who would be suitable as presidential candidates.
The already close ties between Yudhoyono and Hatta were notably strengthened when Aliya Rajasa, Hatta's daughter, wed the President's youngest son, Edhie "Ibas" Baskoro Yudhoyono.
Democratic Party chief Anas Urbaningrum dismissed the rumor. "Congratulations to Pak Hatta Rajasa for the candidateship. The Democratic Party has not yet discussed its presidential candidate, let alone a coalition [with PAN] on presidential nomination.
"We are currently concentrating on supporting President Yudhoyono's administration and continuing the party's consolidation," Anas told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Despite his low electability, leaked diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks in August revealed that the United States supported Hatta as presidential candidate for the 2014 election, describing several ministers including Hatta as "promising allies" for a "comprehensive partnership" with the US. (sat)
Jakarta Six government coalition political parties appear unwilling to reconcile their divergent views on proposed amendments to the legislative threshold, as legislators begin to deliberate revisions to the 2008 legislative election law.
Democratic Party lawmaker Gede Pasek Suardika said on Thursday that the six parties: the ruling Democratic Party, the Golkar Party, the National Awakening Party (PKB), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP), had met a day earlier to discuss for the first time the possibility for coalition members to agree on an appropriate legislative threshold during the deliberation of the law revision.
The meeting, attended by the House of Representatives' party faction leaders, ended with only minor progress achieved, as Democratic Party politician and Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Minister Syariefuddin Hasan, who led the forum, suggested that other party representatives "calm down and consider their legislative threshold proposal for the sake of the coalition."
The government has proposed a legislative threshold of 4 percent for the 2014 polls, an offer supported by the Democratic Party. The coalition's strongest party, Golkar, has sided with the biggest opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which instead wants the threshold to be set at 5 percent. Meanwhile, four smaller coalition parties, PKB, PAN, PKS and PPP, have joined with the opposition's People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and the Great Indonesian Movement Party (Gerindra) to form the so-called "central axis", which wants a 3 percent threshold.
Anita Rachman Tired of waiting, dozens of domestic workers and activists ambushed the office of the House of Representatives' Legislative Body on Wednesday to demand the domestic workers protection bill be made a priority next year.
Their efforts appeared to yield a result, with House Legislation Body chairman Ignatius Mulyono fulfilling part of their request.
A final decision, however, on whether the bill will be formally included in the 2012 National Legislation Program (Prolegnas) will be made today after the body meets with the government.
"We will monitor them, to make sure they put the bill in the 2012 Prolegnas," said Lita Anggraini, chairwoman of the National Network for Domestic Workers Advocacy (Jala PRT).
Lita, who had chained herself to the House's gate since Monday, was among the activists who went into a room in the House building ahead of a scheduled meeting there by lawmakers to finalize the 2012 Prolegnas.
"We sent three letters telling them we wanted to meet but received no good response. So this is all we can do," Lita said.
The group had been camping out in front of the House gate since Monday to demand that the Domestic Workers Protection bill be put in the 2012 Prolegnas and also that the revision of the 2003 Labor Law, which they worried would make it easier for companies to fire workers and offer less severance pay, be scrapped.
A Jala PRT study in 10 cities showed that maids suffered from bad treatment, low pay, few days off and general overwork, often being required to work more than 16 hours a day. There are an estimated 10.7 million maids in the country.
Ignatius told the workers it would be difficult to list the bill in the 2012 Prolegnas because House Commission IX, which oversees manpower and health, had decided to focus on revising a 2004 Law on Migrant Workers Placement and Protection and a nursing bill.
At first, he argued that Commission IX, which in the past year had only worked on one bill, would not be able to handle more than two bills next year. Thus, Ignatius said, there was a danger of setting too ambitious a target.
"But, well, the House Legislation Body agreed to put it [Domestic Workers Protection Bill] in the list," Ignatius said. "But it's not yet final, however, because we should wait to hear the government's opinion on this. Tomorrow is the final decision before we bring it to the House plenary."
Rieke Diah Pitaloka, an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker and a vocal member of Commission IX, said she would continue to fight for the domestic workers protection bill and do everything she could to ensure that it stayed on the 2012 agenda.
"We will also pressure the government to abandon its idea to amend the 2003 Labor Law," she added.
Fadli, Batam Amid fears of security disturbances from potentially escalating workers' rallies, Riau Islands Governor Muhammad Sani has agreed to raise the workers' minimum wage in Batam to Rp 1.4 million (US$154.5) per month.
The new Batam City Minimum Wage (UMK), which has been upped from Rp 1.3 million, will become effective on Jan. 1, 2012. The decision was reportedly taken on Tuesday under the lingering threat of workers continuing street protests, demanding a decent living wage.
It was feared more rallies would be counterproductive for businesses, which have responded warily to this latest wage increase. Employers deem the amount is too high, with its increase of 20 percent on the former cap.
Riau Islands Manpower Office head Tagor Napitupulu, who is also the head of the Riau Islands Remuneration Council told The Jakarta Post that the governor had revised the 2012 Batam UMK from RP 1,310 million to Rp 1,402 million through Decree No. 555/12/12, and had announced his decision to the labor union and Indonesian Employers' Association (Apindo) on Dec. 13.
The revision has annulled the previous decree issued on Nov. 28 on the fixed 2012 Batam UMK of Rp 1.3 million. "The governor took into consideration many aspects, especially the issue of security in Batam. He wants Batam to remain safe. If employers could not afford to pay the new UMK to workers, they should immediately send a letter to the city's remuneration council or the mayor for postponement," Tagor said.
The Batam municipal administration initially increased the minimum wage from Rp 1.1 million to Rp 1.3 million, but that was rejected by the workers. They showed their disdain by organizing rallies, before the authorities finally announced the revised cap.
Separately, the chairman of the Riau Islands chapter of Apindo, Cahaya, said the increase in the UMK in Batam by 20 percent was a fantastic amount.
"We are obliged to accept the decision for the sake of security in Batam. We have yet to take legal measures, such as filing for an appeal at the State Administrative Court because we deem that the law is no longer respected," said Cahaya.
According to him, the revision of Batam's UMK by the governor alone contravened legal procedures; therefore, Apindo has qualms if it has to go through a legal process. "The production costs in Batam can no longer be predicted. This is a signal that there is no longer legal certainty," said Cahaya.
Separately, the leader of the Confederation of Indonesian Workers' Unions (KSPSI), Saiful Badri, said his union had agreed to accept a Batam minimum wage of Rp 1.5 million, following their original demand of Rp 1.76 million. However, the union has decided to accept the new UMK of Rp 1.4 million.
"The previous offer was unfair but we can accept the current UMK sincerely and we will announce it to the workers," said Saiful.
He added that when the governor responded to the work stoppage that ended in chaos at the end of November by setting the UMK at Rp 1.3 million, all the unions rejected it and vowed to take to the streets to show their displeasure.
Anita Rachman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho A group of maids and activists has vowed to camp out in front of the legislative building in Jakarta until lawmakers make the domestic workers protection bill a priority for next year.
Going a step further, the chairwoman of the National Network for Domestic Workers Advocacy (Jala PRT), Lita Anggraini, chained herself to the House gate on Monday, releasing herself only for toilet breaks.
"The House has formed a special committee for the domestic workers protection bill. And it was in the 2010 and 2011 Prolegnas [National Legislation Program], but now it's gone. It's not listed in the 2012 Prolegnas," Lita told the Jakarta Globe.
She said many domestic helpers were crying out for protection. "We will not move until we see the bill on the list," she said.
The chairman of House Legislative Body, Ignatius Mulyono, said the bill wasn't included among the priority legislation for next year because House Commission IX, which oversees manpower and health, had to focus on two other bills. Those are a revision of the 2004 Law on Migrant Workers Placement and Protection and a nursing bill.
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker Rieke Diah Pitaloka, a vocal member of Commission IX, said the commission sent a letter to the Legislative Body saying it would work on the two bills Ignatius mentioned, plus bills on domestic workers protection and mental health.
"We urge the House to list the bill in the 2012 Prolegnas," Rieke said. "It's clear that the Constitution mandates that every citizen is entitled to a job and decent life."
Rieke said that based on data she had compiled, there are around 10.7 million maids in the country, more than the 6 million migrant workers abroad. She said it was important to have a law that would protect maids, who are ofent minors recently graduated from elementary or junior high school.
A Jala PRT study in 10 cities showed that maids suffered from bad treatment, low salaries, lack of days off and overwork, usually being required to work more than 16 hours a day.
But only a few maids, Rieke said, were brave enough to come forward and tell their stories, like Yeti from Serpong, Tangerang, who was held against her will for five days by her employer. Or Teti Komala, from Cianjur, West Java, who died from the beatings she received from her employer.
"How can we urge other countries to protect our migrant workers if we cannot protect our own domestic helpers in the country?" Rieke said.
That is why, she said, it is important for everyone to urge the House to deliberate the bill on domestic workers protection. "I will ask members of the House to support this bill," she said.
But Ignatius remained adamant, saying Commission IX would only work on two bills. "They must focus, because this year, they finished zero bills. The BPJS [social security law] was not just the work of Commission IX, because it was a special committee. So next year they should focus on those two bills."
Rieke said she was worried the government wanted to revise 2003 Labor Law to make it easier for companies to fire their workers and offer less severance pay.
Environment & natural disasters
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Aceh may soon lose part of its forests with the granting of a concession for commercial use to a private company by Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf, a decision that jeopardizes the moratorium on forest clearing, a watchdog says.
The permit issued to PT Kallista Alam to convert the protected peatland forest for use as a palm oil plantation had been legalized, thanks to the first revision of the indicative map set out in the moratorium, Elfian Effendi, the executive director of Greenomics Indonesia, said on Tuesday.
The revision, adopted in a Forestry Minister Decree that was issued on Nov. 22, allows for the issuance of permits to log and convert primary forests and peatland areas, he said.
"This revision of the indicative moratorium map has deleted one block of peatland that was already included within the palm plantation concessions of PT Kallista Alam," Elfian told The Jakarta Post.
The permit, allowing PT Kallista Alam to develop oil palm plantations on a 1,605-hectare plot of protected peatland forest in the Nagan Raya district, which is part of the Leuser ecosystem, was signed by Irwandi on Aug. 25.
The forest was initially included in the indicative moratorium map issued on June 17. However, sheet 0519 of the first revision of the indicative moratorium map (officially published on the ministry's website on Dec. 8) shows the areas are no longer protected. "It has been deleted from the revised moratorium map," Elfian said.
Greenomics Indonesia has urged Kuntoro Mangkusubroto as the chairman of the Reducing Emissions for Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) scheme to tell the public about the irregularities.
"It shows that the implementation of the moratorium has not been well organized. It lacks synergy and coordination. This is quite an embarrassment," he said.
The issuance of the permit also drew strong criticism from other environmental organizations both in Indonesia and abroad.
Kuntoro, who is also the head of the Presidential Work Unit for Development Monitoring and Control (UKP4), a body which monitors the implementation of the moratorium, criticized Irwandi's decision to issue the concession to PT Kallista Alam.
"I spent four years in Aceh during the tsunami reconstruction. Opening up the Kuala Tripa an area with high conservation value and home to many animals endemic to Indonesia is a grave mistake," Kuntoro said last week as quoted by Reuters. He also urged the Aceh provincial administration to reexamine the decision and seek an alternative location.
Eivind Homme, Norway's ambassador to Indonesia, has called on the government to investigate the case.
During a recent interview, Forestry Ministry secretary-general Hadi Daryanto told the Post that the government would impose sanctions on those responsible for illegally approving the land conversion project.
"It breaches of Presidential Instruction No. 10/2011, issued in May this year, which bans new permits on the clearing of primary forests and peatlands," he said.
Greenomics, meanwhile, pointed to an inconsistency in this statement. "It seems they said it just for the sake of having something to say. They don't have enough data to back up their claim. We are now watching quite a huge gap on the moratorium-related information between the policymakers and those who work at the operational level. And this is very misleading information," Elfian said.
To protect against environmental damage, Greenomics Indonesia urges the government to return the peatland area into the indicative moratorium map. With the next revision due in six months time, the forestry minister should immediately issue a letter to overrule the permit issued by Irwandi, he said.
The Tripa Peat Swamp in Nagan Raya regency is part of a 4.8 million-hectare area of peatland that was removed from the indicative moratorium map of primary forests and peatlands. Initially, the moratorium map covered 10.7 million hectares of peatlands that were protected against any new permits.
Bambang Soepijanto, the director general of Forestry Planology at the ministry, said the indicative moratorium plan was not permanent. "If we have new proof showing that the land does not fit the protected peat swamp zoning, we may remove the land from the [moratorium] map," he said, adding that the ministry was still investigating the case.
Vento Saudale, Bogor Influential homeowners in Bogor are reportedly preventing the city's administration from acting against 250 dwellings in the Puncak area that were built in breach of spatial planning rules, along with 12 buildings constructed without building licenses in a protected forest.
The Bogor district head, Rahmat Yasin, did not deny that the buildings were improperly sited. "There certainly are those buildings, and they're still there even though we have been trying to have them removed," he said on Friday. "We will involve relevant parties soon."
The district head agreed that the area was a vital rainwater infiltration area for Bogor as well as Jakarta, farther downstream.
"There has been a lot of research that demonstrates the decline of the Puncak area's capacity as a rainwater infiltration area," Rahmat said. "The area has been pinpointed as providing rapid runoff, which leads to flooding downstream."
Although Rahmat did not want to reply with specific details when asked about influential homeowners who live in the area, his deputy, Karyawan Faturah, was more open.
"If we want to clean up this problem then we are going to need the assistance of the central government, because a large number of these dwellings belong to 'people of influence' in Jakarta," he said.
In a 2009 survey, the spatial planning department of the Bogor district administration discovered 112 unauthorized holiday villas. In 2010 it identified another 163 of them, bringing the total to 275. The villas were built on land plots ranging from 0.1 hectares to two hectares.
The number of unauthorized villas was reduced to about 250 in late 2010, after a number of them were demolished in accordance with government orders. There have been no demolitions in 2011, but Yani Hasann, head of the local spatial planning office, says he wants to recommence the demolitions in 2012.
"We are rechecking our data to determine which villas we need to demolish," he said. "We will form a team to handle the demolitions, which will involve related agencies such as the forestry department."
An additional 12 houses have been constructed in the Gede Pangrango protected forest area, and some of them belong to former government officials, according to the Bogor administration.
These former officials reportedly include Hari Sabarno, a former home affairs minister who is now on trial for corruption; Sutiyoso, a former governor of Jakarta; Jaja Suparna, a former military reserve commander; and HBL Mantiri, a former head of the Udayana Military Command.
Most of the unauthorized villas were built after the government passed the 2007 Spatial Planning Law, a 2008 presidential decree on spatial planning and 2008 Bogor bylaw on spatial planning. These laws all aim to prevent unauthorized development in Jakarta's upstream catchment area because it aggravates flooding in the capital.
Tifa Asrianti, Jakarta The Kalimantan orangutan population is increasingly under threat, with the discovery of the remains of several of the great apes that had been killed in forests in the region in recent months.
According to the Centre for Orangutan Protection (COP), a non-governmental organization focusing on efforts to protect this endangered species, the remains of four orangutans were found recently in the concession area of PT. Sarana Titian Permata 2, one of the companies under Wilmar International group, in Central Kalimantan.
One of the dead orangutans was found hanging from a tree, apparently after having been shot, the centre reported on Sept. 6 along with other findings. Until Thursday, however, no suspects had been named in relation to the deaths.
The Wilmar Group relocated at least 75 orangutans as it cleared forests in Central Kalimantan to make way for its oil palm plantations.
Meanwhile, a total of 983 orangutans were removed from the concession area of Makin Group, Goodhope Asia, IOI Group, BW Plantation, Union Sampoerna, Triputra Persada, Musim Mas and Best Agro International, the COP says.
This figure doesn't include the orangutans that died on their way to the Nyarumenteng Reintroduction Center, managed by the Borneo Orangutan Survival Foundation, near Palangkaraya.
Hardi Baktiantoro, the center's habitat campaigner, said that rather than this program being a success, the relocation of orangutans from their original habitats exemplified the government's failure to protect the species.
Hardi said that a big problem was that the public often regarded forests as nothing but natural resources, and disregarded such areas' roles in the broader ecosystem, including as habitats for rare fauna.
He explained that palm oil plantation workers saw orangutans as pests because they sometimes ate the palm oil seedlings. However, orangutans only ventured into plantation areas because their natural habitat was being eaten up by oil palm companies, he said.
"The conflict between oil palm plantations and orangutans shows there is an overlapping in land use allocation. The government should investigate the issuance of permits at the local administration level. The government should address the orangutan deaths quickly," he said.
Daniek Hendarto, the center's orangutan campaigner, said the Forestry Ministry needed to work faster to investigate crime scenes and collect evidence when reports emerged of crimes against orangutans and other species.
The Central Kalimantan Natural Resources Conservancy Agency should learn from the East Kalimantan agency, which had demonstrated a professional approach to investigations of wildlife killing.
"Of the two orangutan killing cases handled in East Kalimantan, at least six people from two different companies were arrested. The case is now ready to go to court," he said.
Kutai Kertanegara Police in East Kalimantan had worked with the National Central Bureau (NCB) of Interpol Indonesia on the murder of orangutans in the province.
Kutai Kartanegara Police public relations division chief Adj. Sr. Comr. I Nyoman Subrata said his office had worked Interpol to investigate the orangutan deaths because one of the suspects was of foreign nationality.
Nyoman added that his office had named five suspects in the case. "We have now arrested four suspects, and have named the last one, who is the general manager of PT Khaleda Agroprima Malindo, as a suspect," he said.
Subrata said the general manager had ignored the police's first summons. The police will summon the suspect again on Thursday, he said. "If he again fails to fulfill the police summons, we will [arrest] him. Since the suspect is of Malaysian nationality and is thought to be in his country, we have requested assistance from Interpol."
Between 2008 and 2010, police declared four people suspects in relation to the killing of orangutans in Puan Cepak village, Kutai Kartanegara. The four suspects were PT KAM senior estate manager Puah Chuan, plantation chief Widi and two others, IM and MJ. The four suspects were charged with violating article 21 of the law on natural resource conservation, which carries a maximum penalty of five years' imprisonment and Rp 100 million in fines.
Police managed discovered documents showing fees paid for pest (orangutan) extermination, a rifle that was used to kill orangutans, 85 pieces of bones thought to have been from orangutans, monkeys and proboscis monkeys bekantan) as well as seven photos of orangutans being killed.
The case of orangutan killing first made headlines after a resident of Muara Kaman district reported it to authorities and provided photos to a Samarinda-based newspaper in September.
According to COP data, more than 900 orangutans have been relocated to make way for logging activities, with most rescued from oil palm plantations, while between 1,800 and 9,000 have been killed.
In Sampit, Central Kalimantan, the East Kotawaringin Natural Resources Conservancy Agency (BKSDA) rescued four orangutan babies from the local community between October and November.
One of the young orangutans was one year old and was being looked after by a health worker working at an oil palm plantation.
Jakarta The lack of transparency and accountability in the distribution of the School Operational Aid (BOS) has cost the state billions of rupiah in wasteful spending, corruption watchdogs have said.
The Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) said that the distribution of BOS throughout the year had been marked by a redundant mechanism, delays in its disbursement and mismanagement at the school level.
"These problems have led to the siphoning off of billions of rupiah which was probably lost in corruption," chairman of ICW's education division Febri Hendri said on Wednesday in a press conference.
For 2011, the government has earmarked Rp 16 trillion (US$1.76 billion) for BOS to support education in elementary and junior high schools in the country.
However, the mechanism of distribution, which requires the central government to transfer the money to regional governments only to be channeled again to schools, has opened the way for corruption.
Febri said that such a mechanism had been abused by officials in local government offices to enrich themselves.
He said that some of the funds had also been channeled as contributions to political parties, especially in run-ups to local elections.
He said that delays in the disbursement of BOS had forced several schools to borrow money from loan sharks often at high interest rates.
"This is against the law but schools have no choice. They are also forced to cook their books to cover up the fact they have had to pay interest. They at times also have to ask students to pay for extra expenses," Febri said.
The refusal by schools to enforce transparent bookkeeping has also led to problems in the distribution of BOS. Most of the time, parents of students are left in the dark over how BOS funds will be distributed, he said.
Jumono, a member of an alliance of parents who called for transparency in the distribution of BOS, said that parents of students were blocked from having a say in how the funds should be disbursed.
He also said that teachers had also long been excluded from the process. "The central government allows this to happen and lets the regional governments abuse the fund or turn a blind eye to mismanagement at the school level," he said.
Jumono also said that the Education and Culture Ministry seemed to have no clue how to effectively run the program although the program had been running for the past six years.
"It appears that the government just wires the money and leaves the management of the fund to regional governments. They are not supposed to run the program like this because we are talking about the state budget. The government must issue a regulation obliging schools to enlist all stakeholders in managing BOSouth But first they should train us how to effectively manage the money," he said.
ICW has found that an estimated Rp 81 billion (US$8.91 million) from the BOS fund was misused in Buna and Muna regencies in Southeast Sulawesi. The money was spent on purchasing elementary school text books that turned out not to be the right ones for the curriculum.
ICW and the parents' coalition called on the government to change the mechanism of BOS distribution next year by channelling the money through the provincial governments and completely bypassing the local governments. (msa)
Kusumasari Ayuningtyas, Surakarta Commercial sex workers in Surakarta, Central Java, have demanded a designated red-light district to ensure better organized outreach services, especially on health.
They said a designated red-light district was also necessary to ensure that their existence as part of the community was recognized by civilians and authorities.
"We're just asking for protection and recognition as members of the community," Sriyatun, 40, a representative of the sex workers, said when given the opportunity to talk at a workshop over the weekend.
Held to commemorate Human Rights Day, the workshop was part of the local administration's attempt to address the needs of poor and marginalized community members.
Feedback for the 2012 development plan was expected from the workshop, which was attended by Surakarta Deputy Mayor F.X. Hadi Rudyatmo.
Sriyatun said she represented 11 different communities of economically disadvantaged and marginalized people comprising pedicab drivers, street hawkers, parking attendants, street vendors, commercial sex workers, domestic workers, diffables (people with different abilities), beggars, street musicians and trash pickers. As many as 550 representatives of the 11 communities attended the workshop.
Sriyatun, who is a part-time masseuse, said a red-light district was urgent to ensure supervision of their health. "Currently, if someone gets sick, she is simply abandoned," she said. A red-light district, she added, would also mean that their existence in the community was protected.
She said that at least 50 registered commercial sex workers operated in Surakarta. However, she said, there were many others and their health condition could not be monitored.
In response to the demand, the deputy mayor said, "What if I suggest that the commercial sex workers quit their jobs and change [profession]?" He added that the city administration could provide them with training to start a new life.
City Health Agency head Siti Wahyuningsih denied allegations that the agency neglected commercial sex workers. She said that since 2006, teams had been deployed to sites where sex workers gathered to provide them with health checks and immunization.
"Although there is no red-light district here, we have actively deployed health teams to these sites," Siti said. She added that the biggest challenge her teams faced in doing their job was determining the true identities of the sex workers.
"Many claim to be privately employed workers and it is difficult for us to learn their exact data," she said. She also said that commercial sex workers grouped under certain organizations were supervised by the health agency on HIV/AIDS and immunization for sexually transmitted diseases.
Anita Rachman Because they felt their stories had to be told properly, 11 women who have lived through some of the worst periods in the nation's history labored to write and publish their experiences in a book.
"Payung Hitam Keadilan" ("The Dark Umbrella of Justice"), published and launched on Friday with the support of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and PeaceWomen Across the Globe, tells the story of these women in their own words.
"I don't know how to write a story, I am a villager and did not have a good education," said 41-year-old Neneng, a vocal housewife from Rumpin, Bogor. Since 2007, she has been fighting the Air Force in a land dispute that could lead to the eviction of 13,000 residents.
"But I kept on trying so that people will read of our struggle and stories. That we fight for justice," she said.
Other stories are from Siti Salmah, whose son, Muhammad Saparudin, went missing in May 1998, during the violence in Jakarta around the end of President Suharto's rule, and Maria Katarina Sumarsih, who son died in November 1998 when troops opened fire on demonstrators at Atma Jaya University.
Also in the book is Wanmayetti, whose father was kidnapped during the Tanjung Priok riots in 1984, and Lestari, a victim of the 1965 Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) purge; and Zakiyatun, who lived through the military operations in Aceh.
Most of them have little money and have spent years fighting for justice together, including in Kamisan, a forum where people like them have stood in silence in front of the State Palace every Thursday since Jan. 18, 2007.
They have also sent a total of 206 letters to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, demanding justice for the victims of May 1998, the Atma Jaya shootings, Tanjung Priok and other cases. They fight in the hope that the guilty will some day be brought before a judge and punished.
Luviana, from the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), who worked with the women, said there were some initial doubts about doing the book. Sumarsih, for example, questioned whether it would help her find answers about her son, Bernardinus Realino Norma Irmawan, known as Wawan, who died in November 1998.
"We talked and Bu Sumarsih came to understand the huge power of a book," Luviana said. "That it is going to be part of history, written by a mother who is fighting for her son."
In each of the stories, the motives for the kidnappings and killings are questioned. "He [my son] was our backbone, and he was taken just like that. We are very sad, it's an injustice," Siti writes about her son, Saparudin. "My heart hurts. You should not cry over someone who has gone, but still, when I remember, this heart hurts so much."
But through all the sadness and anger, there are occasional flashes of optimism.
Like Ruyati Darwin, the mother of Eten Karyana, another victim of the May 1998 unrest. Despite her loss, Ruyati continues to hold out hope for a better future and justice. "I hope my struggle for justice and truth won't be for nothing. And that this kind of tragedy is never repeated in this country."
Dofa Fasila & Fidelis E. Satriastanti Disabled Indonesians are being sent mixed messages on the government's commitment to ensure equal access to transportation.
In the same week that the Jakarta city administration unveiled new pro- accessibility rules, the Transportation Ministry announced it would appeal a court ruling ordering it to apologize and pay compensation to a disabled air traveler.
The Central Jakarta District Court ruled last week that Lion Air, the Transportation Ministry and airport operator Angkasa Pura II should make amends for the discrimination wheelchair-bound Ridwan Sumantri faced when he took a Lion Air flight from Jakarta to Bali on April 11.
Ridwan was denied a request to be given a seat near the door of the plane, and instead had to suffer the indignity of being carried to his seat in the middle part of the plane.
He was also asked to sign a letter that described him as "sick," and was required to agree that he would shoulder the medical costs of any other passengers who fell ill because of him. The court ordered the three defendants to apologize to Ridwan and pay "moral" damages of Rp 25 million ($2,800).
Heppy Sebayang, Ridwan's lawyer, welcomed the decision. "We are very happy with this result. It is part of our advocacy and campaigning on behalf of disabled people," he said on Saturday. "It has taught everyone a lesson about discrimination."
The Transportation Ministry, however, indicated it would appeal the verdict. "They have 14 days to lodge their appeal in writing. Let them do so, we are ready to face them again," Heppy said.
The Jakarta city administration, by contrast, is taking the first steps to implement a regional regulation introduced on Wednesday requiring buildings and transportation facilities to accommodate the disabled.
A new TransJakarta busway route, Corridor XI, will feature 15 stops with facilities to assist the vision impaired. Stops along the route, from Kampung Melayu to Pulo Gebang, both in East Jakarta, will have Braille tiles with information to assist in entering and leaving the bus stop and in boarding buses.
"It will be easy for them to enter a bus stop, board a TransJakarta bus and exit the bus," Erna Yuni, from the city's transportation office, said on Saturday. "The buses have also been fitted with special seats for the physically disabled." Besides this, the bus stop near the East Jakarta mayor's office has had an additional toilet installed for the disabled, Erna said.
Ezra Sihite Four of the nine factions at the House of Representatives are calling on Minister of Justice and Human rights Amir Syamsuddin to revoke the tighter requirements for remissions and paroles for corruption and terrorism convicts.
The United Development Party (PPP), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) expressed their objection to Amir's policy in a hearing with the minister on Wednesday.
The Democratic Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) said that they did not outright reject the policy but wanted its legality to be examined. No members of the National Awakening Party (PKB) were present at the hearing.
"The PDI-P is asking the minister of justice and human rights to revoke his ministerial decree, which is against the law," legislator Ichsan Soelistyo said as he read out his faction's stance on the new remission policy.
Ichsan said that the ministry should follow the line set out by Amir's predecessor, Patrialis Akbar, who was heavily criticized for handing out remissions too easily to corruption convicts.
High-profile graft convict Aulia Pohan was released on parole last year after serving just 20 months of his three-year prison term. Aulia, the father-in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's eldest son, was found guilty of embezzling Rp 100 billion ($11 million) from a central bank foundation in 2003.
Dozens of corruption convicts were paroled during Patrialis's administration, with some serving little more than half of their prison terms. Patrialis was replaced by Amir in October.
On Wednesday, Gerindra lawmaker Martin Hutabarat said that his faction was not aiming for Amir's new policy to be revoked. "We think that there should be an adjustment [of the policy] in line with existing rules and regulations," he said.
Benny K. Harman, chairman of House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, said that the commission had agreed to give Amir until Jan. 8 to amend his decree.
Golkar politician Azis Syamsuddin said that his party would formally question the ministerial decree, saying that it violated convicts' constitutional rights.
"As long as the policy remains unchanged, we will question it," Azis said, adding that changes needed to be made in the laws on corruption, terrorism and in the Criminal Code before such a decree could be implemented.
In October, Amir rejected the parole request of Golkar politician Paskah Suzetta, who was jailed for his role in a 2004 bribery scandal. The rejection prompted strong rejection from the House, which has seen more than 40 of its former and active members jailed for graft.
Rizky Amelia, Farouk Arnaz & Ezra Sihite Sidestepping questions about the nature of an allegedly inappropriate "close personal relationship" with a police officer, controversial legislator Angelina Sondakh would only say on Tuesday that she had "lots of friends."
"I have lots of friends. Businessmen, politicians, meatball soup sellers, newspaper sellers, as well as policemen," said the former Miss Indonesia, who has been implicated in a major corruption scandal rocking the ruling Democratic Party.
The Corruption Eradication Commission on Monday said the police officer romantically linked to Angelina had been removed from the agency investigating the lawmaker for corruption.
The police officer, who has not been identified, had been assigned to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) as an investigator. But on Monday, KPK officials said they had removed the officer from his position.
"The KPK chiefs have decided to avoid any conflicts of interest by returning the officer to National Police headquarters," KPK spokesman Johan Budi said.
While the KPK saw an obvious conflict of interest, the National Police claimed that a relationship with someone under investigation was a "natural" occurrence.
"The KPK might see the relationship as a problem," National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution said on Monday. "But for us, it is natural."
Ex-beauty queen Angelina, a lawmaker from the ruling Democratic Party, is in the spotlight for her alleged involvement in bribery surrounding the construction of the athletes' village for the Southeast Asian Games in Palembang.
It is the same case that former Democratic treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin is currently on trial for at the Anti-Corruption Court in Jakarta.
The KPK is still looking into the relationship between the lawmaker and the officer, but it was described by outgoing KPK chairman Busyro Muqoddas as a "personal, close relationship." Johan said the KPK learned of the relationship two months ago. He said the investigator was not involved in the investigation into the SEA Games case.
Whatever the outcome of the investigation at the KPK, the officer should have no trouble getting his old job back. "We're waiting for a letter from the KPK," Saud said. "If there is no problem, we will accept him back."
Anita Rachman & Rizky Amelia In his first comments since the arrest of his wife, graft suspect Nunun Nurbaetie, politician and former police general Adang Daradjatun called for other people connected to the case to be named suspects, including former Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor Miranda Goeltom.
Adang, who spoke at a press conference at his home in South Jakarta, said he regretted that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had so far only declared his wife a suspect in the case, which involves the bribery of lawmakers for the election of Miranda to the central bank in 2004.
"I don't want this case to be limited," said Adang, a lawmaker for the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and a former deputy chief of the National Police.
He played a recording that he said was of a conversation he had with four KPK investigators in December 2010. "At that time, it was said that the status of [Nunun] was the same as that of Arie Malangjudo: in the words of the investigators, they were couriers," Adang said.
Arie works for Nunun and had distributed traveler's checks to lawmakers who were to vote in the BI selection process. Nunun allegedly distributed traveler's checks worth Rp 24 billion ($2.7 million) to lawmakers to get them to vote for Miranda. A total of 28 people who at the time were lawmakers have been convicted for graft, while two died before facing trial.
Nunun had been on the run since February and was arrested by Thai police in Bangkok on Wednesday. She was repatriated on Saturday.
In Adang's recording, the investigators also referred to Miranda as "the motivator in the case." However, even though Miranda has been questioned by the KPK several times, she has not been declared a suspect.
Denny Indrayana, the deputy minister for justice and human rights, said the government had imposed a travel ban on Miranda, effective from Monday night.
In an apparent attempt at denying Miranda's claim that she only knew Nunun as a fellow socialite from parties and other gatherings, Adang also showed a photograph of Miranda, his wife and himself. He did not say at what occasion the photo was taken.
Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo also came to Nunun's defense, pointing out that she was not the one who was elected to the central bank. "The one who has the motive, the one who enjoyed the position, is Miranda," Bambang said.
He also said that in graft cases, both those who pay and those who accept the bribe should face legal charges, adding that the case seemed to have been constructed to protect Miranda. Nunun's lawyer, Ina Rachman, also said that Miranda should be named a suspect.
But KPK spokesman Johan Budi called on Adang to name the businessman who bought the traveler's checks that his wife had distributed. "Nunun should also provide that information," Johan said. "We will investigate, whoever it is."
A total of 480 traveler's checks were bought by Bank Artha Graha from Bank Internasional Indonesia at the request of palm oil firm First Mujur Plantation and Industry for the payment of land purchased for a plantation in North Sumatra. But they somehow made their way to Nunun.
[Additional reporting from Antara.]
Former President Megawati Sukarnoputri says she is "bitter" about the Nunun Nurbaeti corruption scandal, alleging the case had been politicized to target the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Megawati, chairwoman of the opposition party, said the case which has seen a number of former PDI-P legislators jailed over the affair that highlighted widespread corruption in the House of Representatives (DPR) had been a "very bitter, very bitter, very bitter experience."
"It has been incredibly politicized," Megawati said at the party's national working meeting in Bandung, West Java, on Monday. "It has been treated differently compared to the Bank Century case, and the election, judicial and tax mafia, and others."
Megawati and the once high-flying PDI-P were hammered by incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the Democratic Party in the 2009 elections and have struggled to have any real meaningful impact on Indonesian politics since.
In June, sitting PDI-P legislator Panda Nababan was the last of 28 current or former legislators to be convicted and jailed for receiving between Rp 350 million and Rp 1.4 billion each to appoint economist Miranda Goeltom to a senior post at the central bank in 2004.
The politicians were from the PDI-P, Golkar Party, United Development Party (PPP) or the now-defunct police and military bloc.
A number of PDI-P legislators, however, have alleged that the money they received was channeled to the party, in particular for Megawati's failed re-election bid.
The KPK has previously summoned the former president to answer questions in relation to the allegations including from former senior PDI-P legislator Max Moein though Megawati refused to appear.
Members of the party have previously accused the KPK of targeting opponents of the ruling government.
Megawati, speaking on Monday, urged the people to support Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono to uphold the law without prejudice. She said PDI-P lawmakers convicted in relation to the case were "smoke," while investigators had so far proven incapable of finding the "fire," or source of the corruption.
"I'm talking to you, the people," Megawati said. "Is this the way of legal enforcement in Indonesia? "The fire is clear... In Indonesia... law enforcement is still selective."
Nunun has been accused of distributing 480 travelers' checks to 39 former and sitting members of the DPR. The Financial Transactions Report and Analysis Center (PPATK) traced the checks to discover they were purchased from Bank International Indonesia by First Mujur Plantation and Industry, a palm oil firm owned by tycoon Tommy Winata.
Megawati said that regardless of the situation, the PDI-P would not seek revenge if the it won the elections in 2014. "Our morality does not recognize revenge," she claimed. "If PDI-P is trusted in 2014, there is no other option but to uphold discipline in the party not to breach the law. That is better."
The PDI-P lost out in the 2004 elections due in part to the government's inability to contain rampant corruption and the weak leadership style of Megawati, whose family's personal wealth ballooned during her time in office.
Nunun is currently being questioned at KPK headquarters in South Jakarta. KPK deputy chairman Bibit Samad Riyanto said they would seek a second opinion regarding Nunun's alleged medical condition that causes memory loss.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The arrest of graft fugitive Nunun Nurbaeti may lead to the prosecution of more politicians in the politically charged Bank Indonesia bribery case, including those from the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the nation's second- and third-largest parties.
Agus Condro Prayitno, a whistleblower in the case who has already served 15 months in prison, alleged that other lawmakers in House Commission IX at the time of the Bank Indonesia bribery case had accepted similar bribes.
"These [lawmakers] include PDI-P's Emir Moeis and Sukardjo Hardjosoewirjo, and more from other parties," Agus said, pointing at his former colleagues.
He urged the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to finish the case fairly by imprisoning all of them. "The KPK should be fair and brave in handling this case. Whoever they are, as long as they accepted the bribes, no matter what their alibis are, they must be tried," Agus told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Nunun, known as the "cashier" who is suspected of distributing the checks to the lawmakers, was arrested and brought home from Thailand by the KPK late last week after having been on the run for more than a year.
Nunun left Indonesia for Singapore early last year, reportedly to search for medical treatment for her "amnesia". Her arrest was hailed as a gift to Indonesia, since it coincided with International Anti-Corruption Day on Friday.
However, there is also speculation surrounding the timing of her arrest, which came just days before the succession within the KPK leadership following the surprise election of Abraham Samad as the country's new antigraft czar.
Notably, Abraham was supported by Golkar, the PDI-P and several opposition parties that wanted the KPK to conduct a thorough investigation of the controversial Bank Century bailout, which observers said could be used as a pretext to impeach President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Abraham has denied any backroom deals between him and the parties that supported him, but he also made it clear that he would continue to investigate possible corruption surrounding the controversial bailout.
However, the new investigation of the Bank Indonesia case could serve as a blow to Golkar and the PDI-P, which have both already seen several of their members sent to prison for their involvement in the case.
Agus, who is also a former PDI-P lawmaker, urged the new leaders of KPK who are due to take up office in mid-December "not to bring the case into the political battlefield".
The Bank Indonesia case centers around the 2004 election of Miranda S. Goeltom as the central bank's senior deputy governor. Nunun allegedly distributed Rp 24 billion in the form of 480 traveler's checks, each worth Rp 50 million, as bribes to more than 33 lawmakers and former lawmakers, in exchange for their votes for Miranda.
The case has brought a total of 33 former lawmakers mostly from the PDI-P and the Golkar Party, as well as from the United Development Party (PPP) to court.
The case emerged last year after Agus spilled the beans in 2009 by telling the KPK he had accepted a bribe. Later he submitted evidence to the KPK in the form of travelers' checks he had allegedly received as bribes.
A total of 52 lawmakers from different factions were members of House Commission IX overseeing finance for the 1999 to 2004 term.
Emerson Yuntho from the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) said he agreed with Agus, and urged the KPK to avoid politicking.
"Regardless of any political pressures said to be haunting the KPK, it must finish its investigation of big cases that are close to politics, such as the Bank Century bailout case, Nazaruddin's case, which now implicates Angelina, as well as the National Mandate Party's Wa Ode Nurhayati case."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Anita Rachman & Ronna Nirmala Speculation is rife over whether the capture of Nunun Nurbaetie, and her return to Jakarta, will finally allow the public to learn who arranged for the election of Miranda Goeltom as a central bank deputy governor, and why.
A total of 30 former lawmakers have been jailed for accepting billions of rupiah in bribes, allegedly from Nunun, delivered in the form of traveler's checks, to ensure Miranda's election at the House of Representatives.
Azis Syamsuddin, deputy chairman of House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, welcomed Nunun's return to Indonesia, saying he hoped it would shed light on the unresolved Miranda case.
"Now the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK] really needs to prove it can work professionally. Bust the case wide open and reveal who was the puppet-master behind this bribery case," Azis said in Pekanbaru, Riau, on Sunday.
Azis called on law enforcement officials to avoid any actions that could worsen public distrust of the nation's justice system. "The principle of justice must be enforced, and those who are really in the wrong, especially the mastermind, must receive appropriate punishment," the Golkar Party politician said.
A similar sentiment was voiced by Emerson Yuntho, from Indonesia Corruption Watch. "We hope that with [Nunun's arrest] she can reveal who was behind her," he said on Saturday. "She was only the intermediary."
During the original investigation into the case, the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) determined that the traveler's checks given to the lawmakers were purchased from Bank International Indonesia by First Mujur Plantation and Industry, a palm oil firm connected to tycoon Tommy Winata.
Krishna Pribadi, a BII executive, told the Anti-Corruption Court in March 2010 that First Mujur purchased the checks on the day Miranda was elected, through another of Tommy's companies, Bank Artha Graha.
"At first I thought the buyer was Artha Graha but I discovered later that it was actually First Mujur. Artha Graha was just a mediator," Krishna said.
Tommy has denied any knowledge of the transaction. "I have never had any connection with BI [Bank Indonesia] and no communication with it. I have never had any personal connection with Miranda," Tommy said in March this year.
Agus Condro Prayitno, the key whistle-blower in the case, has offered some advice to Nunun. The former Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker, who was recently after serving jail time for accepting a the traveler's checks, encouraged Nunun to tell investigators everything she knows, and to seek protection.
"To Ibu Nunun, I say sing. Name names in this case. If you feel afraid to name the main actor behind it all, ask for help from the LPSK [the Victim and Witness Protection Agency]," Agus said on Sunday. "She [Nunun] is the key to fully uncovering this case and learning the truth," he added.
Markus Junianto Indonesia is breeding new generations of corrupt officials faster than authorities can crack down on the scourge, a top official has warned.
Hajriyanto Thohari, a deputy speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), said on Sunday that recent revelations about young civil servants in possession of bank accounts worth billions of rupiah (hundreds of thousands of dollars) each confirmed the trend.
"This means that the regeneration of corruptors is happening so fast that the efforts by the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission] to stamp it out just can't keep up," he said.
He added the phenomenon was apparent even before the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) revealed the information about the bank accounts last week, and could be seen in the rise of immensely wealthy young politicians such as 33-year-old Muhammad Nazaruddin of the Democratic Party.
Nazaruddin is currently standing trial for rigging a bid to build an athletes' village for last month's Southeast Asian Games.
Hajriyanto attributed the problem partly to social changes that were making Indonesians more permissive than ever of criminal and corrupt behavior. This attitude, he said, was now creeping into the bureaucracy.
He added that he had received several reports indicating that although the heads of particular government offices were not themselves corrupt, the officials around them were. Rather than address the problem, though, the leaders were overlooking them out of this sense of permissiveness, he said.
"So what you get is even ministers pretending that they don't know that their underlings are 'players,'?" he said. "It's this permissive attitude that needs to be erased."
Ahmad Farhan Hamid, another MPR deputy speaker, said any state official raking in more than Rp 1 billion ($111,000) a year should be questioned because that kind of income for a bureaucrat could not be justified.
"Even if they spent nothing from their salaries, they still wouldn't be able to save that much," he said. "If they're not also businesspeople, then there's no way they can make that kind of money."
Farhan said that to stop a new generation of Indonesian government officials and politicians practicing corruption, it was important for political parties to be more stringent about their recruitment criteria and to monitor each member's personal wealth closely.
He called on party elites to get the ball rolling by forcing their own parties to be more open.
"They can do this by requiring all the members of their party to submit a wealth report," he said. "The problem is that such a policy will not be welcomed by political parties."
In its recent report, the PPATK said that since 2002 there were 1,800 alleged corrupt actions carried out by civil servants, including young civil servants. The most recent case involves 10 civil servants aged between 28 and 38 who have bank accounts worth billions of rupiah each.
Several members of the House of Representatives have also come under scrutiny for sudden increases in wealth since taking up office, including Nazaruddin and fellow Democrat Angelina Sondakh, whose own wealth increased 10-fold.
The KPK noted that in December 2003, before she became a legislator, Angelina had a reported wealth of Rp 618 million. By July 2010 she had Rp 6.1 billion.
Ezra Sihite House of Representatives lawmakers are pressing ahead with plans to summon President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to explain a cabinet minister's decision to tighten up sentence remissions for corruption convicts.
The remissions policy shift from Justice Minister Amir Syamsuddin came just as dozens of House members' former colleagues were due for early release after serving only a fraction of their sentences for accepting bribes in the Bank Indonesia governor selection scandal.
House members had claimed, in a Wednesday meeting with Amir and his deputy, that the remissions clamp down for graft convicts constituted a human rights violation.
An Indonesia Corruption Watch activist, however, ridiculed some House members' appeals to principles of human rights on the remissions policy as self-serving and hypocritical.
"When they should be talking about human rights, the House is often silent, but when the issue of remissions [for former House members] comes up, they immediately claim there's a breach of human rights," ICW deputy chairman Adnan Topan Husodo said on Friday.
He added that the new policy to tighten up on the usually generous remissions granted by prison wardens, especially to wealthier convicts, was done in response to a public demand for justice.
"This policy has to be carried out, because it is the public's demand," Adnan said at the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) building in Senayan.
House members were flexing their muscles on Friday, talking of exercising their right to cross-examine the president over a decision by the executive branch of government in this case, the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.
Ahmad Yani of the United Development Party (PPP) said he had gathered the signatures of 27 other lawmakers from seven parties on a motion to call the president in, to account for his minster's tightening of remissions. The signatures would be delivered to the House leadership in order that the motion be put to a vote, Yani said. He said that for a motion to be valid, it required more than 25 signatures from more than one party, "so it's already valid."
Another of the motion's sponsors, Bambang Soesatyo of the Golkar Party, said he hoped the House would act to bring Yudhoyono to account, because he felt the government had made a mistake in tightening up remissions, parole and the "assimilation period" treatment of graft convicts.
Bambang said he was looking forward to finding out whether Amir was acting with the president's approval. "We will exercise our right to call the president to speak at the House in order to determine whether he knew of this policy," Bambang said.
For his part, the minister remained convinced that the policy was appropriate, even after a contentious hearing with House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, on Wednesday.
The majority of supporters of the motion are Golkar members, along with a handful of lawmakers from the PPP, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Great Indonesian Movement Party (Gerindra).
Hangga Brata & Ezra Sihite In his International Anti-Corruption Day speech on Friday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the government would engage more with antigraft activists to plot the best way to rid the country of corruption.
"I will not give any more speeches. What I said at the Anti-Corruption Day celebration was enough," Yudhoyono said at a ceremony in Semarang, which was attended by top antigraft activists. "Now, I want input from all of you so that efforts to prevent and eradicate corruption become more successful."
Among those at the ceremony were Indonesia Corruption Watch chairman Danang Widoyoko, Transparency International Indonesia secretary general Teten Masduki and Alexander Lay of the Indonesian Legal Roundtable.
Yudhoyono said the government was also pushing for more bilateral agreements to allow the country to extradite corruption suspects and reclaim stolen assets stashed overseas. "Indonesia does not want countries to become safe havens for corrupt Indonesians," he said.
Justice Minister Amir Syamsuddin said that after the 2004 presidential instruction on the acceleration of corruption eradication was issued, Indonesia had enjoyed steady success in ridding the country of graft.
Since 2005, he said, the National Police have handled 1,961 corruption cases, saving more than Rp 679 billion ($75.4 million) in state losses. The minister also applauded the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for successfully prosecuting 196 cases since its establishment in 2003.
More than Rp 800 billion in compensation and fines was gained from cases prosecuted by the KPK, as well as another Rp 151 trillion from the organization's graft prevention efforts, according to Amir.
Not everything, however, was so rosy. Amir said more than 1,000 corruption cases had been dropped by the Attorney General's Office in the past seven years. Since 2004, he said, the AGO has handled 8,394 cases, but only 6,831 have made it to prosecution.
Although the AGO managed to save more than Rp 13 trillion in stolen state assets since 2004, he said, that figure would have been higher if it took more cases to court and won.
Yudhoyono said Indonesia's anticorruption efforts had helped lift the country's economy, which has grown from Rp 500 trillion in 2004 to Rp 1,200 trillion in 2011.
While the all the figures offered by Amir and Yudhoyono make it sound like the country is making real headway in fighting corruption, not all of the numbers could be immediately verified.
Yudhoyono's speech came after Transparency International Indonesia on Thursday criticized the government for failing to fight corruption.
In the group's latest Corruption Perception Index, Indonesia improved slightly from 2.8 to 3.0, with 10 being the least corrupt. TI Indonesia's president, Natalia Soebagjo, dismissed the improvement as "insignificant."
Indonesia aims to get at least a 5.0 in the 2014 Transparency survey, but Indonesian Institute of Sciences researcher Syamsuddin Haris said it should lower its goal.
Syamsuddin said the House of Representatives' decision to select a relatively unknown lawyer, Abraham Samad, to chair the KPK was a political one. "[Samad's appointment] is a product of political compromise," he said. "I suspect he was chosen because he is easier to tame than the other candidates."
ICW deputy chairman Adnan Topan Husodo also criticized Abraham's pledge to settle within a year cases left unfinished by the previous KPK leadership.
"This is too big of a promise," he said. "Cases like Century and Nazaruddin will not be resolved in one year. The House is naive if it believes this because the KPK leadership is collective, so he has to deal with other KPK commissioners in setting KPK policy."
In Malang, East Java, hundreds of students from Brawijaya University were collecting coins for Abraham, who promised to quit the KPK if he failed to keep his promise to resolve the cases.
"These coins will be his pocket money... if in one year he is not able to live up to his promise," said the university's student body president, Arief Budi Laksono.
[Additional reporting by Rizky Amelia, Rangga Prakoso, Rahmat & Antara]
Terrorism & religious extremism
Farouk Arnaz The Densus 88 Counterterrorism Unit ran into some luck on Friday when they knocked on a door and a terror fugitive suspect voluntarily opened the door.
"Thank God, today we arrested Danu alias Darno in his house coincidentally," a police officer who refused to be named told the Jakarta Globe. "We actually went to that house for a re-enactment with suspect Heru Komaruddin. Darno, the man we have long searched for, opened the door."
Police arrested Darno who was allegedly involved with the terror network that detonated a bomb at the Cirebon police office mosque in April. On Thursday police found eight bombs in the river in Cirebon during a reenactment of the bombing.
"Darno was with Heru when they threw the bombs into the river," the officer said. "He was a member of Muhammad Syarif's network that blew up the mosque."
The reenactment of the Cirebon bombing was carried out in 10 locations in Cirebon and is expected to be completed on Friday. National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution confirmed that Darno has been arrested.
Eddy Pratama Six people accused of a series of bomb scares across Central Java a year ago were sentenced on Thursday to between five and six years in prison by the West Jakarta District Court.
The court found Roky Aprisdianto, also known as Atok Prabowo, the mastermind of the campaign, guilty on several counts under the 2003 Anti- Terrorism Law. He was sentenced to six years for heading the group that placed bombs at several sites in Solo and Klaten, including police posts, churches and mosques.
That was lighter than the eight years prosecutors had been seeking. Roky's lawyer said his client would not appeal the decision.
Unexploded bombs found at two police posts and three churches in Solo on Dec. 1 last year were traced back to the group, which had reportedly wanted to start a religious war.
The group also detonated small explosives at Solo's Kliwon Market on Dec. 1 and a church six days later, and was responsible for an unexploded bomb found at a mosque in Yogyakarta on Dec. 23 and a mysterious package left in a mosque in Klaten on Dec. 30. The package turned out to contain cow dung and a clock.
Also sentenced on Thursday were five of Roky's followers, two of whom, Yuda Anggoro and Joko Lelono, both 19, were students at the State Vocational School (SMKN) No. 2 in Klaten. The three others Nugroho Budi Santoso, 20, Tri Budi Santoso, 20, and Agung Jati Santoso, 21 were all graduates of the same school.
All five were sentenced to five years in prison each. That was lighter than the seven years that prosecutors had demanded.
The judges said they took into account a number of mitigating factors when sentencing the five, including the fact that they were all impressionable youths at the time of the bomb scares and had been well-behaved throughout the trial.
Prosecutors said they would accept the decision and not appeal for tougher sentences.
Earlier this year, Arga Wiratama, 17, another student from the same vocational school, was sentenced to two years in prison for his role in the terrorist cell.
The group members were arrested in January. At the time, the police said that although the terrorist cell was in its embryonic stage, it had progressed to the point where members were able to manufacture potentially deadly homemade explosives.
"Can you imagine if we had failed to crack down and stop their activities?" Brig. Gen. M. Syafii, the head of Densus 88, the National Police's counterterrorism unit, said at the time.
A police source later revealed that Roky was connected to Sogir, a known bomb maker who had trained under Malaysian explosives expert Azahari Husin, who was responsible for assembling the bombs that killed 202 people in the 2002 Bali attacks.
The central government is proposing an alternative solution to end the GKI Taman Yasmin church-closure case by offering the church options to move to a new location provided by the local government.
"We've offered GKI Yasmin three new locations to choose from and we hope they are willing to consider the options," Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi told reporters on Monday in Jakarta.
He said that if GKI Yasmin agrees to choose one of the locations the minister would order the local government to guarantee set arrangements.
Gamawan said that last week the Home Ministry had a meeting with all related stakeholders, including local government, the Religious Affairs Ministry and GKI Yasmin. "The plan is by tomorrow [Tuesday] or the day after there would be a follow up meeting to talk about the options," he said.
A legal battle between the church and the Bogor administration led by Mayor Diani Budiarto has barred GKI Yasmin members from conducting religious services inside its own building.
The mayor claims that there were many objections to the congregation by nearby residents. GKI had taken the matter to the Supreme Court, which later issued a ruling in their favor. The court said that the church had a legal permit; however, until now Diani has ignored the court order. (rpt)
Yayat Supriatna Indonesia is concerned about domestic white sugar supplies between March and May next year when current stocks of 740,000 tons run out and the new crushing season has yet to start, a senior trade ministry official said on Wednesday.
Bayu Krisnamurthi, deputy trade minister said this at a meeting with the Indonesia Sugarcane Farmers Association (APTRI), who was demanding the cancellation of a plan to import 500,000 tons of sugar next year and other policies they say have made them lose several hundred million dollars.
"Currently there is 740,000 tons of white sugar in local warehouses," Krisnamurthi said.
"With monthly white sugar consumption of 220,000 tons, the stock may last for 3.5 months. What we (are) concerned (about) is the availability of white sugar in March, April and May next year when the stocks are finished and there is no sugarcane milling activity at the time," he added.
Indonesia's 2011 white sugar output is estimated at 2.35 million tons, Krisnamurthi said, reiterating the government forecast from last month. This year's total lags the government target set earlier this year at 2.7 million tons, which means it will be more difficult to reach its self- sufficiency aim in 2014.
Indonesia, Southeast Asia's top sugar consumer, imports more than 2 million tons of sugar a year, both raws and whites, to meet household and industrial consumption. The country imports 60 percent of its sugar from Thailand, 20 percent from Brazil, 10 percent from Australia and is seeking to boost purchases from India, officials have said.
"We, APTRI come to Jakarta from West Java, Central Java, East Java, Yogyakarta, North Sumatra and Lampung with 5,000 farmers to insist that the government stop its sugar import plan of 500,000 tons in 2012," Soemitro Samadikoen, chairman of APTRI earlier told demonstrators at the trade ministry.
"We still have much white sugar stocks in our warehouses in East Java and in other key sugarcane-growing areas all over Indonesia. So, we do not need to import sugar," he added.
2012 imports not yet decided
But Krisnamurthi said the government has not yet decided on its 2012 sugar imports and will calculate its demand by taking into account the shortfall in production this year.
Samadikoen said APTRI also wants the trade ministry to stop distribution of refined sugar for industrial use, which has in effect been penetrating the household market and forced down prices and wants the government to pay more attention to farmers to make local white sugar more competitive.
"Sugarcane farmers have lost 2.4 trillion rupiahs ($264.61 million) in 2011 because of imported sugar, illegal sugar and the penetration of refined sugar for industrial use to household market," he added.
The losses mainly came from the declining prices of sugar farmers earned to 8,300 rupiahs per kg this year from 9,300 rupiahs in 2010, Samadikoen said.
APTRI's Secretary General Fatchuddin Rosyidi said there is a lot of illegal sugar in the domestic market that entered Indonesia via border areas in West/East Kalimantan and Riau. Refined sugar for industrial use is also commercially traded widely in Sulawesi, Kalimantan, Bali, Nusa Tenggara and eastern Indonesia, Rosyidi added.
Krisnamurthi said Indonesia needs 2.5 million tons of refined sugar for industrial use annually. Indonesia was the world's second-largest sugar exporter after Cuba in the 1930s, but ageing sugar mills, a vast network of smallholders and an influx of cheaper imported sugar put pressure on local production.
Fitri, Lombok Siti Fatimah sat in front of a burning stove as a kettle hissed. The water was poured into glasses filled with ground coffee and sugar and the scent of coffee filled the house in Lombok's Surabaya village.
Her guests were quick to compliment her brew. "Lombok coffee is the best with cigarettes," one of the guests remarked. Fatimah's wide smile suddenly disappeared and she said softly, "Bitter. It's bitter."
She paused as though deciding whether to continue her story. "Tobacco separated me from my loved ones. My husband left me and I am childless. I've lived alone for years mired in debt because of tobacco," she said, counting the amount she had to repay with her ten fingers.
"My husband is no longer here. To me, he is only a name but his debts never go away. I don't know where he is now. Maybe he ran away to Malaysia. All because of tobacco," she said.
Ten years ago, Fatimah and her husband joined the tobacco bandwagon, expecting a windfall from the business. He borrowed money from everyone he knew to grow tobacco on their tiny half-hectare plot of land.
"Fifty million rupiah, collected from loans was a lot of money then," she recalled. "He was so convinced that we would make money and be able to pay off the debts once we harvested our tobacco. We never did," Fatimah said.
Anti-smoking campaigns are increasingly popular these days because of health concerns. But even before the leaves were rolled into cigarettes, tobacco took its toll on Fatimah and many others in the village.
Papuq Aisyah is another villager with a similar story. One of her granddaughters left home to look for her husband who ran away to avoid debt collectors. Papuq was one of the guests at Fatimah's house.
Papuq said the young couple also chose to plant tobacco. It was OK at first. "They did not make a lot of money [from tobacco] but were also not broke because of it. But later, they never had a proper harvest and they become too indebted to support their every day life. They sold everything, even their wedding rings," Papuq said.
Fatimah and Papuq live surrounded by a sea of tobacco fields. Under the scorching sun, the smell of tobacco leaves is everywhere. In this tiny village alone there are at least 300 tobacco farms.
Lombok in West Nusa Tenggara is one of Indonesia's three tobacco belts, the others being East and Central Java. The three provinces contribute 90 percent of total tobacco production in Indonesia or about 150,000 metric tons per year.
According to 2010 Basic Health Research (Riskesdas) data, 34.7 percent of Indonesians smoke, with the highest percentage in the 25-64 year old age group. In 2010, there were about 82 million active smokers in the country and about 220 billion cigarettes were produced, placing it third after China and India.
Despite somewhat stricter law enforcement on smoking in public places and the recent Tobacco Law, the number of smokers is not dropping. Health campaigners say smoking is increasing, especially among women and young people.
Even with tighter regulations, cigarettes remain a good business and the tobacco industry is still among the top advertisers in most Asian countries including Indonesia, where cigarettes seem to be everywhere. Tobacco tycoons are routinely listed as among the wealthiest people in the country and the aroma of kretek cigarettes is a defining feature of Indonesian life.
While high-flying tobacco barons and tireless anti-tobacco campaigners often make news, left out of the spotlight are small-scale tobacco farmers like Fatimah and Papuq.
Munawar, another villager, had a similar story. He was saddled with loans and his tobacco farm earned him nothing. "Every time I see my neighbors bringing home a good harvest, I'm tempted to try because it seems so easy to earn money," said Munawar, who once fled to Malaysia to escape a Rp 50 million ($5,550) debt. After paying off his loan, he started another failed tobacco farm.
In spite of Lombok's status as a tobacco haven, many small farmers do not have the infrastructure to benefit from the trade. They lack drying ovens to treat their produce and many of them sell unharvested tobacco to middlemen at a low price.
Muhammad Rusli, an official in the West Nusa Tenggara provincial administration, confirmed the stories of farmers falling into heavy debt. He recalled one who burned himself to death inside the oven he used to dry tobacco leaves. "It was in 2009," Rusli said. "The farmer borrowed hundreds of million of rupiah. He tried and tried but never succeeded," Rusli said.
For one hectare of land a farmer needs about Rp 50 million to harvest 10 tons of tobacco or about two tons of dried leaves. If good quality dried tobacco is sold at the current market rate of about Rp 35,000 per kilo, farmers can make about Rp 70 million per harvest. Deducting the crop loan, they can make Rp 20 million, but out of that must also come fertilizer, labor and fuel to operate their ovens.
It all comes down to the grade of the leaves, say the farmers, and the middlemen who rate the crop and control the sale of the produce to the big companies. Prices can be slashed by 90 percent for Virginia leaves that are rated poorly. "If we know the graders personally they can give us a better price," farmer Munawar said.
Iskandar, an executive with tobacco giant Djarum, said his company does not allow unfair transactions or favoritism. "We educate the farmers so they are aware of the grades," he said. "But personal relationships cannot compromise a bad harvest with our standard," Iskandar said.
Still, Lombok's Virginia tobacco is billed as among the world's best, and the years between 1990 and early 2002 are cited as the heyday of Lombok Virginia leaves. With relatively little land planted with the crop, prices were high which is one reason so many farmers rushed to get in on the trade.
Many were too little and too late. But lately, as tobacco production has dropped in Indonesia, Lombok's Virginia has also been finding a growing export market Amaq Teme enjoyed the good days in Lombok.
"From tobacco I could send my children to school. I could meet their needs. Tobacco is our life," Amaq said. "My happiest days are the planting season and the harvest season."
Amaq is among tens of thousands of farmers who are smitten by the sweet success of Virginia leaf. Some failed and were drowned in debt but others made it, he says.
Amaq has managed his income, invested his money and saved for his children's education. One of his sons, Subadio, graduated from Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta He returned home after graduation and chose to become a tobacco farmer himself, following in his father's footsteps.
Arientha Primanita, Ezra Sihite, Anita Rachman & Farouk Arnaz The government moved quickly on Thursday to address the shocking allegations that farmers in Lampung's Mesuji district had been murdered for their land.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had ordered the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs and the National Police to find out what actually happened in Mesuji.
"If the facts are as we have heard, action must be taken against any individual involved, be they government officials or security personnel or members of the public," Julian said.
A team of lawmakers from the House of Representatives' legal affairs commission, headed by Aziz Syamsuddin, will fly to Lampung on Saturday to investigate the claims.
The case came to the public's attention after dozens of farmers from Mesuji, accompanied by retired military general Saurip Kadi, went to the House on Wednesday and alleged that 30 farmers had been murdered between 2009 and 2011 as part of attempts by a plantation company, Silva Inhutani, to evict them from their land. The group also showed a video purporting to show several killings and the bodies. National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said on Thursday that the video showed separate incidents in Mesuji and Ogan Komering Ilir, South Sumatra, and had been edited to make the police look guilty.
"The intention was to show that the [perpetrators were police officers]," he said. "We will check the motive of the video [maker]." He added that while seven people died in the clash in Ogan Komering Ilir seen on the video, there were no deaths in Lampung.
Tubagus Hasanuddin, deputy chairman of House Commission I, which oversees security affairs, also questioned whether the video was taken in Mesuji. "First there are two locations, in Lampung and South Sumatra. Second, how could an amateur stand to watch people being decapitated," he said. "I am a soldier and I can't watch an animal being slaughtered."
Tubagus, from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI- P), said he first became aware of the dispute in 2009 and questioned why Saurip only came forward with the allegations two years later. "I have told Saurip Kadi I want to talk to witnesses but until now he hasn't provided anyone," he said.
Saurip is known as a staunch critic of Yudhoyono. In 2008 the retired two- star general published a book, "Prioritizing the People," which accused the president for caring too much about his public image.
The Lampung Police said on Thursday that two clashes had taken place in Mesuji this year between residents and officers on land belonging to Silva Inhutani, leaving two dead.
Lampung Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Sulistyaningsih was quoted by state news agency Antara as saying that harsh sanctions had been imposed on officers who had opened fire on the residents in violation of procedures.
Jakarta Police contributed to the mass killing in Mesuji, Lampung according to the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras).
"We suspect there was collaboration between the plantation company, security forces and PAM Swakarsa [civilian militia] to deal with local people. In the last two years there were many cases that were reported but [have been] neglected afterwards. Even if [the police] responded,
it was only on the surface," Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said Thursday as quoted by kompas.com.
Lampung residents made allegations of the brutal killings in Mesuji, Lampung to members of the House of Representatives' Commission III on Wednesday.
Thirty people were killed after violence erupted when a Malaysian-based company, PT PT Silva Inhutani, took the residents' land in 2003 to plant rubber and palm.
Maj. Gen. (ret.) Saurip Kadi, a member of Mesuji residents' advocacy team, said the company sought help from the police and established a private militia to cast out the residents from their land.
He said the private security force was established to do all the dirty work, primarily intimidating locals, right under the police's nose.
"Police should be held responsible over this incident. Why did they back up and let the [private militia] commit the violence. If the police punished only officers for shooting charges and punished them with only 21-day suspensions then it looks like the police want only to cover this for awhile," he said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Dozens of residents of Mesuji Regency in Lampung expressed their grievance before the House of Representatives on Wednesday over what they described as a "mass killing" carried out by members of the police force on behalf of a plantation company in connection to a land dispute.
In their meeting with members of the House's Commission III on legal affairs, they played a video recording showing a group of people, who they alleged were security personnel hired by a plantation company, assaulting villagers and destroying their homes.
One of the videos showed two people, described by the petitioners as Mesuji residents, being beheaded in front of a gathering crowd.
In the graphic footage, a group of people dressed in black and donning masks beheaded two locals using machetes. Bodies of the slain Mesuji residents also appeared to have been mutilated. Some of the assailants were seen toting rifles.
One member of an advocacy team for the Mesuji residents, former Territorial Assistant for Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. (ret.) Saurip Kadi, claimed the recordings had been made in the past few weeks in the midst of a land dispute between locals and plantation firm PT Silva Inhutani Lampung, which is run as a partnership between state-owned forestry company and a Malaysian firm.
As they watched the gory images, some of the lawmakers reacted angrily. "It's scary and horrifying, especially when we must believe that such barbaric acts transpired in this democratic country," Bambang Soesatyo of the Golkar Party said.
Saurip said the assailants had been assaulting villagers in the area since 2008, and had killed 30 people. "Dozens of others are disabled and maybe hundreds have been injured."
Bob Hasan, a lawyer for the local community which he identified as Megou Pak, said that similar assaults had occurred in other parts of the Mesuji area, and also in Tulang Bawang regency and some parts of the Ogan Komering Ilir regency in the neighboring province of South Sumatra.
"Plantation companies in the area hire so-called Pam Swakarsa [informal private security forces] which also consist of police and military personnel. These forces have continued to attack, assault, intimidate, and even rape locals whom they consider opposition," Saurip said.
Bob said that the security officers were responsible for creating conflicts between locals and the company and that it was the private company that reaped the benefits.
Assaults on civilians have taken place since 2003 when the plantation firm started to expand its concession for palm-oil and natural rubber plantations, the residents said.
Local farmers claimed they purchased their land from its rightful owner. Some of the land allegedly illegally occupied by the plantation firm is a sanctuary for the Megou Pak tribe. The firm, however, rejected the claim and continued to attack and intimidate local farmers who refused to give up their land, Saurip said.
It has yet to be confirmed whether the footage was really taken in Mesuji. But Saurip and Bob, as well as the Mesuji people attending the meeting at the House, said the footage had been taken in Mesuji, although many said they had not been present when the footage was captured.
"Numerous locals actually recorded these barbaric killings using their cell-phones. But the Pam Swakarsa then confiscated the phones and deleted any videos they found. Thank God these videos survived," Saurip added.
National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) chairman Ifdhal Kasim said that the commission had received complaints about alleged violence in Lampung earlier this year.
"We noticed that there were harsh criminal acts involved there, so we referred this case to the National Police. However, we haven't heard anything about an investigation launched into the case." National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said the police would first validate the authenticity of the video.
June 2007: Four residents shot dead in Alas Tlogo in Pasuruan, East Java. Thirteen marines have been named suspects.
Oct. 10 2008: Police shot four residents of a village in South Sulawesi during a rally over the ownership rights of a plantation plot.
Aug. 9 2009: A clash between local residents and police at a sugarcane plantation in Takalar regency, South Sulawesi, wounded 10 people.
April 14 2010: Two died and at least 130 people, including public order officers, were injured in a violent eviction attempt at a "sacred" memorial complex in Koja, North Jakarta.
Nov. 2010: Nine forest police officers were probed for their alleged involvement in a shooting incident during a scuffle with farmers at Labuhan Batu, North Sumatra.
[Various sources]
Ezra Sihite, Arientha Primanita & Anita Rachman Lawmakers were aghast on Wednesday as a group of farmers from Lampung told them about the alleged killing of a large number of their colleagues by a plantation company this year.
The farmers, from the Megoupak area of Lampung's Tulang Bawang district, were accompanied by a retired general, Saurip Kadi, during their meeting with House of Representatives Commission III, which oversees legal affairs.
Besides the horrifying tale, the farmers showed what they said was video evidence of several murders. The killings are believed to have been carried out by hooded men clad in black.
"We are surprised and concerned by the case of the Tulang Bawang farmers in Lampung and will ask the government to coordinate with law enforcers on this," said Azis Syamsuddin, deputy chairman of Commission III.
Another commission member, Bambang Soesatyo, said they would also question National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo at a hearing later on Wednesday. "There appears to have been a massacre, conducted by PT Silva Inhutani and its henchmen," Bambang added.
Silva Inhutani is a plantation company involved in a dispute with the farmers over land in Megoupak. The company exports wood but also plants oil palms and rubber trees.
Timur told lawmakers that the video footage was from two different events. The first, he said, happened in Mesuji subdistrict in South Sumatra on April 21 and the second in Lampung's Mesuji district on Nov. 11. In the first case, police have already identified six suspects, Timur said.
Saurip, the retired general, said, "There has been an extension of the plantation but it has encroached on land that is owned by locals."
He also said the company had sought the help of the police to help evict the farmers as well as to form militant groups. "When the people complained, the security personnel turned to intimidation," he said.
The National Police's chief of detectives, Comr. Gen. Sutarman, said a team had been formed two days ago to investigate the case.
The chairman of the Presidential Working Unit for Development, Supervision and Oversight (UKP4), Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, said that although he had not yet heard of the alleged massacre, the claims should be investigated. "This is a serious matter and cannot be handled like an ordinary case. Even more so when there are videos," he said.
Ridha Saleh, from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), said that his institution had already reported the case to the Lampung Police in November but that nothing had happened. "We are going to remind them, and ask them to soon resolve the case," he said.
Ezra Sihite Hundreds of members of the Anak Dalam tribe have rallied outside the House of Representatives in a second day of protests to demand ownership rights to their ancestral lands.
"We demand the return of the land that rightfully belongs to the Anak Dalam tribe," Ahmad Muslimin, the coordinator of the rally, said on Tuesday.
Ahmad said that 344 people were taking part in the protest, including 200 tribespeople from Jambi and 90 from Lampung, as well as a number of Jakarta-based activists.
At issue is 3,614 hectares of land claimed by the Anak Dalam and 8,000 hectares claimed by people from the village of Bungku, in Jambi's Batang Hari district.
According to Ahmad, the lands claimed by the Anak Dalam have been taken over, including by Asiatic Persada, a subsidiary of palm oil company Wilmar International.
Besides the contested lands in Jambi, there is also a conflict over 4,031 hectares in Lampung. The protesters say that those lands should be seized from another company, Sahang Bandar Lampung, because its right to use the lands was said to have already expired.
After having camped outside the House on Monday night, the protesters said on Tuesday that they were planning to spend another night in Senayan.
Ahmad also said that there would be additional protests held this weekend. Farmers' unions from Riau and Central Java will be arriving on Saturday, he said, with about 250 people.
The demonstrators have already met with the chairman of House Commission IV, which oversees agriculture and forestry affairs. And on Tuesday, they were slated to meet the chairman of Commission II, which deals with domestic issues. But so far, Ahmad said, the lawmakers had not promised them anything.
Ismoko Widjaya PT Silva Inhutani, a company that was mentioned in land takeover case that resulted in 30 farmers died in Lampung, has denied about the rumored killings. They emphasize the absence of brutal slaughter in the location in which the company is.
"Indonesia is a law-abiding nation, how could such an incident happen?" Sudirman, an accounting staff of PT Silva Inhutani, told VIVAnews today, Dec 14.
Earlier, two officers at the company revealed that Sudirman is a high- ranking official of the firm who undertakes Lampung region. According to Sudirman, the accusation is completely false. The police would have detected such brutal incident if it occurred.
"How could there be massacre and the police did not take any actions to prevent it? Such incident has never happened," said Sudirman. "All I know is that the incident has never happened."
The rumor of mass slaughter was revealed when several farmers visited Commission III of the House of Representative's Legal Division this morning, Dec 14. They were accompanied by Maj. Gen. (Ret) Saurip Kadi. They brought video recordings of the slaughter of 30 farmers in Tulang Bawang Induk and Tulang Bawang Barat, Lampung.
The atrocious killings done by camouflaged people can be clearly seen in the video. There were two videos showing the beheading of two men. A man wearing mask with a rifle was shown holding the head. The video also depicted seriously damaged villagers' homes.
The incident was triggered by land expansion by PT Silva Inhutani since 2003. The company was established in 1997. The farmers accused the company to have stolen their land for oil palm and rubber plantations.
Jakarta Only 10 percent of the nation's local languages will survive by the end of the century, according to a researcher.
Abdul Rachman Patji, the head of a social and cultural research center at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said that up to 169 local languages would likely become extinct due to lack of use. Abdul cited urbanization and inter-ethnic marriages as the two main factors causing the decline.
"People who stay in a big city and have to interact with other people from different backgrounds will likely use Indonesian to communicate," Abdul said on Wednesday as quoted by tribunnews.com. "Parents also don't actively teach their children to speak local dialects anymore," he added.
Inferiority complexes, economic status, a person's relationship with his or her past and tradition also contributed to the decrease in language use.
Abdul urged the government to balance the use of Indonesian and local languages in school to keep local dialects alive, "because the extinction of a language means the end of human civilization," he said.
Ambon, Maluku A flare-up of violence in the restive city of Ambon on Monday night left dozens of people injured and several homes badly damaged.
The incident stemmed from long-running animosity between residents of two neighborhoods separated by the Batu Gajah River, which boiled over at around 11 p.m. on Monday when the residents began trading insults and throwing fireworks at each other across the river.
Adj. Sr. Comr. J. Huwae, the Maluku Police spokesman, said a brawl then broke out as more incendiary devices were thrown, igniting several homes.
Riot personnel from the police's Mobile Brigade were deployed to the scene to break up the fight, he said, along with reinforcements from the army. They fired several warning shots in the air to disperse the residents.
Huwae said several people were injured, suffering bruises and lacerations from arrow shots, while one person sustained a gunshot wound to the chest.
"Eleven of the wounded people were taken to Al Fatah Hospital and four were taken to Sumber Hidup Hospital for a range of injuries," the spokesman said. "The gunshot victim is being treated at Dr. Haulussy General Hospital."
It was not immediately clear whether the victim, identified as 22-year-old Refelino Mahulete, was shot by security forces or by other residents. "After the brawl, we combed through the scene of the incident and found two Molotov cocktails, 20 arrows and a slingshot," Huwae said.
He added that although no firearms had been found, police were aware of their presence in the area and would carry out raids. No one has yet been arrested or named a suspect for sparking the brawl.
Adj. Sr. Comr. Soeharwiyono, the Ambon Police chief, said he believed the violence was connected to the massive rioting and arson that swept the city on Sept. 11 and left nine people dead. That earlier clash was itself a flare-up of long-simmering tensions between the city's Muslim and Christian communities.
Max Pentury, a member of the provincial legislature, said that while neighborhood brawls were common, the police should conduct a thorough investigation into why Monday's got out of hand.
"If this incident was deliberately provoked, then the police should identify and catch the perpetrators," he said. He urged police to intensify their routine raids for weapons, fireworks and other incendiary devices and also called for immediate reparations for those whose homes were damaged, warning that leaving that problem unresolved for long could trigger yet more unrest.
Namsa, the head of the Ambon social services agency, said households affected by the violence would get emergency supplies of food while officials surveyed the homes to determine the degree of damage and the cost of repairing them.
He added that his agency was still building new homes for some 600 families out of the 2,000 rendered homeless following the riot in September.
Ami Afriatni Almost a month has passed since Palembang hosted the closing ceremony of the Southeast Asian Games but the organizers still have a mountain of debt to settle.
The South Sumatra House of Representatives revealed on Monday that the province still owes Rp 324.9 billion ($35.7 million) to Prambanan Dwipaka, the company that built the athletics stadium, aquatic center, and shooting range. Just two days later, Games organizer Inasoc admitted it still owes Rp 60 billion to suppliers.
South Sumatra lawmaker Syaiful Islam said the House had received a letter from the government requesting clearance to pay the debt by allocating money from next year's provincial budget.
"Before we discuss the debt, the ownership of those venues has to be clear. We have to know whether those venues belong to the central government or the province. Then we'll know who should pay the debt and look after the venues," Syaiful told news portal Tempo.co on Monday.
Djoko Pekik, secretary of the Youth and Sports Affairs Ministry, confirmed the debt and said that both the central and provincial governments were working on a way to settle the debt.
"The plan was to finance those venues with central and provincial government funds, and also some funds from sponsors," he said. "However, several companies withdrew their support for the venues' development. We've been discussing this with the Coordinating Ministry for People's Welfare and we hope to settle this debt as soon as possible."
The South Sumatra government, which reportedly spent Rp 3 trillion to build 11 venues for the biennial regional Games, refused to comment on the matter.
The central government has spent almost Rp 2 trillion since 2009 to help fund the Games, which were hosted by Indonesia for the first time since 1997.
The extent of the debt problem became cleared on Wednesday when Inasoc deputy chairman Djoko Pramono told the Jakarta Globe that eight vendors had yet to be paid. The vendors in question provided medals, athletes' jerseys, the IT system, the accreditation system, the lighting for Lebak Bulus Stadium, technical handbooks and doping tests.
"Five of them had received a down payment, but three others will get their down payment [on Wednesday]," he said. "Then we must pay all the money we owe to them in full."
He did not specify a time frame for the payment. "In total we owe around Rp 60 billion, including Rp 40 billion for the IT system," he added.
Djoko said the money to pay the debts has actually been in Inasoc's account all along; however, the bureaucratic process to liquidate the cash takes time. However, he said the vendors understood Inasoc's situation and that none of them had been pushing to get their payments.
"Since the start I told them that they were working for the country. But I put my own neck and reputation on the line, so we better settle this soon," Djoko said. "We used their goods and services, so we have to pay them."
The Games was seen as an ambitious project from the start after Indonesia picked Palembang, which lacked any international standard sporting venues, to host the event along with Jakarta.
A lack of funding and complicated bureaucracy meant that most of the venues in the South Sumatra capital were finished behind schedule.
The organizer's task was complicated by a graft scandal surrounding the building of an athletes' village in the city. A Sports Ministry official is alleged to have received bribes in exchange for awarding contracts.
Despite those shortcomings, the Games went ahead without any major problems and Indonesian athletes topped the medal tally for the first time since 1997. The success was hailed as potentially the beginning of a new, dominant sporting era for the country.
Gorontalo The Indonesian Military says it will shift strategy and deploy troops from Java to areas near the nation's borders as part of a defense rethink.
"The troops will be deployed to border areas, from Aceh and Kalimantan to Sulawesi and Papua," Col. Sigit Priyono, the chief of the Defense Ministry's State Defense Policy Development unit, said in Gorontalo on Wednesday, antaranews.com reported.
Sigit said the ministry was shifting from a "Java-centric" focus to responding to potential security and defense threats across the nation. "Currently, the troops in Java outnumber those on the borders, which are more prone to security and defense disturbances," he said.
Java is the most densely militarized province in Indonesia, with 1 soldier for every 0.8 square kilometers, as opposed to 1 soldier per 7 square kilometers in Sulawesi, 8 square kilometers in Sumatra, and 27 square kilometers in Kalimantan and Papua.
Hasyim Widhiarto, Bandung/Surabaya/Malang Three state-owned companies in the defense industry are running low on manpower as budget constraints have hampered their ability to hire new talent and develop new research.
With most of its company employees being older than 40, company executives at ship maker PT PAL Indonesia, weapons manufacturer PT Pindad and aircraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia said they were concerned about their respective companies' futures.
PT PAL's director for human resources and general affairs Sewoko Kartanegara said the company now employed 1,400 workers, far lower than the 6,000 it had in the 1990s. Among the workforce only 80 staffers, who are senior engineers and possess the requisite knowledge and skills in design, develop and build various kinds of ships.
"The number of expert engineers is still sufficient to ensure the sustainability of our [ship] production line and maintenance services. But we can only rely on their services for a few more years, as the average age among them stands between 47 and 48 years old," Sewoko said.
The retirement age at the company is 55 but the company's management can extend employees' tenure if they are promoted and join the company's board of directors.
The firm, which derives most of its revenue from ship maintenance services, has also found it difficult to offer its employees competitive salaries.
"We did raise the salary of low- and middle-ranking workers on promotion. But the salary gap between them is growing closer as we have failed to raise the salaries among our higher-level workers over the past several years," Sewoko said. The company now needs at least Rp 8 billion (US$896,000) to pay for employees' salaries and benefits per month.
Operating on the verge of bankruptcy for more than a decade, Bandung-based aircraft maker Dirgantara has lost many of its key personnel. Dirgantara's technology and business development director, Dita Ardonni Jafri, said the company currently had fewer than 900 engineers and technicians, much lower than the 2,000 skilled workers during the 1990s.
"Should Dirgantara fail to secure any new aircraft development projects in the next two years, the company will potentially lose its ability to design and build aircraft, since our human resources will have no opportunity to catch up with the fast-changing, technological developments," Dita said.
The company has also been struggling with an aging workforce, with more than 70 percent of its 4,000 employees being over the age of 40.
For Pindad, the key problem is the high price of imported materials. The exorbitant price of raw materials, including gunpowder and bullet casings, have sapped the company's resources, which are needed to develop its human resources and improve its infrastructure.
The company recently announced that it needed Rp 696 billion to build, among other things, a testing ground for armored personnel carriers, as well as to refurbish its aging production facilities in order to increase the company's annual production capacity from 20,000 to 30,000 assault rifles, 18 million to 32 million 9-mm bullets and 50 million to 113 million 5.56-mm bullets, by 2013.
The company also has an aging workforce problem. Pindad considers the average age of its 2,000-plus employees, which currently stands at 43, as a pressing problem.
For the first time in many years, the company advertised new positions in September this year. "We expect to recruit between 50 and 70 newly graduated engineers," said Pindad's director for weapon-system products, Slamet Irianto.
In their heyday between the 1980s and 1990s, PAL, Dirgantara and Pindad received generous financial support from the government via the then research and technology minister and head of the Strategic Industry Regulatory Body (BPIS), Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, who was also a close aide to president Soeharto. Habibie's huge investment in the companies bore fruit in the early 1990s, when the local companies designed and produced the CN-235 cargo plane and the N-250 passenger aircraft, warships and various high-quality rifles and a range of ammunition.
The companies' fortunes plummeted in the period following the 1998 Asian financial crisis when the government, under pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), cut its financial support to the companies. The companies soon faced long-standing financial problems and management woes, which led to the departure of their top experts and engineers.
Without government support, PAL and Dirgantara have been beset by debt problems for more than a decade, while Pindad, although still in the black, has been operating on a shoestring budget.
After more than a decade of mismanagement, the government, through state- asset management company PT Perusahaan Pengelola Aset (PPA), has recently introduced a restructuring program, by offering the ailing companies capital injections from the state budget and loan conversions. The target is simple: The companies must become primary suppliers of the Indonesian Military's (TNI) primary weapons' defense system by 2024.
Rangga Prakoso People who blow the whistle on crime will get sweeping new protections after the nation's key law enforcement bodies signed an agreement intended to bring high-profile offenders to justice.
Under the agreement, signed in Bogor on Wednesday, state witnesses will have the right to physical, psychological and legal protection. They will also be eligible for more lenient indictments and sentence cuts or presidential pardons.
The agreement defined state witnesses as the main actors in the crime they revealed and that the information they provide should be significant in helping to solve the case. It also said they must return any assets they obtained unlawfully.
The agreement was signed by representatives of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the National Police, the Attorney General's Office and the Victim and Witness Protection Agency (LPSK) in the presence of Vice President Boediono and Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud M.D.
So far, two people qualify for protection: Vincentius Amin Sutanto, who exposed tax irregularities involving Asian Agri, and Agus Condro Prayitno, a lawmaker who revealed bribes were made to get Miranda Goeltom appointed as senior Bank Indonesia deputy governor in 2004.
The KPK chairman and the attorney general have the authority to determine whether someone can be judged as a whistle-blower or state witness. "This will be set down in joint regulations," LPSK head Abdul Haris Semendawai said.
Under the agreement, Abdul Haris' institution will be responsible for protecting whistle-blowers.
Under the process for determining who will receive protection, the LPSK will submit a recommendation to the attorney general or the head of the KPK. "It will be then coordinated with the law enforcers to determine whether the concerned party was worthy of the status," Abdul Haris said.
A proposed revision to a 2006 law on witness protection is currently being prepared.
Abdul Haris has said that four options should be made available to so- called "participant whistleblowers": lighter sanctions, parole, remissions and immunity from charges. Under the current law, whistle-blowers are not immune from being prosecuted if they are involved in the crime they report.
Controversial police officer-turned-whistle-blower Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji last year unsuccessfully challenged the law after police, who were holding him in custody on corruption charges, refused to hand him over to the LPSK.
In September, the Constitutional Court ruled that even a whistle-blower deemed indispensable to cases could be prosecuted if he or she were involved in the crime.
Jakarta The first things that came into Sri Warini's mind when she found her house had been robbed were that she must call the police and make a list of all the items that had been stolen.
The burglar stole many belongings from her house in Rawasari, Central Jakarta, including jewelry, two TV sets, and a personal computer central processing unit.
"My friends told me that if I didn't give the police some money, they would never follow up on the case, so I gave the officer Rp 300,000 [US$33]," Sri told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
The police officer responded by promising that she and her husband could call at any time to find out if there had been any developments in their search for the perpetrators.
Sri's husband, Mulyadi, went down to the police station once a week for the first few weeks, only to be told on each occasion that there had been no developments at all.
Weeks went by with no developments, and finally the couple gave up hope of recovering their stolen possessions. "The police never even called us, not even to say that they were still trying to track down the burglar," she said.
The robbery occurred around eight years ago. Sri, now 61, lives in Yogyakarta with her husband. The case remains unsolved.
Cases like Sri's are a dime a dozen in the capital, with the result that many residents have become apathetic about the police's ability to help them recover stolen belongings. "Asking a local witch doctor [dukun] for help would be far more effective than asking a police officer if you get robbed," said Albert Aritonang, a 27-year-old doctor currently residing in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara.
Albert owns a boarding house and an Internet cafe in Salemba, Central Jakarta. In a span of one week in 2010, two motorcycles were stolen from his cafe.
"I reported both thefts, and there was never any follow up. Upon my second report, the police officers said that they would provide extra protection for my premises if I gave them 'some money for coffee'," he said.
He rejected the offer because he recognized it as bribery. "I pay my taxes to pay for their salary. They are obliged to serve me for no extra cost at all," he said.
Afterward, he installed a closed-circuit television (CCTV) system to monitor his boarding house and internet cafe, because he no longer believed that the police would provide him with security.
Many others do not even bother reporting crimes to the police. Dewi Irma, a resident of Kebayoran Lama, South Jakarta, once had her BlackBerry smartphone snatched from her by a person riding a motorcycle as she was texting on a sidewalk near her home.
She never reported the case to the police because she does not trust them. "If they can't even get hold of a bigwig corruptor with a famous face, what are the chances that they're able to catch my BlackBerry thief, who is a nobody?"
A similar robbery befell the grandmother of Nidia Olanda, a resident of Duren Sawit, East Jakarta. Nidia said that her grandmother had not reported the case to the police because to do so would have created further complications.
Some people refuse to talk to the press about robberies they have experienced to avoid complicating the problem, arguing that they would rather stay silent and get on with their lives than dwell on the problem with no guarantee of a solution.
Indonesian Police Watch chairman Neta S. Pane said that victims' reluctance to report robberies to the police was a sign that the police could not offer legal certainty anymore.
"The public is becoming uncomfortable with dealing with the police. They are afraid of being extorted, which could be much more expensive than the value of the stolen items," he said. "The Jakarta Police should be ashamed of this," he said.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Baharuddin Djafar urged the public not to tolerate corrupt police officers. "Should anyone be asked for money by a police officer, he or she must report it," he said. (mim)
Ismira Lutfia Analysts have urged the government to shelve a contentious bill on state secrecy that they argue is both open to interpretation and redundant.
Agus Sudibyo, a member of the Press Council and deputy director of the Science, Aesthetics and Technology (SET) Foundation, said on Sunday that the bill should be withdrawn because its provisions on information deemed state secrets were already included in the 2008 Freedom of Information Law.
He also criticized the punishment stipulated in the bill for those leaking sensitive information.
Under the bill, the disclosure of highly classified material is punishable by four years in prison and Rp 100 million ($11,000) in fines, while for classified material it is three years and Rp 50 million. For leaking material categorized as restricted, the prescribed punishment is four years in prison and a Rp 1 billion fine.
Agus pointed out that the punishments were the same for ordinary citizens and for state officials. "What the bill fails to accommodate is protection for those who disclose the information in the interests of the public," he said.
He added that another problem with the bill was the fact that its definition of what constituted a state secret was far too broad and thus open to interpretation.
Agus said it also "misunderstood" the public's right to information, and even infringed on that right by making access to information an exclusive privilege of state officials. "Is the state secrecy bill meant to protect private interests? If so, whose interests?" he said.
Toby Mendel, executive director at the Center for Law and Democracy, said a study by his institute and SET showed that the problems with the bill were not limited to its content alone, but also extended to its innate dependence on a host of other legislation to give it any context and legal basis.
He said that rather than try to push through the state secrecy bill, the government should do more to implement and enforce the Freedom of Information Law.
"That law was only recently passed, yet already there's this push to get the state secrecy bill passed too," he said. "The priority now must go toward implementing the Freedom of Information Law, and only later when there's a need for separate legislation on state secrecy should we consider another bill."
Mendel said that although there was a clear need for steps to safeguard state secrets, the current bill fell far short of internationally recognized standards for transparency and openness. As such, he said, it needed to be revised in keeping with democratization and good governance efforts in the country.
Indonesian members of parliament approved the final draft of a long-awaited land bill on Wednesday that investors hope will speed up land acquisition for government infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia's biggest economy.
Inadequate infrastructure is seen as both a hurdle to higher growth and an investment opportunity in a country where roads, ports and airports are overloaded as trade booms.
Weak infrastructure was cited by Fitch Ratings as an obstacle to the agency upgrading the country to an investment grade rating.
So the passing of the bill could increase the chances of an upgrade next year that would put it on a par with nations such as Brazil, Russia and India, and lead to further investment.
A parliamentary committee, which has been working on the bill since it was submitted last year, approved a final draft on Wednesday, said Taufik Hidayat, the committee's deputy head.
It will now go to a House of Representatives (DPR) plenary session, which could pass it on Friday. The bill will still need a decree from the president within a year to be implemented, under Indonesia's slow law- making process.
"The bill has given the foundation... It depends on the implementation," said Hidayat, of legislation that would effectively gives the state the right to expropriate land at a price and set time limits on landowner appeals.
Shares in Indonesian construction, property and toll road firms have rallied this week on hopes the bill would be passed, after Hidayat said last week the wording was being finalized.
"The land bill is needed by construction companies because once it's done, they can go on with all the toll roads projects that were halted," said Jemmy Paul, a fund manager at Jakarta-based Sucorinvest Asset Management, which oversees $230 million.
Bankers say the delay in passing the bill has been holding up the dispersal of loans to companies for infrastructure development this year. The country's main toll road operator, Jasa Marga, told Reuters last year that without the bill, the company was like a race car waiting for a track.
Sucorinvest sees the bill as positive for firms such as Wijaya Karya, Citra Marga Nusaphala Persada and Adhi Karya, Paul said.
The bill would only apply to government projects, but is likely to allow for privately operated projects on government-bought land, since the government is relying on $100 billion of private investment to overhaul its roads, railways and ports. Without better infrastructure, analysts say the country's growth may start to slow because of capacity constraints.
"There's a fear that Indonesia's economy would have a hard landing if infrastructure does not get fixed. Infrastructure is a bottleneck in the economy," Paul said. "By fixing this, Indonesia's GDP can be boosted again."
Policymakers in the G20 member are relying on strong domestic consumption, lending and investment to shield the economy from a global downturn, and push it from current GDP growth of 6.5 percent towards a potential 7 percent.
Bank Indonesia, which has slashed its benchmark overnight interest rate to a record low 6 percent to spur the economy, has urged local lenders to cut their own lending rates and lift loan growth that is already buoyant at over 25 percent.
"We understand that the country needs infrastructure development but the problem is the disbursement of loans. We've prepared Rp 20 trillion ($2.21 billion) for roads only. We're ready, willing and able," said Gatot Suwondo, the CEO of Indonesia's fourth largest lender, Bank Negara Indonesia.
Olivia Rondonuwu Indonesia's parliament is likely to pass a long-delayed land bill next week, a move that investors hope will speed up land acquisition to spur infrastructure development in Southeast Asia's biggest economy.
Inadequate infrastructure is seen as both an investment opportunity and an obstacle to growth, and has been cited by Fitch Ratings as a key risk to the chances of Indonesia winning an investment grade rating next year.
The government submitted the bill to a slow-moving parliament late last year, and hopes it will help attract $100 billion of private investment for new airports, ports and roads, though the contentious question of compensation for land meant it had been expected to be delayed again into next year.
"I'm 99 percent sure that the bill will be passed in the plenary on Dec. 16, we are working on the wording now," Taufiq Hidayat, a lawmaker on a parliamentary committee drafting the bill, told Reuters.
The bill will only apply to government projects, but also allows for privately-operated projects on government-bought land. The government is relying on the private sector for two-thirds of the G20 member's infrastructure needs. Japan, China and India have already promised over $70 billion.
"Passage of the bill will help provide for breakthroughs in at least some projects, especially the long-awaited Trans-Java Toll Road, as well as railway and airport projects," said political analyst Kevin O'Rourke, adding dysfunctional bureaucracy and a lack of planning would still be hurdles.
Indonesia has not built a new railway since gaining independence from the Dutch over 60 years ago, transport disasters are all too common, and its airports, ports and roads are becoming overloaded as strong economic growth boosts trade.
This adds to delivery costs across the archipelago, creating an inflation problem. Analysts see a failure to overhaul infrastructure as a risk that could constrain future growth.
The bill has been held up as lawmakers tried to overcome the problem of people often not having land ownership certificates, disputes over land costs and over compensation that meant projects often get delayed for years or end up being cancelled.
"With this law passed, we will see fewer halted toll road projects, and less conflict between people and the state over land," said Hidayat.
The bill effectively gives the government the right to expropriate land at a price, and sets a 30-day limit on the time allowed for compensation settlements, which will speed up the process, but could still lead to conflict. Local community protests over resource development and worker strikes have turned violent across the archipelago this year.
Daryatmo Mardiyanto, the chairman of the land bill committee, told Reuters earlier this year that current development practices are risky for small landowners.
Compensation could take the form of cash, profit sharing in the project, relocation or be based a specific agreement between the government and landowners. Mardiyanto said simply offering money for land was his least preferred option for compensation.
"There are concerns that when the government takes land for development, then people will lose their rights over the land, and this law will help to solve that," said Mardiyanto.
Shirley Wibisono When Indonesia's longest suspension bridge suddenly collapsed last month, killing more than 20 people, allegations immediately surfaced that corruption was behind the disaster.
Police have come up with little explanation as to why the 720-meter-long structure in East Kalimantan built just 10 years ago to resemble San Francisco's Golden Gate Bridge gave way, sending dozens of vehicles into the river.
But they are investigating accusations by the country's corruption-fighting commission and others that the materials used were of poorer quality and cheaper than the construction company claimed.
"The bridge collapse is one example of how quality is being compromised by corruption, where A-grade materials are substituted with lower-grade ones. That's very dangerous," said the chairman of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce, Suryo Bambang Sulisto.
"It's common for corruption to happen at all stages in Indonesian infrastructure projects, whether it's during the tender process or extortion along the way."
After the incident, lawmakers called for an audit of every major bridge in the country, in which East Java alone found nine on the brink of buckling.
As developed countries remain in the economic doldrums, overseas investors have taken a keen interest in Indonesia, with foreign direct investment expected to top $20 billion by the year end.
A wealth of natural resources and a burgeoning middle class that fuels Indonesia's economic expansion, forecast to reach 6.5 percent this year, make the country an attractive prospect.
But investors consistently cite corruption as a major deterrent and bemoan the lack of reliable infrastructure, with companies often forced to build their own roads, bridges, railways and ports to do business in the sprawling archipelago of 17,000 islands.
Indonesia's 2011-25 development plan calls for around $440 billion of investment in highways, harbors and power plants, and to tackle crippling traffic in major cities.
According to the London-based risk consultancy Business Monitor International, high levels of corruption have "severely impeded investment in the country's infrastructure from non-public sources."
"Although the Indonesian government is working hard to attract private investors, there is still an underlying threat of corruption and a lack of transparency in the tendering process," a BMI report said.
A World Bank analysis found corruption could add up to 20 percent to the existing costs of projects in Indonesia.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has won two elections on promises to tackle graft in one of the most corrupt countries in Asia, but critics say he has failed to make any genuine difference to the culture of graft and impunity.
A Gallup poll released in October found that 91 percent of Indonesians believe corruption in government is widespread, compared to 84 percent in 2006. At an event to mark International Anti-Corruption Day on Friday, Yudhoyono called for action and told law enforcers to go after the big fish.
"We should not make this event a ceremonial thing, but let's use it to reflect and improve our efforts to eradicate corruption in this country, especially during my term," he said, according to his official Web site. "What we need is action," he said, calling on anticorruption activists and leaders of nongovernmental organizations to help eradicate graft.
But corruption is an old and deep-seated problem, said economist Sri Adiningsih from Gadjah Mada University. "Here in Indonesia, it is a common practice for businessmen to bribe officials to get a project," Adiningsih said.
"The government have actually placed layers of preventive measures to deal with this problem. However, we are still lacking efforts in law enforcement," she said. "It is very difficult to tackle this widespread practice since the younger civil servants tend to follow the common practice as soon as they are involved in the system."
Indonesia has set up several bodies to tackle graft and the country's corruption ranking has improved slightly to 100 from 110 last year, out of 183 countries, according to a report by Transparency International last week.
Poor infrastructure has also elevated distribution costs, so that a 50- kilogram sack of cement which sells for around $9 in Jakarta can cost as much as $130 in the remote and poorly connected eastern Papua region.
"Logistics costs, which normally account for five to six percent of production costs, can eat up between 10 to 15 percent in Indonesia," Indonesian Employers Association chairman Sofjan Wanandi said.
"If this goes on, Indonesians will likely start importing more goods instead of producing locally," he added.
Esther Samboh, Jakarta The governor of Bank Indonesia (BI) is slamming inefficiency in the country's banking industry that he says pushes up lending rates and blocks the nation from expanding to its full potential of 7 percent annual growth.
Darmin Nasution said on Friday that the inefficiency was due to hefty lending costs and the use of idle funds in the financial markets instead of for loans.
"The availability of financing is among the factors that hinders investment," he told bankers, business players and policy makers at an annual bankers dinner while addressing the central bank's policy and economic outlook for 2012.
"Business access to credit is hampered by the high lending rate factor, collateral availability and complicated lending requirements."
Investment should grow at a rate of 12 percent for the economy to reach its fullest potential, while bank contributions to overall corporate financing should be at a "minimum" of 25 percent for working capital loans and 21 percent for investment loans, he said.
Internal cash remained the main source of corporate financing at 48 percent of overall financing for working capital loans and 61 percent for investment loans, according to a BI survey.
Lending rates for working capital, investment and consumer loans in Indonesia were "costly", at 12.09 percent, 11.66 percent and 13.4 percent respectively almost twice BI's 6 percent overnight policy rate.
The low efficiency level of the banking industry meant higher costs and increased lending rates, reflected in a high cost-to-income ratio of 86.44 percent in October, versus 40 to 60 percent in other nations in Southeast Asia.
Meanwhile, the banking industry's return on assets was high at 3.11 percent as of October, compared with an average of 1.14 percent for banks in the region indicating that Indonesian banks have been very profitable.
"We cannot stand still and consider our banking industry balanced, especially looking at other Asian banking industries which have continued to fix themselves. If [we] don't build our competitiveness, we will ensure that our banking industry will be left out in light of the implementation of the 2015 ASEAN Economic Community," Darmin said.
"Though our banking industry has improved a lot, its contribution to national economic development is still suboptimal, or not enough."
The ratio of bank assets to gross domestic product (GDP) stood at 47.2 percent as of September, while the lending-to-GDP ratio was "only" at 29 percent, he said, contrasting it to a 114 percent lending ratio in Malaysia, a 117 percent ratio in Thailand and a 131 percent ratio in China.
"This is because the placement of banking assets which, according to a macro-perspective, is not productive," Darmin said, referring to placement in monetary and government bond instruments.
As of October, local banks owned Rp 245.97 trillion (US$27.17 billion) in government bonds, while their placements in other monetary instruments such as BI certificates and term deposits stood at Rp 415.48 trillion, representing 31.4 percent of the overall Rp 2,106.2 trillion in outstanding loans.
"About 60 percent of BI's monetary instruments was controlled by 10 big banks," he added.
Catherine Wilson, Sydney The Indonesian government's offer of development for West Papua, following the crackdown by security forces on a pro-independence meeting in Jayapura in October, is unlikely to succeed in the absence of political dialogue and calls for self-determination are expected to continue.
For half a century, the indigenous population of the Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua in western New Guinea, who are ethnically and culturally related to Melanesians of the neighbouring Pacific Islands, have campaigned for the self-government first initiated as Dutch colonial rule ended in the early 1960s.
The First Papuan People's Congress in 1961 was part of decolonisation but thwarted by incorporation of the territory into Indonesia after the United Nations-supervised 'Act of Free Choice' on the political future of West Papua in 1969 was apparently manipulated to guarantee a majority vote for integration.
The granting of Special Autonomy in 2001, following the Second Papuan Congress, failed to improve the social and economic status or political freedoms of West Papuans.
The Third Papuan Congress led by Selpius Bobii, Papuan Chair of the National Committee for West Papua (KNPB), was convened in Abepura, Jayapura, with approximately 5,000 attending despite the heavy presence of Indonesian security forces.
At the close of the congress on Oct. 19, and following declaration of an independent West Papua, violence broke out as security officers triggered guns to disperse the crowd, fired tear gas and arrested approximately 300 participants.
Indonesian human rights organisation, Kontras, reported evidence of security forces committing "killings, arbitrary arrests, torture and deeds of other inhumane and excessive use of force" against congress participants, while those arrested suffered "acts of violence in the form of beatings with wood, the barrels of guns and were kicked and beaten."
Six delegates are now dead and the six who remain arrested, including Selpius Bobii, Forkorus Yaboisembut, Chair of the Papuan Customary Council, and Edison Waromi, president of the West Papua National Authority, are charged with treason.
Large pro-independence demonstrations across the provinces over the past year have been galvanised by escalating frustration at ten years of failed Special Autonomy, impunity of human rights abuses by security forces and the government's promotion of Indonesian migration to Papua and West Papua, resulting in an indigenous demographic minority.
Concurrently the movement has been boosted by the Vanuatu Government's decision in 2010 to include support for West Papuan Independence in its foreign policy and a high profile International Lawyers for West Papua conference in Britain in August.
Camellia Webb-Gannon, West Papua project co-ordinator, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney, explained: "The central government has failed to pass crucial legislation that would have allowed Special Autonomy to be fully implemented.
"The splitting of West Papua into two provinces undermined Special Autonomy and started the process of 'pemekeran' through which Papua and West Papua are being administratively fragmented and thus weakened. Many of the freedoms promised under Special Autonomy, such as the right to fly the (separatist) Morning Star flag, have since been revoked."
While the government also devolved responsibility for substantial revenues from the giant Freeport-McMoRan-owned Grasberg copper and gold mine in Timika, which generates 50 percent of Papua's GDP, the province has the lowest human development index in Indonesia.
"Although Papua and West Papua are awash with funds flowing back from the centre, the extent of corruption at the provincial and local administrative levels mean that most of this money never makes its way to the projects and people that need it most," said Webb-Gannon.
Special Autonomy funds prop up elite corruption and perpetuate military rent-seeking behaviour as there is inadequate restriction on and monitoring of these funds, Webb-Gannon added.
While Indonesia fears secession could lead to national disintegration, 'makar' treason laws criminalise separatist demonstrations and the government benefits substantially from the province's natural resources.
Indonesia has emerged as a strong democracy since the end of the militaristic Suharto regime in 1998, but the power of the armed forces remains extant and their role in human rights abuses, corruption and extortion largely immune to challenges from the state or civil society.
Human Rights Watch reports that: "New allegations of security force involvement in torture emerged in 2010, but the military consistently shields its officers from investigations and the government makes little effort to hold them accountable. Nor was there any progress on a bill before parliament that would give civilian courts jurisdiction to try soldiers accused of committing abuses against civilians."
Illegal activities of the Indonesian military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia) or TNI in the Papuan provinces includes drug smuggling, prostitution, trade of tropical birds, legal and illegal logging operations, gambling and extorting payments from local villagers.
Corruption watchdog, Global Witness, also revealed in 2005 payments of millions of dollars to the TNI from the Freeport mining company for security services at the Grasberg mine, where recent violent confrontations between the TNI and workers, who have been striking since Sep. 15 over pay grievances, resulted in the death of a miner in mid-October.
Now the Indonesian government has announced the Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua will be fast tracking development, overseeing allocation of autonomy funds and initiating dialogue with local civilian groups.
Neles Tebay, a priest with the Catholic Diocese of Jayapura, who is campaigning for peace talks, said: "The West Papuan people have not been treated as human beings and the trust has been broken. Trust between the Indonesian government and Papuan people will not be easy."
Tebay believes that the Indonesian president should appoint a special envoy to initiate political dialogue with West Papuan political representatives. Positive government pronouncements currently overlook the main demand of the Third Papuan Congress Declaration, namely termination of Indonesian occupation.
"In Timor, a referendum led to the transformation of the peoples' aspirations and this is what many of the current generation of activists in West Papua are pushing for," Webb-Gannon said.
Carmel Budiardjo According to Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, there are no political prisoners in Papua only criminals who have broken the law. This is troubling news for Papuans such as Filep Karma, Forkorus Yaboisembut and others who are currently behind bars for expressing their beliefs.
Djoko's statement late week is especially puzzling in light of an internal government document, titled "List of Political Prisoners Across Papua," that was leaked earlier this year to Tapol. The document lists 25 Papuans detained for treason and related offenses. In addition to the government's own records, numerous NGOs based in Jakarta and Papua, as well as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Tapol, all hold extensive data on political prisoners in Papua the put the number even higher.
According to Djoko, if organizations like Amnesty International consider the individuals in question to be political prisoners, this is only their perception, whereas from the point of view of national law they are criminals.
But this is not about perception; it is a question of international laws and standards to which Indonesia is an adherent. In the event that Indonesia's national laws contravene these standards, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, then those national laws must be amended lest Indonesia stand in violation of its obligations. This has long been the position of Papuan civil society, whose calls for a judicial review of the treason laws that are used to criminalize freedom of expression (in particular Article 106 of the Criminal Code) have been growing louder over the past year.
What senior Indonesian officials can all agree on is that they will not tolerate treason, and this has been clearly expressed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, military officials, senior police officials and lawmakers alike. However, an increasing number of elements within the government and judiciary recognize the need to develop a more finely nuanced understanding of treason that does not violate universal rights and international law.
In October 2010, Mahfud MD, the chairman of the Constitutional Court, joined the debate by arguing that demonstrations and treason are not the same thing. Expressing one's aspirations is entirely legal in accordance with Indonesia's human rights laws, he said, adding, "Why should we be scared of things like demonstrations? During reform in 1998, we all struggled so that activities like this could be carried out freely."
The violence and arrests following the Third Papuan People's Congress in October sparked a lively public debate about the issue of freedom of expression in Indonesia, and Frits Ramandey, secretary of the National Human Rights Commission, rejected the view that the meeting was treasonous. He challenged the police to take a broader view: "If we consider there to be an element of trying to form a new country, or to separate oneself from a legally valid country, then there has to be a military occupation to seize territory. In this case they didn't seize anything, they just wanted to make a peaceful announcement.... That is not treason."
It is not only Indonesians who are concerned for the fate of the country's political prisoners. During a 2008 review of Indonesia by the United Nations' Human Rights Council, the Netherlands, Canada and Ireland all expressed concerns about Indonesia's use of treason laws to suppress freedom of expression. The UN's judgment on arbitrary detentions went still further, ruling that the detention of Filep Karma, who was detained in 2004 and is serving a 15-year sentence for his connection with a peaceful flag- raising ceremony, is illegal and calling for the release of political prisoners.
In just five months' time Indonesia is up for review at the Human Rights Council again. International concern about the issue is growing stronger all the time as the number of demonstrations in Papua continues to increase and the list of political prisoners grows longer.
In a democratic Indonesia, it is simply no longer appropriate to lock people up when they say things that the government does not like, and as the Jakarta-Papua dialogue initiative suggests, there are alternative ways to engage with Papua. If Indonesia is to move on from its painful past, it should heed the calls to release political prisoners and repeal anti- democratic laws that criminalize the freedom of expression. Only then will Djoko Suyanto truly be able to say that political prisoners no longer exist in Indonesia.
[Carmel Budiardjo is a senior campaigner at Tapol, a Britain-based organization that works to promote human rights, peace and democracy in Indonesia.]
It has now been four months since workers at Freeport-McMoRan's Grasberg mine in Papua decided to strike, demanding higher pay. Despite the company's efforts to forge an agreement, the workers' union plans to extend the strike for another month, to Jan. 15.
This is both highly irresponsible and extremely selfish. Not only will the ongoing strike hurt Indonesia's image as an investment destination, it directly hurts the workers as they have not been paid for the past three months. We wonder if union leaders are able to guarantee the workers that their families will be looked after if the mine is forced to shut down permanently due to the ongoing strike.
The damage the strike is doing to the local economy is also immeasurable. As the workers are not being paid as long as they remain on strike, they are unable to buy goods from local stores, which in turn are facing severe losses. Multiply these losses across the region and you have the basis of a crisis that will have far-reaching ramifications.
Juli Parorrongan, the spokesman for the union representing Freeport workers, has said that the workers "want to encourage further discussion aimed at settling the problem as soon as possible." Why then is he extending the strike for another month?
The union had originally demanded a 20-fold pay rise to $30 an hour from the current $1.50 to $3 an hour. Not only is this demand ludicrous, it smacks of greed. No company in the world, no matter how profitable, would be able to afford such a drastic increase in the salary of its workers.
While we fully endorse a fair and equitable wage for all workers, the fact is that Grasberg's 8,000 workers are already the best-paid in the country. A truck driver with a number of years of experience at Freeport last year earned Rp 16 million ($1,775) a month, higher than what many white-collar workers take home in Jakarta and other major cities.
Furthermore, it is not appropriate to compare pay scales in Indonesia with other countries, given different conditions and standards of living. Under the current wage demands of the union, a truck worker would take home Rp 73 million a month! The country cannot be held hostage by a union that is neither responsible nor rational.
Ati Nurbaiti, Canberra As of September this year, at least 26 regencies and municipalities have passed bylaws restricting or banning the Ahmadiyah sect, 11 of them in West Java alone, according to a list from the National Commission on Violence Against Women.
Some were issued after the murderous assault on the sect in Pandeglang regency, Banten, in February 2011; including the Banten bylaw itself. The Commission has said women and children of the sect were the most vulnerable in the attacks, which according to the Setara Institute have included 342 cases of assault from 2007 to 2011. This also includes the resettlement of an entire Ahmadiyah community to an island off Lombok.
The local regulations justify other citizens and authorities into closing down Ahmadi mosques, forcing them out of their homes, or ordering them to denounce Islam if they insist on their beliefs. Unlike mainstream Muslims, the Ahmadiyah do not believe that Muhammad is the last prophet, saying they differentiate between prophets and messengers.
However, Muslims have said this is their excuse to hide their real beliefs; that the Ahmadiyah have frequently violated the joint ministerial decree on their sect by proselytizing; and that the attacks on them would stop if only they would drop their teachings, or declare that they are no longer Muslims.
The bylaws and the joint ministerial decree, revived in 2008, refer to the 2005 non-binding fatwa of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) which states the Ahmadiyah is deviant; and also the 1965 Law on Blasphemy, which was upheld in 2005 by the Constitutional Court in its ruling against a group of human rights advocates who wanted it annulled. The plaintiffs had said the blasphemy law was no longer relevant for a democracy since it was issued under martial law in 1965.
The movement to annul the 1965 law and those advocating an end to prosecuting minorities, pursue entirely different reasoning from groups who are sealing the Ahmadiyah mosques, often accompanied by local police.
The first argues that the state of a democratic country should not decide which Islam is "right". The second wonders out loud why the state is leaving Muslims to take matters into their own hands, because, they say, it is evident that Ahmadiyah should be banned, based on the 1965 law, the joint ministerial decree and the MUI fatwa.
A glimpse at news reports in the wake of the Feb. 6 attacks shows that a number of these reports asserted or implied that the real victims were not the Ahmadiyah, whose three members were mobbed and killed, with helpless police officers looking on all on display to the world thanks to YouTube.
According to the sources in the reports, such as in CyberSabili and hidayatullah.com, the real victims were the Muslims, because the Ahmadis, who insulted Islam, and blatantly defied all civilized requests to stop proselytizing, gained all the sympathy.
The "victimization" of Muslims is traced to the marginalization and suppression of Islamic expression by Soeharto, apart from reports of intelligence operations against Muslim activists.
That the Ahmadiyah were not the real victims in the February assault would not necessarily be the majority view; a poll involving 3,000 respondents found most rejecting violence in the name of religion. The July poll by the Setara Institute was conducted in 47 regencies and municipalities in 10 provinces.
But if most Indonesians agreed with these respondents, it doesn't explain all those bylaws restricting the Ahmadiyah, emerging right under the nose of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The passing of the bylaws had no difficulty, it seemed, even though the regional autonomy law states that religion should be regulated by the state. But similarly, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali and Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi have voiced their opinions that the state should ban or dissolve the Ahmadiyah instead of only restricting their activities.
So are Indonesia's Muslims becoming increasingly intolerant? Many say tolerance is not the issue, for the Ahmadiyah has insulted Islam.
Leading lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution told a recent discussion in Canberra that he had a hard time convincing President Yudhoyono that the Ahmadiyah had constitutional rights as a minority and thus the President may have been persuaded against an outright ban. The ministers overseeing the joint ministerial decree restricting the Ahmadiyah also have a constitutional reference; that religious freedom is limited in respect of followers of other faiths.
The International Crisis Group had recommended an independent body to work out a strategy for religious tolerance; such a body would have to deal with this legal confusion stemming from demands to "protect" the Muslim majority against "deviants", through rulings such as a state ban on the Ahmadiyah.
Malaysia may seem tragic to many of us as its activists say ordinary citizens, including Muslims themselves, cannot speak out against increased state regulation of Islam, lest they would be considered un-Islamic.
But the incidences of Malaysians' violence against minorities do not come anywhere close to our long list. Should we be proud of outdoing Malaysia?
[The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.]