Anita Rachman – The Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy released a survey on Sunday showing that people saw the government as failing to provide decent education, health care, prosperity and employment opportunities.

The survey, which was taken from 3,000 respondents in 10 provinces, also reported that almost half of the respondents viewed President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as an indecisive leader who is too willing to compromise.

The numbers, said Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of Setara, were disappointing, particularly after almost 66 years of Indonesian self-rule.

Almost 50 percent of respondents stated that the government was not effective in four sectors: education (48.3 percent), health (46.9 percent), welfare (49.7 percent) and employment (47.2 percent). "Almost all sectors related to society and economics are viewed to be far from adequate by the people," Bonar said.

According to the survey, as many as 36.5 percent of respondents thought that poverty was the No. 1 problem in the country, followed by corruption, collusion and nepotism. Unemployment and the high price of food were also cause for concern.

In the fight against corruption, which many analysts see as key to ensuring Indonesia's future success in the global economy, 49.7 percent of respondents said they thought the government had not done enough to stamp out graft.

But the worst marks were reserved for Yudhoyono. Only 22.5 percent of respondents said the president was a firm leader, while 41.9 percent characterized him as a weak-willed compromiser.

Ismail Hasani, a Setara researcher, said that Yudhoyono had failed thus far to build a lasting legacy. "I don't know what people would remember about him when he leaves the office," he said.

Controversy as Bakrie, Sri Mulyani, Ibu Ani receive national medals

Jakarta Globe - August 12, 2011

Arientha Primanitha & Camelia Pasandaran – A formal ceremony held on Friday to award prestigious state medals to individuals for their contributions toward advancing Indonesia has been struck by controversy.

The awards, approved and presented by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, were bestowed on bitter rivals Aburizal Bakrie, the chairman of the Golkar Party, and Sri Mulyani Indrawati, the former finance minister, along with Yudhoyono's wife, Kristiani Herawati, known as Ibu Ani. Sri Mulyani, a World Bank managing director, was not present at the ceremony.

Coordinating Minister for political, legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto, speaking at the State Palace, asked for people to look beyond the fact that Ibu Ani was the president's wife.

Ibu Ani was bestowed the Bintang Republik Indonesia Adipradana, Indonesia's highest civilian honor, along with former first ladies Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid and Mufidah Jusuf Kalla, and former first gentleman, Taufik Keimas, the current speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

"I don't mean to belittle the other recipients; all spouses of the president and vice presidents have made amazing achievements, such as Pak Taufik Kiemas who accompanied Bu Megawati Sukarnoputri," Djoko said.

Ibu Ani said she was honored to receive the award. "Thank God for this honor and I promise that I will work harder for the country directly and indirectly," she told reporters after the occasion.

She said that she had worked indirectly for the country as the wife of the president, helping him prepare for all of his duties. The first lady also pledged to continue her Smart Indonesia education program, as well as continuing to champion the environment, creativity and women's empowerment programs.

Another recipient to raise eyebrows was Bakrie, who served only briefly under Yudhoyono as coordinating minister for the economy before becoming coordinating minister for people's welfare.

The controversial businessman, who is often reported to be a thorn in Yudhoyono's side and has presidential aspirations in 2014, was awarded Indonesia's seventh highest civilian medal for extraordinary service to the integrity, viability and greatness of Indonesia. This is despite the ongoing Lapindo disaster in Sidoarjo, East Java, blamed on Lapindo Brantas, a subsidiary of the Bakrie Group.

Outspoken Golkar legislator Bambang Soesatyo, who is close to Bakrie, said honoring Sri Mulyani was "shocking." Sri Mulyani, credited as being a true reformist, ran into difficulties during the Bank Century scandal, with a number of analysts saying the troubles were caused by her clash with Bakrie in relation to a number of tax disputes.

Bambang said he was concerned honoring Sri Mulyani would undermine the value of the award. "The public will consider the government to be reckless in their consideration and selection of honor recipients."

Mobile internet units ready to roll

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Yuli Krisna, Bandung – The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology launched close to 2,000 Mobile Internet Service Centers on Monday to cater to rural areas in six provinces.

Each mobile unit, or MPLIK, is a small bus equipped with six laptops with a satellite Internet connection. Each unit also features a 124-centimeter flat-screen television and a telephone line. Each unit cost around Rp 500 million ($59,000).

"The MPLIK is designed to overcome the digital divide between urban and rural areas," the communication and information technology minister, Tifatul Sembiring, said in Bandung – "The ministry is developing a program where the Internet will be found in every subdistrict in Indonesia.

"For 2011 there will be 1,907 of these units. There will be more next year, but the exact number depends on the available budget for the program."

Tifatul said the central government had set up 5,748 Internet centers at the subdistrict level, but many subdistricts in the country were too remote to be reached by conventional means.

"So we have provided the MPLIK, which can travel from ward to ward so schoolchildren can take turns to access the Internet and use the computers," he said.

The first stage of the project, Tifatul said, will include areas of East Java, North Maluku, North Sulawesi, North Sumatra, West Java and West Sumatra.

He said the central government would provide free Internet connections for the first two years of the program, and after that the facilities would be operated by local administrations. "We urge our providers not to charge their normal commercial rate, because after all, this is for the people," he said.

Tifatul, a conservative politician from the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said the MPLIK's Internet connection was designed to automatically block Web sites with pornographic content.

Sukry Batubara, director general of information technology, said the ministry was also working on the establishment of an integrated fiber-optic network to bridge the digital divide between more developed western Indonesia and impoverished areas in the east of the country.

The 10,000-kilometer fiber-optic network would also serve as an alternative information route, he said, which would be vital if the network in western Indonesian was disrupted.

Sukry also said the ministry had connected 32,800 remote villages to the Internet since 2008. The ministry expects all 72,000 villages in the country will be connected to the Internet by the end of this year, he added.

Aceh

Government fails to implement Helsinki deal: NGO

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

Jakarta – The Indonesian government has yet to fulfill its commitment to realize the Helsinki Agreement in Aceh, a rights group says.

"We urge the government to realize the agreement by setting up a human rights court to try past human rights abuses in the province," Impasial executive director Poengky Indarti said in a press statement.

She said although the province has been run by the Indonesian government alongside with the Aceh Freedom Movement (GAM) that signed the peace deal, the issue of providing justice to the victims of past abuses has yet to be resolved.

"Conflict victims are omitted while no regulations have been issued to address the problem," Poengky said. The peace treaty was signed in Helsinki on Aug. 15, 2005, ending decades of conflict between the government and the GAM.

Six years on, past human rights violations in Aceh still neglected

Kompas - August 15, 2011

Jakarta – Cases of human rights violations during the conflict in Indonesia's northern-most province of Aceh must be investigated and resolved in accordance with the Helsinki peace agreement and the Law on Aceh Governance (UU PA). This is extremely important in order to provide justice to the victims and to ensure future peach in Aceh.

The call was made by Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial) during a press conference in Jakarta on Sunday August 14. Present at the event were Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti, senior researcher Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, researcher Swandaru and Imparsial program director Al Araf.

According to a study by Imparsial, the Helsinki agreement (MoU) between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in August 2005 has now been in place for six years. The Helsinki MoU and the Law on Aceh Governance mandate that past human rights violations must be resolved. To this day however, cases of human rights violations have been neglected or worse, just forgotten.

Yet the number of victims that died as a result of human rights violations in Aceh was massive. According to Imparsial's records, between 1989 and 2005 a total of around 19,000 people were killed. The largest number of victims occurred during military operations in Aceh (DOM, Military Operational Area). The families of the victims, who are still suffering to the day, have failed to obtain justice.

Indarti called on the central government, the regional government in Aceh and the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) to immediately and fully investigate past case of human rights violations in Aceh. One of the ways to do this would be enact a law on a commission for through and reconciliation tasked with digging up on human rights violations, along with establishing a human rights court in Aceh. In addition to this, a special body needs to be formed to address the rights of conflict victims.

"Komnas HAM must be more proactive in investigating and studying past human rights violations and publicising them to the public. In addition to this, the results must also be handed over the Attorney General's Office for investigation and then submitted to a human rights court", she said.

Al Araf believes that a full resolution of past human rights violations is extremely important for the Acehnese people. This will also reveal the truth about what actually happened and provide a sense of justice to the victims.

According to Ishak, up until now a full resolution of human rights violations in Aceh has been obstructed by the parties that potentially (sic) violated human rights in the past. (IAM)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Sharia police arrest three men for buying food during fasting

Jakarta Post - August 11, 2011

Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh – Sharia police in Aceh Besar, Aceh province, on Wednesday, arrested three men buying food in a restaurant during the fasting day.

"We have been watching the restaurant for several days to verify reports from the public," said Darul Imarah district chief, Azhari Awai.

According to him, a number of sharia police personnel had conducted surveillance on the Dua Putra Minang restaurant, owned by Misra Diani, on Wednesday morning before conducting a raid on it. "The restaurant was apparently closed, so transactions could not be monitored from the outside," said Azhari.

The sharia police officers immediately raided the restaurant, while a number of customers were buying packed rice.

The officers detained three men who were caught buying food and drinks. They also seized food which was being prepared in the kitchen, and brought the men to the sharia police station.

"According to regulations, food can only be sold a few hours before the breaking of the fast. If food is sold before the determined time, it is regarded as a violation," said Azhari.

Vendors who sell food outside the set times during Ramadhan are regarded as violating Regulation (Qanun) No. 11/2002 on principles of Islamic law.

According to Darul Imarah's military commander Murdani, who also took part in the raid, the restaurant is owned by a member of the Indonesian Military (TNI). "We will legally process anyone who disrespects the fasting month by selling food," said Murdani.

A customer who was caught in the process of buying food, Darmawan, said he was asked to buy it by another person. "I was just a messenger buying food which I did not eat," said Darmawan.

Based on Paragraph 1 of Article 22 of Regulation No. 11/2002, anybody who is found guilty of violating the regulation is subject to a prison sentence of one year, or a maximum fine of Rp 3 million (US$351), or six lashes of the cane in public.

Paragraph 2 of the article says that anybody found eating or drinking in a public place during the Ramadhan fasting day is subject to a jail sentence of four months, or a two lashes with a cane in public.

On Oct. 1 last year, two Acehnese women were caned in front of Almunawarah Mosque in Jantho, Aceh Besar regency, for selling rice during Ramadhan.

The two were found guilty of violating the Qanun, according to the verdict of the Aceh Besar sharia Court. They were caned three times and twice, respectively, according to vhrmedia.com.

Three arrested for failing to fast in Aceh

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Meulaboh, Aceh – Public Order Agency officers in West Aceh, Aceh, arrested three Muslims for failing to fast on Sunday.

Jhon Aswir, a spokesman for the agency, also known as Satpol-PP, said KN, ML and HD were arrested as they had lunch in a restaurant.

"We had to arrest them because they do not respect other Muslims who are fasting," Jhon said.

West Papua

Indonesian armed forces investigate leaked Kopassus documents

Tempo Interactive - August 15, 2011

Jerry Omona, Jakarta – The XVII Cenderawasih Military District Command in Papua is still investigating Army Special Forces (Kopassus) documents leaked by the media group, Fairfax Australia, last Saturday. The documents dated between 2006 and 2009 contained reports on the Free Papua Organization's separatist movement.

"I know the documents have been leaked but I can't explain it yet. So let's find out together with the media," commander Maj. Gen. Erfi Triassunu told Tempo yesterday.

He said the documents were leaked to upset Indonesia's sovereignty. "I don't think we should be disturbed by it," he said, adding that leaked documents had not harmed the unity of the nation.

The perpetrators only want to show that the Indonesian Armed Forces are not in a strong position to protect their valuable archives, he said. "We mustn't be provoked," Erfi said.

The documents name Papuan leaders allegedly involved in separatist movements and the condition of the 1,000 separatist members, including their weaponry capability.

The document titled "The Anatomy of Papua's Separatism" even names foreign supporters of the movement, including US senator Party Dianne Feinstein; British Parliament member Andrew Smith; the former Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea Michael Somare; and South African anti-apartheid fighter, archbishop Desmond Tutu.

A Free Papua Organization soldier in Keerom, Lambert Pekikir, stressed that the documents were not valid. "We don't have weapons or members as stated there. We fight without guns because that is the order from the headquarters," Lambert told Tempo.

The Papua House of Representatives (DPR) said the leak showed Kopassus' plan to terrorize Papuan leaders. "If the names are to be targeted and killed, we are against it," said Julius Miagoni, secretary of Papua's DPR's Commission A.

Indonesia turns back on Papua food bowl plan

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

Faisal Maliki Baskoro – After two years with little progress, the government is considering shifting the location of its planned food estate to East Kalimantan from Papua because of the availability of land.

Suswono, the agriculture minister, on Monday said there was 200,000 hectares of land in East Kalimantan that could be used as an agriculture cluster. Under its plan, the Merauke Food Industrial Estate would have about 2 million hectares.

"The principle of the food estate is finding enough land for an agricultural zone. It doesn't have to be in Papua," he said." [The East Kalimantan site] may not as big as Merauke, but it is more feasible. It has been two years since we floated the plan, but there has been no progress at all."

Suswono said land clearance regulations were partly to blame for the slow progress. "The construction of the Merauke food estate was obstructed by lack of regulation to clear necessary land," Suswono said.

The government annually imports 2 million tons each of rice and soybean, and the nation needs to be able to feed its people without importing food, he said. He said the government and potential investors would seek suitable areas for producing the two crops.

"The land in East Kalimantan is good for planting rice," he said. To grow soybean, the ministry would need at least 500,000 hectares, and the government was still looking for land in Kalimantan.

While East Kalimantan has 200,000 hectares of land free, the West Kalimantan administration said it could provide 100,000 hectares of land, he said.

Suswono said farmland would not interfere with the preservation of forests. "We will be using open land, and probably convert production forests to farms. We will also empower local people to get involved in the program."

Abuses in West Papua put peace effort at risk

Sydney Morning Herald - August 15, 2011

Tom Allard, Jakarta – Calls have intensified for the Indonesian military to drawdown its extensive operational and surveillance presence in West Papua to ease the oppression of locals and pave the way for a fruitful dialogue between Jakarta and the disaffected indigenous people of the region.

Agitation for a new peace accord with West Papua comes as further evidence emerged of the relative impunity of soldiers in the region, where there have been many documented human rights abuses. Last week, three soldiers who murdered and decapitated a priest, Rev Kindeman Gire, were given sentences of between six and 15 months for "insubordination".

Responding to revelations in The Age of the extensive spy network operated in West Papua by the elite Kopassus (Special Forces Command) unit that targets civilians, politicians, clergy and even foreign tourists, Human Rights Watch said the surveillance violated freedom of expression and assembly.

"It's outrageous in a modern democratic country like Indonesia that activists, clergy, students and politicians are the targets of military surveillance," said Elaine Pearson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch. "The military should immediately end its harassment and surveillance of civil society."

The hundreds of intelligence reports obtained by The Age reveal that Kopassus has scores of paid informants, including journalists, taxi drivers, bureaucrats and clan leaders, and views anyone raising grievances about abuses of Papuan people as a dangerous separatist who needs to be monitored.

But a group of 18 Indonesian academics, including professors at some of the country's leading universities, have urged the central government to stop using military force to solve the problems in West Papua.

"The problems in Papua involve many factors, including history, politics, economics, sociocultural issues and, of course, welfare. Papua's issues cannot be simplified to only separatism," the group said. "Only by using dialogue can we determine the problems in Papua and find the best ways to solve them."

There have been consistent reports of soldiers murdering and torturing civilians in Papua, as well as torching villages, as they search for the small band of armed separatists known as the OPM-TPN.

Rev Kindeman Gire was murdered in March last year in the remote highlands of Puncak Jaya regency. He was assaulted by soldiers as he waited for a bus that was bringing him some fuel. After he resisted, one of the soldiers shot him and the three men then decapitated the body and hid it to avoid detection.

At a court martial, they were sentenced to six, seven and 15 months in prison for the atrocity. Markus Haluk, secretary of the Central Highlands Papuan Student Association, said the sentence was more evidence "there is no justice for Papuans".

Ridha Saleh, of Indonesian human rights organisation Komnasham, said reports from the group's staff in Papua were coming in that Kopassus had embarked on a new sweep of villages in Puncak Jaya.

"If it is true, it will disturb the peaceful dialogue we've been seeking. Papua cannot be solved by a military or security operation. We've been communicating with the OPM in Papua and they have agreed that peaceful dialogue is the best way. But such an operation would deliberately disturb the communication we've been building."

Indonesia must end military spying in Papua: HRW

Agence France Presse - August 15, 2011

Leaked military documents show Indonesia is engaged in a vast illegal surveillance operation against ordinary people in the restive eastern region of Papua, Human Rights Watch said Monday.

The documents, obtained by Australia's Fairfax newspapers, reveal the "deep military paranoia" that exists in Jakarta toward any kind of free political expression by Papua's indigenous Melanesian majority, the watchdog said.

Hundreds of pages of documents dated 2006 to 2011 include logs of military surveillance of civilians and reports on peaceful political activities. Many of the reports were prepared by the Kopassus special forces unit. The United States last year resumed links, including limited joint training, with Kopassus, citing improvements in its human rights record.

"The Kopassus documents show the deep military paranoia in Papua that conflates peaceful political expression with criminal activity," Human Rights Watch deputy Asia director Elaine Pearson said in a statement.

"It's outrageous in a modern democratic country like Indonesia that activists, clergy, students and politicians are the targets of military surveillance," she said.

"By treating news conferences, demonstrations and meetings like clandestine criminal activities, the military shows its disregard for fundamental rights in Papua. The military should immediately end its harassment and surveillance of civil society."

The documents reveal the military's belief that anyone who tries to expose human rights abuses in Papua, where some activists say Indonesia is guilty of genocide against the indigenous people, is supporting separatism, Pearson said.

Under Indonesian law, peaceful political acts such as displaying the Morning Star flag of Papuan independence are punishable by lengthy prison terms.

Indonesia denies allegations of widespread human rights violations by the armed forces in Papua, but it refuses to allow foreign journalists and rights workers to visit the area to conduct independent inquiries.

"The military conveniently claims that documenting human rights violations in Papua is a front for separatism," Pearson said. "Such a mind – set endangers the life of every activist in Papua."

Human Rights Watch demanded that Indonesia's government "order the military to cease the unlawful monitoring immediately, and to ensure that civilian authorities retain responsibility for basic law enforcement".

The documents published over the weekend in The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age newspapers also include lists of foreigners such as lawmakers, academics, reporters and religious leaders who allegedly support Papuan separatism.

They include 40 members of the US Congress, South Africa's Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former Papua New Guinea prime minister Sir Michael Somare, and an Australian current affairs show host.

Military: Nothing controversial in leaked Papua report

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Fidelis E. Sastriastanti – The military has played down Australian media revelations of a confidential report on the Papuan insurgency, saying that there was nothing new in the details published.

Rear Adm. Iskandar Sitompul, a military spokesman, said on Sunday that the points highlighted from the leaked "Anatomy of Papuan Separatists" report – prepared by Kopassus, the Army's notorious Special Forces unit – had stopped being controversial years ago.

"I'm not saying that the documents quoted are original – that still requires further investigation. But while the recent publication could [understandably] rile us up, we have to stay cool and see it as an unimportant issue," he said.

Iskandar said certain groups intentionally publicized the documents and were manipulating their content to disrupt the "currently improving relationship" between the military and indigenous Papuans.

"We believe certain groups are trying to make our relationship with the people worse," he said. "We're not trying to accuse whoever is behind this. We don't care about that. What's more important is for us to pay more attention to our improved relationship with the people, under which we'll keep building churches and homes for the people."

However, Roy Suryo, a member of the House of Representatives' Commission I, which oversees security and foreign affairs, said authorities should not dismiss the publication by Australia's Fairfax newspapers on Saturday so lightly.

He warned that prior to the independence referendum in East Timor in 1999, which was followed by a period of heavy violence, the Australian media had been publishing confidential documents accusing the Indonesian military of supporting local militias led by pro-Jakarta leader Eurico Guterres.

"The pattern is still the same. The world community is provided with negative information regarding the roles of our military and government, with the purpose of weakening the government's bargaining position," said Roy, from the ruling Democratic Party. He therefore urged the military and the government to track down the source of the leaked documents.

The Kopassus report said the Papuans were "easily influenced by separatist ideas due to a lack of a perception of nationality."

It also said separatists were involved in "political lobbying to NGOs, congress and parliament members abroad," as well as "flying the [banned] Morning Star flag to show the existence of a struggle" and putting together a team to "ask for support for Papuan independence from [US President] Barack Obama."

Siti Zuhro, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), echoed the report's concerns that there was undue foreign influence behind the separatist movement.

"What is of concern is the foreign intervention on Papua, whether from Australia, the United States or Europe," she said. "In Aceh, Europe seemed to play a dominant role, whereas in Papua, [the intervention] is coming from Australia and the United States."

The report also blamed the "irrational demands for customary rights to land and limited transport infrastructure" for hampering economic growth in the province.

TNI dismisses OZ media reports on Papua

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The Indonesian Military (TNI) on Sunday questioned the validity of documents cited in Australian media reports on its sprawling military presence in Papua, saying the reports were sympathetic to Papua's push for independence.

The documents, entitled "Anatomy of Papuan Separatists", were published by Australia's Fairfax newspapers on Saturday and claimed the residents of the resource-rich eastern province were "easily influenced by separatist ideas" and that armed groups stood "ready for guerrilla war", but had proof of just one weapon for every 10 men.

The 19 documents, dating from 2006 to 2009, indicate that Kopassus runs a vast network of spies and informants as part of its campaign to control the region and monitors the activities of foreigners in the region and around the world.

Among the documents was a list of accused separatist supporters, such as Australian journalist Naomi Robson, Australian Greens leader Bob Brown and senior Uniting Church pastor John Barr.

More than 40 US Congress members, including Senate intelligence committee chairwoman Dianne Feinstein, are also named agitators. Also included are South African anti-apartheid hero Desmond Tutu and former Papua New Guinea prime minister Michael Somare.

"We must be careful and question the validity of the reports. There is no such thing as a repressive or militant approach. What we do is always a welfare approach, where we help Papuans have better lives," TNI spokesman Rear Adm. Iskandar Sitompul told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

He cited the TNI's work in helping Papuans in Puncak Jaya build houses, places of worship and roads as examples of the military's efforts in the area, adding that residents and church congregations there praised the troops for their activities.

Iskandar also dismissed reports that the TNI had increased its presence in the province.

"[The Australian media] said we increased the number of troops to 15,000. However, we never increased the number. 15,000 troops are less than a normal territorial command. For instance, a territorial command in Java has 35,000 troops. So, they are wrong in this regard. We have stayed back and let the police secure the province," he said.

According to the documents, Kopassus, an elite unit accused of widespread human rights abuses, mostly during Soeharto's reign, said there were armed agitators "experienced and able to conduct a guerrilla war/survive in the forest, spread throughout almost every regency in Papua". But they numbered just 1,129 and had 131 weapons and four grenades between them, the report also said.

About 10,000 Papuans demonstrated for independence in Jayapura earlier this month, calling for a referendum vote in the face of a heavily armed police presence.

The Sydney Morning Herald, however, questioned Kopassus' list of figures accused of supporting Papua's independence.

Senator Feinstein and Tutu have raised concerns about human rights in Papua, but they have never backed independence, the media outlet said, adding that Michael Somare spent decades opposing separatists.

Insubordinate soldiers jailed over Papua death

Jakarta Globe - August 13, 2011

Three soldiers tried in the killing of a Papuan man were sentenced by a military tribunal to up to 15 months in jail for insubordination, an officer said on Friday.

"The sentences were appropriate," Papua provincial military spokesman Lt. Col. Ali Hamdan Bogra said. "The men were investigated in accordance with military criminal law."

The court martial heard that the soldiers, identified as First Sgt. Saut Sihombing, Second Pvt. Herry Purwanto and Second Pvt. Hasirun, assaulted and killed Papuan civilian Kinderman Gire on March 17 of last year.

All three served in the Army's Nabire Infantry Battalion, as did four soldiers sentenced in November for torturing two civilians in the village of Gurage in the same district. That incident resulted in international outrage and condemnation after a video of the torture was posted on the online video-sharing site YouTube in October.

It was just two weeks prior to the Gurage incident that Kinderman was attacked after stopping a civilian convoy delivering food supplies to Mulia, the capital of Puncak Jaya district, to ask for some gasoline.

Gire reportedly tried to grab a rifle from Purwanto, who reacted by shooting him in his chest, killing him instantly, the court was told. The trio then dumped the body into a river.

The killing occurred near a military checkpoint in the village of Illu. The military's indictment of the men suggested that Kinderman was a member of the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM).

Purwanto was sentenced to 15 months in jail for "disobedience and abuse that led to death," Bogra said. Sihombing was sentenced to seven months in jail for disobeying orders while Hasirun received six, he said.

The Papua Customary Council (DAP) has disputed the Army's version of events, saying that Kinderman was a local priest who had no ties to the OPM. (AFP, JG)

Under the long arm of Indonesian intelligence

Sydney Morning Herald - August 13, 2011

Tom Allard, Indonesia – It would seem an unremarkable venture – a group of American tourists visiting a cultural centre in the Papuan town of Abepura. But to one observer the event (lasting, as he later reported, precisely 35 minutes) was laden with potential significance.

The man in the shadows as the visitors watched a traditional dance was an informant for Indonesia's elite special forces unit, Kopassus. In a subsequent report, he noted that, while the visit had been "safe and smooth", there was no room for complacency. It was a point heartily endorsed by his Kopassus contact, Second Lieutenant Muhammad Zainollah, who alluded, in a report to his own commander, to the risk of foreign tourists "influencing conditions of Papuan society".

"Politically, there needs to be a deeper detection of the existence hidden behind it all," he warned, "because of the possibility of a process of deception... such as meetings with pro-independence groups."

One of hundreds of intelligence briefs from Kopassus intelligence posts in Papua obtained by The Saturday Age – and part of a cache of 19 documents that includes a detailed analysis of the "anatomy" of the separatist movement pushing for independence from Indonesia – the note is bizarre, even amusing, but also revealing. The Indonesian government runs a massive network of spies and informants in Papua, illustrating the level of paranoia in Jakarta about its hold over the resource-rich region in the western half of the island of New Guinea.

Situated in the easternmost reaches of Indonesia's sprawling archipelago, the Papua region is a source of continuing embarrassment for Indonesia – a country that has otherwise made substantial strides as a democratic and economic power. Despite being granted special autonomy 10 years ago and targeted for accelerated economic development, its indigenous Melanesian people are the country's poorest and many are deeply unhappy with Jakarta's rule and a heavy security presence.

The documents, which date from 2006 to 2009, reveal that independence activists and members of the OPM-TPN, the small armed resistance, are under intense surveillance, but so too are many ordinary Papuans and civic leaders who do not advocate independence but are concerned about the advancement of their people, or are influential in the community.

"Everyone is a separatist until they can prove they are not," says Neles Tebay, a pastor and convener of the Papua Peace Network that is promoting dialogue with Jakarta.

Around the capital, Jayapura, where many of the documents originate, there are 10 Kopassus spy networks infiltrating "all levels of society", including the university, government agencies, the local parliament, hotels and the Papuan Customary Council.

A worker at a car rental agency tips off his Kopassus handler whenever a suspicious customer visits the establishment or talks about "M", shorthand for "merdeka" or freedom. A phone shop employee "often provides information on the phone numbers of people purchasing phone credits".

Journalists, university students, bureaucrats, church leaders, teachers, motorcycle taxi drivers, clan leaders, village chiefs, farmers and forest workers are all on the books of Kopassus. One leader of the OPM-TPN has eight Kopassus informants within his network, including a 14-year-old family member.

Other units of the Indonesian military, known as the TNI, run similar intelligence operations, as do the police. There are also scores of agents in Papua from Indonesia's national intelligence agency, known by its acronym BIN.

Benny Giay, a leader of the Gospel Tabernacle Church, is one of the civic leaders branded a separatist by Kopassus. For Dr Giay, the suffocating presence of the intelligence network is part of daily life, as is interference in the affairs of his church by the military. "If someone joins the church, we always have to ask ourselves, 'What did they come here for? Are they intels or worshippers?' " he says.

Given the disappearance and deaths of other leaders under the gaze of Kopassus, the surveillance leaves Giay constantly uneasy. "I have to check my meals to make sure they are not poisoned and I have to be home by 7pm. If I walk around after then, I have to bring someone with me, always."

Marcus Haluk, the secretary general of the Central Highlands Papuan Student Association, features heavily in the documents. It seems most of his meetings are attended by a Kopassus spy. "I've lost count of the attempts to kill or threaten me," he says. "I've had guns pointed at my head, I've been thrown from a motorcycle. There are always SMS threats."

Underpinning the spying is the view that most institutions in Papua are riddled with separatists. The documents outline a two-stage intelligence operation to address the perceived problem. The first involves disrupting alleged separatist networks and the second is dubbed the "diminishing dominant influence phase" or ensuring "traditional institutions used for politics in Papua lose the trust of the indigenous peoples of Papua".

In short, the objective is to discredit the institutions and arrangements introduced by the central government under Papua's special autonomy deal introduced in 2001 – the very policy supposed to give Papuans economic and cultural rights, dampen independence sentiment and secure national unity.

Agus Sumule, a long-term resident of Papua and adviser to governor Barnabas Suebu, is an immigrant and a nationalist and was a key player in drafting the special autonomy laws which created a new legislative body – known as the Majelis Rakyat Papua (MRP) – to represent indigenous Papuans.

Special autonomy has never had a chance, he argues, and much of the blame lies with Jakarta's refusal to implement it properly. Papua was divided into two provinces – Papua and West Papua – in 2003 against the wishes of the MRP, Dr Sumule says.

Moreover, the home affairs ministry interferes in the election of MRP candidates, and has banned people from taking their seats. Despite provisions in the special autonomy law for symbols of Papuan identity to be displayed, the cherished Morning Star flag has been outlawed. Those caught displaying it can be sentenced to 15 years in prison.

Some $3 billion in aid has flowed from the central government to the region in the past decade, but it is handed out haphazardly and most of it has been siphoned off by corrupt officials or wasted on bureaucracies to support the new province and dozens of new regencies in Papua.

Meanwhile, Papua has been swamped by migrants from other parts of Indonesia who dominate its economy. Explaining the economic disparity, one Kopassus report claimed that indigenous Papuans "lack the willingness to work and the lack the willingness to make a better life, so their lives seem to be making no substantial progress". Migrants, in contrast, had a "high spirit and work ethic".

Asked about the extensive intelligence operations, Sumule observes: "On the one hand it's paranoia, but it's also much more than paranoia. It shows they don't have a relevant policy for Papua, an understanding of Papua or what Papua should be in Indonesia.

"The problem with the intelligence is it's not intelligent," he adds. "They send so much wrong information for the people in Jakarta, and they make decisions on it. It's very dangerous."

Indeed, the major report on the "Anatomy of Separatists" had a detailed section on the alleged foreign support networks for a "Free Papua" and it bears out Dr Sumule's criticism of the quality of the intelligence.

The list of 32 names for Australia includes academics, politicians and religious leaders who could understandably be placed in the category, but many others are not separatist supporters – they have simply shown an interest in Papuan affairs, raised concerns about human rights or are journalists who have reported from the region. The appearance of the former current affairs host Naomi Robson on the list is a standout.

Foreigners in Papua are viewed suspiciously, especially non-government groups. Indeed, Indonesia has expelled several foreign NGOs from the territory in recent years. The International Committee of the Red Cross, for example, is allowed into Guantanamo Bay but banned from visiting more than 100 political prisoners in Papuan jails.

One part of the intelligence analysis that is presumably more accurate is the assessment of the strength of the OPM-TPN. It is reckoned to have just 1129 fighters with mixed weapons totalling only 131, plus some grenades.

While the poorly armed resistance fighters do have some success in ambushing Indonesian military posts, the low estimate of their strength calls into question why there is such a large military presence in Papua. The Indonesian government won't release precise figures on its armed deployments in Papua but, since special autonomy was introduced, it has doubled the number of battalions from three to six. It has 114 posts along the border with Papua New Guinea alone.

Estimates put the military numbers at about 15,000, approximately 13 soldiers for every armed separatist.

As one Indonesian official told a US embassy staffer, revealed in cables released by WikiLeaks: "The TNI has far more troops in Papua than it is willing to admit, chiefly to protect and facilitate TNI interests in illegal logging operations."

Whatever the reason for its deployment, the massive military and intelligence apparatus in Papua makes a lie of the Indonesian government's insistence that it long ago junked its "security" approach to managing Papua and it is now formulating policy under the rubric of "development and prosperity", says Neles Tebay.

"[The troops] are trained to see Papuans as the enemy," he adds. "I'm not saying all the troops are bad but if one group of them is threatening the indigenous people then it creates widespread fear. Also, they are always interrogating people. It's very threatening."

Indonesian special forces paranoid over Papua

Sydney Morning Herald - August 13, 2011

Tom Allard, Jakarta – Australian academics, church leaders, businessmen and journalists have been targeted by Indonesia's military for their supposed support of independence in the troubled region of Papua, a cache of documents and intelligence reports from the elite special forces unit Kopassus reveals.

The 19 documents, dating from 2006 to 2009 and obtained by The Saturday Age, show Kopassus runs a vast network of spies and informants as part of its campaign to keep vice-like control of the region and monitors the activities of foreigners in the region and around the world.

As well as providing an insight into the deep paranoia of Kopassus and its interference in the daily lives of Papuans, the documents are also remarkable for the false assertions they contain.

A case in point is the inclusion of Naomi Robson – the former tabloid current affairs host, now running an online dating service – on the list of "foreign leaders in support of Free Papua".

Her place on the list in the 2009 document entitled Anatomy of Papuan Separatism, along with four other journalists from Channel Seven, relates to her infamous trip to Papua in 2006 to rescue Wa-Wa, the six-year-old member of the Korowai tribe that still practises cannibalism.

Channel Nine's 60 Minutes program had run the original story on Wa-Wa but left him behind, prompting Channel Seven's Today Tonight to launch a mission to save him and embarrass its television rival. Ms Robson was briefly detained, alleging that Channel Nine tipped off Indonesia about her arrival. Others on the list from Australia include ABC journalists Geoff Thompson and David Anderson, neither of whom supports independence in Papua but have reported from the region. Greens leader Bob Brown and the senior Uniting Church pastor John Barr are also inclusions.

More than 40 US Congress members, including the chairwoman of the powerful Senate intelligence committee, Dianne Feinstein, are also branded separatist agitators. Other names include South African anti-apartheid hero Bishop Desmond Tutu and former Papua New Guinea prime minister Sir Michael Somare.

Senator Feinstein and Bishop Tutu have raised concerns about human rights in Papua, but they have never backed independence. Sir Michael spent decades actively opposing separatists.

The documents include reams of "bio-data" of Kopassus agents and targets and scores of reports detailing activities from the significant to the everyday. Clan leaders, bureaucrats, university students, taxi drivers, farmers, car rental workers and a 14-year-old girl were all on the books of Kopassus and supplying information.

Academics, rights groups call for end to military approach in Papua

Jakarta Post - August 13, 2011

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – A group of 18 professors from the country's top universities have urged the government to end the use of military force in dealing with problems in Papua, the nation's easternmost region where violence and conflicts still persist.

The Academic Forum for a Peaceful Papua said separatism was not an isolated problem in Papua, hence deploying military troops would not end the conflicts ravaging the sregion.

"Using guns will never solve the problem because the issues are not only about separatism. The complexity of the problems in Papua involve many other factors, including history, politics, economics, sociocultural issues and, of course, welfare. Papua's issues cannot be simplified to only separatism," the group said in a statement released on Thursday.

To address such an array of problems, the academics said, peaceful dialogue must be used. "Only by using dialogue can we determine the problems in Papua and find the best ways to solve them," they said.

The group includes Padang State University's Mestika Zed, Hasanuddin University's Arfin Hamid, Gadjah Mada University's Purwo Santoso, and the University of Indonesia's Muridan S. Widjojo.

The latest violence occurred Thursday, when a family car was shot at by unknown assailants in Jayapura. Local police said the car had been shot at least 18 times, detik.com reported. Last week, a string of fatal incidents took place across Papua, while thousands of Papuans rallied to demand a referendum.

Clashes between supporters of two rival candidates for regent in the newly created Puncak regency claimed at least 19 lives. This was followed by the killing of four people in a village near the provincial capital Jayapura. The Indonesian Military (TNI) has blamed some of the violence on the Free Papua Movement (OPM).

Thaha Al-Hamid, secretary-general of the Papua Presidium Council (PDP), said conflicts in Papua would always be linked with the TNI, regardless of their number.

"It is more to do with the behaviour and paradigm of the TNI. They tend to look at us differently, as if Papua was Jakarta's enemy," Thaha told a discussion during the launch of a 2011 study on Papua by human rights group Imparsial on Tuesday.

The study concluded that the expansion of the TNI's command centers in Papua, and the deployment of more troops to the region, contributes to an "unhealthy" relationship between locals and military personnel, resulting in continuing violent incidents.

"One soldier and a platoon can be considered as equal in terms of the psychological effect on locals, as long as paradigm reform does not take place," Thaha said.

Imparsial program director Al Araf said the central government's decision to increase the number of military posts in Papua and send more troops to the region may be taken as proof that Jakarta has never been serious about ending the violence in Papua, a province that provides large state revenues thanks to its lucrative extractive and forestry industries.

"According to the data that we collected for this study, there are about 16,000 soldiers in Papua. And yet the government has planned to increase the number to more than 32,000 by 2024. This kind of security approach will never end violence."

Bambang Darmono, a former military general who now heads the government's agency for the acceleration of development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B), said the government was actually not trying to use a security approach to address Papua's problems.

"We are implementing socioeconomic and cultural-political approaches toward Papua. The fact that security forces are being deployed is to cope with the security issues that appear to be 'side effects'," he said.

Dialogue and demilitarization needed in Papua: Imparsial

Jakarta Globe - August 10, 2011

Arientha Primanita – Constructive dialogue and demilitarization are the best ways to prevent human rights violations in Papua, a rights watchdog said on Tuesday.

Al Araf, program director at the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial), said ending the military presence in Papua was needed to solve human rights problems in the region.

"The government must demilitarize and withdraw personnel," he said. "There must be a peace-oriented approach to settle the conflicts in Papua."

Al Araf was speaking at the launch of the book: "The Making of a Secure Papua: Implications of the Security Approach on Human Rights Conditions in Papua," the result of 10 months of research by the organization in Papua.

Although there is no clear data on the number of military personnel in Papua, Imparsial estimates that there are 14,842 military personnel deployed in the region.

Al Araf said that security changes must be accompanied by the strengthening of civic and public authorities in the region. "Law enforcement must be conducted transparently and fairly," he said.

"Human rights issues have not been emphasized in Papua but they are important because they are closely related to economic and sociocultural issues," said Let. Gen. Bambang Darmono, head of the Special Unit for the Development of Papua and West Papua. "Constructive communication must be held between the government and the Papuan people."

Thaha Al Hamid, secretary general of umbrella group the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP), said the military played a very important role in the region because they helped to defend the area.

He added that more important than the number of troops was the attitude and behavior of the military personnel, as that was often what residents objected to.

The Papua problem was a complex issue and needed the involvement of all stakeholders, Thaha said. "The most important thing needed from everyone in Papua is an open mind from the young generation, the religious leaders, the officials, the military and police officers," he said.

Thaha also said that he was worried that the government was using allegations of corruption to try to force the area into integration with Indonesia. He referred to Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) findings that stated the use of Special Autonomy Funds in the province remained unclear.

The government has disbursed around Rp 28 trillion ($3.28 billion) from 2002 to 2010.

Speaking at the same event, Tubagus Hasanudin, an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker, said the complex problems in Papua stemmed from discrimination and marginalization by the central government.

"Military operations will never be the answer to settle the conflict in Papua," he said, adding that the 2011 state budget had not set aside funds for military operations.

He said the special autonomy status that was given to Papua in 2001 was considered the best solution at that time, however, there had been no improvement in the local conditions since then.

"There have been total failures in the development of Papua's local economic, health and education sectors," he said.

Security approach perpetuating violence in Papua: Activists

Kompas - August 9, 2011

Jakarta – The government is being urged to prioritize dialogue over a militaristic approach in resolving the Papua problem. It is precisely this militaristic approach that is provoking continued violence. Because of this therefore, violations of civilian human rights must stop.

"The Papua problem is extremely complex so the government must seriously prioritize dialogue with the Papuan people. The violation of civil and economic rights must be stopped along with the importance of enforcing the law against corruptions and officials who violate human rights", said Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial) executive director Poengky Indarti in Jakarta on Tuesday August 8.

According to Poengky, the security approach in Papua should utilize the police as force in the front line. It would be preferable if the police utilize the Bimas (mass guidance) program in to approach the people.

Institute for Democracy and Peace (Setara Institute) deputy chairperson Bonar Tigor Naipospos said that in the long term, a dialogue must be conducted with all stakeholders. The security approach will still have to be used because armed groups still exist in parts of Papua. However there must be serious efforts to improve the bargaining position of the indigenous population who have been marginalized.

The security approach taken by the government is in fact perpetuating violence in Papua. Not only that, the military operations, in addition to the war being conducted by the TNI (Indonesian military), intelligence operations and the birth of groups believed to be formed by the military and the government, is further reinforcing the Papuan people's wall of mistrust towards the Indonesian government.

Speaking in Jayapura, Papuan Central Highlands Indonesian Student Association (AMPTPI) secretary general Markus Haluk said that the position of the military post-reformasi (the reform process that began in 1998) should have changed. However the assassination of Papuan Presidium Council (PDP) chairperson Theys H. Eluay in 2001, which involved the military, indicates otherwise.

According to Papuan Traditional Council (DAP) chairperson Forkorus Yaboisembut, the military's presence and intelligence operations in Papuan are in fact causing more suffering to the ordinary people. In many parts of Papua, it is more likely that people will encounter soldiers than teachers or healthcare workers. Most of their [the military's] posts are located in residential areas.

The initiative to accommodate the Papuan people's cultural aspirations, namely the DAP, is being disrupted by the existence of the Traditional Social Institute (LMA) formed by the government. "What was the thinking behind forming the LMA, after all the people already have the DAP. This means that it was only to create discord", said Papuan human rights activist Pastor John Jonga Pr.

In fact an acute stigmatisation is attached to the Papuan people when they call for their political rights. Currently, there are 20 indigenous Papuan incarcerated in jails on charges of subversion. Because of this therefore, during the Papua Land of Peace conference indigenous Papuans agreed to an end to intelligence operations that are intimidating and create feelings of insecurity and for a reduction in the number of non-organic troops in Papua.

For them, a dialogue is the correct instrument to find a solution. "There is no need to be afraid of their demands. In a dialogue there is no one who is unable to talk. There is nothing that is nonnegotiable", said Papua Peace Network (JDP) coordinator Neles Tebay. (JOS/END/RWN/FER/DIK/NTA/WHY/IAM)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

US firm Freeport struggles to escape its past in Papua

BBC News - August 8, 2011

Karishma Vaswani, Jakarta – The US mining firm Freeport McMoRan has been accused of everything from polluting the environment to funding repression in its four decades working in the Indonesian province of Papua. A recent spate of strikes by workers has brought all those uncomfortable allegations back to the surface.

"Ask any Papuan on the street what they think of Freeport, and they will tell you that the firm is a thief," said Neles Tebay, a Papuan pastor and co-ordinator of the Papua Peace Network which campaigns for more rights for local people.

"It is in the interests of the Indonesian government that Freeport stays in Papua because it pays so much money to the state."

For decades, a small number of Papuans have fought an armed struggle for independence from Indonesia. But Neles Tebay believes the US mining firm plays a crucial role in that struggle: "Papua will never become independent as long as Freeport is in Papua."

Yet Freeport says it provides vital jobs and wealth to the people of Papua. It is a decades-old row.

Massive profits

In the mid-1960s, Indonesia was undergoing a political transformation – and facing potential economic collapse. The government led by General Suharto was desperate to gain legitimacy with the international investment community – a hard task when Indonesia was seen as a risky market.

Suharto got the legitimacy he was looking for in 1967 – when Freeport became the first foreign company to sign a contract with the new government. In exchange, Freeport got access to exploration and mining rights for one of the most resource rich areas in the world.

In 1988, Freeport literally struck gold, finding one of the largest known deposits of gold and copper in the world at Grasberg in Papua.

Today, Freeport is one of Indonesia's biggest tax-payers. In the last five years the firm says it has paid about $8 billion (#5 billion) in taxes, dividends and royalties to the Indonesian government. In the second quarter of this year alone, the company saw its profits double to $1.4 billion.

But all of that money has yet to buy Freeport the reputation it needs in Papua. Thousands of Papuan workers walked out last month complaining about their wages, which they say are a fraction of what their international counterparts get.

Most Papuans believe that a contract Freeport signed with the Indonesian government in 1967 is invalid, because it was signed two years before Papua was officially incorporated into Indonesia by a controversial referendum.

The company says it signed a new 30-year contract with the Indonesian government in 1991, with provisions for two 10-year extensions.

But Papuans dispute the length of the deal, and the number of extensions Freeport has been able to get from the Indonesian government. Critics say Suharto wrote a blank cheque for Freeport, allowing the company to operate in any way it chose with little regard for consequences.

"The initial contract started in 1967, and was meant to end in 1997," said Singgih Wigado, director of the Indonesian Coal Society.

"But in 1991, Suharto's government renewed it – and then extended it for another 30 years, so now it ends in 2021. But Freeport is also entitled to two extensions during this period – of 10 years each. So Freeport's contract really only ends in 2041."

'Law unto themselves'

By then, environmentalists allege that Freeport will have not only ripped all of the mineral wealth from Papua's soil but it will also have destroyed the local waterways and killed off the marine life in the rivers nearest to the mine.

The lobby group Indonesian Forum for the Environment accuses Freeport of dumping hazardous waste into rivers. "We've seen no improvements in their operations. The local communities are suffering because of Freeport's presence in Papua," said the group's Pius Ginting.

But Freeport disputes the claims, saying that it uses a river near the mine to transport waste and natural sediments to a large deposition area. This method, the company says, was chosen because studies showed it was the most feasible way of disposing of the waste, and the environmental impact caused by its waste material is reversible.

In a statement, the company argued that the current arrangement with the government was fair, and has resulted in significant benefits.

Some of those significant benefits include providing employment to scores of Indonesian police who are mandated by Indonesian law to protect the Grasberg mine. This used to be the job of the Indonesian military, who are still sometimes asked to provide extra support for the mine by the police. Freeport estimates that it spent $14 million on security-related expenses in 2010.

But human rights groups say Freeport is effectively financing the Indonesian military in Papua, and is turning a blind eye to the soldiers' alleged human rights abuses in the province.

Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch says there are about 3,000 troops in the area, some of whom "tend to act as a law unto themselves". "They sometimes go beyond their duties of providing security to Freeport – and are also believed to be involved in illegal alcohol sales and prostitution," he says.

The Indonesian military has consistently denied any wrongdoing in Papua. Freeport defends its use of police and soldiers to guard the Grasberg mine, saying it is mandated under Indonesian law. Freeport has never been implicated in any human rights abuses allegedly committed by the Indonesian military in Papua.

Nevertheless, the company remains hugely controversial in the restive province.

"Freeport is a symbol of everything that is wrong with Papua," said pastor Neles Tebay. "Indigenous Papuans want to feel like they have control over their own future – and that means a right to safeguard their natural wealth."

The BBC has requested to travel to Papua and visit the Grasberg mine, but access has so far been denied by Freeport.

President urged to take action to stop violence in Papua

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must take strategic action to defuse the violence in Papua that has already claimed many lives, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said.

In a statement on the Kontras Web site, the commission's coordinator Haris Azhar said that 22 members of the Indonesian military (TNI) and civilians died in 8 clashes and shootouts in Papua between July and August, namely in the Puncak Jaya, Ilaga and Timika districts. He argued that a new approach to resolving the conflict is needed.

"The situation grew worse when the government's response to the violence was to strengthen security and military operations," Haris said. "Even worse, the National Police has now deployed their elite counterterrorism unit, Densus 88, to help secure the region."

"We perceive the situation as proof of the government's helplessness to improve the situation in Papua. The government does not show serious commitment to the measures activists advocated at a recent peace conference in Papua," he said.

On July 5, the Papuan Peace Network (JDP) held a conference on ways people could reduce conflicts and establish peace. The event drew participants from all elements of Papua's society – religious leaders, tribal leaders, the governor and other officials – as well as human rights activists in Jayapura.

"We hope the president of Indonesia will instruct the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, the defense minister, the military chief and the national police chief to work together and make persuasion-based policies for Papua," Haris said.

Kontras also urged the government to push for more dialogue between Papua and Jakarta and evaluate the effectiveness of the military and police presence in Papua thus far.

Human rights & justice

Mobile Brigade dispatched to aid besieged gold mine

Jakarta Post - August 13, 2011

Wahyoe Boediwardhana – The East Java Police have deployed two platoons of the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) to a gold mining concession area in Gunung Tumpang Pitu, Pesanggaran district, Banyuwangi, in response to growing tensions between locals and the mining company.

East Java Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Rachmat Mulyana, told The Jakarta Post on Thursday that the deployment was conducted according to the law. "They will not be withdrawn. They are there to protect citizens asking for protection," he said.

The response comes after days of protests and violence involving locals who have demanded that mining activities be stopped, citing environmental concerns.

On Wednesday, thousands of protesters flocked to the office of mining company PT IMN in Pancer village, Pesanggaran, demanding the company leave the regency because it was damaging the environment and creating unrest among locals.

They also demanded the withdrawal of the Brimob, accusing them of having brazenly shot at two local people on July 29. Suroto of Ringin Agung, Pesanggaran, was shot in the leg, and both hands, and Hermawan of Bogor, was shot in the hand. Hermawan later escaped from the hospital where he was being treated over fears he would be arrested.

On July 28, unknown persons set fire to the company's employee dormitory and some mining equipment, included a drill and a diesel generator. Total losses from the fires were estimated at Rp 1 billion (US$117,000).

Rachmat said it was up to the courts and not locals to decide whether PT IMN was violating the law. The police, he said, would not involve themselves in the dispute. "As long as its license is still effective and has not been revoked, PT IMN deserves the same right to receive protection from the police," he said.

He said that he suspected that local residents wanted to obtain licenses from the local authority so that they could mine the gold themselves. "If they had a license, there would be no reason for the police to act against them," he said.

Rachmat, who is a former Banyuwangi Police chief, said he knew what was really going on in the mining area, and that this included the involvement of some irresponsible government institutions, but did not elaborate. He said he hoped the Banyuwangi Police would take stern action against anyone caught mining illegally.

Rosdi Bahtiar of the Banyuwangi Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam) said conflicts between local people, miners and state institutions would continue unless the Forestry Ministry and the regency administration restored the initial function of Mount Tumpang Pitu as "protector" of the forest.

Freedom of expression & press

Lawmaker condemns attack of journalists

Jakarta Post - August 10, 2011

Jakarta – A lawmaker is criticizing a hotel owner's recent attack on a journalist for apparently generating bad publicity, saying that violence has become a viable option in resolving problems in this country.

"I strongly suggest that we add a clause that includes journalists among those who should earn protection, beside human rights activists, in the Human Rights Workers Protection draft bill," Eva Kusuma Sundari of the House's legal commission told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

"I call on the police to carry out a firm and thorough investigation to find the masterminds. At the same time we will push the House to deliberate the [Human Rights Workers Protection draft] bill in the upcoming seating session. However, until then, we will likely see this type of violence happen again," she said.

A hotel owner in Bogor, West Java, has reportedly abducted a Radar Bogor journalist for "bad" publicity that was said to have caused a decrease in customers. The Bogor Police is currently handling the case.

Recently, a Tempo TV journalist was found unconscious while filming a plot of land that has been the subject of dispute between the air force and local residents.

Political parties & elections

The high cost of maintaining support

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

Hasyim Widhiarto – Having spent big money on the hurly-burly of the 2009 election race, legislators are being squeezed with the need to spend even more money on maintaining not only their constituents' support, but also their parties' daily operations and ostentatious events.

Businesswoman-cum-politician Yasti Soepredjo Mokogaow, 43, of the National Mandate Party (PAN), receives dozens of proposals every week from individuals or organizations based in North Sulawesi, her electoral district, requesting donations for their upcoming events. The events, she said, can vary from major, regular agendas, such as Independence Day celebrations to minor, incidental ones, relating to work carried out by charities during Ramadhan.

Yasti, also one of PAN's treasurers, however, is fully aware she cannot overlook such requests as to do so would risk losing her constituents' support.

"I once donated Rp 500,000 (US$59) to a social event and the person who received the money left my office with a long face," said Yasti, who chairs the House of Representatives' Commission V overseeing transportation and public works.

With high mobility and intense social and political activities, Yasti said she pockets almost nothing from her income as a legislator.

Twenty-five percent of her monthly salary goes to PAN as a "mandatory contribution", while the remaining 75 percent is mostly spent on "maintaining good relationships with constituents".

A House member usually receives monthly take-home pay of around Rp 55 million. The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency recently revealed data showing that each lawmaker is also entitled to a recess fund, totaling Rp 442 million for this year alone.

Every year, the House schedules five recess periods, allowing legislators to meet supporters in their respective constituencies and seek feedback on their performance.

"In Indonesian politics, there is no doubt money still plays an important role to lure supporters. I believe it is better for any political party to recruit members who are already well-off, rather than entrusting people who would potentially use their party as a vehicle to enrich themselves," said Yasti, who was once an executive with several construction firms.

Tjahjo Kumolo, a senior legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), shared a similar story.

Tjahjo, who is also PDI-P secretary-general, spends at least Rp 10 million per month on his party, including mandatory contributions, and on supporting incidental events held by party supporters in his constituency in the Central Java cities of Semarang, Kendal and Salatiga.

The amount of money allocated for his constituency, according to Tjahjo, will significantly rise prior to general elections. "But don't ask me how much," he said, smiling.

There are currently nine political parties represented in the House, with the Democratic Party and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) holding the most and least seats, respectively.

While most party officials have remained silent about their parties' monthly expenses, they are open about the amount of money requested as compulsory contributions.

The ruling Democratic Party, which has 148 out of 550 seats in the House, requests their legislators to donate Rp 5 million from their monthly salary, according to deputy chairman Johnny Allen Marbun.

PDI-P's Tjahjo, whose party is the House's third-largest faction, said its 94 lawmakers are left to make donations based on financial ability. PAN requests its lawmakers to allocate a quarter of their salary to the party; while the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the country's fourth-largest party, openly requests its legislators to give half of their salaries to the party.

The United Development Party's (PPP) secretary-general, Romahurmuziy, confirmed that his party also requires its 38 lawmakers to share their salaries with the party. However, he refused to detail the percentage.

Many legislators, however, said their salaries are just not big enough to finance their political activities, citing an endless flow of donation requests and pressure from their parties' top brass, making it hard to maintain their personal influence in their constituencies.

"We do not ask our members, who sit as lawmakers or public officials, to donate much money to the party, but we strongly urge them to use their financial resources to stay close to their local supporters," PAN secretary-general Taufik Kurniawan said.

It has become common practice for most legislators to boost their incomes by brokering on behalf of those with vested interests vis-'-vis state- funded projects, policies and regulations.

Party members who are deemed cunning enough in garnering financial resources are usually appointed to certain House commissions that are considered lucrative.

These include, Commission VII for energy and natural mineral resources; Commission XI for finances and banking; Commission VI for trade, industry and state-owned companies; Commission V for transportation and telecommunications; and the Budget Committee.

Annually, legislators usually donate money for events related to:

1. Independence Day
2. Idul Fitri
3. Ramadhan
4. Idul Adha (for purchasing sheep, goats, cows for sacrificial ceremonies)
5. Christmas
6. New Year
7. Election campaigns for local leaders
10. Party anniversaries
11. Party national congresses
12. Party national coordination meetings
13. The start of school and university periods, usually between June and August
14. Incidental events in election areas, such as regency and municipal anniversaries and other religious holidays

Politicians plundering public funds to keep their parties going

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

[The recently unveiled barrage of graft cases involving legislator Muhammad Nazaruddin, the former treasurer of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, has added a chapter to the history of deep-rooted corruption at the House of Representatives. The Jakarta Post's Hasyim Widhiarto explores political parties' shadowy fund-raising methods.]

Amid the scandal following the graft allegations against Nazaruddin, the ruling Democratic Party spent over Rp 5 billion (US$585,000) last month to hold a coordinating meeting at the Sentul International Convention Center (SICC), 40 kilometers south of Jakarta.

With a more than 10,000-seat capacity, SICC's main hall, which already hosted international pop singers Justin Bieber and Kylie Minogue this year, had more than enough room for the 5,000 who participated in the meeting.

The organizers also shelled out for meals and accommodations for participants coming from as far away as Papua.

According to deputy party chairman Johnny Allen Marbun, several companies helped sponsor the meeting, but the bulk of the event was paid for from the party's coffers, money that comes from the party's legislators.

"Every month, our 148 lawmakers donate at least Rp 5 million of their salary to the party. In one year, the party receives around Rp 9 billion alone from them. That's more than enough for us to hold a decent annual meeting," Johnny said.

Such incidental costs exclude the daily operations at party headquarters, which requires at least Rp 3 billion (US$351,000) a month, according to a source inside the party.

But questions arise whether contributions from members' monthly incomes are sufficient to finance party activities that stretch from local election campaigns to gearing up for the 2014 general election.

With a steady flow of politicians to prison for graft, coupled with a refusal from nearly all parties to publish transparent financial reports, suspicions abound that politicians are tapping illegal financial wells, too.

Uchok Sky Khadafi, the investigation and advocacy coordinator of the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), said that parties' refusal to publish financial reports indicated that something was fishy with how parties accumulated money.

"If they publish the reports, anti-graft NGOs and the media would know the identities of the party's major financial supporters and would be able to probe whether the party's decisions to support certain policies or budget allocations have brought their donors direct financial advantages."

Such transparency would also allow the public to spot money that was gathered illicitly by the parties, which watchdogs and insiders said have long enjoyed the gains of pocketing graft money to make ends meet.

Commission-seeking among ministries, state agencies and regional administrations during state budget deliberations by the House of Representatives' budget committee is currently considered the simplest means of graft.

Committee members approach representatives from ministries, state agencies or regional administrations to strike deals to approve proposed funding and projects in exchange for commission rewards, according to National Mandate Party (PAN) committee member Wa Ode Nurhayati.

Wa Ode came into the media spotlight after she recently accused House leaders of receiving money for acting as brokers in the budgetary committee.

She said the overwhelming authority of the House to decide how to allocate the state budget, granted to the House after the 1998 reform movement, left the door open for widespread rent-seeking practices.

The House has the authority of final approval for most of the detailed project expenditures of a ministry – a role supposedly held by the Finance Ministry and the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas).

The committee members can also pocket fees from companies for successfully lobbying government officials to grant them infrastructure projects that were approved by the committee.

Anticorruption activists and analysts have repeatedly warned that the unchecked authority of the House's budget committee has allowed political parties to feed illegally from the state budget to finance their day-to-day operations and accumulate capital for the 2014 general election.

Under the 2011 state budget, the government and state institutions are earmarked to spend Rp 1,320 trillion ($132 billion).

Concern over graft in the budget committee was highlighted by Nazaruddin's repeated allegations that committee members received fees for lobbying Youth and Sports Ministry officials to grant the construction project of an athletes' village for the upcoming SEA Games to a contractor with close ties to political parties.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has named Nazaruddin as a suspect in the case, but he fled overseas on May 23 to escape justice.

Colombian police apprehended Nazaruddin on Aug. 7 in Cartagena as he was on his way to watch a soccer match in Bogota.

Nazaruddin arrived in Indonesia on Saturday evening and was being held at the Mobile Brigade detention center in Depok, West Java, for further questioning by the KPK.

KPK chairman Busyro Muqoddas said on Saturday that Nazaruddin was expected to uncover the mafia ring in the budget committee, as he had fully awareness of their operations.

Aside from his alleged involvement in the Southeast Asian Games project graft case, Nazaruddin is also allegedly involved in 31 other cases valued at around Rp 6 trillion in total and that involve five different ministries, Busyro said.

A legislator who refused to be named said the cases against Nazaruddin stemmed from budget committee negotiations. "The start of Nazaruddin's graft cases was in the budget committee," the legislator said.

He said Nazaruddin's case would not only drag down Democratic Party politicians but also those from other major parties, particularly the other committee members.

"Nazaruddin's case is not exclusive to the Democratic Party. Other parties are also jittery right now over concerns that he will uncover all of the committee's tricks," the legislator added.

Golkar Party politician Melchias Markus Mekeng, who chairs the House budget committee, has repeatedly denied the allegations of fee-seeking during the negotiation of the state budget.

He said limited infrastructure funds had forced the committee to prioritize certain projects without any intentions of members seeking any gratuities for themselves at the end of the day.

Politicians are also believed to have explored other illicit means of pocketing additional money through state-owned companies and donations from businesses in exchange for lobbying for certain favorable policies.

Analysts have repeatedly said that political corruption has spiraled out of control because of the high costs of political operations, which are not balanced by a culture of donation by party members and supporters, as widely practiced in other democracies.

Parties must not only spend overhead costs for maintaining offices throughout the archipelago in order to maintain their network of supporters and members, but also to finance their candidates' campaigns in local elections and to raise money for the 2014 general election.

Political parties' financial sources

Party member contributions: most political parties obligate members in public posts, including lawmakers, regional leaders and ministers, to allocate a fixed percentage of their monthly salary, usually up to 50 percent, to fill their coffers.

Government contributions: A 2009 government regulation on financial aid for political parties stipulates that the state must provide "annual financial assistance" to political parties that have members in the House of Representatives to partly cover administrative costs and fund political awareness programs. State budget watchdog Fitra said the government last year allocated Rp 8.7 billion in subsidies for the nine parties in the House.

State agencies and state-owned companies: Major political parties establish networks of financial resources by putting members or public figures who close to them in strategic positions in state agencies or state companies. The members are expected to influence policies at the agencies or companies to benefit the parties.

Brokering state projects: Lawmakers use political lobbying to help state or private sector companies secure state-funded projects from ministries and other state institutions. Fees for such assistance start from at least 10 percent of the total amount of project.

Brokering state budget allocations: During state budget deliberations, lawmakers at the House's budgetary committee work hand-in-hand to grant certain infrastructure projects or funds to regional leaders in exchange for "commissions". The budget committee is also plagued with legislators allegedly receiving fees from ministries or state agencies for approving their requested annual budget allocation requests.

Vote buying: Lawmakers receive kickbacks during crucial decision-making processes at the House, including during the selection of high-profile public officials and during the passing of key legislation.

Private sector: Some companies and businessmen fund parties in the hope that the parties will lobby on their behalf for certain concessions and favorable policies.

[From various sources.]

PDI-P not pushing for impeachment

Jakarta Globe - August 14, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – The main opposition party said on Sunday that it would not heed public calls to push for impeachment proceedings against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his government.

On Friday, hundreds of members of the Barisan Anak Kolong (Barak), or Gutter Boys Front, held a rally in front of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's offices in South Jakarta to protest what they said was the failure of the current government in settling numerous contentious issues including the Bank Century bailout case.

The rally was held concurrently with a closed-door meeting at the offices between PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri and a group of retired Army generals led by Gen. Kiki Syahnakri. "We want the PDI-P and the Army generals to impeach the current government," Barak said in a statement.

PDI-P secretary general Tjahjo Kumolo said on Sunday that the party was always open to hearing concerns from the public, but stressed that the it would hew closely to constitutional methods to enact sweeping changes such as the impeachment of a president.

"Our party always pays attention to our political dynamics. We won't be too reactive alone to answer calls to impeach the government, but the steps must be coordinated with other civilian components," Tjahjo said.

He admitted that the party was concerned over the current state of politics, comparing it to a soap opera, but cautioned that impeachment was a drastic measure to be employed with caution. "It must be assured that such a step is only for the sake of the people," he said.

Retired military man Kiki told journalists on Friday that the meeting with the PDI-P had nothing to do with planning impeachment proceedings.

Retired army generals meet with PDI-P

Jakarta Post - August 13, 2011

Jakarta – Dozens of retired army generals under the Association of Indonesian Army Retirees (PPAD) gathered at an official meeting with the executives of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) on Friday evening.

PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, who is also a former president, and party secretary-general Tjahjo Kumolo, attended the event at the opposition party's headquarters in South Jakarta.

PPAD chairman Lt. Gen. (ret.) Soerjadi, who is a former deputy to the Army chief of staff, said the meeting was aimed at discussing "national consolidation".

"The PPAD has conducted a study titled 'A persuasion of Indonesia's consolidation' which we would also present [at the PDI-P]," Soerjadi told The Jakarta Post.

According to Soerjadi, the PPAD's delegation was led by the head of the association's research division, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Kiki Sjahnakrie, also a former deputy to Army chief of staff.

Last week, the PPAD issued a statement criticizing the administration over what it said was a lack of firmness in tackling several significant graft cases. Since the New Order era, retiree generals have played significant roles on Indonesia's political stage.

Among them was the critical voice of Petition 50, a group of former generals from all branches of the military who were disappointed with the Soeharto government.

Golkar's straying flock returns after mulling NasDem option

Jakarta Globe - August 12, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Golkar Party leaders remained confident on Thursday that the newly-established National Democratic Party did not represent a threat, with a senior party figure saying that many of its members who had joined the new party had now returned to the fold.

Golkar secretary general Idrus Marham, said many had heeded the deadline set for wavering ex-members to return before sanctions would be meted out. "Especially those sitting as Golkar lawmakers, they have resigned as NasDem members," Idrus said, referring to the new party by its shortened name.

He added that, for Golkar, it had been a lesson in consistency and political honesty. "We need to discipline our members so that we can practice better politics based on ideology, not playing it safe with politics in our personal interests. "The country will not get ahead with political pragmatism," Idrus said.

Nurul Arifin, the party's deputy secretary general, said there were still several people whose party membership status remained unclear. A meeting scheduled for Thursday was due to discuss the issue and arrange a method for verifying membership.

It was possible the party would dismiss members found to be linked with NasDem, she said. "We still need to verify whether some lawmakers are truly with Golkar or not," Nurul said.

NasDem registered as a party earlier this year but was only formally launched last month. Initially it boasted several Golkar members in its ranks, largely through its loose affiliation with the social organization that spawned the party and carries a very similar name.

The organization is named National Democrats, and is commonly referred to in a similar shortened form, Nasdem. Nasdem is chaired by Surya Paloh, a media mogul and senior Golkar member who established it after losing the Golkar chairmanship to tycoon Aburizal Bakrie in 2009.

Several Golkar members are registered members of Nasdem, including Enggartiasto Lukita, Ferry Mursyidan Baldan, Meutya Hafid, Jeffrie Geovanie and Syamsul Muarif. Golkar had earlier announced that Nasdem and NasDem were the same in their eyes.

Meanwhile, dozens of Golkar members in Bali announced their resignations from NasDem after being pushed by the party's national leadership board.

Dewa Ayu Sriwigunawati, spokeswoman of Golkar's Bali chapter, was quoted by Antara news agency as saying that several members had sent letters confirming their decision to leave NasDem and remain with Golkar.

One member, Ida Bagus Oka Gunastawa, she said, had not yet decided by the deadline. Oka heads organizational and membership affairs for Golkar's Bali chapter.

"We will follow the party decision and issue a letter to dismiss him from the party," she said. Meutia Hafid and Enggartiasto Lukita could not be reached for comment.

Parties keep finances close to chest

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Nine of the nation's major political parties have ignored Indonesia Corruption Watch's demands to release their financial records, an ICW researcher said on Sunday.

The anti-graft group had sent letters to the parties demanding financial transparency amid the fallout from the graft scandal involving Muhammad Nazaruddin, a former treasurer of the ruling Democratic Party.

"None of them have replied," said Ade Irawan, an ICW researcher on political corruption.

"We really hope the political parties will open their financial reports because the law requires them to be transparent about how they manage their money." The Nazaruddin case should serve as a wake-up call for political parties, Ade said.

A study by the group found that political parties usually had three major financial sources: state funding, monthly dues from members and donations from private companies.

The donations were often abused, he said. "We believe parties often receive funds from illicit sources," Ade said. "If the political parties keep their financial records closed from the public, then we can never stop politicians from acting as budget brokers."

Witnesses in the ongoing graft trial involving the Southeast Asian Games athlete village have told the Anti-Corruption Court that Nazaruddin and his associate, Mindo Rosalina Manulang, received a "success fee" from Duta Graha Indah for helping the company secure a contract.

Nazaruddin, who remains at large, said in several TV interviews that party leaders, including chairman Anas Urbaningrum, had accepted ill-gotten money.

Eva Kusuma Sundari, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said a major hurdle in achieving transparency was that no law specifically required parties to open their complete financial records to the public.

If a greater share of a party's funding came from the state, she said, they might be compelled to publicly release their accounts.

In the 2009 election, each political party received Rp 108 (1.3 cents at the current rate) per vote it garnered. "Maybe at Rp 2,000 per vote, the money would be significant enough to fund the party's operation," she said.

Deputy Golkar treasurer Bambang Soesatyo said his party agreed with ICW that parties should open their finances. "Our party is open to that idea. That's why our financial report was audited by an accountant," Bambang said.

Asked when Golkar would release its report, he said: "Please be patient, we are preparing a complete report. We need more time to calculate everything."

Social organisations & NGOs

Greenpeace on defensive again over lottery funds

Jakarta Globe - August 10, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Greenpeace Indonesia defended itself on Tuesday from a new round of attacks, as religious groups called for the environmental group to be investigated for allegedly receiving money from an overseas lottery scheme that funds charities.

Lotteries, whether for charitable purposes or otherwise, are illegal in Indonesia.

Joko Arif, a Greenpeace Indonesia campaigner, clarified that his office had separate finances from the Netherlands branch, which receives funds from that country's National Postcode Lottery. That scheme also supports various other causes such as the UNHCR's refugee program in Sudan.

"The money accepted by Greenpeace Netherlands must be spent in that country, while Greenpeace Indonesia raises funds here and must spend them here too," Joko said.

Religious organizations including the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and the Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI) have demanded that the group be investigated based on reports that it had received 7 million euros ($10 million) from the Netherlands lottery.

The government-approved charitable lottery is a monthly, direct debit subscription program. Nahar Nahrawi, from the MUI, however, described it as gambling, and said any money from gambling operations was illegitimate according to Shariah law. "It's clearly stated on the Greenpeace Web site that they have received funds from gambling," Nahar said.

Amidhan, the MUI head, urged the government to investigate the possibility that Greenpeace was being used to launder money. "Their source of funds is from a lottery. It could be another method of laundering money, which is illegal in Indonesia," Amidhan said as quoted by state news agency Antara.

But Greenpeace's Joko explained that each Greenpeace office operated independently of each other, including in fund-raising matters. He said they were linked only by their commitment to a better world and environment. The group's operations in Indonesia, he said, are funded by individual donations from local citizens.

"We have more than 34,000 individual donors in Indonesia, each of them donating an average of at least Rp 75,000 [$8.80] per month," Joko said. He added that Greenpeace Indonesia never received donations from companies.

Benny Susetyo, executive secretary of the KWI, said all the accusations against Greenpeace needed to be carefully investigated by the government.

"It's debatable whether Greenpeace should be sanctioned just because of foreign gambling funds," he said. "It's legal for the public to protest them because of that, but the government can only punish them for a violation of the law."

If legal violations were found, he said, such as if any of its employees did not have proper work permits, then the government should freeze Greenpeace's operations in Indonesia.

The environmental group, which is no stranger to controversy, has faced a barrage of criticism over the past two months, beginning with questions about the legality of its presence in the country.

The debate started in June when a former Central Jakarta mayor, Muhayat, said Greenpeace was operating illegally here because it had not registered with the Political Affairs Unit.

That was followed by demonstrations by the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR), the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and the Jakarta chapter of the Islamic Student Association (HMI). They accused Greenpeace of deliberately trying to tarnish the image of Indonesian companies.

Greenpeace has carried out a sustained campaign against the palm oil industry in Indonesia, targeting plantation companies such as Sinar Mas.

Christian group wants Greenpeace investigated: Report

Jakarta Globe - August 9, 2011

The Indonesian Bishops Conference has added its voice to those of other religious-based organizations calling for environmental group Greenpeace to be evicted from the country if it is found to have received funding from gambling, a report says.

Benny Susetyo, head of the conference, also known as the KWI, said the Indonesian government must investigate reports the international nongovernmental organization based in the Netherlands was partially funded through lotteries.

"If it is proven, their activity [in Indonesia] must be stopped," Benny was quoted by Berita Jakarta as saying.

Greenpeace has recently been making headlines for its concerted campaign against palm oil companies operating in Indonesia, most notably Asian Pulp and Paper, that are widely blamed for contributing to the rampant destruction of Indonesian forests.

Also calling for Greenpeace's ouster from Indonesia is the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI) and vigilante groups the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) and Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).

Benny, as quoted by Berita Jakarta, the Jakarta administration's official news portal, said Indonesia was a nation based on laws and as such, if Greenpeace was found to have breached the law, the government should act "concretely."

He said it was the government's responsibility to investigate claims it was funded through lotteries, given the subject was a sensitive issue in the Muslim-majority nation.

Indonesian Protestant Church Union (PGI) secretary general Rev. Gomar Gultom was quoted by the news portal as saying that gambling had a negative impact on people.

MUI chief Amidhan said Greenpeace's Web site showed the environmental group received funding through state lotteries, including from the Netherlands. Greenpeace Indonesia has previously denied that any of its funding is sourced from gambling and that it complies with Indonesian law.

Labour & migrant workers

Insurers face calls to open the books

Jakarta Globe - August 13, 2011

Dessy Sagita – Labor activists demanded on Friday that four state-owned insurance companies immediately comply with the terms of a pending bill on social security, in a bid to minimize the potential for corruption.

Said Iqbal, secretary general of the Social Security Action Committee (KAJS), which consists of 67 labor unions from the Greater Jakarta area, said that as long as the companies remained answerable only to the government, they would find a way to skirt the provision in the bill requiring them to provide unlimited public access to review their financial records.

"As long as these four companies don't make the transition from state-owned limited liability companies to public bodies, we will always have very limited rights to conduct monitoring and surveillance of their financial reports," he said.

"But once they are operating as nonprofit pubic bodies under the BPJS [social security providers] bill, where everything must be out in the open, we can easily track down where the insurance premiums go and hence minimize the potential for corruption."

The four companies in question are Askes, which insures civil servants; Asabri, for members of the armed forces; Jamsostek, for private-sector employees; and Taspen, which covers workers at state-owned companies.

Under a 2004 law, the government is mandated to form special bodies – known as BPJS – to manage social security for health care, occupational hazards, pensions and life insurance.

The BPJS bill, which is being deliberated at the House of Representatives, requires that the four existing state-owned insurers make fundamental changes in their operations in order to qualify as BPJS social security providers, including greater budgetary transparency and a change to non- profit status. However, the government has said this transformation could take 10 to 15 years to complete.

Armida Alisjahbana, the head of the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas), previously said the process would be lengthy and difficult because the companies were large.

However, Febri Hendri, a senior researcher at Indonesia Corruption Watch, said there was no sensible reason that would justify the transformation taking such a long time.

"The merger of major banks only takes a few years, and in principle a merger and a transformation are not that different," he said. "So we have to question why transforming the four bodies to comply with BPJS principles should take so long."

He added the public needed access to key financial data, including how much the state insurers were paying out in incentives and benefits to top executives, how many members each of the companies had, how much they were investing and the dividends they were collecting, and how they were managing those investments and returns.

Human Rights Watch honors Migrant Care director

Jakarta Globe - August 9, 2011

Lauren Zumbach – Anis Hidayah, executive director of Migrant Care, was one of seven people around the globe awarded the Alison Des Forges Award for Extraordinary Activism, Human Rights Watch said in a statement today.

Both the Jakarta-based Migrant Care and Human Rights Watch – the grantee of the award – have documented the plight of Indonesian domestic workers in Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, where many work without pay or face abuse from their employers.

In addition to advocacy efforts at the Asean secretariat, Anis and Migrant Care have been prominent voices in the recent outcry over the treatment of domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and the government's response, Human Rights Watch said.

The group praised Anis's commitment to speaking out on behalf of the millions of Indonesians working abroad and exposing violations of their basic rights.

"From the centers of the Arab Spring to many other places where people who speak out are under threat, each of these defenders has shown incredible courage and persistence on behalf of others," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch.

"We honor their strength and efforts, and hope that this award will increase international recognition of the abusive conditions they are trying to change."

Anis will receive the award, named for a senior adviser to Human Rights Watch's Africa Division who was a leading expert on the Rwandan genocide, in November 2011.

Environment & natural disasters

Stop crackdown on small tin miners: Indonesia industry

Reuters - August 11, 2011

Indonesian police carrying out an environmental crackdown in the main tin producing region of Bangka island, should stop targeting small-scale miners as it is hindering domestic smelters' supplies, the Indonesian Tin Industry Association said.

Small-scale traditional tin miners in Indonesia, the world's top tin exporter, have slowed mining activity because they fear being raided by the police, who have been intensifying a crackdown on illegal miners for the past few months.

Small smelters in the island off Sumatra depend on traditional miners for between 70 and 80 percent of their ore supply.

"The police come and get the miners," said Johan Murod, general secretary at the association and director of Bangka-Belitung Timah Sejahtera, which groups five private tin smelters on Bangka island.

"It is because government regulation is not helping with the mining situation in Bangka island," he told Reuters this week.

The government brought in a new mining law in 2009 that restricts the operation of small-scale miners, who tend to operate in an undisciplined way, causing damage to the environment, and do not pay royalties. A crackdown on illegal mining, tighter export regulations, declining onshore reserves and rain that had hindered production in Indonesia have helped drive the tin rally earlier this year.

"The government is not supporting the people for mining, they only support big companies," Murod added. "All mining causes environmental damage but after the mining, we (too) can make environmental improvements with the right regulation."

Bangka police follow up every complaint or report on illegal tin mining, which are made daily, and are committed to taking action against every mining violation, a spokesman said on Thursday.

Illegal small-scale miners who are caught by the police, are often not prosecuted, but instead shown mining areas that permit public mining, Bangka Belitung police spokesman Djoko Poernomo told Reuters.

"The police will continue to order prohibited activities or illegal activities which are against the law," he added. "This is not a seasonal action... many mining activities are being done at forbidden areas such as protected forest."

Walhi calls for mining permit revocation

Jakarta Post - August 8, 2011

Kupang – The Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi) has urged East Nusa Tenggara Governor Frans Leburaya to revoke the operation permit for mining company PT Fathi Resources, which is being blamed for environmental destruction in East Sumba regency.

Walhi said its investigation revealed that Fathi Resources had damaged the protected forest where 114 springs that provided water for local residents were located.

"The widely known tropical birds in Sumba will be extinct if the mining operation continues. They will become a lost heritage, only to be told about to later generations," Herry Naif, Walhi programming manager, said on Saturday.

Around 1,000 residents from several villages tried to intervene in the mining operation on Thursday, which, according to Walhi, confirmed the locals' outrage at the company.

Health & education

Principals, teachers spurn free ebooks for commission

Jakarta Post - August 8, 2011

Oyos Saroso H. N., Bandarlampung – The Lampung Education Caucus (KPL), an NGO network in Lampung concerned with anticorruption, legal aid and education, urged National Education Minister Muhammad Nuh to enforce the use of electronic text books (BSE) to protect students from book scams.

According to the KPL, nearly 90 percent of the elementary, junior high and senior high schools in Lampung do not use BSEs as they regard them as unprofitable. Most schools require students to buy text books from particular publishers because principals and teachers get huge commissions from them.

"Many school principals and teachers have become part of the book syndicate because they get up to 50 percent commission for a single book. Officials at the provincial, municipal and regency education offices also receive book commissions," KPL head Ahmad Yulden Erwin said over the weekend.

Erwin said he believed the same thing likely took place in other parts of Indonesia.

"As they are lured by commissions, school authorities force students to buy text books published by particular publishers, despite the fact that the government has provided BSEs, which can be downloaded online for free," he said.

"Therefore, we have urged the National Education minister to be firm. What's the use of the government buying e-book royalties if students don't use the electronic books?" Erwin said.

BSEs are part of the text books for elementary, junior and senior high school students, which have been bought by the ministry from several publishers. Every school in Indonesia is expected to download the BSEs from the ministry's website, www.kemdiknas.go.id, for free.

"However, despite the advantage, most school principals prefer to buy books from publishers. Most of them have even become part of the book syndicate. This hurts parents because they have to buy the books for their children for up to millions of rupiah," Erwin said.

The book scam has operated freely due to the lack of firm sanctions from law enforcers. Violators could be charged for multiple offenses according to the Criminal Code.

KPL activist Sutopo Ghani Nugroho, who heads the Lampung Education Board, said the provincial administration and legislature could issue a bylaw to break the book scam chain.

"A provincial bylaw must be issued and implemented because the government, through the National Education Ministry, has not issued a regulation on electronic books. To wipe out the book scam, each province should have a bylaw on books that regulates text book procurement. If need be, there should be a special budget for text books," Sutopo said.

Sutopo added that the cost of printing the BSEs could come from the provincial budget if the administration had enough money, so learning materials could be cheaper that books bought from publishers.

Parents have complained about the high prices of books for this school term. A book package, comprising several text books, costs between Rp 200,000 (US$23.60) and Rp 1.2 million per student.

Sutanto, 43, the father of a student at SMP 1 junior high school in Bandarlampung, said he paid Rp 750,000 for books this term. "My son has to buy new text books every year because he can no longer use the books passed on from his older brother," he said.

Several principals said that they required students to buy books from publishers because the books bought with school operational assistance (BOS) funds were often not for main subjects.

"Elementary school students only get books on sports, while junior high school students only get two books on sports and arts," said SD Palapa II elementary school principal, Tachrir.

Gender & sexual orientation

Indonesian transvestite jailed for marrying man

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Ronna Nirmala – A transvestite arrested for forging documents to marry a man has been jailed for eight months after the court ruled that he had promised to "become a real man as nature intended."

The case involving Rahmat Sulistyo, who posed as Fransiska Anastasya Oktaviany Sulistyo, or Icha, has brought condemnation from the gay, lesbian and transgender community in Indonesia, who say Rahmat is a victim.

Judge Matauseja Erna, presiding in the Bekasi District Court on the outskirts of Jakarta on Monday, said Rahmat, who now preferred to be called Tyo instead of Icha, had been found guilty of forging documents to obtain a marriage license from the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Prosecutors had sought a one-year jaile term for forgery.

Erna said the court decided "to reduce the sentence because, Rahmat... had promised that he will become a real man as nature intended. So he deserves a second chance."

Rahmat made headlines around Indonesia when his former husband, Muhammad Umar, 32, who is partially blind, reported his wife of six months to police after complaints from his neighbors in Bakasi. Rights activists have instead blamed the Indonesian government for forcing Icha to hide his identity.

Rahmat told the court that he regretted his actions. "[Idul Fitri] is only a month away – I want to celebrate Eid with my family at home," Rahmat said, weeping.

After the verdict Rahmat said he was disappointed with the verdict, which would see him remain in jail for another three months. "But what can I do, I must accept that."

Rahmat also said that he had no malicious intent toward his former husband, Umar. "I just love him sincerely, that's all."

During the sentencing the judges ruled that Rahmat suffered from multiple personality disorder and sexual disorientation.

Graft & corruption

Nazaruddin case develops more twists

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Anita Rachman, Ulma Haryanto & Vento Saudale – Threats and counter- threats, or at least fears or reports of them, flew back and forth on Monday as the already convoluted scandal surrounding Muhammad Nazaruddin became even more entangled.

As the jailed politician was reportedly refusing to eat the food served to him at the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) detention facility in Depok for fear of poisoning, reports emerged that Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) officials had been receiving death threats since the scandal began.

Muhammad Nasir, a Democrat lawmaker, appealed to the House of Representatives to provide protection for his cousin, Nazaruddin. The plea was made when Nasir and O.C. Kaligis, Nazaruddin's lawyer, met with House Speaker Marzuki Alie, deputy speakers Anis Matta and Pramono Anung, and Fahri Hamzah and Azis Syamsuddin, from House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs.

Nasir said Nazaruddin was refusing food, unless it came with a note from Nasir saying he had sent it. Kaligis said Nazaruddin "is afraid he is going to be poisoned."

Speaking on behalf of Nazaruddin's family, Nasir begged the House leaders "to bring about justice for Nazaruddin. He is still a suspect, don't treat him as if he's guilty". "He fled because he was afraid," he said. "Please treat him humanely."

Kaligis also handed the lawmakers a copy of a letter addressed to the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK) requesting that the institution provide Nazaruddin protection.

KPK spokesman Johan Budi said Nazaruddin did not have to worry about being poisoned because "his safety is guaranteed by the National Police chief and the president."

He said security measures put in place at the detention center included CCTV monitoring. "We will add more CCTVs around his cell and also two KPK officers to monitor the cell," he said. "The CCTVs are not only to monitor him, but also to monitor Nazaruddin guests so that any suspicious behavior can be seen."

Marzuki said that when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono talked about ensuring Nazaruddin's safety, "it's not only physical safety, but also mental health."

Meanwhile, Abdullah Hehamahua, the chairman of the KPK's ethics committee, said there were taped telephone conversations that included a plan to murder a number of commissioners. "Yes there [is a recorded conversation], we listened to it on the first day this committee was established," he said.

The committee was formed at the end of July after Nazaruddin made allegations of improper conduct by several KPK officials, including deputy chairmen Chandra M. Hamzah and Mohammad Jasin, KPK's deputy director of prosecution, Ade Rahardja, and Johan.

Abdullah said the recording was almost inaudible, but the conversation mentioned Chandra and Ade and was related to an ongoing graft investigation involving Nazaruddin.

Committee member and deputy chairman Bibit Samad Rianto declined to give details on the recording, saying it was still under investigation. But an internal KPK source said that voices in the recording included Nazaruddin's and that of a person identified as Albert. "[Nazaruddin] wanted to pay billions to have Chandra killed," the source said.

Nuril Anwar, who used to work for Nazaruddin in the House, told the Jakarta Globe last week that his former boss liked to throw threats around when feeling under pressure, but added that they were usually only bluffs.

Speaking after members of Commission III visited Nazruddin in his detention cell on Monday, Ahmad Yani, from the United Development Party (PPP), said the suspect only communicated with Kaligis. "He was quiet and appeared tired," he added. No Democrats were seen among the group.

Dems lawmaker confirms meeting with Nazaruddin, KPK officials

Jakarta Post - August 15, 2011

Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta – Lawmaker Benny Kabur Harman of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party confirmed Monday that he had been present at two meetings between Muhammad Nazaruddin, currently a graft suspect, and top officials of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in the past year.

"The two meetings were really held," Benny told journalists at the KPK office in Jakarta after being questioned about the meetings by the KPK ethics council.

The council is probing alleged ethics violations by KPK deputy chairman Chandra M. Hamzah, former deputy for enforcement Insp. Gen. Ade Raharja, investigator Adj. Sr. Comr. Rony Samtana and spokesman Johan Budi.

Nazaruddin, former Democratic Party treasurer, said he had met with Chandra and Ade in several meetings to negotiate a number of graft cases under KPK investigation at the time. Benny was present in at least two of the meetings.

The first meeting was at a Japanese restaurant in June 2010. Reportedly attending the meeting were Nazaruddin, Benny, Democratic Party lawmaker Saan Mustofa, Ade and Johan.

Nazaruddin said the first meeting was aimed at negotiating two corruption allegations involving two Democratic Party members: Bandung Mayor Dada Rosada and East Kutai Regent Isran Noor.

The second meeting was held at Nazaruddin's house in January 2011. Nazaruddin, Benny, Saan and Chandra were allegedly present. Nazaruddin claimed that he had given money to Chandra in this meeting.

"I attended the meeting at the Japanese restaurant upon Saan's invitation. After I learned some graft cases were being discussed, I then suggested that Pak Ade not take Nazaruddin's intervention attempts into account," Benny said.

"In the meeting at Nazaruddin's house, there was no discussion about graft cases at all. I also did not see any transaction as claimed by Nazaruddin," he added.

Ade previously admitted to meeting Nazaruddin twice, although he denied negotiating with Nazaruddin regarding KPK investigations. Johan confirmed he had been asked by Ade to "meet with somebody. I don't remember whether it was Nazaruddin".

Nazaruddin is currently under KPK detention after being arrested by Interpol in Colombia last week.

Lawyer: Nazaruddin fears being poisoned

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Anita Rachman – Muhammad Nazaruddin's lawyer has expressed concerns for his client's life, since he has not been allowed to meet with the disgraced politician.

On Monday, senior lawyer O.C. Kaligis sought support from the leaders of the House of Representatives to help him gain access to his client.

Kaligis said he did not understand why investigators would not allow him to meet with his client and give him legal advice. He emphasized as the main legal representative for Nazaruddin the law stated he has the right to assist him.

Kaligis said the graft suspect's case had been manipulated from the start, but he himself is not a politician and so knew nothing about any political party deals. "I just want to defend Nazaruddin," he said.

"But I want all deals to be revealed." Kaligis added he was going to write to the president. "He will be very angry if he knows about this." He added Nazaruddin was so afraid for his life he had refused to eat anything. "He is afraid that he is going to be poisoned. [Muhammad] Nasir told me."

Nasir, Nazaruddin's cousin and a Democrat lawmaker, who accompanied Kaligis at the House, said the family was very worried about the graft suspect's condition.

He had only managed to meet with Nazaruddin before he was brought to the KPK. "It was a very short meeting," Nasir said. "He asked for a doctor but when the doctor got there, he was afraid [to meet the doctor]. He was given food, but then he was afraid to take it."

Kaligis added his client was also concerned about his wife's safety. "Which is why I will be bringing Neneng [Nazaruddin's wife] home to Indonesia soon."

Nazaruddin's skeletons come out of the closet

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Markus Junianto Sihaloho – With a few words sent by BlackBerry Messenger in mid-July, Nuril Anwar ended his working relationship as the assistant to the country's highest-profile graft suspect.

The problem appears to have begun in April, when, according to Nuril, he was asked to cover up any links between his boss, the then-Democratic Party treasurer, and a suspected middleman arrested for a graft scandal at the State Ministry for Youth and Sports Affairs.

Nuril stood by Muhammad Nazaruddin as the biggest scandal to rock the ruling party unfolded over the next few months, but when his name was dragged into the allegations, he decided to sever his ties. "He lied to everyone," he said, "including to me."

In an interview with the Jakarta Globe, Nuril described his former boss as a family man and a caring father. But when it comes to businesses, he claimed the 31-year-old politician was an expert at using all means necessary to manipulate people in order to win government projects.

Securing government projects was one of Nazaruddin's main skills, Nuril said, adding that the politician once said money could fix any problem.

Many of Nazaruddin's former staff members and assistants are alleged to have benefited from his dealings. For example, Aan, a former driver, bought a Nissan X-Trail SUV for about Rp 300 million ($35,000), allegedly from his fees for delivering bribes. "I have valid information on that," Nuril claimed.

He also said Nazaruddin had assured him that he had no role in the Southeast Asian Games graft scandal, but that later turned out to be false. "He accepted the bribe money from DGI," Nuril said, referring to Duta Graha Indah, the company that won the contract to build the athletes' village for the Games in Palembang.

Falling out

Nuril said he first met Nazaruddin in 2007, when Nazaruddin was still a garment salesman who wanted to expand his business. After Nazaruddin became a lawmaker, he asked Nuril to join him as a member of his staff at the House or Representatives.

In his daily life as a lawmaker, Nazaruddin left home at about 9 a.m. and stopped by the office of his company, Anugerah Nusantara, in Mampang, South Jakarta, for at least an hour, Nuril said.

Then the politician would go to the House, where he would work until around 2 p.m. After that, Nuril said, he would visit hotels and restaurants across the capital to take care of other business.

Nuril said he remained loyal to the lawmaker until mid-July, when Nazaruddin said that Nuril had distributed bribe money to Democratic Party members to help Anas Urbaningrum win the party's chairmanship last year.

According to Nuril, Nazaruddin asked him to join Anas's camp together with Yulianis, the deputy finance director of Nazaruddin's company. As the campaign team's treasurer, Nazaruddin collected money from many donors during the party congress and all the funds were handed over to Yulianis, he said.

Nuril said he was then ordered by Nazaruddin to take the money from Yulianis to pay Anas's supporters between Rp 1 million and Rp 2 million, not the $15,000 as claimed by Nazaruddin in previous media statements. "But the money was not a bribe. It was just compensation for communication and transportation fees for the supporters, because the organizing committee only paid for the meals and the hotel," Nuril said.

"Other campaign teams gave their supporters this kind of money," he said, referring to the other candidates for chairman, Andi Mallarangeng and Marzuki Alie.

Menacing figure

When in public, Nazaruddin was well-spoken and polite. But Nuril says he had a short temper and could be irrational. "He likes to threaten people, especially when he is in trouble," he said.

Nuril said Nazaruddin had been aware he was under investigation since last year. Many of his staff members also knew and tried to resign, but backed down after being threatened by Nazaruddin.

Some high-profile figures were also threatened by Nazaruddin, Nuril said, including Anas, House Commission III chairman Benny K. Harman and Dahlan Iskan, president director of state utility Perusahaan Listrik Negara. "He told Dahlan Iskan he would reveal corruption going on at PLN after his project with the company encountered problems," he said.

But the truth was that Nazaruddin had no evidence about graft at PLN, Nuril said. "He often threatened to kill people, but it was only bluffing. That's what he did every day, especially when he was under pressure."

One journalist, who declined to be identified, said he had been warned by Nazaruddin never to mention his name in relation to the SEA Games case. "He told me he was a senior official of the biggest party in the country and that I must be afraid of him," he said.

"But it was funny, because in the end, after he fled to Singapore, he contacted me again to help him corner other Democratic Party politicians."

Nazaruddin finally back home in custody

Jakarta Globe - August 13, 2011

Ronna Nirmala – The long wait for fugitive politician and former ruling party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin ended at 8 p.m. Saturday evening when the chartered jet the government provided to ferry him home touched down at Jakarta's Halim Perdanakusumah Airport after a day of uncertainty over when he would arrive.

The Gulfstream jet, No. N913PD, landed and nine people wearing masks and carrying backpacks emerged from the plane first. Nazaruddin, wearing a brown suit and no mask, was not handcuffed and could be seen clearly as he deplaned. He appeared to have put on weight since he fled the country in late May.

A woman was also among about 15 people on the plane and she is assumed to be Nazaruddin's wife, Neneng Sriwahyuni. A National Police spokesman said three people were apprehended with Nazaruddin and returned to Indonesia, his wife, an Indonesian named Rahmat Nasir, and a Singaporean, Eng Kian Lim.

After landing, Nazaruddin was taken to the Brimob detention center in Depok, for what reports described as a medical examination. He was then brought to the offices of the Counter Corruption Commission (KPK) in Jakarta.

One man at the KPK building shouted, "Don't be afraid, Nazaruddin. Allah is with you." The detainee only smiled in response.

Nazaruddin left Bogota, Colombia early Friday morning, Jakarta time. It is unclear why the flight took so long. He was arrested by Interpol on Sunday in Cartagena, Colombia after being on the run in Southeast Asia, the US and South America.

Throngs of reporters waited at the East Jakarta airport beginning early Saturday, following reports that Nazaruddin would arrive at 5.a.m.

National Police spokesman Untung Yoga Ana said earlier that the chartered jet had touched down twice en route to Jakarta, once in Nairobi, Kenya and again in the Maldives.

Untung said Nazaruddin's wife was with him on the plane. After he is picked up by a joint team from the Foreign Ministry, Justice and Human Rights Ministry, the National Police and the KPK, he will be taken into police detention, Untung said.

East Jakarta Police Comr. Gen. Saidal Mursalin said several hundred police officers have been deployed around Halim airport to secure the area, although there was little sign of beefed up security inside the airport itself.

Meanwhile, there has been widespread concern that somehow the explosive accusations Nazaruddin has made against Democratic Party officials will be muted or hushed up once he is in front of a corruption court.

"Openness is the answer to the public's suspicion that there is the potential for intervention (into Nazaruddin's case)," Hendardi, chairman of the SETARA Institute, said Saturday, according to Antara.

After hiding for about 75 days on three continents, Nazaruddin was arrested in Cartagena, a resort town about 600 km from Bogota last Sunday. Nazaruddin fled to Singapore in May just ahead of a travel ban requested by the KPK.

Nazaruddin has been named a suspect in an ongoing KPK investigation into the construction of the athlete's village for the Southeast Asian Games, which are to be held in Palembang, South Sumatra in November.

During his sojourn abroad, he issued numerous statements implicating various officials, including Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum, in financial irregularities related to the SEA Games.

As the treasurer of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's political party before he was implicated in the current scandal, Nazaruddin's accusations that state funds were diverted to fund the party touches a raw nerve that could prove deeply damaging for the Democrats ahead of 2014 elections.

Responding to fears that Nazaruddin would harmed or silenced, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has called on police to protect the suspect. "I want to remind the Police chief, please ensure his safety because there might be people who feel uncomfortable with his return to Indonesia," Yudhoyono said after Sunday's arrest.

Hendardi said Nazaruddin trial needs to be transparent to allay public suspsicions. "The public needs to closely watch the movements of parties suspected to have the potential to influence Nazaruddin's testimonies," the SETARA Institute chairman said.

The case has also tarnished the image of the KPK itself. Political observer Yudi Latief of Paramadina University in Jakarta said that the KPK needs special supervision when trying Nazaruddin.

A newly formed KPK Ethics Council is now investigating two KPK commissioners, Ade Raharja and Chandra M Hamzah, after Nazaruddin accused them of trying to strike a deal with him in a meeting. "I think the most worrying fact is that the KPK is now suffering. Internal relations within the KPK itself are not that good," Yudi said.

He said that the KPK needs to deal with the Nazaruddin case immediately and disclose any internal KPK corruption. "This would provide an extraordinary lesson to people in the political circle," Yudi said.

The case is also made more difficult since the KPK is in the midst of a search for a new leadershhip team. The Nazaruddin allegations have clouded that process as well.

Bambang Widjojanto, a candidate to lead the KPK, has said the Nazaruddin case should be handled by a joint team of experts drawn from the KPK, police and prosecutor's office.

[With reporting from Antara.]

Strange case of Nazaruddin gets stranger

Jakarta Globe - August 14, 2011

Ulma Haryanto – The unusual manner by which Muhammad Nazaruddin was brought home and the incidents immediately following his arrival on Saturday have raised a number of questions.

O.C. Kaligis, the main legal representative for Nazaruddin, has complained that he has not been allowed to see his client. "I came here to provide legal assistance," Kaligis said after being turned away from the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) detention facility in Depok on Sunday.

Sr. Comr. K. Budiman, a spokesman for the facility, said Kaligis needed permission from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to see Nazaruddin.

"The regular schedule is Tuesdays from 10 a.m. to 12 p.m., and Fridays from 2 p.m. to 5 p.m.," he said. The KPK, he added, had put in place extra security measures for Nazaruddin, including two more guards and several CCTVs.

But the high-profile lawyer isn't buying the explanation and says something strange is afoot. "Who would know if [investigators] brainwashed him on the plane and during the interrogations?" Kaligis said, suggesting they might try to change Nazaruddin's testimony.

He also asked why the Indonesian ambassador to Colombia, Michael Menufandu, had prevented him from seeing Nazaruddin in Bogota, which meant Nazaruddin couldn't sign a political asylum request prepared by the lawyer.

Azyumardi Azra, a prominent scholar from Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic State University in Jakarta, was also suspicious about the 36-hour flight from Colombia to Jakarta, and the six stops made by the chartered jet.

Officials initially estimated the flight would take 22 to 24 hours, but the plane arrived nearly 17 hours later than expected on Saturday. "Why did he have to make a lot of stops during his flight from Colombia to Indonesia? I am afraid there are games behind this," Azyumardi said.

Anas Yusuf, the police general who led the Indonesian team coordinating with Interpol, bristled at questions over the length of the flight, saying they were forced to land in Congo due to permit issues, and had to refuel several times. "We used a small plane that seated only 12. It's different from a Boeing or Airbus," he said.

Meanwhile, the KPK said Nazaruddin's wife, Neneng Sri Wahyuni, had been named a suspect.

"It's for a solar power project at the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration," KPK spokesman Priharsa Nugraha said, referring to a Rp 3.8 billion ($445,000) contract in which Neneng allegedly acted as a broker.

But statements from law enforcement officials on her whereabouts and movements differ. Police officials said last week that Neneng was with Nazaruddin when he was arrested in Cartagena, but Anas said over the weekend that Neneng had left Colombia for Kuala Lumpur on July 25.

Officials had also said Neneng was expected to arrive in Jakarta with Nazaruddin, but she was not among those who deplaned at Halim Airport on Saturday.

M. Jasin, a KPK deputy chairman, said that since Neneng was abroad, an Interpol red notice would be issued for her, as was done for Nazaruddin. Asked about Neneng's whereabouts, Kaligis replied: "It's a secret. I can't tell you."

[Additional reporting by Vento Saudale & Nurfika Osman.]

Remission? What remission? Minister recants on Gayus

Jakarta Globe - August 12, 2011

Ulma Haryanto & Camelia Pasandaran – Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar performed another back flip when he denied on Friday that he had ever said bribery convict Gayus Tambunan would get a sentence cut.

"I never said yesterday that Gayus would get remission," he said at his office. "All of a sudden [the media] said he would. I was reprimanded [over that by the president]."

He claimed reporters had misquoted him. "The quote was not correct, and it was combined with other people's comments," he said.

However, Patrialis was quoted by all major media outlets on Thursday as saying that Gayus was among the 33,000 prisoners nationwide who would receive a remission in commemoration of Independence Day, Aug. 17. He claimed the former tax official, who is serving a 12-year sentence for bribing a judge and police investigators, was eligible for the sentence cut because his crime "was not corruption."

"As long as he has been in jail for nine months, that is the only requirement," Patrialis said on Thursday.

He was singing a different song on Friday, though. "Gayus won't get a remission because his case was a corruption case, with multiple charges, and he hasn't served out a third of his sentence," he said.

He added that his ministry had not received all the names of those eligible for remission.

Earlier in the day, Patrialis refused to confirm his prior statement that Gayus's crime did not constitute corruption. "Your news comes as a surprise to me," he told journalists. "Don't do that, we're friends, right?"

When confronted with a recording of his statement on Thursday, Patrialis laughed and walked away. Separately, the palace confirmed that Gayus would not get a sentence cut.

Denny Indrayana, the presidential adviser for legal affairs and corruption eradication, said that previous reports to the contrary were "a blunder."

He pointed out that Gayus did not meet the criteria for a remission, which Patrialis previously said would not be extended to corruption, terrorism, illegal logging or drug convicts.

This is not the first time that Patrialis has made a claim and then promptly denied it.

Late last month, he announced that a team from his ministry was heading overseas to pick up then-fugitive graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin. At the time, he said he hoped there would be "an extraction" of the former Democratic Party treasurer.

But a day later, he denied ever saying anything to that effect. "Let's get this straight: I never said we were going to pick up Nazaruddin. Again, I never used the expression 'pick up,'?" he said.

That fiasco earned him criticism from security experts and politicians alike, including those from his own National Mandate Party (PAN).

[Additional reporting from Antara.]

Now go after other fugitives: Activists

Jakarta Globe - August 10, 2011

Anita Rachman & Elisabeth Oktofani – Two prominent corruption watchdogs applauded on Tuesday the arrest of high-profile graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin but questioned why law enforcers were slow to capture other fugitives.

Adnan Topan Husodo, deputy chairman of Indonesia Corruption Watch, said arresting Nazaruddin would have been much harder than going after other fugitive suspects, such as businesswoman Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun.

"Nunun still has family here. Her husband is here," Adnan said. "She must be contacting them, and [the communications] could actually be traced."

Adnan added that Nazaruddin's arrest was the result of good collaboration between officials at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the National Police and Interpol, as well as the use of sophisticated technology to pinpoint his exact location. Attempts at similar cooperation had proved fruitless with Nunun, Adnan said.

Boyamin Saiman, chairman of the Indonesian Anti-Corruption Society (Maki), said that unlike Nunun, who has remained quiet, Nazaruddin chose to attack his colleagues in the Democratic Party, attracting the attention of the party's leader, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Adnan questioned why Yudhoyono specifically instructed law enforcers to bring Nazaruddin back to the country but mentioned no other suspects in his speech.

Yunarto Wijaya, a political analyst from Charta Politika, said the government did not appear interested in arresting corruptors outside of Indonesia. "What is required is political will from the government to enforce the law, which will pressure law enforcers to take prompt action," he said.

Gayus gets independence day prison sentence cut

Jakarta Globe - August 11, 2011

Camelia Pasandaran – Infamous convicted corruptor Gayus Tambunan has had his jail term cut as part of Indonesian Independence Day celebrations because the Ministry of Justice apparently does not believe that bribery is a form of corruption.

The sentence reduction is one of 33,000 similar remission given to prisoners. Also included is convicted murderer Antasari Azhar, the disgraced former head of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar, speaking at the Presidential Palace on Thursday, said the case involving Gayus, "was not corruption". "As long as he has been in jail for nine months, that is the only requirement."

Gayus, a low-level government official who amassed a fortune working at the Directorate-General of Taxation, was jailed for bribing law enforcement officials, including a trial judge and police investigators, to win an acquittal in a earlier corruption case.

The Oxford American Dictionary defines corruption as, "dishonest or fraudulent conduct by those in power, typically involving bribery."

Gayus was initially accused of money laundering and graft after officials discovered Rp 28 billion ($3.3 million) in his bank accounts. Prosecutors, however, changed that to the relatively minor charge of embezzlement and he was acquitted.

Gayus was jailed for seven years, a sentence that was increased to 12 years on appeal. Gayus is also facing charges of bribing prison officials and using a forged passport to enjoy holidays abroad while he was supposed to be in prison.

Akbar has previously said that inmates who received reductions had displayed good conduct during their terms and the time taken off each of their sentences was based on the length of time they had already served.

"All prisoners who have served a year of their sentence are eligible for the cuts, except for those convicted of terrorism, graft, illegal logging and drug-related crimes," Akbar said.

Sentence cuts are traditionally given to mark Independence Day on Aug. 17 and on major religious holidays – Christmas for Christians, Idul Fitri for Muslims, Galungan for Hindus and Wesak for Buddhists.

Last year, their was similar outrage over the sentence reductions given to several graft convicts, including Aulia Pohan, the father-in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's eldest son.

Akbar, asked on Thursday whether the sentence remissions served as an adequate deterrent to corruptors, said as long a the regulations were in place, the government will still give remissions."

"We can't say it is unfair or unjust because they have been punished by judges," Patrialis said. He could not say how long Gayus's prison term had been cut.

The minister said remissions could serve as a way of encouraging prisoners to behave in jail. "We train people [in prison] to be good," he claimed.

Convicted murdered Tommy Suharto, the son of former dictator Suharto, was found guilty and jailed for 15 years jail for paying a hitman to murder a Supreme Court justice in 2002, a sentence that was later reduced to 10 years on appeal. Thanks to a series of generous remissions, he was out in just four years.

KPK bailout probe 'stuck' after death

Jakarta Globe - August 10, 2011

Anita Rachman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho – Legislators have expressed doubt that the money trail in the controversial Rp 6.7 trillion ($784 million) bailout of Bank Century will ever be resolved, following the death on Monday of the lender's single biggest account holder.

Priyo Budi Santoso, a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, said on Tuesday that the death of Boedi Sampoerna, a member of the powerful Sampoerna business family, an ally of the president and one of Indonesia's richest men, deprived investigators of the main witness who could reveal where the money from the bailout went.

"Information obtained by the House showed that he was one of the key persons who should have been be probed further in the case," he said. "But as you can see, the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission] is stuck. It hasn't made any progress at all in the Bank Century saga."

The KPK is expected to submit the final report of its long-running probe into possible wrongdoing in the bailout to the House next month, ending the term of the House inquiry committee set up in early 2010 to oversee parallel investigations by the antigraft commission, the police and the Attorney General's Office.

To date, none of the three agencies has uncovered any indication of corruption, despite the House adopting a resolution that the bailout was unwarranted and the distribution of funds flawed.

The KPK previously summoned Boedi for questioning over allegations that he possibly withdrew $18 million of the $200 million he had deposited at the bank at around the time of the bailout. "Now the fog is getting thicker with his passing," said Priyo, a member of the Golkar Party.

Mahfudz Siddiq, from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said Boedi's death should not stop the pursuit of justice in the Century case because he was not the only witness out there. "Robert Tantular is still alive," he said, referring to the former Century stakeholder who has been serving time in prison for bank fraud.

"The officials involved with the bailout process, including those from Bank Indonesia and the Finance Ministry, are alive as well. The case shouldn't be stopped just because of Boedi Sampoerna's death."

However, Ganjar Pranowo, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said Boedi's death on Monday evening, provided yet another obstacle for law enforcement agencies trying to get to the bottom of the case. "His death means a key witness cannot be asked to testify," he said.

Bambang Soesatyo, a Golkar legislator, agreed that Boedi's death "will add problems to the investigation, but it won't kill the whole investigation."

Tjahjo Kumolo, the PDI-P secretary general, urged the government and law enforcers to refocus their attention on the Century case and not get distracted by the ongoing saga over former Democratic party treasurer and graft fugitive Muhammad Nazaruddin, who was arrested in Colombia on Sunday.

He said the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) and the House had found clear indications of irregularities in the bailout process, so it was imperative to get to the bottom of it. "We appreciate Nazaruddin's arrest, but please don't forget Bank Century case," Tjahjo said. "There must be clear political will to resolve the matter."

Meanwhile, a lawyer for the Sampoerna family said Boedi would be buried at the Puncak Nirwana cemetery in Surabaya on Thursday.

Eman Achmad Sulaeman said that Boedi, born Liem Seng Thee in 1937, had been struggling with cancer since October 2010. The cancer started in his tongue before spreading to his throat. Forbes put the Sampoerna family's wealth at the end of 2010 at $2.3 billion.

[Additional reporting from Antara.]

Polygamists unfit as KPK leaders: Watchdog

Jakarta Post - August 9, 2011

Ina Parlina, Jakarta – A watchdog, which is a member of a team assigned to track down the profiles of the remaining 10 candidates to fill four top posts at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), says that polygamy is risky for those who will lead the country's fight against corruption.

"However, it's not a secret that corruption occurs because of pressure due to family needs. Remember that corruption is driven by need or by greed," Jamil Mubarok of the Indonesia Transparency Society (MTI) told The Jakarta Post on Monday. "So, polygamy, in which the breadwinner must feed two or three families, is risky for KPK leaders."

He said candidates who had mistresses, or engaged in prostitution, would also be included on MTI's blacklist for KPK leaders. Jamil said that his team would follow all leads that suggest that any of these candidates may be polygamists, as that could impede their performance as KPK leaders.

Just recently, the committee to select four KPK leaders narrowed the field to 10 candidates, who passed a profile assessment. This week, the committee, along with a team comprising the MTI, the National Police, the Attorney General's Office (AGO) and the State Intelligence Agency, will track down records on the remaining 10 candidates just before the final interview on Aug. 15.

Fahri Hamzah, a deputy secretary-general for the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), begged to differ, saying that polygamy would not affect performance as leaders of the antigraft commission.

"In law, [polygamy] has no problem; go ahead, track any information to prove whether or not they are polygamists," said the member of the House of Representatives' Commission III for legal affairs and human rights, which will select the final four. "It will not affect the effectiveness of their work as KPK leaders."

Several members of PKS are known to be polygamists, including Communications and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring, and politician Anis Matta.

KPK advisor Abdullah Hehamahua, KPK deputy for monitoring and public complaints Handoyo Sudradjat, Indonesian Financial Transactions Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) chief Yunus Husein, bureaucratic reform consultant Egi Sutjiati and human rights lawyer and activist Bambang Widjojanto, are among the remaining 10 who will be facing the final interview by the committee. Later, the committee will select eight names to be forwarded to the House which will conduct a fit and proper test to choose the four new KPK leaders.

"Rest assured, we [Commission III] will choose those with sophisticated new tactics to combat corruption regardless of whether they are polygamists or not," Fahri said.

Jamil added that his team would also trace the respective candidates' behavior within their families, neighborhoods, societies, work- places and places where they once worked and lived. "We will not only check their financial assets, lifestyles and incomes, we will also ask for opinions from people within their social circles."

Nazaruddin caught in Colombia

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Arientha Primanita, Ulma Haryanto & Farouk Arnaz – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, welcoming news of the arrest of fugitive graft suspect Muhammad Nazaruddin in Colombia on Monday, said it was important that he be brought back home unharmed.

"We mustn't let anything bad happen to him. Bear in mind that there are probably many people who feel uncomfortable with his arrest," Yudhoyono told reporters after breaking the fast at the Military Headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta.

Yudhoyono said he had asked National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo to ensure Nazaruddin's safety.

He further expressed his hope that Nazaruddin's return would enable the flurry of accusations surrounding the fugitive to be cleared up, including those made against Yudhoyono's own Democratic Party chairman, Anas Urbaningrum.

"I hope he can reveal as completely as possible any and all details regarding anyone's misconduct," he said.

However, he said that if Nazaruddin had information relating to Democrat members, he hoped he will report it to the party's Advisory Council so sanctions could be meted out to anyone found to have violated party ethics.

Gen. Timur Pradopo declined to say when Nazaruddin would be repatriated from South America. He also said that the name and photo in the passport Nazaruddin used were not his own.

National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Bachrul Alam confirmed earlier on Monday that Nazaruddin, who had gone into hiding after flying to Singapore on May 23, was arrested in Cartagena, Colombia.

"He had falsified his name in the passport he was using, but his fingerprints remained the same. We have compared the fingerprints in our database record with those of the man arrested in Colombia and they are a match," Anton said.

Anton said a team of seven people – five police, a immigration official and an Interpol agent – had followed Nazaruddin from the Dominican Republic, where he was believed to have used a fake passport.

"He was in Singapore, but he wanted to deceive us into thinking he moved on to Kuala Lumpur when in fact he went to Vietnam, then to Cambodia. From there, he chartered a private jet which headed to Bogota via Madrid and the Dominican Republic," Anton said. Nazaruddin and his wife have since been flown to Bogota.

Anton said that Nazaruddin was taken into custody on Sunday at 2 a.m. local time, and that he was in the company of his wife and several people whose identities were not yet clear. He said that once back in the country, police would transfer Nazaruddin into the custody of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto said the man believed to be Nazaruddin had used a passport under the name M. Syahrudin, with a photo that was not his own.

Djoko, accompanied by Timur, said a joint team from the National Police, the KPK, the Immigration Office and the Foreign Ministry would go to Bogota soon to ascertain the identity of the man.

KPK spokesman Johan Budi said the commission had received information "two or three days ago" that a fake passport was being used by a man with Nazruddin's physical features.

Yusuf Rizal, head of nongovernmental organization People's Information Center (Lira), which had previously offered a Rp 150 million ($17,700) bounty for the capture of Nazaruddin, said the money would be used instead to help those reporting other corruption cases. "The money can be used for people in rural areas if they need funds to unveil local corruption cases," Yusuf said.

KPK voices doubts over opinion poll

Jakarta Post - August 8, 2011

Ina Parlina, Jakarta – The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has voiced doubts over a recent public opinion poll conducted by the Indonesia Survey Institute (LSI), which alleges that public faith in the anticorruption body has declined.

The institute announced Sunday that the level of public trust in the KPK had dropped to 41.6 percent, down 17 percent from 58.3 percent in a similar survey conducted in October 2005. The survey had questioned 1,200 respondents in 33 provinces during the first week of June.

"Regardless of the result, I appreciate that the survey was [conducted]. However, it was carried out in coincidence with recent attacking statements about the KPK. Someone could have ordered the survey to be done for personal gain," KPK deputy chairman Mochammad Jasin said Monday.

Jasin added that his office had successfully investigated and prosecuted 44 former lawmakers from various parties as well as several former ministers, in addition to two active Democratic Party lawmakers.

"And none has been acquitted by the court, which means we have a 100 percent conviction rate," he said, adding that the KPK had worked professionally and independently. "We work based on facts, not because of requests from certain groups," he said.

Several high-ranking officials became implicated in a bribery case linked to the SEA Games when fugitive bribery suspect and former Democratic Party treasurer M. Nazaruddin alleged he had met with high-ranking KPK officials in an unofficial meeting.

Hard-line & vigilante groups

FPI attacks Ahmadiyah complex and restaurants

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Rahmat, Makassar – Police in the South Sulawesi capital have named the head of the armed wing of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front a suspect in an attack on Sunday against the beleaguered Ahmadiyah sect.

Adj. Sr. Comr. Himawan Sugeha, the Makassar Police chief of detectives, said that Abdurrahman, the head of the Islamic Defenders Force (LPI), had been arrested and would be charged with incitement to violence for the early morning attack on the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI) secretariat.

"Abdurrahman himself didn't take part in the vandalism, but he incited it, for which he could face up to six years in prison," Himawan said.

In the attack, the LPI, a unit of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), smashed several windows at the JAI complex, including at its mosque, and damaged a car and a motorcycle parked in the compound.

The 30-strong mob also attacked Ahmad, the lone person guarding the JAI secretariat, and two paralegals from the Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) who tried to stop the attack. None of the three victims suffered serious injuries. LPI members also scuffled with riot police sent to the scene to restore order.

The mob began its rampage on Saturday night, attacking and shutting down food stalls and restaurants in the city.

Himawan said the police were tracking down three FPI members involved in those attacks. He added the police were annoyed by the FPI's vigilantism. "We hope they stop carrying out these raids because that's the police's job," he said. "If they just preach then we have no problem with that."

FPI raids in Makassar, more planned for Jakarta

Jakarta Globe - August 13, 2011

Arientha Primanita & Rahmat – The Islamic Defenders Front's vow to observe a peaceful Ramadan lasted less than two weeks, as members shut down Restaurants in Makassar on Friday and warned of raids in Jakarta.

The hard-line group, known as the FPI, has in past years forced restaurants and nightspots to shut down during Ramadan, raiding businesses with little, if any, police interference. But the group said this year it would avoid raids, and instead notify the authorities if it found nightspots in violation of operating hours.

That promise seems to have been forgotten as FPI members raided restaurants in the South Sulawesi capital after Friday prayers, and the group's head in Jakarta issued a warning to businesses here.

"On Nuzulul Quran, if there are entertainment places like discotheques, nightclubs, pool houses or massage parlors still open, then we will force them to close their businesses. Especially if there are Muslims in them," Habib Salim Alatas told the Jakarta Globe.

Nuzulul Quran is the day on which Muslims believe the first verses of the Koran were revealed to Prophet Muhammad. It falls on Tuesday this year.

Salim said the FPI had notified the Jakarta Police and the Jakarta Public Order Agency about its plan to shut down businesses, which he said was meant to secure Ramadan from any "disturbances."

He denied his group would be breaking the law. "It is those [nightspots] that violate city bylaws," he said. "What we do is restore order and secure Ramadan."

Salim said the FPI had found nightspots in Central, North and South Jakarta violating Ramadan operating hours.

Effendi Anas, head of the Jakarta Public Order Agency, said his men would be on patrol on Tuesday to ensure nightspots were not operating. "We will make sure that no entertainment spots are open on that particular night. If they are, we will seal those places, not the FPI," he told the Globe.

Effendi urged the FPI to limit its actions to giving warnings. "If the FPI conducts its own raids that would be dangerous for them," he said. "They will not have to deal with us, but with the police, because such raids are against the law."

In Makassar, about 50 FPI members convoyed through the streets looking for open restaurants and food stalls shortly after Friday prayers.

They forced three restaurants on Jalan Pettarani to close, and made the owners sign written statements promising that they would not operate during daylight hours for the remainder of the fasting month.

On Jalan Boulevard and Jalan Pengayoman, the group stopped at meatball stalls and coffee shops. At one business, they smashed furniture and crockery when the owner refused to close.

Witnesses reported that police officers were nearby during the raids, but limited themselves to dealing with the traffic problems caused by the convoy.

Last month, the FPI's deputy secretary general, Awit Mashuri, said that the group would refrain from launching raids this Ramadan, and would instead act like a watchdog.

In Surabaya late last month, before Ramadan began, hard-line groups descended on the city's infamous red-light district, Dolly, to demand its closure during the holy month.

Under the umbrella of the United Islamic People's Movement (GUIB), elements from the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), the FPI, the Islamic Defenders Force (LPI) and the youth wing of Muhammadiyah, the country's second- largest Muslim organization, marched through the city before arriving at Dolly.

Chanting prayers and thrusting their fists in the air, the men went from one brothel to another forcing owners to sign statements saying they would not open during Ramadan.

Islamic Defenders Front strike again

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Makassar – Dozens of members of the Islamic Defenders Front attacked and ransacked a food stall in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on Monday.

The attack, sparked by the fact the food outlet was operating during Ramadan, forced a number of shop employees, who were mainly female, and customers out on to the street.

The vigilante group, known as the FPI, took about an hour to destroy the shop before they departed to find other targets, Antara reported. No police office officers were present, the state news agency said.

Antara did not say if the victims where Muslim or Christian. During the attack, one FPI member yelled references about Poso, Central Sulawesi, where sectarian violence between Muslims and Christians left an estimated 1,000 dead between 2001 and 2002.

Freedom of religion & worship

Senior Ahmadi leader sentenced to 6 months imprisonment

Jakarta Globe - August 15, 2011

Heru Andriyanto – A senior Amadiyah member was sentenced to six months imprisonment at the Serang District Court on Monday in relation to the violent mob attack that killed three other members of the minority sect on February 6.

Deden was convicted of inciting violence, obstruction of justice and disobedience after he refused police orders to evacuate when a group of Ahmadis were besieged by an angry mob at a home in Ciekusik, Banten.

He was among 20 Ahmadis who came to protect the home of an Ahmadiyah leader in Cikeusik, following rumors that locals wanted to forcibly disband the sect in the area.

The brutal attack involving about 1,500 hard-liners from surrounding villages left three Ahmadis dead and five, including Deden, seriously injured.

The Serang District Court found Deden guilty of a violent attack on Idris bin Madanim, one of the protestors, but it cleared him from the more serious charge of inciting hatred.

"We have considered the defendant is also a victim in the attack. He sustained injuries, his car was burned down. So we have delivered a sentence lower than what the prosecution is asking for," said presiding judge Sumartono.

In response Deden told the court, his sentence could set a bad precedence. "I, a victim, am sentenced because of political pressures."

Residents complain about intimidation

Jakarta Post - August 11, 2011

Kupang – A reverend and several residents from Batuplat sub-district in Kupang have complained about the intimidation they received following their opposition to the construction of a mosque.

"We have reported the case to the police," Reverend Yudith Folabesy, from Pohonitas Congregation, said on Wednesday, adding that some people received threats that they would be fired from civil employment.

The construction of Nur Musafir Mosque has been halted following protests from the residents, who claimed that the mosque's management had manipulated a letter of consent from local residents as a pre-requirement to establishing the mosque.

A fact-finding team has been established to investigate the allegations of manipulation. Although Islam has the most followers in Indonesia, Muslims in East Nusa Tenggara are a minority to Catholics and Protestants.

Setara accuses police, courts of engineering Ahmadiyah verdicts

Jakarta Globe - August 9, 2011

Elisabeth Oktofani – The lenient sentences handed down to the killers of three Ahmadiyah followers were the result of "manipulated" legal proceedings, which began when police launched their preliminary investigation, a human rights group said on Monday.

Police limited the scope of the investigation and distracted the core issue to the point that Ahmadiyah members were blamed for the Feb. 6 attack, when they should have been recognized as victims, the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy said.

"Instead of providing justice for the victims and getting the facts surrounding the incident, police constructed a story in which Ahmadiyah followers provoked the mob to attack them," said Ismail Hasani, a researcher at the institute.

Police were too busy to defending their reputation, he said, to launch a fair and professional probe into the case.

Ismail said that during the incident in Cikeusik, Banten, officers were present at the scene but said they couldn't control the mob or prevent them from assaulting the members of the minority Islamic sect. In order to avoid accusations of criminal negligence, he continued, police argued they had asked the Ahmadis to flee but the call was ignored.

From that point on, right up to the point the court verdicts were read, the Ahmadis were blamed for the attack, Ismail said.

Police arrested and charged 12 suspects in relation to the attack. Despite facing sentences of up to 12 years in jail, prosecutors recommended prison sentences of between five and seven months for the defendants.

On the other hand, prosecutors recommended nine months in jail for Deden Sujana, the head of security for the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), for allegedly provoking the attack.

The Serang District Court sentenced the attackers to between three and six months in jail, with the judge saying repeatedly that the Ahmadiyah members triggered the violence.

"We cannot blame the judicial system itself for the result because it might have been manipulated by the law enforcers, from the police to the prosecutors and the judge," Ismail said.

Bonar Tigor Naipospos, Setara's deputy chairman, said sectarian conflict would soon become a daily occurrence unless the government took serious measures against extremism.

"The main problem here is that there is no significant regulation to deal with the perpetrators of sectarian conflicts, especially if the perpetrators are coming from an Islamic group led by influential clerics," Bonar said. "In such cases, law enforcement officials are hesitant to take serious action."

According to the group, there were 99 sectarian conflicts or attacks in 13 provinces during the first half of the year. West Java experienced the most clashes, with 30 incidents. "There were three major attacks in February, including in Cikeusik, Temanggung [Central Java] and Pasuruan [East Java]," Ismail said.

A violent mob burned down three churches in Temanggung, demanding that a Christian man be sentenced to death for insulting Islam. Also in February, hundreds of people set on the Yapi pesantren, or Islamic boarding school, which was accused of spreading Shiite teachings, injuring four students.

"Those three major clashes in February actually triggered more attacks in March and April," he said. "Our reports show there were 24 incidents of religious violence in March and another 24 in April."

Most of the incidents involved destruction of places of worship, accusations of apostasy, discriminatory regulations toward minority religions and forced conversions, particularly of Ahmadiyah members, the group said.

In March, 33 Ahmadiyah members living in Bogor decided to convert to mainstream Islam, following the wave of attacks and intimidation against sect members.

No shame for religious killings in Indonesian town

Associated Press - August 9, 2011

Niniek Karmini, Cikeusik, Indonesia – When Dani bin Misra was released from prison last week after serving just three months for smashing in the skull of a member of a Muslim sect, this conservative Indonesian town let out a triumphant cry. "He's a hero!" Rasna bin Wildan said of the teenage killer.

The ferociousness of the attack, captured on video and circulated widely on the Internet, guaranteed no one from the Ahmadiyah group would dare set foot in Cikeusik again, the 38-year-old farmer said as others nodded in agreement.

Their reaction is part of a wider wave of intolerance against religious minorities that is challenging Indonesia's image as a beacon of how Islam and liberalism can coexist.

Once the preserve of hard-line preachers, the hatred of Ahmadis now seems to be spreading among ordinary people in pockets of the world's most populous Muslim nation. Whether the government can check this and other intolerance could be key to how Indonesia, home to 240 million people and one of the world's fastest growing economies, evolves in the 21st century.

There are reasons to worry, analysts say. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who relies heavily on Islamic parties for support in parliament, has remained silent as hard-liners shuttered Christian churches, threw Molotov cocktails at one of their theology schools, and attacked worshipers and priests with knives and clubs as they headed to morning prayers.

A string of attacks on the Ahmadiyah – including the torching of mosques and homes – only got worse after a 2008 government decree banning the sect from worshiping in public and spreading its beliefs.

Soon after, residents in Cikeusik, a rough-and-tumble farming community less than 200 kilometers from Jakarta, elected a new village chief, Muhammad Johar – the only candidate pledging to take a tough stand against the sect.

Many mainstream Muslims consider the Ahmadis heretics because they do not believe Muhammad was the final prophet.

In the eyes of the villagers, Dani and other members of the frenzied mob who killed three Ahmadis in February were just helping get the job done. Six were wounded, and the others fled with only the clothes on their backs, their houses destroyed and looted.

"I do feel bad people had to die," said Asep Setiadi, 40, as he headed out to his rice field. "But I'm grateful that they're finally gone."

Twenty-eight-year-old Siti Zubaidah, holding her baby girl in a sling as she chatted with a neighbor, had nothing but praise for Dani. "We had to clean our village," added Wildan bin Satim, 72. "This is no place for the followers of a cult."

The Ahmadiyah, established in 1889 in India, consider its founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to be a savior and messiah, counter to traditional Islamic teaching. They have tens of millions of members worldwide and around 200,000 in Indonesia.

They were not always unwelcome in Cikeusik, where men carry swords as they walk the dusty, potholed roads after nightfall to ward off beggars, thieves and other potential troublemakers.

Matori Abdullah was the first Ahmadi to arrive. He, his wife and eight children lived peacefully alongside other Muslims in the 1980s and early '90s, attending the same mosque and religious ceremonies.

But the situation began to deteriorate after the ouster in 1998 of longtime dictator Suharto, who had suppressed hard-liners and even discouraged the wearing of headscarves by women.

Conservatives in Cikeusik used a newfound freedom of expression to insult the Ahmadiyah, who by then numbered about 35, most of them part of Abdullah's extended family. Clerics raised questions during sermons about the validity of their faith, and residents whispered as they passed in the streets.

"Sometimes teachers would tell the class the Ahmadis are heretics," said 15-year-old Arief Muhammad Zainal, now living in fear in the outskirts of Jakarta with others from the village. "The other students would point and stare. Other times kids would pinch or slap me, muttering 'Ahmadiyah boy' as they passed."

Over time, the Ahmadis started to withdraw. In 2009, they used a $15,000 donation to build a concrete house for their religious ceremonies and stopped going to the mosque. "They refused to pray with us," said Johar, the village chief. "So how should we consider them as Muslim?"

Visitors would flock to the house from neighboring towns, sparking rumors they were trying to recruit new members.

On Feb. 6, as the Ahmadis were preparing to entertain guests from Jakarta, a mob of 1,500 from Cikeusik and neighboring villages approached with machetes, rocks and wooden clubs. They surrounded the house and set it ablaze.

Women and children fled, screaming. Some of the men stood firm, fighting back with whatever they could grab, but they were far outnumbered. "Kill! Kill!" the crowd chanted. "Burn! Burn!"

By the time a video camera was rolling, two men lay naked and lifeless in the mud. The attackers continued to hammer their bodies with bamboo sticks, each thud met with a cheer.

Dani, wearing a black leather jacket and a white skull cap, was the most brutal. The 17-year-old smashed a rock repeatedly into the skull of Roni Pasaroni as the crowd yelled "Allahu Akbar" or God is Great.

The attack, just a few months after US President Barack Obama held up Indonesia as an example of religious tolerance, sparked global condemnation. In a rare departure, Yudhoyono called for the perpetrators to be caught and punished, leading to the arrest and trial of Dani and 11 other suspects.

But human rights groups say police, under pressure by hard-liners, did not carry out a proper investigation. Prosecutors, claiming the Ahmadis were instigators, didn't call key eyewitnesses.

The relatively lenient sentences handed down last week – three to six months – surprised even Dani's family. Taking into account time served, the teen was released almost immediately. He returned to the nearby village of Cikadu, where he was shielded from the media by his parents.

The Ahmadis from Cikeusik are in hiding. "We live in fear now," said Nayati, a mother of four. "Everyday we are afraid they'll find us and kill us all."

Islam & religion

Night spots struggle to deal with ban during Ramadhan

Jakarta Post - August 12, 2011

Jakarta – Mikael Mirdad, the owner of the Beer Garden bar in Kemang, South Jakarta, has little choice but to close his establishment because defying the city's ban on nighttime entertainment carries the risk of being raided by public order officers, or worse, being attacked by Islamic vigilantes groups.

"I personally disagree with the policy requiring bars and other entertainment establishments to stop operating during Ramadhan, because although the majority [of Indonesians] are Muslims, there are some who don't fast and still drink liquor," he said.

Mikael said shutting down the establishment from Aug. 1 to early September was a difficult decision, financially. "We don't earn anything during Ramadhan but we pay salaries and holiday allowances for 25 employees," he said, adding that some of his staff took part-time jobs or just stayed at home.

The Beer Garden is one of many types of entertainment establishments ordered by the Jakarta administration to cease operating during Ramadhan. Nightclubs, spas, massage parlors, video poker dens and bars must cease operating a day before Ramadhan and can only resume business a day after the Idul Fitri holiday ends.

To enforce the ban, the Jakarta Public Order Agency deployed officers to patrol night spots. Governor Fauzi Bowo warned vigilante groups against conducting raids on business establishment during Ramadhan after threats from hard-line Islamic groups who vowed to carry out their own raids.

Some entertainment spots have tried to get around the regulation by reducing their opening hours.

Another beer house in Kemang, Bremer, has since late July reduced its opening hours from between 5 p.m. and 1 a.m. to between 9 p.m. and 1 a.m. during Ramadhan. The short opening hours meant significantly reduced revenue for the bar.

Bremer operations manager Windu Anggoro said revenue dropped 30 to 40 percent during Ramadhan. "We still have to pay full salaries and holiday bonuses for 13 staff."

He added that Bremer had submitted to several restrictions such as reducing the volume of music and withdrawing all alcohol advertising. "We need to play by the rules. We don't want to go down the road taken by Star Deli bar when it was raided in 2004," he said.

Kemang area night spot Star Deli Cafe was ransacked and vandalized by members of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) in 2004 for operating during Ramadhan. So far, there have been no reports of Islamic vigilante group raids.

On Tuesday, the Jakarta Tourism Agency shut down a spa in Central Jakarta for remaining open during Ramadhan. However, a number of spas continued to open for business on Thursday.

A spa in Pecenongan, Central Jakarta that caters only to male clients, said it remained open from 1 p.m. to midnight every day. "'Our prices haven't changed. Customers don't need a reservation unless they want a group massage session," a receptionist said. (msa)

MUI slaps fatwas on sale of bank notes, fireworks

Jakarta Globe - August 10, 2011

Dessy Sagita, Amir Tejo, Hangga Brata & Dofa Fasila – With Ramadan already into its second week, the Indonesian Council of Ulema has come out to declare two activities popular at this time of year forbidden: Paying to have money changed and the sale of fireworks.

Abdusshomad Buchori, head of the East Java chapter of the council, also known as the MUI, said the sale of small denominations or crisp new bank notes for profit was haram. "This is not a law that is issued just by the East Java chapter of the MUI, this is part of the laws of Islam," he said.

The demand for small denominations and crisp bills usually increases ahead of the Idul Fitri celebration, when friends and family traditionally give children a token amount of money. MUI chairman Amidhan said Islam strictly forbade interest and mandated money be exchanged in equal amounts.

"Exchanging large bills for smaller bills is certainly allowed, but the value must be the same," he explained. "If you give a million, you should receive no less than a million."

Amidhan said the trade in foreign currencies was acceptable in Islam, but making money from selling change was not. Abdusshomad said the government should change large bills as a not-for-profit service during Ramadan. "This way, it will prevent people from trading in money," he said.

Separately, Bank Indonesia said that people in Jakarta who needed small denominations could go to the National Monument (Monas), where five mobile units from state-owned banks had been providing the service for free since the start of Ramadan.

"We hope that with these mobile units we can meet the people's needs for Idul Fitri," said Hikmah Rinaldi, a senior central bank official. "It is much better than exchanging money on the streets. We don't charge anything for the service."

He also said BI was setting up exchange counters at five of Jakarta's biggest train stations to cater to those returning to their hometowns at the end of the fasting month.

Meanwhile, the local MUI chapter in Solo declared on Tuesday that fireworks were also haram.

"[Lighting fireworks] means burning money, and this shows disrespect for the fortunes that God has accorded," said Zainal Arifin Adnan, the chapter's coordinator. "That is why we condemn the lighting and selling of firecrackers."

He said that besides being a waste of money, lighting fireworks was also dangerous and could disturb others.

The MUI in Solo, Zainal said, had already sent formal letters to the city's police and mayor, urging them to take action against the sale of fireworks.

"In Islam, we call it mudharat, this refers to something that brings nothing good and only causes trouble," he said. "We hope the Solo administration and police will follow our recommendations in a strict manner."

"We will also ask preachers in Solo to spread the word about the MUI ruling," he added.

But if sales numbers are anything to go by, the MUI might be facing an uphill battle. Fireworks vendors have already started popping up across Solo and are reporting sales of up to Rp 75,000 ($8.75) a day.

Jakarta & urban life

'Jakarta gets 27 days of clean air per year'

Jakarta Post - August 10, 2011

Andreas D. Arditya, Jakarta – Environmental group Committee for Leaded Gasoline Phase-out (KPBB) says that Jakarta has the worst air quality in the country, with residents getting only 27 days of clean air per year.

KPBB chairman Achmad Safruddin said the air quality in Jakarta was worse than in Semarang and Bandung, two of Java's largest cities, which get more than a month of clean air per year.

Safrudin said that vehicle emissions were to blame for the low air quality. "Around 70 percent of air pollution is caused by motorized vehicle emission," he said.

Data from the outfit shows that Jakarta has failed to lower the level of air pollution from the maximum threshold of 150 micrograms of particulate matter per cubic meter.

The World Health Organization (WHO) said that more than half of the burden from air pollution on human health is borne by people in developing countries. WHO guidelines say that, to prevent ill health, those levels should be lower than 20 micrograms per cubic meter.

In Indonesia, Government Regulation No. 41/1999 on Air Pollution Control set a clean air standard of a maximum 60 micrograms of particulate matter per cubic meter.

Safrudin said that the city government and the automotive industry should work together to improve fuel quality, low emission technology, as well as traffic and transport management. "The administration should also tighten emission standards and enforce the law consistently," he said.

As the air quality has deteriorated, a number of Jakartans have taken preventative measures, including wearing anti-pollution masks. "I will keep on wearing this mask until the air quality improves. The pollution today is just so bad," office worker Sherilla Priscylla told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday. She said that the exhaust from old Kopaja buses annoyed her the most.

Fellow Jakartan Nur Widi Baniati said that she often got red eyes and headaches from pollution in downtown Jakarta. She noted that air quality had worsened over the last few years. "I went abroad for my study for five years, and when I came back the pollution was so much worse," she said.

Jakarta Environmental Management Agency (BPLHD) head Peni Susanti dismissed the KPBB finding, saying that the NGO had no authority to release the data. "We doubt that the KPBB has the competence to issue the figures," Peni told the Post on Tuesday.

Peni said that Jakarta in fact had managed to improve its air pollution level from the annual average of 68.5 micrograms per cubic meter in 2009 to 48.5 last year.

"This is far below the maximum threshold of 150 micrograms per cubic meter," she said. Peni also cited a survey announced late last year which described the overall air quality in Jakarta as "good".

A survey of Asian cities by the Clean Air Initiative (CAI) found that in terms of air quality, Jakarta is in the same league as other Asian cities notorious for air pollution: Bangkok, Hanoi, Manila and Jinan in China. Jakarta got a score of 61.9 for overall air quality, barely making the "good" range of 61 to 80.

Peni said that comparing Jakarta with other cities in the archipelago was not fair. "An apple-to-apple comparison would place Jakarta among the other big densely populated cities in the world," she said.

Peni said that other cities in the country would benefit from a smaller population and more green areas compared to the capital city.

Is Nachrowi the right man to lead Jakarta?

Jakarta Globe - August 8, 2011

Arientha Primanita – The image and name of Nachrowi Ramli may have been splashed across billboards around the capital and newspaper advertisements over the past few months, but Jakarta residents seem to know little about the retired general other than this.

"He's the chubby guy whose face is on billboards," said Angga Alius, a 28- year-old Jakartan, who weaves through the capital's legendary traffic every day on a motorcycle to get to his job in Mal Ambassador in South Jakarta.

The 60-year-old head of the Democratic Party's Jakarta chapter would probably hope this would change by August 2012, when Jakartans like Angga go to polling stations to vote for the next governor of Indonesia's capital.

On Wednesday, Nachrowi formally threw his hat into the ring and claimed he had secured the ruling party's support, though the Democrats had yet to announce their candidate.

Intelligence man

To those who have heard of him, one thing stands out – Nachrowi's 34-year career in the field of intelligence.

After graduating near the top of his class at the State Encryption Academy, he served as an intelligence officer for about a decade and, after a six- year stint at the Indonesian Embassy in Egypt, joined the State Encryption Institute (Lembaga Sandi Negara) in 1995.

There, he rose through the ranks until he became the head of the institute, known as Lemsaneg, in 2002.

In an interview with the Jakarta Globe at his home in Condet, East Jakarta, his face lit up when the discussion moved to the importance of codes and encryption – his specialty and the thing that earned him honors such as the Bintang Jasa Utama, Indonesia's highest civilian honor, from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a former classmate, after he retired in 2008.

"We must learn to protect our family's codes from other people," Nachrowi said with a slight Betawi accent. "For example, if we don't have money our neighbors must not know, because they could take advantage of [this weakness]. That's similar to military duties. Information is power."

When asked if he had used his skills in intelligence to study his potential opponents in the gubernatorial race, he laughed. "Well, we can see how things are from whatever information is available," he said.

Opening up

Knowing the value of information, Nachrowi said he had made it a point to keep personal matters to himself. But now that he wants Jakartans to know him and trust him, the retired general, commonly referred to as Bang Nara, is starting to open up.

When he welcomed the Globe into his home, he was dressed comfortably in a batik shirt, dark pants and slippers.

He bought the 800-square-meter lot in the area known as Betawi Village back in the 1980s, he said. He lives in the house with his wife, Alfina Efi Maria, and their youngest daughter, Ditha Ria Karinda. Their three other daughters – Dinar Eka Finarli, Githa Dwi Hastuti and Metha Tri Nirbayam – are all married and living with their husbands.

The house is free of fancy trimmings and is decorated with family pictures and souvenirs from the many countries Nachrowi visited during his long career.

Despite the house's humble appearance, the garage sported a number of expensive cars: a red Nissan X-Trail, a white Lexus, a white Hummer and a black Jeep Wrangler.

The latter, he said, belonged to his daughter, while the Hummer was a birthday gift three years ago. "My daughters chipped in for the car. That is why the license plate is 1207, that is my birthday, July 12," he said.

As for the rest of the cars, he credited the several businesses he is and has been involved in. "As a Betawi native, my parents taught me to take advantage of every opportunity. The hard work should come first," he said.

Nachrowi said that he got started in business young, supplying eggs and kangkung to help his family, who survived on the money from his father's small printing business.

Today, his businesses include supplying electronic goods and office equipment. He also runs a real estate development company in Jakarta and Bekasi.

"I buy land, build houses and then sell it," he said, adding that the construction business started from a previous business he had supplying rock and sand. Besides that, he has a potato plantation in Bogor, with the crops being sold in Kramat Jati, East Jakarta.

But he has already left the day-to-day running of the businesses to his daughters, and only gets weekly reports now. Regeneration, he called it.

Leader of experts

Nachrowi's strong background in the military may not be the first thing voters are looking for in a governor.

Lies Prihatini, a South Jakarta resident who said she had not heard of Nachrowi, said whether a candidate had a civilian or military background did not matter to her – Jakarta has had both kinds of governors and none have performed well.

But Nachrowi believes his background means he has what it takes to win and lead. "It doesn't take an expert to lead Jakarta. It takes someone who has the courage to lead and coordinate the experts to manage Jakarta," he said.

The remarks might have been aimed at the current Jakarta governor, Fauzi Bowo, who during his campaign in 2007 used the slogan "Give it to the expert."

The long military and intelligence experience shows: Nachrowi has clearly started strategizing but refuses to go into detail. Again, for him information is power.

For instance, he said he already had programs lined up, but refused to provide details. He did say that his motto was TARIF, which stands for Transparency, Accountability, Responsiveness, Innovation and Fairness.

And then being a military man, he said he wanted a civilian to be his running mate. He has several names in mind, he said, but again refused to share the information.

"I need a hard worker and someone who is public-service oriented. My deputy must complement me and have one goal, which is to cooperate until the end of our term," he said.

Nachrowi said that even his many foreign assignments – to 70 countries in total – would benefit Jakarta, because he was well acquainted with what made different cities work.

He also said that he was "shopping for problems." "I go directly to the people to know what their problems are," he said. "So when I take the post, I don't need to learn anymore. I can start working right away."

Chances?

"I didn't spend a single rupiah for my billboards," Nachrowi said. He added that all his promotions were related to his current activities, such as being the head of the Betawi Consultative Body (Badan Musyawarah), where he supervises 114 Betawi organizations like the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) and the Betawi Communication Forum (Forkabi).

"All of those were support from my friends who have billboard businesses," he added.

And that's not all the support he is getting. Some of his friends from the Military Academy's class of 1973, which included President Yudhoyono, have declared their support for his bid. A political source told the Globe that Yudhoyono himself supported Nachrowi's bid to lead the party's Jakarta chapter.

Nachrowi joined the Democrats in 2008 after retiring from the military and was part of the so-called success team in 2009 that delivered 34 percent of the Jakarta vote to the ruling party.

From this achievement, he easily won the chairmanship of the party's Jakarta chapter in November 2010, with all six branches backing him. From there, according to Nachrowi, he received the mandate to run for governor in 2012.

Yunarto Wijaya, a political analyst from Charta Politika, said the retired general should not be overconfident, because the Democratic Party brand is not as strong as it once was.

"The Democrats' power may be big in Jakarta, but it is not as strong as it used to be with the recent scandals involving Democrats," he said. "Plus, Jakarta voters are independent and critical, as well as apathetic toward political parties, so the 2012 Jakarta election will not be an easy race."

Yunarto also pointed out that Fauzi still had a clear edge over Nachrowi when it came to popularity. The analyst suggested that for Nachrowi to succeed, he must present himself as the antithesis of Fauzi.

Priya Ramadhani, the head of the Golkar Party's Jakarta chapter and the party's presumed candidate for governor, said he saw Nachrowi and other possible candidates as strong contenders. But everyone, he said, has the same chance as the election would depend on voters.

And what do voters want?

"I think Jakarta is best led by someone who has a real concern for the city, not only for power. Someone capable of real action, not only words, and that does not depend merely on a military or a civilian background," said Angga, as he headed out to face another day of traffic.

Judicial & legal system

Commission recommends 6 months' suspension for judges in Antasari case

Jakarta Post - August 11, 2011

Jakarta – The Judicial Commission (KY) has recommended six months' suspension for three judges who presided over the trial of former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Antasari Azhar.

The recommendations, issued on Tuesday, will be submitted to the Supreme Court, Judicial Commission deputy chairman Imam Anshori said Wednesday. The three judges in question are Herry Swantoro, Ibnu Prasetyo and Nugroho Setiadji.

Imam said the commission had recommended that the three judges be suspended for six months. However, he declined to provide details on the ethical violations committed by the judges. According to rumors, the three judges ignored evidence from forensics, ballistics and IT experts in issuing their verdict.

Antasari was sentenced to 18 years in prison by South Jakarta District Court for allegedly masterminding the murder of state-owned enterprise director Nasrudin Zulkarnaen.

The verdict has been upheld in two appeals at the Jakarta High Court and the Supreme Court. Antasari has subsequently filed for a case review.

Economy & investment

Indonesia to give tax holidays for major direct investors

Reuters - August 15, 2011

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – Indonesia will give a tax holiday for investors committing at least 1 trillion rupiah ($117 million) into sectors including metals and energy, an effort to spur record levels of foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia's biggest economy.

The G20 member aims to become a world top ten economy by 2025 through boosting investment, improving infrastructure and developing industries that add value to its position as a leading producer of resources such as tin, palm oil and coal.

Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo said he will issue a regulation later on Monday on the scheme, which will cover base metals, oil refining, petrochemicals, renewable energy, machinery and telecoms equipment.

This will exempt investors from paying taxes for between five and 10 years after their companies start operations, though the duration was still being discussed, he said. Existing investors that have operated commercially for under one year may also ask for a tax holiday, he added.

"The impact will be huge. It can help us reach our 2011 investment target," said the country's investment chief Gita Wirjawan, referring to a target to get 240 trillion rupiah of investment this year.

Some investors have announced plans to build manufacturing plans in the country but have been waiting for the details of the mooted tax holiday scheme before starting operations.

Planned investments include $6 billion in a joint venture steel plant by South Korea's POSCO, the world's no.3 steelmaker, $4.5 billion by South Korea's Honam Petrochemical Corp for a petrochemical complex, and $8-$9 billion from Kuwait Petroleum Corp to build a new oil refinery.

Foreign direct investment surged 21 percent in the second quarter of 2011 from a year earlier as strong commodity prices attracted investors into the mining sector, even without a tax holiday.

Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, economist at Danareksa Research Institute in Jakarta, said the tax holiday was a good strategic move for the sectors chosen.

"I don't think we have to question that we're losing money from tax for 5 to 10 years – if they don't come we still don't get it anyway... On oil refining it could help cut fuel shipments to Indonesia as we haven't build any new refinery since the 1990s," he said.

The former OPEC oil producer's ageing refineries mean it relies on gasoline and diesel imports from neighbor Singapore to meet its growing fuel demand.

Chief economics minister Hatta Rajasa said that the government is also planning this month to revise an existing tax allowance regulation for smaller investments, involving either 50 billion rupiah and 300 workers or 100 billion rupiah and 100 workers.

Martowardojo said if the investors already had this tax allowance they would be exempted from getting the tax holiday.

Analysts warn that the country needs to overhaul and expand its infrastructure in coming years to keep attracting firms. The government is relying on private investors for two-thirds of its $150 billion infrastructure needs.

Infrastructure crucial to attract foreign investors

Jakarta Post - August 9, 2011

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – An economist warned here on Tuesday that Indonesia will likely not be able to benefit from the gloomy economic outlook looming over developed markets if it fails to improve its infrastructure.

Chief Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa said earlier on Monday that the government was expecting more foreign funds to enter Indonesia as risks here were minimal compared to uncertainties in the world's major economies.

"But the most crucial problem about [investing] in Indonesia is its infrastructure. If the government doesn't soon tidy it up, we won't be able to seize the opportunities," Bank International Indonesia chief economist Juniman said in a phone interview with The Jakarta Post.

He suggested that the government push forward the deliberation of the land procurement bill at the House of Representatives, adding that it could provide more certainties for foreign investors.

As for short-term solutions, Juniman said, the government should provide more incentives, such as in the form of tax holidays, especially in the field of foreign direct investments.

"And it's important for the government to preserve the economic stability; thus the inflation rate should be kept low, and the BI [Bank Indonesia] rate shouldn't be raised." Juniman added the US and Europe debt crises wouldn't likely hurt Indonesia's economic growth in the second half of the year, which was estimated to reach between 6.3 and 6.5 percent. But, it would likely hurt the growth in the middle and long term.

Analysis & opinion

The bandit and his gang

Jakarta Post Editorial - August 15, 2011

Nazaruddin terrorized his former political allies and proteges while on the lam with taunts that they were bandits just like him.

After his forcible return to Indonesia, Nazaruddin should realize that the people will not be easily cheated by either smart talk or tricky tactics from the former Democratic Party treasurer and his attorney.

Nazaruddin deserves neither clemency nor empathy. If guilty, he should receive the maximum punishment for his evil deeds – along with those who allegedly worked with him to rob the state's coffers and those who reaped the benefits of Nazaruddin's alleged massive wrongdoings.

The alleged ways that Nazaruddin forced government agencies and ministries to mark up project costs and the way he allegedly profited from the projects are shameful. The tactics he allegedly employed were so unsophisticated that even ordinary people shook their heads in disbelief at such practices.

The primitive methods used to steal from the state under the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who prides himself as a warrior in our war against corruption, has been an embarrassment.

Nazaruddin has repeatedly claimed that several big names were involved in the corruption scandal that has engulfed him, including Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum and several House legislators. They have all firmly denied the allegations. The public has little confidence in their denials.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has no choice but to investigate Nazaruddin's case transparently and bring him to court.

The public will be outraged if the KPK uses old tactics to cover up the scandals. The commission does not need to use advanced technology or sophisticated investigative techniques to determine who might have benefitted. For the public, Nazaruddin's scandals are already as clear as crystal.

Nazaruddin, a newcomer in national politics, has rocked the nation with his ability to allegedly rob the state using blunt tactics.

He has apparently done so without fear, perhaps believing that he was untouchable since he also allegedly distributed a small portion of the ill-gotten booty to political elites in several political parties, the House of Representatives and law enforcement.

The President should ensure that the investigation of Nazaruddin is conducted with maximum speed and accuracy.

Yudhoyono can no longer rely on the foul excuse that he does not want to interfere with the daily duties of the National Police or Attorney General's Office.

Yudhoyono should realize that there is a worsening public perception of him as incompetent in handling major corruption cases.

The lawyers of Nazaruddin are entitled maximum access to their client. However, they should remember that the people have little confidence in their integrity and honest, just as they perceive law enforcement officers.

The KPK's leaders, the elites of the Democratic Party and the legislators whose names were often cited by Nazaruddin must prove their innocence through honest and transparent legal procedures – and not through dirty tactics such as political compromises.

As a gentleman and as an honorable member of the House, Nazaruddin must prove all of his accusations. He will be a simple coward if he cannot – or fails to find the guts – to present the evidence that would substantiate his allegations.

The rise of Nazaruddin's political career was just like a rocket. But now he has humiliated himself and sank to the level of pariah. He deserves no clemency. However, he might win respect if he is willing and able to show that whatever came out from his mouth was based on strong proof.

Yudhoyono has failed to counter public perceptions of his incompetence in the war that he himself declared against corruption. We cannot say that the nation will be on the right track until we elect new national leaders in 2014.

Crossing the line? The activist roots of environmental journalism

Columbia Journalism Review - August 13, 2011

Veby Mega Indah – When I ask Indonesian bureaucrats about the latest proclamations from some environmental group, I often get the same question: "Why are you journalists so close to the activists?"

Is it true? Perhaps. Environmental journalists here love covering advocacy organizations and their strident accusations against the government. Sometimes, we become part of the protests or try to solve environmental problems ourselves.

Irvan Riza, a program editor at KBR68H Radio in Jakarta, says his newsroom grew tired of waiting for the government to act on deforestation so 68H joined the "Tree Adoption Program" in Gunung Gede Pangrango National Park, which aims to give locals an alternative to illegal logging. Managed by its sister station, Green Radio FM, revenues from 68H's program allow villagers to plant trees, purchase livestock and install solar panels.

"By starting the project, we pushed the government to finally install electricity for the farmers we helped," Irvan explained. When I suggested that the station's involvement made activists out of the journalists, he rejected the label, arguing that because paid advertisements ran during the tree-adoption programming, it qualifies as a standard commercial enterprise, not advocacy.

Kalimantan Review, a monthly magazine, accepts the activist label. Launched in 1992 by the Institut Dayakologi, KR describes itself as "advocacy media" delivering information to indigenous Dayak people about palm plantations, mines and other projects that destroy local forests. During the Suharto era, it was semi-underground. The collapse of the regime in 1998 allowed KR to emerge openly, however, it continues to reflexively oppose most government actions.

"It's hard for us, because we want to do what the press should do: cover both sides fairly," chief editor Dominikus Uyub says. During the Suharto regime, most outlets quoted only pro-government sources, so he did the opposite. Because of that, KR has had trouble getting government voices on record and continues to give more space to "the people."

The problem is that KR not only informs the locals, but also tries to defend and empower Dayaks. Therefore, KR accepts many local activists as contributors and gives them press identification cards after providing some journalism training.

That can lead to problems. Contributing writer Vitalis Andi was arrested in February 2010 over a public protest against Sinar Mas, which was opening a palm plantation in West Kalimantan. KR had sent Vitalis to cover the protest but the police charged him with vandalism. Sinar Mas brought charges against him. The editor said that Vitalis was an activist, which meant he could not be defended under the press law unless it could be proven Vitalis was there as journalist. Vitalis has served 10 months in jail and the case is still being fought out in the courts.

Veteran editor Aristides Katoppo of the Sinar Harapan newspaper said the strain of activism in environmental journalism is rooted in the creation by Suharto of what was then called the Ministry of Development and Environment in 1972 under respected economist Emil Salim.

Salim gathered journalists and whatever local experts he could find to pioneer environmental awareness in the country, forming an organization called the Group for Environmental Conservation of Indonesia, or Hukli. Salim thought journalists could add perspective on real environmental problems in the field.

Later, with Salim's support, the experts formed the country's first green NGO, known as Walhi. The journalists who were involved – like Aristides and others – pioneered green journalism despite the Suharto dictatorship.

This cozy relationship more or less ended when everyone finally realized that green also means money. After the 2007 UN climate change summit in Bali more ministries took an interest. Today, the Forestry and Environment ministries, the National Climate Change Council, the President's Development Monitoring and Control Unit, the Economic Coordination Ministry, and the National Development Strategic Plan Agency all play a role in developing policies on the issue.

With more government bodies involved, green journalists have slowly lost their role in helping to formulate environmental policies and became outsiders alongside many activists. Still, environmental journalism is growing in Indonesia and not everyone agrees that activism should be part of that growth.

In 2006, the Society of Indonesian Environmental Journalists was formed as a professional non-advocacy membership organization. SIEJ focuses on building the capacity of journalists to cover environmental issues, and not taking sides, so that more journalists can explain complicated issues in a balanced fashion.

Aristides thinks it's fine for journalists to express their own views and sees nothing wrong with taking part in protests. "I don't believe in the perspective of news just being news, because it treats people as a business commodity, with journalists in the role of selling [or sensationalizing] news about them," he said. "We have to understand there's a social responsibility along with every news story we publish."

Aristides says that since many government or business entities run local media outlets, journalists staking out advocacy positions help to balance the news. "Objectivity in news means we have to base our story on truth and facts, but we should have a clear basis of taking the side of the public interest," he said.

Many journalists disagree. Ignatius Haryanto, who teaches journalism at several universities, thinks there should be a clear line between being an activist and a reporter. Ignatius says it's fine for journalists to have their own views, but they don't belong in the news. He suggests that people like Vitalis Andi in Kalimantan choose one role or the other.

Environmental journalists seem divided on the issue but they are clearly playing a big role in a growing green movement: some by reporting the news, and others by choosing to act further.

Migrants and political instability - Papua the latest flashpoint

Asia Sentinel - August 12, 2011

Aris Ananta – As Indonesia grows richer and its citizens acquire increasing mobility, domestic migration between the country's five major islands and 30 smaller island clusters, which feature as many as 1,000 distinct ethnic groups, is causing rising political tension and driving concerns about environmental degradation.

Transmigration has been an Indonesian story for decades if not centuries, since the Dutch colonial government in the early 19th century started moving people around in an attempt to reduce the crowding on Java and provide a work force for Sumatran plantations.

Although it ceased toward the end of the Dutch colonial period, it was revived following independence during Sukarno's presidency. At its peak, under funding from the World Bank, At its peak between 1979 and 1984, 535,000 families, or almost 2.5 million people were moved.

Not without justification, often the locals on the other islands saw the program as part of an effort by the Java-based Indonesian government to extend its economic and political control. In some parts of the country, transmigration has led to savage violence, most recently in 2000 when, in the wake of the strongman Suharto's fall, Dayak tribesmen on the island of Kalimantan butchered hundreds of ethnic Madurese and attempted to drive the rest off the island.

The current flashpoint is Papua, where the heavy flow of migrants from other parts of Indonesia has contributed significantly to island's economic growth but also to the rising political temperature, with some of the local population now demanding independence.

The Papuans are mostly Christians, in contrast to predominantly Muslim Indonesia. Racially they are also different from the majority of Indonesians and economically they are not as well off. However, they have extensive and rich natural resources, leading to a heavy flow of people both from abroad and from within Indonesia seeking to profit from exploitation of the resources.

As a result, the island's racial and religious composition has begun to change quickly and markedly. According to the 2000 Indonesian population census, the latest available statistics, Javanese, one of the non-Papuan ethnic groups, made up 12.5 per cent of the population. The percentage was even higher in urban areas at 16.4 percent as migrants tend to flock to urban areas. Muslims formed 24.2 percent of the population, much higher in urban areas at 42.7 percent.

This phenomenon is not unique to Papua. In many areas of the world, the heavy flow of migrants has quickly changed the composition of population by ethnic or racial, religious and cultural background. Suddenly, the locals are shocked to find that they are living in different worlds. Migrants are often motivated to work harder than locals. Not surprisingly, that leads them to success, causing jealousy among the locals. Social unhappiness has the potential to be worse if the migrants have different religious and ethnic or racial backgrounds.

Migration, for instance, played an important part in the bloody independence of Timor Leste, formerly the Indonesian province of East Timor. Like Papua, East Timor, with its Portuguese colonial background was comprised mostly of Christians. Since integrating with Indonesia in 1975, the province had been growing economically. As with Papua, the heavy flow of migrants from within Indonesia, with different religious and racial backgrounds, was one of the important factors for Timor's economic growth.

Furthermore, as in Papua, the migrants performed relatively better, both economically and politically, alienating the local population in their own community despite the economic uplift to the province. The locals saw themselves marginalized as the migrants took economic and political power.

The 1997-1998 Asian Financial Crisis, which hit Indonesia hard, was the trigger for the 1999 referendum, in which the East Timorese voted for independence and a bloody war for independence followed.

The impact of migration has also been seen on the peaceful island of Bali, which previously was populated mostly by Balinese who are almost exclusively Hindu. The prosperity and peace attracted not only legions of tourists, but also migrants who came to live and work on the island. Not surprisingly, these migrants have changed Bali's ethnic and religious composition, as many are neither Balinese nor Hindu. Some enclaves of non- Balinese/Hindus have been seen in Denpasar, the capital, raising concern on the part of some locals about Bali's changing identity and the role of Balinese/Hindus in the economy and power.

In 2000, the Balinese comprised 88.9 percent of the population but only 81.4 per cent in urban areas. Similarly, Hindus formed 87.4 per cent of the total population, but only 80.2 per cent in its urban areas.

The province of Riau Archipelago bordering Singapore may face a similar challenge. Malays in the province claim that they are "purer" ethnic Malays compared to those in the neighboring province of Riau. However, the economic attractiveness of the province, given its proximity to Singapore, the richest economy in the region, has brought a heavy flow of migrants from all over Indonesia as well as from other countries.

Although ethnic Malays remain the largest ethnic group in the Riau Archepelago, they are now a minority, with the total number of non-Malays exceeding ethnic Malays. In the city of Batam for example, ethnic Malays are now outnumbered by Javanese, which comprise 41 percent of the country's population and are its largest ethnic group.

Although the ethnic composition has changed quickly, the religious composition has changed less because most of the migrants from within Indonesia are more likely to be Muslims, though a significant number of non-Muslims also migrated to the province. In 2000, ethnic Malays only formed 37.7 percent of the population in the province although Muslims comprised 88.6 percent.

If not well managed, as transport links and the communication system improve and as awareness grows that there may be a better life nearby, Indonesians are gaining the increasing ability to migrate within their country. As the changing religious and ethnic compositions in both Bali and Riau Archipelago indicate – and from the lessons of Timor Leste – have the potential to become a threat to stability. It is an issue the government must take into consideration.

[Aris Ananta is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.]

Strike pressures PT Freeport Indonesia into serious negotiations

Open Democracy - August 11, 2011

Alex Rayfield and Claudia King – Perched on the western rim of the Melanesian Pacific, adjacent to independent Papua New Guinea is West Papua. Here, in a land so diverse that you can stand on a tropical glacier 15,000 feet high and peer down on the equator, indigenous Papuans are waging a four-decade long nonviolent struggle for independence from Indonesia. At the heart of Papuan grievances lies Freeport, the world's largest gold and copper mine, owned and operated by US based company Freeport McMoRan and their Indonesian subsidiary PT Freeport Indonesia.

Recently trouble at the mine flared up again, as around 12,000 Indonesian and Papuan Mine workers and contractors went on strike, joined by local indigenous leaders. Walking off a job has never been so hard, Yan Ampnir told us. When he decided to join the mine workers' strike in the remote Indonesian province of Papua, it was not a simple case of heading out the gate and driving home to his family. It involved a gruelling 40-mile trek down a roller-coaster road that plunges 8,400 feet down from the vertiginous cloud-cloaked mountain walls of Tembagapura, the remote mine base camp, to the sprawling swamp lowlands of Timika.

Tembagapura is a company town. The only people who live there are mine workers. After long shifts in the Grasberg open pit or in the underground mine, workers are bussed on four-wheel drive trucks back to Timika or the US lookalike suburb of Kuala Kencana, replete with shopping malls, manicured lawns and street lights, all carved out of the middle of the jungle. So, when the company refused to bus the workers outside the Indonesian military-guarded mine area, Ampnir and his compatriots picked up their bags and started walking.

Seventeen hours later the first group arrived in Timika; tired, wet, cold and hungry. Eight days later the strike ended. In the process some 12,000 mine workers (of a total workforce of 23,000) halted production at the world's largest gold and copper mine, inflicting a loss of USD$95,000 per day on US-based Freeport McMoRan, Indonesian subsidiary PT Freeport Indonesia and their Anglo Australian partner, Rio Tinto.

After a quick search on the Internet, Albar Sabang, the local union branch secretary, hands us an excel spreadsheet. On it is a list of pay scales. Sabang is a mechanic who fixes heavy machinery like bulldozers and excavators. He has worked for PT Freeport Indonesia since 1994 and earns $3.00 per hour. He is one of the highest paid local employees out of a group PTFI calls "non-staff". Others earn as little as $1.80 per hour, a wage that rose 98% after a similar workers strike in April 2007.

Sudiro (his only name) is a softly spoken tall Javanese man, unassuming in person. He is the local SPSI (Seluruh Pekerja Serikat Indondesia – or All Indonesian Workers Union) chair of the Freeport Mine Workers Union, an affiliate with the national SPSI network. Recently sacked by PT Freeport Indonesia for organising workers, he only just got his job back. "Of all the Freeport mines", Sudiro tells us, "PT Freeport Indonesia is the most profitable. It has the lowest production costs. But workers are paid the lowest salaries. We are even paid less than Freeport mine workers in Mongolia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. That's not right."

A history of local grievances

Freeport is emblematic of much that is wrong in West Papua. The company's Contract of Work was signed in 1967, two years before the Act of Free Choice was concluded, a referendum that was supposed to give the indigenous West Papuans a chance to say whether they wanted to be independent or part of Indonesia. In fact, there was no vote. Instead, 1,022 West Papuans, less than 0.01% of the population, were corralled into camps and told to "vote" for integration with Indonesia or have "their tongues cut out". But it was not just the Indonesian government that consented to democratic fraud writ large; the US, Australian and European governments were also not prepared to contest the election or risk stability in the region for what one US Embassy source at the time called a handful of "Stone-Age illiterate tribal groups".

The biggest prize of all was Freeport. Suharto declared the company a national asset and instructed the military to guard the mine, which led to a long history of human rights violations, including un-investigated mass killings, theft of Papuan land and massive environmental degradation, all of which has led to ongoing violent and nonviolent resistance.

This was the era before the notion of "free, prior, and informed consent" became best practice for extractive industries. According to local indigenous landowners, they still feel that they have not been consulted or their rights respected.

As the Amungme people's sacred mountain is consumed, tailings are dumped in the Ajkwa River at the rate of 200,000 tons a day. The result: over 30,000 hectares of rainforest have been wiped out and huge levee banks built to stop Timika from being smothered by sludge waste. In the process, Freeport became a lightning rod for all Papuan grievances.

Although the company tried to respond to local indigenous West Papuan grievances by hiring Papuan staff and redirecting 1% of the profits to support members of the local seven tribes, new problems continue to be added on top of old, unresolved issues. The local tribes (a number of whom work in the mine) and Freeport mine workers from elsewhere bring in massive profits for the company. They work under extreme conditions at high altitude but feel like they have little stake in the company and few worker benefits.

"We are not valued as human beings. We are treated as an instrument of the company. Our goal is to get to a position where we are treated as human" says Sudiro.

According to miners interviewed in July 2011, many workers are forced to take out bank loans to pay for basic needs and to support their families. After retirement, some must seek alternative types of income. Yet when workers attempt to raise these issues with Freeport management, they have received warning letters from them in return.

"It seems like the company sees us as the troublemakers. But," says Sudiro, referring to workers' contributions to gold and copper production, "we are the solution-makers."

SPSI finds its teeth

SPSI PT Freeport Indonesia is one local branch of the national labour union federation of Indonesia. The organization has represented PTFI mine workers in 16 Collective Labor Agreements (CLA) dating back to 1977. But until recently it functioned as little more than a rubber stamp for company policies.

Freeport has a history of suppressing workers' rights and union organizing. Under Suharto, independent labour organising was prohibited. Those that tried were often killed or spent years in jail. But over the past decade, as political space has slowly opened up, Sudiro and other workers have been quietly organizing. But because of the closed-off nature of West Papua, they have done so through exchanges on the Internet, educating themselves on best practice and lessons learned from unions in other parts of the world. "We particularly admired the quiet, peaceful way Japanese workers raised their grievances," said Sudiro.

SPSI PT Freeport Indonesia's mission and objectives are limited to workers' rights and their tactics are exclusively nonviolent. But they continue to be associated with violence and separatism. "We use a peaceful way. We don't want to get into the political arena, this is not our area. We just want to struggle for our rights, and to have the same rights as workers elsewhere."

Campaigns to educate fellow mine workers about their rights and the role of unions in protecting workers seem to be paying off. Reflecting on worker participation in the recent strike, Sudiro said, "The workers finally opened their eyes and minds to the situation. The company cannot stop this. We have woken up. We will never go back to how we were treated before the strike."

Nevertheless, SPSI Freeport members continue to face threats and intimidation from the company. When two of the union members travelled to Jayapura to seek advice from Papuan leaders, they were followed by Indonesian security forces who have long been paid by Freeport to guard the mine.

"The company does not like us organizing for workers' rights, but we are not doing anything wrong. The strike is an action that is guaranteed by the law. Indonesia is a member of the ILO and the ILO is very clear. We have the right to form a union and we have done so according to Indonesian law" says Sudiro. Article 104 (1) of Indonesian National Law Number 13, 2003 explicitly states: "Every worker/labourer has the right to form and become a member of a trade/labour union."

The decision to strike

The company has utilized a range of "dirty" tactics to avoid dealing with SPSI demands over wages and conditions. One of the most galling for mineworkers was the creation of a 'new' union aimed at pushing out SPSI's union. The new union was created in response to SPSI Freeport mineworkers' agitation around wages and conditions.

At the same time the company declared the SPSI Freeport Mine Workers Union – an organisation that has grown from a low of 4,000 to 8,200 members – illegal, and promptly fired six of the leadership including Sudiro himself. The only problem was this 'union' had no members. Its board was appointed by Nur Hadiah, a lawyer based in Jayapura, in violation of SPSI regulations. "It was a completely fake union" said Sudiro.

The reaction from the workers? An overwhelming decision from all of the 254 union representatives to strike and nearly 100% participation from SPSI Freeport union members. "We were up against a wall. We had no other choice," Sudiro said.

But the strike was not just about wages. "We wanted the company to recognise the union, the right to freely organise, and to reinstate the six SPSI Union leaders who were dismissed by Freeport for conducting union business" said Sudiro.

After more than a week of strikes and continuous demonstrations, on the evening of July 11 PT Freeport Indonesia gave in to SPSI's

demands. They reinstated the union leaders without any deduction in salary, agreed to pay the wages of all striking workers for the duration of the strike, agreed to recognise SPSI Freeport Mine Workers Union as the sole legal representative of Freeport mine workers and also agreed to enter into Collective Labor Agreement negotiations. Those negotiations opened Wednesday July 20 at the Freeport-owned Hotel Rimba Papua in Timika. They are still continuing and according to Company sources are not expected to finish until 19 August. Both workers and management are remaining tight- lipped about their progress.

The seven tribes

The current (seventeenth) Collective Labor Agreement negotiations are different. They are not only about wages and conditions. They also concern the company's relationship with local landowners, the Amungme and Kamoro, as well as five other major highland tribes – the Dani, Moni, Damal, Mee/Ekari and Nduga.

Amungme tribal elder Hengky Uamang speaks to us at one of the SPSI union leaders' rented duplex house in the back lanes of Timika. His voice is quiet and one of his compatriots translates from Amungme into Indonesian so that we can understand what he is saying. His message is simple and profound.

"My heart is broken. It is as if we are not human beings but a piece of gold to be consumed. I am gold but I get no benefit." Tears slowly roll down his face.

Others in the crowded living room become angry. "Does Moffet (the US Chair of Freeport McMoRan) have no shame?" Jecky Amisim rhetorically asks. "Does he not fear God? Don't you people in America know that if you come to someone's place and want to take something, you have to ask first?"

The seven tribal leaders nod in agreement. Sudiro tells us: "If these negotiations fail, we will see it as a death of democracy."

"If Moffett and Armando Mahler (the president of PT Freeport Indonesia) can't help us, if the wealth of these mountains do not bring a benefit to us the local tribes, the workers and the people of Papua," says Mr. Amisim, "then it is better we just kick this company out."

The strike may be over, but as union and management begin month-long negotiations over their biannual Collective Labour Agreement, the company continues to face the possibility of continued disruption from disgruntled workers and restive landowners seeking significant changes after years of opposition to Freeport mining.

[Alex Rayfield is a freelance journalist based in Timika. Claudia King is a freelance journalist reporting from Timika.]