Ulma Haryanto The Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation will hold a fundraiser Thursday night in an effort to shore up budget shortfalls.
The nonprofit legal aid foundation needs to raise Rp 210 million ($24,360) to fund operations for the next three months. Jakarta Legal Aid (LBH) suffered financial difficulties after key donors withdrew their support, stating that the government, instead, should fund the organization. Without public donations, it's doubtful the foundation will be able to stay afloat, director Nurkholis Hidayat said last month.
"The strengthening of public support for such institutions is needed," said Ratna Ariyanti, of the Association of Independent Journalist (AJI). "Not only [are] we are looking at short-term financial goals, but also [the] expansion of public donations."
The foundation has offered legal counsel and representation to impoverished and marginalized Jakarta residents since 1970. LBH Jakarta have represented victims of unlawful relocation, labor abuse and medical malpractice including: three widows versus state pawnshop company Perum Pegadaian, Petukangan residents versus Jakarta and the people of Cina Benteng versus Tangerang.
The organization's work is necessary, Ratna said. "When the state does not allocate fund for legal aid to its underprivileged citizens, what will happen to them?" Ratna said. "We need LBH Jakarta."
The foundation also proposed the bill on domestic workers rights that is currently being discussed by legislators and filed a judicial review for the pornography law and the blasphemy law with the Constitutional Court. In a given year, the foundation handles about 1,000 cases, free of charge, LBH Jakarta officials said. Last year, the organization received 1,150 requests from 146,478 individuals in need of legal help.
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo previously said that government aid had stopped in 2008. The foundation, however, is still housed in a city-owned building in Central Jakarta. It costs the foundation a minimum of Rp 70 million a month to keep its operations going. More than half, some Rp 40 million, goes to the salaries of the LBH Jakarta's 17 staff members.
The fundraising event will be hosted by Najwa Shihab, with performances by Efek Rumah Kaca, guitarist Jubing Kristianto, Barongsay by the Cina Benteng community and University of Indonesia's student string ensemble. Theologian Franz Magnis Suseno, former LBH Jakarta advocates such as judicial mafia eradication task force member Mas Achmad Santosa, human rights activist Bambang Widjojanto, and legal heavyweight Adnan Buyung Nasution are also scheduled to appear.
The event will take place from 7 to 9 Thursday night in Perpustakaan Nasional (National Library) in Jalan Salemba Raya no. 28 A, Central Jakarta.
More than a hundred students from various universities in Bogor held a rally in front of the Bogor City Hall in West Java on Tuesday to protest the recent marriage of the city's mayor with a teenager.
Indonesia's most controversial mayor, Diani Budiarto, 56, has found himself at the center of a new scandal taking a 19-year-old teenager as his fourth wife.
The Bogor mayor continues to thumb his nose at Indonesian law.
Examples of previous defiance include the mayor's refusal to allow the local GKI Yasmin church to reopen. He contends the church's building permits were forged, even though the Supreme Court sided with the church. Diani also remains married to two other woman, including his first wife, Fauziah, who is currently in hospital.
News about marriage has sparked public outrage, especially among students. Demonstrators hurled the mayor's office with raw eggs as they shouted, "Say no to polygamy."
Some of them climbed the City Hall's gate and were attempting break in when security officers stopped them.
The rally leader, Ahmad Hidayat, said Diani has "lost his conscience". "He cares more about polygamy than about solving the problems in Bogor," he was quoted as saying by news portal Detik.com.
The crowd dispersed at noon but threatened a sit-in rally on Wednesday if Diani does not give public clarification of the marriage.
Meanwhile, an official at the Bogor Municipality, Bambang Gunawan, said that Diani is on honeymoon leave. "He is taking a three-day leave," Bambang said.
Jakarta Rallies against Bogor Mayor Diani Budiarto and his recent fourth marriage turned violent Tuesday as protesters vandalized the heavily guarded City Hall in the West Java town of Bogor.
Dozens of students from Ibnu Khaldun University began their rallies peacefully, but then attempted to break down the City Hall gate, although dozens of public order officers on duty thwarted their attempts.
The students continued their orations before the gate. Rally coordinator Achmad Hidayatullah said Diani's fourth marriage upset the public, adding it was a bad example from a regional head.
He also said the mayor's polygamy practice, including his marriage to a 19-year-old girl, tainted Bogor's image as the "Halal City".
Achmad added that Diani and his subordinates, on the other hand, had failed to comply with the locals' demands, such as those regarding illegal night clubs.
"The relevant agencies and the mayor have ignored the public's condemnations. This is ironic, considering that the MUI [Indonesian Ulema Council] has rewarded Bogor the Halal City title," he said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
An announcement on Thursday about the selection of students at the state university led to a demonstration being held by students who also blocked off the Cenderawasih university campus in Waena.
The entry to the campus was blocked off while a small bonfire was burning in the middles of the road. The demo was organised by the chairman of the Students Association of Tolikara, supported by students of the faculty of law at the university.
Speeches were made and leaflets were stuck on the walls, with demands to the rector of the university.
One of the leaflets said: "Why is it that year after year, indigenous Papuans account for less than 20 percent of the total while the other 80 percent are non-Papuans?
"We are asking the rector to account for this, bearing in mind an earlier promise that Papuans would account for 80 percent," said Terius Wakor, co- ordinator of the action. This was a promise made by the rector of UNCEN, Prof Dr B Kambuya.
"We indigenous Papuan students feel very disappointed about this because the rector promised that priority would be given to indigenous Papuans with 80 percent of the places. Yet what has happened is that only 5 percent of the Papuans were accepted into the university."
Another of the students, Thomas CH Syufi, who also took part in the demo, said: "We as representatives of the Executive Board of the Students, the BEM of the Faculty of Law, strongly support the views of our colleagues."
Following the announcement about the students who were selected, he said that they hoped that the rector would take account of the views of the indigenous Papuan students, in view of what the rector promised last year.
"We very much hope that the rector will take some action with regard to the Papuan students who did not pass the selection test". He suggested that there should be another round of testing for a second group of students to be accepted to the university.
Meanwhile the deputy rector said that while no promises had been made, there had been a commitment to increase the percentage of indigenous Papuan students. He said that at this level (SNMPTN, Indonesian State College National Entrance Exam), it was difficult to have an effect on the selection of students. He told Bintang Papua that not enough Papuans were available from the IPS, and very few had registered with the IPA programme.
Jakarta A group of Papuans staged a protest at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) office on Monday, urging the commission to follow up on Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) findings of alleged misuse of special autonomy funds disbursed to the province.
The government has so far disbursed Rp 28 trillion (US$3.24 million) of special autonomy or Otsus funds to Papua and West Papua provinces. The BPK found indications that Rp 4.12 trillion of the Rp 19.12 trillion (US$2.2 billion) in special autonomy funds disbursed between 2000 and 2010 had allegedly been embezzled.
The Alliance of Papuan Community for Papua and West Papua called on the KPK and the BPK to form a special team to investigate the officials allegedly responsible for the misappropriation, which they said had long been undermining development in the province.
"We urge the KPK and BPK to follow up on the findings in accordance with existing law," the group said.
Papua was granted special autonomy in 2001 in response to rising demand from Papuans to separate from Indonesia. The Otsus fund aimed at speeding up development in the restive province.
But, after 10 years, special autonomy has yet to improve the welfare of most Papuan people. Many believe it is due to the incompetent administrations of Indonesia's two easternmost provinces. The bulk of the special autonomy funds are believed to have gone into the bureaucracy and to local government officials, while only a little was spent on empowering local people and the economy.
The BPK found that Rp 66 billion in 2010 and Rp 211 billion in 2011 in fund expenditures were not accounted for. It also found that fake tickets had been used to account for official trips worth Rp 1.1 billion and that some procurement projects worth a total of Rp 326 billion were not carried out in line with existing regulations.
In 2010 alone, the BPK said, Rp 22.8 billion of special autonomy funds were allegedly spent on fictitious activities. (drs)
The local branch of the union of energy and mining workers at Freeport- Indonesia announced on Friday 24 June that it had set a deadline of 4 July for its decision to organise a strike at Freeport.
The intention to take strike action was announced by the chair of the Freeport branch, Virgo Solossa. "We are keeping the door open for the management to recognise our legitimate demand for talks but if the management makes no response, the strike will go ahead."
Since the weekend all the workers on the low-land and high-land company premises have been wearing black arm bands as a sign of the death of industrial partnership, which the company has until now praised.
The cause for the strike action is that a number of members of the union are threatened with dismissal for allegedly being absent from work.
"This is an act of discrimination and intimidation against our right as leading members of the union. We have no intention of allowing this to happen, and give the management until 3 July. If they fail to response, then any question of industrial partnership will be regarded as dead," said Virgo.
The action will involved the 8,000 workers at the company.
Pastor Jonga: 'MRP has now become a mechanism for the government's splitting tactics.'
The controversy about the setting up of an MRP for West Papua had continued to rumble on and is likely to last for a long time. There are people who now claim that having two MRPs will threaten the existence of the indigenous Papuan people.
This was the theme of a seminar held by the Students Executive Council (BEM) on Wednesday this week.
The controversy emerged when the governor of West Papua, acting on behalf of the Minister of the Interior, announced the creation of the West Papua MRP. The seminar was held at the auditorium of the Cenderawasih University, and was attended by about a hundred people.The main speakers were Fadhal Alhamid of the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) and Pastor Jong Jonga, representing the religious community The moderator was Laus Rumayon.
Fadhal Alhamid said that the danger posed by MRP dualism was that the standard set for basic human rights of Papuans living in the province of West Papua would be different from those set in the province of Papua. In addition, the creation of the West Papua MRP was to promote certain vested interests, part of a conspiracy between the governor and the vice-governor of West Papua. "The MRP reached an agreement regarding cultural and economic unity. But if there are now two MRPs, there is the danger that this unity will disappear." He also said that responsibility for creating the second MRP rests with the MRP itself. "We should raise the question of whether they were the ones responsible for creating the second MRP."
He also drew attention to the position of people in the leaderhip of the Papua MRP and the West Papua MRP. "The fact that Ibu Dorkas is the chairman of the Papua MRP and is also the vice-chairman of the West Papua MRP has led to a great deal of confusion."
The other speaker, Pastor Jong Jonga, dealt more specifically with his own experiences with congregations living in the district of Keerom. "In my opinion, special autonomy (OTSUS) has failed to provide protection, tranquillity and security indigenous because its benefits are only being enjoyed by people living in the vicinity of the district capital.
"These were precisely the regions where the percentage of indigenous Papuans is very low as compared to the percentage of newcomers or migrants. What they were hoping for, he said, was that the MRP which had been intended as a unifying body would now become a means for splitting the Papuan people."
During questions and answers that followed the speeches, the students focused primarily on OTSUS. Many said that OTSUS had become nothing more than a mechanism to prolong the sufferings of the Papuan people.
OTSUS has become the long arm of the central government. "What was needed now," the one questioner said, "was for the DPRP to take action to disband the West Papua MRP." Many in the audience shared these views.
Convicted murderer Pollycarpus Priyanto will present three experts on Tuesday in his review attempt against the Supreme Court verdict that sentenced him to 20 years in jail regarding the murder of human rights activist Munir.
Pollycarpus' lawyer M. Assegaf said the experts would explain that it would have been impossible for Pollycarpus to poison Munir with arsenic.
Assegaf argued Pollycarpus was with other airplane crew members when the flight transited in Singapore. "Thus, the poisoning [of Munir] in Coffee Bean cafe at Singapore's Changi Airport would have been impossible," he said.
The chemical and pharmaceutical experts will explain that arsenic should be mixed with plain water, [not coffee], to become poison, he added.
Jakarta Though the demise of its authoritarian rule is now 13 years past, Indonesia still struggles to protect human rights, as the state repeatedly finds itself embroiled in criminal acts against its citizens, a report says.
A one-year review by the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), which wraps up in June, identified 30 incidents in which citizens were brutally tortured by the usual suspects, the police and the army, through interrogation and efforts to intimidate. Kontras asserts that the figure only represented the tip of the iceberg, as victims seldom have the courage or the means to report the abuses.
Within the first week of August 2010, serious human rights abuses happened in Ambon as the police which included the Detachment 88 counterterrorism squad arrested 23 citizens for alleged involvement in the South Maluku Republic (RMS) separatist movement.
From the arrests, Kontras identified at least 13 out of the 23 who were tortured by methods that included punching and kicking, being beaten with wooden blocks, suffocation and sexual abuse. The arrests were made without warrants and the suspects were not granted legal assistance during their detention. Kontras said what happened in Ambon was consistent with the characteristics of human rights abuses by the police during interrogation processes in most criminal investigations.
Kontras identified seven cases of human rights abuses committed by the military. An incident that attracted international attention was a YouTube video of two Papuans being tortured by military officers in October. The video shows a man holding a knife against the throat of another man who is almost completely naked and lying on the ground. In another scene, a man with a black bag on his head presses a glowing-hot bamboo stick against another man's genitals. Three officers were later tried in a military court for the crime.
Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar argues that the practice of torture remains persistent among law enforcement officers because laws that prosecute torture by government officials are non-existent.
"It still happens because the government is not serious; there is no punishment for torture acts. Military and police officers who torture are just punished with disciplinary sanctions but there is no hard punishment for torture," he said during the release of Kontras review on Saturday in conjunction with the commemoration of the UN's international day in support of victims of torture.
Harris said Indonesia had no specific law stipulating criminal prosecution in accordance with the definition on torture as outlined in the United Nations Convention against Torture, which was ratified by the government in 1998.
"We urge the government especially the Law and Human Rights Ministry to design a bill to prevent torture and punish those who practice it. The criminalization of torture will be an important key and alternative measure because the deliberation of the amendment on the penal code has yet to be finished." (rcf)
The National Police on Monday asked Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) to submit its report on 30 torture cases allegedly committed by members of the police and military.
National Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said the commission needed details on the incidents.
"We need to know more. The sources of data must be clear, for example, where the incidents took place. In principle, police have neither regulations nor policies to commit such acts," Boy said Monday. "The data must be reported to us," he added.
On Saturday, Kontras released a report citing at least 30 cases of torture, including punching, beating and kicking used to intimidate suspects, by police and soldiers, from July 2010 to June 2011. Kontras said there were many more cases, and that victims of such violence seldom had the courage to report it. (rcf)
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Activists warn that the national security bill, currently being deliberated at the House of Representatives, has the potential to threaten freedom of the press since it gives security actors unlimited authority.
Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) chairman Nezar Patria said Wednesday that with the absence of accountability mechanisms, the draft law on national security would curb press freedom instead of ensure proper security measures that made people felt secure.
"We have learned through bitter experience during the New Order era that without accountability mechanisms, any law on security opens the possibility to abuse of power, such as kidnapping or intimidating people deemed a threat to national security," Nezar told The Jakarta Post by telephone.
To some extent, he said, the national security bill overlapped with other bills, including the draft law on intelligence and the bill on state secrets, which also grant security actors unlimited authority in conducting security measures against people allegedly conducting activities deemed a threat to national security.
In Article 54 of the draft law on national security, it is stipulated that "national security components have the authority to tap a conversation, to investigate, to arrest and other authorized necessary measures".
"We have no objections to efforts to ensure people feel more secure; security actors should not perform security measures however they please without involving accountability mechanisms," said Nezar.
Security actors, he said, should not have the authority to tap a conversation without court consent, for example. Without such consent, security actors may take measures, including tapping a conversation, that have nothing to do with national interests.
"Look at how the Soeharto regime used security measures merely for his political interests. He used it either to deflect political enemies or opposition activists or to censor critical voices against his dictatorship," said Nezar.
Similarly, Al A'raf, an activist from Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), said the bill threaten not only press freedom but also law enforcement, human rights and democracy.
"Authority to tap a conversation, investigate and make arrests as stipulated in the bill on national security overlap with similar authority mentioned in other bills, including the draft law on intelligence," said Al A'raf.
He said the draft law on national security should not give new tasks to security actors, such as military and police personnel since they already had clear operating rules as stipulated in Law No. 34/2004 on the Indonesian Military and Law No. 2/2002 on the National Police.
The draft law opens the potential for abuse of power since it mentions no accountability mechanisms in taking security measures.
"It gives a blank check to security actors, allowing them to conduct security measures without concerning why they should take such measures and for what purposes," said Al A'raf.
"The draft law should include a mechanism to make sure that authority is not abused by any security actor," he said, adding that the national security bill should have a more limited coverage to avoid overlapping with other security bills.
The release on June 25 of Erwin Arnada, the former editor of Indonesia's ill-fated edition of Playboy Magazine after serving nine months in prison for outraging public decency, closes a chapter that should never have been opened.
The Indonesian Playboy never printed an indecent picture. Arnada said he had started the edition because he wanted to print strong stories. However, just the notion of the brand, which has become a relatively staid publication in the United States, was enough to set off Islamic hardliners, particularly the Islamic Defenders Front, known by its Indonesian initials FPI, which staged violent demonstrations, including physical attacks on the magazine's offices that were responsible for a climate of hysteria.
Although the magazine carried photos of women clad in undergarments, the pictures were far less revealing than those appearing in many Indonesian magazines peddled in Jakarta's magazine kiosks. Despite attempts by the country's Press Council to defend the magazine, which said it didn't contain pornography, the attacks grew and the FPI demanded that he be prosecuted.
The South Jakarta District court acquitted Arnada of the charges, ruling that the country's Press Law and not the criminal code governed the case. However, Indonesia's notoriously malleable Supreme Court overturned the lower court ruling, sentencing the 47-year-old Arnada to two years in prison. The decision gathered international criticism from such organizations as the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, which called his imprisonment "politically motivated and should never have happened."
The Committee to Protect Journalists also gave Arnada a forum, allowing him to blog repeatedly on the organization's Web site, where he said he was shocked and humiliated by his treatment in which he was forced into a prison car by two truckloads of armed men who were "looking as though they were prepared to wage war in the airport. The first two days in Cipinang Prison, Jakarta's oldest, "were the hardest of my life. I have never thought I could be in a prison simply for publishing a magazine."
The case happened, he told reporters later, "because there was this absurd judicial process. There was a sentiment against an American brand and there was a game behind my case. I feel that I was treated unfairly and I am sure that my case was politicized by a group and they used the religious issue to fight against me."
Although he declined to name the FPI, the thuggish Islamist organization has been growing more and more violent, accosting women who are considered not to be dressed modestly and violently attacking night clubs. Despite Indonesia's reputation for its tolerant brand of Sunni Islam, intolerance has been growing and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has come under increasing fire for his refusal to rein in the firebrands.
Somewhat surprisingly, in April a group of housewives in North Sumatra forced FPI members to flee to safety after they sought to evict a woman and her newborn baby from a disputed property in the city of Medan. Media reported that although the FPI vigilantes escaped without injury, the rampaging housewives inflicted heavy damage on their car.
"I hope that what those housewives done would be followed by other people who are attacked by FPI, and the Police would not hesitate to take actions against them," a blogger wrote about the incident.
Although the Supreme Court reversed itself on May 25, ruling that the indictment by the prosecutors was wrong and couldn't be accepted, the ruling wasn't conveyed to Arnada's lawyers until nearly a month later. He was finally freed on June 24.
Arnada said he intended to return to the publishing business, although he declined to talk about reviving Playboy Indonesia, saying security concerns are too great. But, he told reporters as he left Cipinang, "My release is proof that freedom of the press in Indonesia is still respected, and I hope there will be no other journalists prosecuted as I have been under the Criminal Code."
He used his time in jail to write three books, and screenplays for three films, he told the Jakarta Globe.
"My first book is 'Midnite di Negeri Nonsens' ['Midnight in a Nonsense Country'], which will hopefully be published in the next few months. It is a testimony of my time in the Cipinang Prison," he said. "Another book, about religious tolerance, I also plan to turn into a film. The last book will be released in the US," he said, declining to give details on that work or the screenplays.
The editor said he plans a bilingual cultural magazine in Bali, which has already been launched in May. The Indonesian Playboy was shifted to Bali, predominantly Hindu and considerably more tolerant than much of the rest of Indonesia, after the violence forced the closure of the Jakarta office.
Elisabeth Oktofani The former editor of the short-lived Indonesian edition of Playboy magazine has said his release from prison marks a victory for press freedom in the country.
Erwin Arnada was released on Friday afternoon from East Jakarta's Cipinang Penitentiary, where he had been detained since October for public indecency.
"My release is proof that freedom of the press in Indonesia is still respected, and I hope there will be no other journalists prosecuted as I have been under the Criminal Code," he said outside the prison's gates, where he brandished the official order for his release and donned a T-shirt reading: "Journalism is not a crime."
"I do not feel that I have become a victim or a hero. I feel that I have become part of Indonesian history in fighting for freedom of the press. And I believe the statement on my T-shirt explains more than what I just said."
Muslim hard-liners pressed charges of public indecency against Erwin in 2007, shortly after the launch of the local version of Playboy, which did not feature nudity. He was later acquitted by the South Jakarta District Court, which ruled that it should be dealt with through the Press Law and not the Criminal Code.
However, on appeal, the Supreme Court overturned the ruling in 2009 and sentenced Erwin to two years in jail. In May, however, the court overturned its own ruling although an official copy of the decision only reached Todung Mulya Lubis, Erwin's lawyer, this week.
Todung said he appreciated the court's latest verdict. "This is not only a victory for Erwin Arnada, but also a victory for Indonesian press freedom," he said.
"We also want to thank the Supreme Court for its commitment to enforcing the Press Law as a lex specialis law," he added, referring to the legal doctrine that states specific laws cannot be overridden by general legislation.
Erwin said he would not file a lawsuit against the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which first pressed charges against him.
"The one thing I want to say about the FPI sending me to jail is that my parents taught me to be forgiving instead of being slanderous," he said. "I just hope that my reputation can be rehabilitated. However, I understand that it will take some time and we will keep trying to work on it."
Erwin also said he would go back into the publishing business, but headed off any talk about reviving Playboy Indonesia, citing security concerns. He said his immediate plan was to visit his mother's grave.
Rangga Prakoso The jailed former editor in chief of the short-lived Indonesian edition of Playboy magazine will likely walk free today after the Supreme Court overturned a 2009 decision to convict him.
Two years ago, the Supreme Court controversially overturned Erwin Arnada's acquittal and sentenced him to two years in jail for distributing pictures that offended common decency. Erwin, who has been detained since October 2010, will likely be freed from Cipinang Penitentiary in East Jakarta this morning.
"We have coordinated with the prison," Masyhudi, head of the South Jakarta prosecutors' office, said on Thursday. "The implementation will be during business hours, possibly during the morning."
He said a copy of the Supreme Court ruling, issued on May 25, was received by his office on Wednesday.
The ruling, which Masyhudi said had come directly from Chief Justice Harifin A. Tumpa, stated that the court had accepted a judicial review and new evidence was admitted to contest the 2009 verdict.
The court "is acquitting the convict of the charges leveled by the prosecutor," it said. Masyhudi said there could be no more appeals after a judicial review and that the ruling would be final.
Erwin's lawyer, Todung Mulya Lubis, said previously that the judicial review would present a foreign publisher as a witness to explain that the Indonesian version of Playboy contained no nudity and was far tamer than overseas editions of the magazine.
The controversy, which put the spotlight on press freedom in Indonesia, began even before Playboy Indonesia's first issue was launched in April 2006.
Though it did not feature the nudity common in other editions of the magazine, it was still greeted with a spate of vandalism and violent protests by hard-line religious groups, including the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The country's oldest Islamic political party has announced that its national caucus to select a chairman will begin on Sunday in Bandung, even as the rival candidates ramp up their war of words.
Emron Pangkappi, head of the event's organizing committee, said on Sunday that four senior party officials had already announced their candidacies to lead the United Development Party (PPP).
They are Suryadharma Ali, the incumbent and minister for religious affairs; legislators Ahmad Yani and Ahmad Muqow wam; and Muchdi Purwopranjono, former deputy head of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) and a founder of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra).
"We hope all the candidates and their campaign teams compete fairly and do not resort to dirty tricks such as vote-buying or smear campaigns against the other candidates," Emron said.
However, the mudslinging has already begun, with Yani alleging that Suryadharma's camp was engaged in "aggressive and abusive" strategies to sabotage his candidacy.
He accused the chairman's campaign team of threatening to bar regional supporters of his rivals from participating in the caucus. "They're making efforts to ensure that Suryadharma will win the seat by acclamation," Yani said. He added that in light of this, he was considering forming an alliance with one of the other candidates.
However, Romahurmuzy, deputy secretary general of the PPP and a spokesman for Suryadharma's camp, denied the accusation and called it "just another smear campaign" against the chairman.
"There have been many other forms of smear campaigning against us, such as text messages being sent out to the regional branches to attack our camp," he said. He called on the other candidates to stop using "dirty strategies" and to campaign fairly.
"It's clear from their reaction that they realize that Suryadharma is a strong figure in our party and so they have to resort to all kinds of tactics to prevent him from staying on as party chairman," Romahurmuzy said.
Suryadharma has also been accused by Muqowwam's supporters of trying to railroad their candidate's bid by removing him as chairman of the House of Representatives' Commission V, which oversees agricultural affairs. They allege that the demotion puts Muqowwam in a bad light, thereby hurting his chances in the caucus.
Suryadharma is also embroiled in a spat with Muchdi, who recently stood in the selection for chairman of the PPP's Papua branch. Suryadharma said the party would recognize Bachtiar Gaffar as the official winner, after he received the backing of 13 district branches against nine for Muchdi.
However, Muchdi contends that the Papua caucus was flawed and that the votes for Bachtiar should not count. During the controversial ballot in May, the heads of the 13 district branches staged a walkout in protest over Muchdi's candidacy, and then voted for Bachtiar. Muchdi has reported the case to the police, who are investigating.
Muchdi himself has long been under a cloud, having been accused and subsequently acquitted of the murder of prominent human rights activist Munir Said Thalib.
Emron said that the five-day caucus to pick the party's leader and discuss other pressing issues would be attended by representatives from the party's 33 provincial and 497 district and municipal branches, who between them will have 1,130 votes in the vote for chairman.
"We have already received confirmation from all the branches that they will send representatives to the caucus," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Anita Rachman & Arientha Primanita The Democratic Party has lashed out at a recent survey showing a drop in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's approval rating, claiming the poll was unfair, biased and aimed at undermining the government's credibility.
Saan Mustopha, deputy secretary general of the ruling party, said on Monday that his party was skeptical about the findings from the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) poll showing Yudhoyono's popularity dropping from 56.7 percent in January to 47.2 percent in June.
He said the LSI had carried out a similar survey two weeks earlier, with similar results.
"How could they question people about approval ratings so often?" Saan said. "For us, this shows their surveys are intentionally meant to attack the government."
He also argued that the LSI's pollsters questioned respondents about their satisfaction with the government's performance on legal issues, whereas the approval rating should be based on a wider range of issues.
"There should be figures for legal issues, security issues, economic issues and so on, with the real approval rating representing the weighted average of these figures," he said. "We can't believe the LSI's approval rating claim if it covers just a single sector."
Saan said there were also indications that the LSI was working in the interests of a certain political group.
"Show us the results of a survey done by an independent surveyor and we'll believe that, but not one by those acting as political consultants to a certain political group," he said, declining to name the group in question.
However, a source within the Democrats, speaking on condition of anonymity, alleged that a subsidiary of the LSI worked for the Golkar Party.
Bambang Susatyo, Golkar's deputy treasurer, denied that the party was behind the survey. "Rather than spend our money on such a survey, we prefer to spend the money on the activities of our branch offices," Bambang said.
He also chastised the Democrats for kicking up a fuss about the survey rather than taking steps to address the public grievances that it highlighted. "Just do a simple survey: ask 10 people on the street, and you'll find the same answers as the survey gave," he said. "It can't be denied."
Pramono Anung, a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, agreed that the government should see the survey as a wake-up call.
Pramono, from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI- P), said the survey should prompt Yudhoyono to review his approach to settling problems, including the practice of setting up a new task force for each issue.
"We've got many task forces but it's become counterproductive," he said. But Syarief Hasan, a senior Democrat and the minister for cooperatives and small and medium enterprises, said the results of the poll were still questionable.
He said the LSI had wrongly tied the president's performance to the graft scandals involving former Democrat treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin.
"Nazaruddin is a different case," Syarief said. "It shouldn't relate to Yudhoyono's popularity. Yudhoyono works for the government."
He said the government had also proved its antigraft credentials and commitment to upholding the law.
Anita Rachman & Arientha Primanita President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's approval rating has taken a major hit, a recent public opinion survey shows, mainly due to the string of scandals plaguing his Democratic Party.
The Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) released the results of its June 1-7 poll on Sunday, showing the president's rating at 47.2 percent, down from 56.7 percent in January.
Sunarto Ciptoharjono, a senior LSI researcher, said the decline was mainly due to the string of graft scandals under his term, especially the case of former Democrat treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin.
"There are many unresolved cases such as the Bank Century bailout, the murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib and the corruption cases involving Nazaruddin a member of Yudhoyono's party," Sunarto said.
"This is critical point for the president," he said. "He should make a move [to boost his popularity] before 2014, or it will affect the Democrats' chances in the elections."
He said the perception that the president had been slow to act on these allegations had hurt his credibility. "The allegations of corruption cases involving Democrat officials have destroyed the president's anticorruption image," the researcher said.
Nazaruddin was fired from his party post and fled to Singapore before he could be questioned by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) over a graft-tainted construction deal for the Southeast Asian Games.
He has since accused several other high-ranking members of the ruling party of various acts of corruption.
Yudhoyono's approval rating has declined steadily in a series of surveys published by the LSI since January 2010, when he posted a 60.7 percent rating. This has since dropped to 56.7 percent in January this year.
The president's rating would have been even lower if the survey had been carried out after the execution of an Indonesian maid in Saudi Arabia, Sunarto noted.
The LSI said Yudhoyono needed a "big bang" to boost the Democrats' popularity in time for the next elections, in which he would not be able to run because of term limits on the presidency.
"Otherwise, Yudhoyono will face the same fate as [former President] Megawati Sukarnoputri in 2004, when she no longer had the charisma to help her party [in the vote]," Sunarto said.
He added that public perception of the administration was weak, with Vice President Boediono seen as "not the type of leader who gets things done."
However, Mustafa Abubakar, the state enterprises minister and a Democrat, said on Sunday that the LSI survey did not reflect the head of state's high standing on the international stage. "We should appreciate his achievements that have been acknowledged in the regional and global spheres," Mustafa said.
Ruhut Sitompul, a Democratic legislator, said the survey should be viewed by the faction as an early warning ahead of the 2014 general elections. "This decline in the approval rating should be a lesson for us and an opportunity to introspect," he said. "Now we have three and a half years to consolidate the party base."
But the lawmaker acknowledged that his party was in need of a "cleanup," with members having to face graft allegations. He also said the Democrats had punished errant members. "I have said to Yudhoyono that because of what is happening in the party, we need to clear the air," Ruhut said.
Anita Rachman President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's public approval rating has slipped, according to a survey conducted by Indonesian Circle (LSI), citing dissatisfaction with how the president has handled corruption scandals within his own party and poor law enforcement.
The survey, conducted from June 1 to 7 with 1,200 respondents, showed that Indonesian's satisfaction with their president dropped from 56.7 percent in January to 42.7 percent. LSI senior researcher Sunarto Ciptoharjono said that this was a critical number as it is below 50 percent.
LSI has conducted several surveys since January 2010, with the president's approval steadily declining. In January 2010, 63.1 percent of respondents were satisfied with the president's performance, in April 2010 it was 63.1 percent, 60.7 percent in September and 56.7 percent in January this year.
"This is a critical point for the president. He should make a move before 2014 or it will affect the Democrat Party's electability in 2014," Sunarto said, adding that there were many issues contributing to Yudhoyono's slipping approval.
"There are many unresolved cases such as Bank Century bailout, the murder of activist Munir and corruption cases involving a fellow party member, Muhammad Nazaruddin," he said.
The president is also seen as too reactive when it comes to personal issues or issues affecting his image for example, his response to a SMS that accused several Democratic Party politicians of being involved in graft cases.
The president also viewed as a leader who doesn't have a strong political operator. Sunarto said it could be seen from the performance from vice president, "he's not the type of leader that gets things done," he said.
He also said that the Democrat Party chairman didn't have the authority like other party's chairmen. "The coalition isn't solid to operate the president's policies," he said. "Also, the allegations of corruption cases that involve Democrats has destroyed the president's anti-corruption image."
LSI stated that the president needs a "big bang" to boost up the popularity of his party for the next poll, "or he will face the same fate like [former president] Megawati Sukarnoputri in 2004, where she didn't have anymore charisma to lift her party and own popularity."
Riyadh Saudi Arabia announced Wednesday it would stop granting work permits to domestic workers from Indonesia and the Philippines, following hiring conditions imposed by the Asian countries.
The ministry of labour said it would "stop issuing work visas to bring domestic workers from Indonesia and the Philippines, effective from Saturday" due to "the terms of recruitment announced by the two countries," according to a statement carried by state news agency SPA.
"The ministry's decision coincides with its great efforts to open new channels to bring domestic workers from other sources," said the statement in English quoting the ministry's spokesman Hattab bin Saleh al-Anzi.
Last week Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono denounced the beheading in Saudi Arabia of an Indonesian maid and accused Riyadh of breaking the "norms and manners" of international relations.
His comments signaled Indonesia's growing anger over the treatment of its manual laborers in the Gulf countries, after a spate of cases of abuse and killings. Ruyati binti Sapubi, 54, was beheaded on June 18 after she was convicted of killing her Saudi employer, prompting Indonesia to recall its ambassador in Saudi Arabia for "consultations."
Indonesia also announced a moratorium on sending migrant workers to Saudi Arabia, where hundreds of thousands of Indonesians toil as maids and laborers.
Saudi Arabia and the Philippines have also clashed over the working conditions of Filipina domestic workers in the oil-rich kingdom. Earlier this year the Philippines asked Saudi Arabia to guarantee higher pay for Filipina housemaids but the request was turned down.
The Philippines demanded $400 in monthly wages for for housemaids but Saudi authorities offered a base monthly salary of $210, Filipino labour official Carlos Cao had told AFP in Manila in May. Manila had also demanded proof that that Saudi households employing Filipina housemaids would pay and provide humane working conditions.
Rights groups say millions of mostly Asian domestic workers are regularly exposed to physical and financial abuse in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states due to poor or absent labour laws.
Arientha Primanita An official with the country's migrant worker protection board urged that a fee collected from overseas workers and pooled in a fund to be used for legal problems abroad be stricken from the Labor Law.
Jumhur, from the National Board for the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI), said on Tuesday that the $15 dollar fee collected from every migrant worker heading overseas was ineffective and an unfair burden on the workers.
"We suggest that it is erased in the revision of the 2004 Labor Law No. 39 and we expect it would be completed this year," he said. "Let the state find the funds for workers' protection, don't burden it on the workers anymore."
His statement came after the recent beheading of Indonesian maid Royati binti Sapubi in Saudi Arabia. The BNP2TKI, which has been heavily criticized for failing to protect Royati, on Monday opened a crisis center for migrant workers and their families.
The government has also pledged to work to save all Indonesian migrant workers facing the death sentence in Saudi Arabia.
Martua Batubara, spokesman for the Justice and Human Rights Ministry, said the government had established a special task force in Saudi Arabia to provide legal advice to Indonesians facing execution in hopes of helping them win a reprieve.
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Indonesia needs benchmarks to ensure that more workers can obtain "decent and productive" work, according to an ILO economist.
Nikolai Rogovsky, a senior economist from the International Labor Organization's (ILO) policy integration department, said on Monday that Indonesia needed to create indicators and benchmarks to realize full and productive employment and decent working conditions for all workers. "Decent work is a concept that is very important to improve working conditions. It will boost productivity that is necessary to improve competitiveness," he said.
Rogovsky spoke on the sidelines of a two-day workshop sponsored by the ILO and the European Commission on working conditions in Indonesia that started on Monday.
The ILO defines decent work as "opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and productive work under the condition of freedom, equity, security and human dignity".
The concept was introduced by then ILO director general Juan Somavia in the 1999 International Law Commission (ILC) report and won endorsement from the international community.
In 2008, the ILO endorsed a decent work agenda through its Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization.
Rogovsky said many entrepreneurs could not see the link between decent work and national competitiveness. Some entrepreneurs still considered decent work as a sophisticated standard that led to increased prices tags, salaries, overtime payments and production costs, he said.
"Decent work is not a short term effort. It's about competitiveness. If you want to have a contract with multinational companies, they will come and see, particularly about your working conditions, because they don't want trouble from pressure groups such as consumer advocacy groups, that will take a look at how you treat your workers," he said.
"Let's look not merely at business matters but also humane matters," Rogovsky said.
According to the ILO, decent work was comprised of fundamental principles and rights at work, promoting employment, social protection, social dialogue and tripartism.
Sri Moertiningsih Adioetomo, the head of population and manpower studies at the University of Indonesia, said the government had made an effort to create decent work standards through various laws and regulations.
"Unfortunately, these measures have failed to achieve decent and productive work that covers all four dimensions of the ILO's decent work concept due to the absence of benchmarking," she said.
Sri is one of several UI's researchers currently involved in validating decent work standards in Indonesia.
According to the government, about 41 million out of the 109 million people in the workforce are underemployed and 9 million are unemployed. Only about 30 percent of the workforce labors in the formal sector.
Indonesian Employers Association chairman Sofjan Wanandi said the government should create more jobs before promoting decent work standards.
"Decent work is important, but I think it's not our main priority since we still have a high rate of unemployment. With few job opportunities in this country, how can we implement decent work?" he said.
Ismira Lutfia An Indonesian maid convicted of murder in Saudi Arabia has been spared execution by beheading after the Indonesian government paid Rp 4.6 billion ($534,000) in "blood money."
Foreign Ministry spokesman Michael Tene confirmed the news on Sunday, saying that the compensation, or diyat, to spare the life of Darsem has been paid by officials from the Indonesian Embassy in Riyadh to the head of the court in the Saudi capital.
"The court immediately issued a verdict to repeal her qisas sentence," Michael said, referring to the reprisal system under Shariah law. "Darsem is now released from the death sentence."
The funds were taken from the Foreign Ministry's protection budget and transferred to the embassy ahead of the July 7 deadline.
Darsem, from Subang, West Java, was convicted in May 2009 and sentenced to death despite her plea that she had killed the victim in self-defense because he had attempted to rape her. In January, the victim's family forgave Darsem and agreed to spare her, but only if she could afford to pay the compensation.
Michael said the court would hand over Darsem's case for review to the Riyadh local administration, which would decide whether Darsem should serve a prison term or be exonerated. "If she has to serve more time in prison, there is a possibility to appeal for clemency from the king [King Abdullah]," Michael said.
Anis Hidayah from advocacy group Migrant Care said the diyat payment was "necessary" but should not set a precedent. "It is ironic that Darsem had to pay for the crime she unintentionally committed to defend herself from being raped," Anis said.
Darsem's sparing came a week after the beheading of another Indonesian maid, Royati binti Sapubi, prompted to government to announce a moratorium on Indonesian workers heading to Saudi Arabia from Aug. 1.
The National Board for the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI) launched a call center for Indonesian migrant workers (TKI) on Monday.
The call center, dubbed 'Halo TKI,' can be accessed at the number 0800- 1000. Calls are free of charge. "Halo TKI 0800-1000 can be accessed by land line or cellular phones," the board's chairman, Jumhur Hidayat, told reporters during the launching ceremony.
Migrant workers overseas can access the call center on this number: +62 21 292 44800, but overseas calls are not free.
The call center is managed from the board's headquarters at Jalan MT Haryono, South Jakarta. Jumhur said Halo TKI is a 24-hour hotline to increase protection and assistance for migrant workers all over the world.
"All reports about our migrant workers' problems or legal cases will be taken by our trained call center officers. They are efficient and very responsive," he said.
BNP2TKI also welcomes reports through SMS text message to 7266. SMS messages sent to the number are free of charge but must be written in capital letters, following a specific format: ACA#TKI#SENDER'S NAME#CASE/PROBLEM
Reports can also be faxed to (+62) 021 7981 205, emailed to halotki@bnp2tki.go.id or sent via post office to the following address: Call Center BNP2TKI at Jalan MT Haryono Kav. 52, Pancoran, South Jakarta.
Former head of Nahdlatul Ulama National Board (PBNU) Hasyim Muzadi asked the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) to issue a fatwa against sending female migrant workers to foreign countries.
Hasyim cited the protests from religious leaders of Robithoh Alam Islami, an international Islamic organization founded in 1962, regarding Indonesia's practice of sending female migrant workers overseas.
"Isn't sending a woman to a faraway place without a mahram (any man with whom a woman has a blood or foster relationship) forbidden by Sharia law?," Hasyim was quoted as saying by news portal Detik.com.
"Doesn't sending the women lower Islam and Indonesia itself? Why doesn't Pak Hasyim talk to the Indonesian president?" said Hasyim, echoing the questions of many Muslim clerics in the World Islamic League that took place in Mecca in 2010.
"They asked what Indonesian clerics truly thought of the situation. They also said that no Islamic country, no matter how poor, sends their female migrant workers to Saudi Arabia," explained Hasyim.
Hasyim said that he has brought the issue to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the MUI's attention. However, he failed to obtain a response.
"Therefore, I beg and urge the Indonesian Ulama Council to issue a firm fatwa and for all clerics in the country to urge the Indonesian government to stop sending female migrant workers overseas," he said.
He also said that the issue should be handled directly by the president and other state officials, because such matters require the highest level of diplomacy.
Environment & natural disasters
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta Less than two weeks after a moratorium on forest clearing, Indonesia has lost protected forest the size of Singapore that was awarded to palm oil planters and forest concession holders, a report by Greenomics Indonesia says.
To make matters worse, the shifting status of primary forest is located in Central Kalimantan, which was appointed a pilot project site a place other provinces will observe for how to execute President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's order to halt issuing new permits to raze forests in the country for two years.
Greenomics said Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan was the first official to ignore the President's order. Zulkifli made a decree, the report said, that converted the status of 81,490 hectares of conservation area into production forests. The converted forests were in, among others, Tanjung Puting National Park and Sebangau National Park in Central Kalimantan.
"Zulkifli's decree comes only 11 days after the start of the forest moratorium [by President Yudhoyono]," Greenomics' executive director Elfian Effendi told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
President Yudhoyono issued a two-year moratorium on new permits both in primary forest and peatland on May 20. Protected forest and conservation areas are part of primary forests. The 1999 Forestry Law also prohibits the conversion of protected forest and conservation areas for business interests.
"The Forestry Ministry should actually stay on the front line to protect primary forest with or without President Yudhoyono's decree on the moratorium. Thus, sanctions should be imposed on violators [of the moratorium] as pledged by [Cabinet Secretary] Dipo Alam," he said.
Central Kalimantan has 1.3 million hectares of protected forests and 1.5 million hectares of conservation areas.
A map of the forest moratorium sites included all the protected and conservation areas where new permits should be banned. The President's moratorium is part of the implementation of the REDD partnership between Indonesia and Norway.
Norway pledged US$1 billion to Indonesia to implement a UN plan called Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD Plus). "The change of function of protected and conservation forests to become production forests by [Zulkifli] could damage the credibility of the moratorium decree in the international arena," he said.
Forestry Ministry spokeperson Masy'hud denied that the minster had changed the status for 81,490 hectares of protected forest and conservation areas.
"It is part of the long-discussed proposal of Central Kalimantan related to the province's spatial planning. The integrated team consisting of officials from a number of institutions verified the proposal and submitted its final recommendation to the Forestry Ministry to decide," he told The Jakarta Post. "The spatial planning of Central Kalimantan is now still waiting the approval of the House of Representatives."
The President's special staff on climate change, Agus Purnomo, promised it would investigate Greenomics' report. "If Greenomic's finding is true, there should be a sanction for [violators] of the Presidential decree. But, if the accusation is false, it is Greenomics itself then should take responsibility for the report," he told the Post.
Agus said he had received the report from Greenomics.
The Environment Ministry signed a memorandum of understanding with the United States' Environmental Protection Agency on Monday aimed at strengthening environmental cooperation between the two countries.
"The MoU is a positive step in our efforts to face the tremendous challenges in protecting our environment," Environment Minister Gusti Muhammad Hatta said in a statement.
"The EPA has had experience in dealing with various environmental issues such as with its bordering neighbors as well as in the rehabilitation of mining areas and areas suffering from heavy pollution. We believe that this collaboration will provide us with the knowledge and expertise to strengthen our efforts to minimize the impacts of environmental degradation in this country."
The minister signed the MoU along with US Ambassador to Indonesia Scot Marciel. "The United States is committed to working with Indonesia both to address the environmental challenges the two countries face and as partners in international efforts to protect the environment," Marciel said at the signing on Monday.
Michelle DePass, an assistant administrator at the EPA, will meet with the Environment Ministry in July to finalize the first joint plan. The MoU also establishes a framework to address air pollution in Jakarta, including cost-effective strategies for improving air quality and public health.
A group of NGO has demanded more clarity from the Forestry Ministry on its REDD+ programs after it accepted US$3.6 million in grants from the World Bank's Forest Carbon Partnership Facility.
Since the launching of the Ministry's REDD+ program, several organizations including Solidaritas Perempuan, CAPPA, YPD and the Ulu Foundation had requested transparency clarity because the government had not shared documents, briefings or provided opportunities for discussion at the launch, Puspa Dewy of Women's Solidarity women and natural resource conflict division said on Thursday.
"There were only small group of NGOs at the meeting and it only ran for two hours. We are afraid that the funds will be wasted if not monitored properly," she said.
Puspa added that there were still many questions about the implementation of the REDD+ program in Indonesia.
The REDD+ program (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation) encourages conservation, the sustainable management of forests and enhancement of forest carbon stocks in exchange for incentives. (rpt)
Jakarta The Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) said on Wednesday that 71.43 percent of all illegal loggers forced to stand trial were acquitted of all charges, and 14.29 percent were sentenced to less than one year in jail.
ICW researcher Donal Fariz said the Forestry Law was weak because it did not describe in detail holistic forestry crime. He urged the government to enforce corruption charges in forestry crime.
Article 2 (1) of the Law on Corruption, which identifies people who breach the law to enrich themselves or someone else or a corporation in a way that inflicts losses on the state or to the state economy, can be applied to illegal logging.
Donal said the ICW found that millions of hectares of forests in Central Kalimantan, for example, had been logged without clear permits, which raised further suspicions of corrupt practices among regional administration officials.
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta A ministerial regulation on tobacco control (RPP) currently being drafted is part of a campaign to undermine local producers, tobacco industry lobbyists say.
Central Java's Indonesian Tobacco Growers Association (APTI) chairman Nurtantio Wisnubrata said Tuesday that the RPP proposed by the Health Ministry aimed only to shackle Indonesia's tobacco industry, despite its contribution to the country's economy.
Among articles in question in the regulation is a plan to oblige cigarette manufacturers to mention the amount or level of eugenol, the main constituent of clove flower oil, on cigarette packs, implying a restriction on clove cigarettes.
About 93 percent of locally produced cigarettes are clove cigarettes. Less than 10 percent of cigarettes on the domestic market are regular white cigarettes mostly produced by foreign cigarette companies. Regular cigarettes have a small level of eugenol.
"It will threaten our cigarette manufacturers, most of whom produce clove cigarettes," said Nurtantio on the sidelines of the launch of a book on the tobacco industry.
On the other hand, he said that cigarette manufacturers should write more detailed warnings on cigarette packs mentioning that "cigarettes contain more than 4,000 dangerous chemical substances and more than 43 carcinogenic substances". Moreover, they should put graphic warnings on packs showing the dangers of smoking.
"If such a regulation takes effect, our clove cigarette manufacturers, especially small-scale ones, will face severe hardship since they are not ready for this," Nurtantio said.
Indonesia has neither signed nor ratified the WHO's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) that was internationally accepted in 2003.
Currently, both the FCTC and the bill on the tobacco industry have been included in the 2010 National Legislation Program (Prolegnas). However, the House of Representatives has not established a special committee to deliberate the regulation.
Smoking clove cigarettes is widespread in Indonesia.
Health risks associated with cigarette smoking include many diseases, such as heart failure, impotence and emphysema, but few people fully understand all of the dangers.
Institut Indonesia Berdikari director Puthut EA said the RPP was part of a plan by foreign companies to take control of the Indonesian market since clove cigarettes were obviously targeted in the RPP. "It will bring our clove cigarette industry to the brink of collapse despite the fact that it has significantly contributed to our economy," he said.
Puthut said the Indonesian cigarette industry contributed about Rp 57 trillion (US$6.61 billion) in taxes to the central government in 2010 and accounted for almost 1 percent of the country's gross domestic product, a sharp increase from the Rp 55 trillion in 2009 and Rp 36 trillion in 2006.
The director of Kudus based-Sumur Tolak Center for Social and Cultural Studies (LS2B), Zamhuri, said the government should take a definite and fair stance in resolving ongoing policy debates related to tobacco control.
"It's okay if the government takes sides with tighter tobacco control for the sake of people's health. However, such a stance may result in heavier consequences for which it will have to prepare alternatives for companies involved in the tobacco industry," Zamhuri told The Jakarta Post.
On several occasions, he said, the government had been inconsistent in coping with hot debates between health groups and tobacco growers associations and cigarette manufacturers on tobacco control.
He said the Industry Ministry, for example, had stated several times that the tobacco industry was one of 10 strategic and prime product industries that the government would strengthen as prime national commodities to support economic growth.
"Seeking more revenue from an industry accused of being a health- destructing business seems a bit contradictory, don't you think? On one side, the government wants to curb the cigarette industry through tighter tobacco control with the excuse that it causes ill health. On the other side, it seeks higher revenue from the industry. What a strange way of thinking that is," Zamhuri said.
Jack Epstein The poster child for Indonesia's tobacco culture is a two- year-old boy who smokes 40 cigarettes a day.
A YouTube video of the chain-smoking toddler, from a fishing village on the island of Sumatra, went viral last year, drawing international attention to a virtually uncontrolled tobacco industry.
"Aside from some supermarkets not selling tobacco to minors under 18, there are no regulations," said Dr Yayi Suryo Prabandari, public health specialist at the University of Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta.
In an era when tobacco firms are on the run in most parts of the world, they're thriving in Indonesia, where one-third of the population smokes. In total number of smokers, Indonesia lags behind only China and India, which have five times its population.
Most Indonesians prefer kreteks, a blend of tobacco and cloves that has become an ingrained part of the nation's culture. They are shared by friends and doled out to cranky toddlers and relatives at circumcisions, an Islamic rite of passage for boys.
Ads for kreteks and other cigarettes regularly appear on television and billboards, and there are no bans in government and private offices or restaurants and bars. Indonesian cigarettes are among the cheapest in the world, costing about $US1 ($A0.95) a pack. And while selling to minors under 18 is illegal, that law is rarely enforced.
The puffing population has increased sixfold since the mid-1960s, according to the World Health Organisation. Sixty-three per cent of men and 5 per cent of women smoke and 3.2 per cent of children from three to 15 years old are active smokers, according to Indonesia's government.
Many Indonesians are oblivious to the health risks, according to Dr Prabandari. The Griya Balur health clinic in Jakarta treats patients suffering from emphysema caused by smoking with "divine cigarettes", which are piped into the lungs, ears and nose. The clinic's staff claim tobacco cures cancer.
Indonesia is the only Asian-Pacific nation not to sign or ratify the WHO's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which sets policy recommendations and benchmarks for nations aimed at reducing smoking, restricting sales to minors, increasing taxes on cigarettes to reduce demand and banning tobacco advertising. Most critics say regulatory indifference is the result of the tobacco industry's economic muscle. It provides the government with billions in excise taxes and directly employs 600,000 workers, as well as 3.5 million tobacco and clove farmers. Even the poorest families spend more on tobacco than some necessities eight times more on tobacco than meat and five times more on tobacco than on milk and eggs, according to a recent survey by the public health department at the University of Gadjah Mada.
But pressure by anti-smoking groups is mounting on the industry, whose products kill more than 400,000 Indonesians a year from such tobacco- related illnesses as cancer and cardiovascular and lung disease and another 25,000 from secondhand smoking, according to WHO. Kreteks contain double the nicotine and almost triple the tar of ordinary cigarettes, according to the journal Pharmacology Biochemistry and Behaviour.
Last year, Indonesia's second-largest Islamic organisation issued a fatwa (religious ruling) banning smoking, comparing it to suicide, which is prohibited in Islam. And protests from anti-tobacco groups obliged the tobacco company Djarum to withdraw its sponsorship of a concert by American pop star Kelly Clarkson.
An anti-smoking coalition is pushing Parliament to approve bills that would require tighter restrictions in public places and in advertising, and enforcement of a 2009 law requiring graphic warnings on cigarette packages.
There are also awareness campaigns via text messages and anti-smoking counselling centres but those efforts don't seem to be making much of a difference.
Wahyudi Soeriaatmadja Last year, Riska seriously contemplated suicide. The 14-year-old student, who struggled with weight issues, was acutely depressed because of relentless bullying by schoolmates who called her "fat girl".
She was perched on a window sill of her home with one foot over the ledge when her parents spotted her. They made sure she quickly received psychiatric help.
Not so lucky, however, were two other teens who hung themselves in their homes after being bullied in school. Fifteen-year-old Linda killed herself in 2006 after being picked on by schoolmates for failing classes in junior high.
A year later, 13-year-old Fifi Kusrini's case came to light. She was being teased by schoolmates who found out that her father was a street vendor.
Bullying in schools is one of the leading reasons for child suicides in Indonesia. The suicides highlight a worrying trend in the country, where as many as 30 children aged six to 15 either committed or attempted suicide in the first half of the last decade (2001 to 2005), according to figures available at Sejiwa, an anti-bullying non-governmental organization.
Last year, Indonesia's National Commission for Child Protection recorded 2,339 cases of physical, psychological and sexual violence against children, of which 300 were for bullying. The figure, however, is a significant fall from 498 cases a year before, and 525 cases in 2008.
This decline may be attributed to heightened awareness about bullying and significant steps by local NGOs and parents' groups to tackle the problem by talking to teachers and holding seminars.
Earlier this month, media reports announced the production of a children's musical film, titled Langit Biru (Blue Sky), that would deal with the issue among others faced by students.
The release of the film later this year will be accompanied by the launch of a public awareness campaign called Stop Bullying, which will mainly target schools in Jakarta.
But Sejiwa chief Diena Haryana said that, despite the launch of awareness campaigns, there are still cases of children turning to home schooling after being traumatized by older children at school.
"Bullying at schools is still rampant in Indonesia," she said. "The number of cases is higher in rural areas where there is less access to information, media... Teachers there still adopt the old-school way of disciplining students, which is by way of applying pressure."
She added that many bullying cases have not been reported as victims tend to keep the incidents to themselves.
Indonesia ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1996 and passed its child protection law in 2003, but implementation on the ground was way lower than expectation.
The UN convention guarantees every child a right to live, grow up, participate in any activity and be protected from discrimination. It says a government must guarantee that these rights are served in its country.
Indonesia's child protection law, however, does not make it clear that the government is responsible for ensuring that the convention rules are followed. If a teacher denies a child's right to challenge what the teacher says, that amounts to breaching the convention, said Diena.
Similarly, an older student could prevent younger ones from participating in certain activities or debating certain issues, she said.
"What we found on the ground during our visits to schools was that many, if not most, teachers in Indonesia do not know about these four rights each child is entitled to according to the UN convention. So how can they ensure students get their rights?"
This lack of knowledge among teachers contributes to their failure in spotting and preventing cases of bullying in schools.
Some experts also blame the worrying trend on Indonesian television stations, which have uncensored broadcasts of violence showing high school students throwing stones at and punching it out with one another in street brawls.
Arist Merdeka Sirait, head of the National Commission for Child Protection, agreed. "People around the children have been setting bad examples," he said. "Teachers using violence in classrooms, television showing Members of Parliament fighting with one another. Children can easily be copying them."
Indeed, a recent MMS clip making its rounds shows a teacher whacking four students on their heads and cheeks with a rolled-up newspaper in front of a classroom. The footage, discreetly taken by a student attending the class, was broadcast nationwide by MetroTV, creating shockwaves among parents across the country. However, the school in Cimahi of West Java province did not sack the teacher, and merely issued a warning letter.
Diena said the incident happened three weeks ago. "Those kids looked very depressed," she said, especially for being punished in a humiliating way before their classmates. "That was a harsh way to discipline students."
Also disturbed by the video was Asrul Darsan, 46, a father of three kids. "Scary video. We don't know what happens every day to our children," he said. "I guess it is very important to choose which school to send your children to. We can't install closed-circuit television at our children's schools, can we?"
Jakarta Researchers say Indonesia loses US$37.2 billion a year, about 7 percent of its gross domestic product, due to non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as cancer, high blood pressure, heart problems and diabetes.
According to a report released by the Canada-based Cameron Institute, the figure was based on healthcare costs and an estimate of lost potential household income from workers who were debilitated by illness or died prematurely.
NCDs had a substantial economic impact, reducing GDP from 1 to 5 percent in low-and middle-income countries, according to the report.
"People with NCDs are increasing 45 percent internationally and 25 to 30 percent in Indonesia," Ken Thorpe, the executive director of the Partnership to Fight Chronic Disease (PFCD), told The Jakarta Post before a discussion titled "Meeting the Chronic Diseases Challenge" in Central Jakarta on Tuesday.
Thorpe said that people in low-and middle-income countries were exposed to common modifiable risk factors for NCDs, including unhealthy diets, physical inactivity and tobacco use.
According to a World Health Organization (WHO) report, the prevalence of NCDs and the number of related deaths were expected to increase substantially in the future, particularly in low-and middle-income countries, due to population growth and ageing, in conjunction with economic transitions and changes in behavioral, occupational and environmental risk factors.
Thorpe added that increasing incomes in Indonesia had changed people's diets. People were eating more dairy products with more calories such as cheese while exercising less, he said. "Additional weight leads to these chronic diseases."
A survey compiled by Nielsen in April said that increased purchasing power had led Indonesians from low-and middle-income households to buy more cheeses and frozen meat.
"NCDs are increasing but people are not really aware that this is preventable mostly by how they live their life," Health Minister Endang Rahayu Sedyaningsih said in a speech opening the workshop.
The government was planning regulations governing tobacco and the salt, fat and sugar content of food, Endang said. "We are considering that, but we cannot do that to small vendors. What we can do is force fast food companies."
According one of the world's most respected medical journals, The Lancet, around 30 percent of the deaths in Southeast Asian countries could be attributed to NCDs and afflicted the productive 15-to-59 age group.
Deaths from NCDs are projected to increase by 21 percent over the next 10 years. The 2008 WHO global status report on NCDs showed that around 1.1 million Indonesian people died from NCDs, including 582,300 men and 481,700 women. (drs)
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Despite a growing number of victims courageous enough to report abuse to the police, few cases of violence against women are resolved fairly, activists say.
Andy Yentriyani, commissioner of the National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan), said many women who reported incidents of violence against them found the justice system to be inadequate at holding the perpetrators accountable.
To cope with the high rate of violence against women, the Women Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry, which coordinates an integrated service center for children and women who are victims of violence, is using a minimum standard service that comprises guidelines of legal assistance and trauma healing for the victims.
For example, it mandates that medical centers must provide free visum et repertum to help police investigations. Currently, many victims of violence, some of them poor, have to pay for a visum a repertum at hospitals, which costs only about Rp 35,000 (US$4.06), but for low-income victims, the fee could be a burden.
"Many victims failed to get fair treatment because they got the visum too late," Andy said. "The longer the delay, the less chance there is of bringing the perpetrators to trial because the evidence gradually diminishes," Andy said.
Andy spoke on the sidelines of a four-day meeting that ended on Saturday that was held by Komnas Perempuan and its 32 local partners as they prepared for a campaign against violence against women from Nov. 25 to Dec. 10.
Many activists saw the ministry's guidelines as inadequate since they contained too many loopholes, Andy said. "We are revising it so it can be a barometer for both the government and communities in supporting victims' recovery," he added.
Many perpetrators easily escaped punishment by making various excuses such as citing religious teachings to condone the abuse.
Palupi Pusporini, an activist from the Women's Crisis Center (WCC) in Jombang, East Java, said violence was still being used as a weapon to subordinate women, even domestically, while it was not easy to bring the perpetrators to trial since they used religious teachings to justify their acts.
She said violence against wives, including spousal rape, dominated violence cases against women in Jombang, which was also known as the "City of Islamic Students" due to its numerous Islamic boarding schools.
"It seems the perpetrators have the right to treat their wives harshly due to misinterpreted religious quotes saying that, 'The man is the leader for the woman,'" she said.
According to the WCC, 70 cases of spousal abuse against wives were reported in Jombang in 2010, up from 64 in 2009 and 57 in 2008. Poor knowledge and understanding among attorneys and judges of what can be determined to be "gender-related violence" also hampers bringing the perpetrators to justice.
"We have often failed to bring perpetrators to trial after attorneys accused them of merely performing an unpleasing deed instead of cruel violence such as sexually attacking, molesting or harassing women," said Patrick Modok, an activist from the Women's Solidarity for Humanity and Human Rights in Surakarta.
Komnas Perempuan recorded 105,103 cases of violence against women in 2010, down from 143,586 in 2009. Last year, 96 percent occurred in domestic settings, followed by 3,530 in public settings and 445 at the state level.
Of the 101,128 cases occurring in domestic settings, 98,577 more than 97 percent were violence against wives, followed by 1,299 cases of dating violence and 600 cases of violence against girls. "This shows that many women and children are not safe at home," Andy said.
Nurfika Osman The women's empowerment minister has chafed at the recent launch of the Obedient Wives Club's Jakarta chapter, calling the controversial group's latest move a "setback for Indonesia."
Linda Gumelar said she disagreed with the club's aim to teach women to be submissive and to keep their husbands happy in bed could help cure social ills like prostitution and divorce.
"This is a huge setback for both women and men because asking wives to be whores is really not the right thing to do," Linda said on Friday.
"If men think that their wives' job is only to be whores for them, why don't they just marry whores? How come they only think about sex? Marriage is about commitment and responsibility, it's so much more than just sex," she said.
The club was founded by the conservative Islamic group Global Ikhwan in Malaysia, and is believed to have branches in Jordan, Thailand and Singapore.
The Jakarta branch was launched last week in a ceremony attended by 50 women and their husbands. Local membership has since swelled to 300 members, according to reports. However, the state minister said there was nothing she could do about the group because the country guaranteed freedom of expression.
"Indonesia is a democratic country and they [Obedient Wives Club members] have the right to express their opinions," Linda said. "We have to respect their choice, as long as they do not harm others."
In a secular state, Linda said her only recourse was to challenge such teachings by encouraging wives to seek alternative viewpoints. "I hope women can open their minds to the fact that they are more than just whores for their husbands," she said.
The club first made headlines early this month when Rohaya Mohamad, a 46- year-old doctor and the vice president of the group's Malaysian chapter, was quoted in the media as saying that "a good wife should a whore in bed."
Gina Puspita, head of the OBC's Jakarta chapter, has previously said the club would offer its members a package of teaching materials, including giving them a headstart on pleasing their men.
Gina said she gave up a career in aircraft engineering for a mission to preach Islam and help young women build happy marriages through good sex.
"Wives must obey the husbands in all aspect of life, such as serving food and drink, giving calm and support for the husband, as well as in sex relations," said Pusipita, who shares a spouse with three other women.
The group behind the club was the same that established a branch of the Polygamy Club in Indonesia in 2009, which Linda had also opposed.
Polygamy is allowed in Islam and the West Sumatra chapter of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) recently said that the teachings of the OBC did not violate Shariah law.
"From the Islamic perspective, it is a wife's obligation to obey her husband," Gusrizal Gazahar, the deputy chairman of West Sumatra's MUI, had said in Padang. "We can't blame the club because so far, they haven't taught anything which is a violation to Islamic teaching, including polygamy," he said.
[Additional reporting by Reuters, AP & Antara.]
Dessy Sagita Hundreds of activists demanded on Thursday that Indonesia's Health Ministry revoke a 2010 ministerial decree regulating the proper procedure for female circumcision.
"The decree is extremely discriminatory, we want it to be revoked immediately," Ratna Batara Munti from the Federation of the Women's Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Apik) said.
More than 170 NGOs, including Amnesty International, and activists signed a joint statement asking the ministry to revoke the decree, which they said contradicted a 2006 circular from the director general of community health prohibiting health workers from performing female circumcisions.
"Female circumcision will damage women's sexual pleasure. We need to stop it," Ratna said.
Further, Masruchah, the deputy chairwoman of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), said female circumcision was not medically recommended because it could damage reproductive health.
"Female circumcision is an abuse that has to be stopped. The discussion about this issue has been going on for 32 years. It has to stop now," she said.
Siti Musdah Mulia, a progressive Islamic scholar from the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace, said she had conducted a survey to track female genital mutilation in Indonesia.
"What I found was horrible. There are some female circumcision procedures that cut the whole clitoris. [Practioners] thought the more they cut, the more religious [the girls] become," she said.
The Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) has issued a fatwa that female circumcision was allowed but not obligatory. However, it also stated that prohibiting the procedure was not allowed.
But the ministry's director of mothers' health, Ina Hernawati, said the protest was unjustified because the ministry had never supported female circumcision. "Read the decree carefully, there's nothing there saying we are supporting female genitalia mutilation or any kind of abuse," she said.
Ina said the decree was issued because no health worker in Indonesia has received any formal training about how to perform female circumcision and the decree provided guidance on how to conduct it safely if necessary.
"We do not condone the practice. If parents come to midwives, we ask the midwives to explain that medically female circumcision is useless," she said.
However, she said, many times parents insisted on getting their daughter circumcised for religious or traditional reasons. "In such case, we prefer the circumcision were done by a trained health worker rather than some random shaman or traditional healer, which may not be safe," she said.
Ina denied the decree legitimized abuse against women. She said people often associated female circumcision with genitalia mutilation. "They're totally different. Circumcising is merely scratching a piece of skin."
Jakarta Despite her hearing problems, Angkie Yudistia has disproved everyone who doubted that she could excel academically.
The 24-year-old woman recently completed her Masters degree at the London School of Public Relations. "I have proven to my doctor, who had discouraged me from going to college due to my hearing disability, that he was wrong," she recently told a discussion on disabled people in Jakarta. Graduating from college with flying colors, however, is no guarantee that disabled people will receive equal treatment at work.
Shortly after completing her degrees, Angkie worked at a multinational company, but felt that she was underestimated because of her disability. "I was given a job that even a high school student could do. When I requested another more challenging job, the manager refused, saying that I could not talk on the phone." She resigned immediately.
Angkie is not alone. The Indonesian Association of Disabled Women said that Wuri Handayani, a cum laude graduate from the Airlangga University accounting department in Surabaya was not allowed to apply for an accountant position in a government institution because she used a wheelchair.
"This is nonsense. An accounting professional requires a brain, not only physical activities. The disabled have rights to apply for the job," association chairperson Ariani Soekanwo said.
According to Ariani, government departments still refer to an outdated health ministry regulation that requires civil servant candidates be mentally and physically healthy. She said that the government had issued another regulation in 1998 that stated applicants to both private and states companies, including civil servants, only had to be mentally healthy.
"The regulation also says that a one percent quota of job vacancies should be reserved for disabled individuals. However, even today, not all companies are willing to implement the regulation," Ariani said.
Ariani emphasized that the government is responsible for providing equal access to all disabled individuals, because in addition to respecting equal intelligence and rights, the country already had regulations to facilitate access.
"They only need to start implementing goodwill and understanding. Unfortunately, the government is simply lazy in truly helping the disabled," she said.
According to her, the goodwill and understanding could be implemented in various sectors.
She said that regular schools should accept disabled students. "Unlike what happens nowadays, I enrolled in a public school when I was a child. The teachers welcomed me, even though they did not have facilities to support my weakness. But they had a strong will to help me," Ariani said.
She welcomed the fact that Indonesia is planning to ratify the United Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. "The document is already with the President. After being ratified, the possibility to accept the diversity of human beings might improve. Humanity and accessibility must be achieved," she added.
Farhanah, the managing editor of mini-magazine Change, which focuses on disabled individuals, said that the country has tried to change the meaning of the word disability itself by encouraging equality for disabled and non-disabled individuals alike.
Indonesia used the words blind, deaf and mute through the 1950s in reference to disabled individuals. In the 1960s, the country introduced euphemisms such as "tuna netra" for the blind, "tuna wicara" for the mute and "tuna rungu" for the hearing impaired. Tuna means loss in Javanese.
The term disabled appeared in the 1970s and 1980s. In 1994, this changed to "special needs". "But it was criticized for being too general," Farhanah said.
Visually-impaired Indonesian activist Mansour Fakih invented the word "diffable" in 1996 as an acronym for "differently able". "It became slightly more Indonesian by citing it as diffable," she said. (fem)
Jakarta Susiko Triwidiyanto, who is hearing impaired and cannot speak, learned computer skills at a special high school for persons with disabilities, but finding a job after graduating is frustrating matter in a city described as cruel, even by able-bodied people.
"He's been told many times to wait for their phone call, which never comes. Other firms reject him citing communication difficulties," his father, Paino, said. With his newly gained skills not put to use, Susiko's father is now trying to teach him to be independent.
Paino, a security guard, said his family set up a stall in front of their house for Susiko to run a business, but not being able to communicate steered that venture into a dead end.
Paino said that recently he had taken to paying Susiko to run errands, including cleaning the house on Fridays and Saturdays.
"I only do that to motivate him to work and give him a chance to earn something," he said. Paino said that he was saving money to set up a prepaid cellphone voucher stall that Susiko would run.
But disabled people face hurdles not just in finding jobs, but also keeping them, given the city's harsh work environment.
Suparman, the father of Rani, a young hearing impaired woman, told The Jakarta Post that Rani had recently quit her job at a clothing retailer after one year because a contract she was promised by the company never materialized. "My daughter worked for Rp 300,000 [US$34.82] per month," he said.
Suparman said the company did not trust Rani's competence, which was designing clothes, and instead assigned her to the ironing section.
Karina Primadhita, who works at school for the disabled, told the Post that school-taught skills such as cooking, hairdressing and computer skills were enough for students to enter the job market.
"From my experience, [the students] tend to get jobs in small businesses. They are less likely to be employed by bigger companies or institutions," she added.
A draft regulation to protect people with disabilities mandates the city administration to secure job opportunities "in accordance with the level of disability".
However, Jakarta Social Services Agency head Kian Kelana told the Post that the office only assisted street children, beggars, prostitutes, mentally ill people, the blind and persons with multiple disabilities. "We only look after ostracized people. Providing them with jobs is the employment agency's duty," he said.
Kian added that 27 institutions worked to train the people in skills such as massage and computer skills for the blind and sewing and embroidery for other disabled people.
Under the UN Convention on The Rights of Person with Disabilities, ratified by Indonesia, state parties recognize the right of persons with disabilities to work, on an equal basis with others, which includes employing people with disabilities in the public sector, promoting opportunities for self-employment, entrepreneurship, the development of cooperatives and starting their own businesses. (rpt)
Jakarta In any metropolis, the government ostensibly exists to protect the powerless. At its best, a city's government helps the people avoid the law of the jungle. At its worst, an impotent city government can consign its residents to the woes of modern urbanization. In line with Jakarta's 484th anniversary, The Jakarta Post's Rabby Pramudatama takes a closer look at how the city's least powerful residents cope in a city that has been designed by those in power for a population of young, healthy upper-middle-class people.
The man with the cane struggled up the steps of the Petamburan pedestrian walkway in West Jakarta with the help of a Transjakarta busway officer.
Another elderly man in a wheel chair hesitantly attempted to direct the traffic on the busy thoroughfare as a passerby attempted to assist him by gesturing and shouting, "Watch out!" each time a car whizzed by.
Jakarta is a daunting place to get around for the elderly. Suhaemi, 60, a grandmother of eight, originally from Kuningan in West Java, sticks close to her home because she thinks the streets are too dangerous for her.
"I don't want to take the busway because the steps are too steep, and I am afraid that I will slip on the stairs," she said. Suhaemi still has a limp from an injury she sustained when she fell from a bus.
Her children have forbidden her to use any form of public transportation except a bajaj (three-wheeled motorized pedicab). "It's better for me not to ride a bus, that would be risky," she told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
Jakarta's sidewalks, bus stops, and pedestrian bridges are no place for the faint hearted. The sidewalks are narrow; the curbs are too high to allow easy access to buses, and the pedestrian walkways tower over the street to accommodate large trucks. Even getting into a mall in the capital often requires a tedious walk up a flight of stairs.
"The elderly are rarely taken into consideration by the planners, as can be seen clearly in the city's pedestrian bridges or pavements," Nirwono Joga, an urban planning expert, told the Post.
"Most of the decision makers are young, and would never even consider what it might be like to take walk in an elderly man's shoes on a Jakarta street."
He added that because the decision makers' mind-set did not acknowledge the elderly, they had no place at all in city planning. Therefore, there are no budget allocations, bylaws, or governor decrees that benefit the elderly, he said.
The Jakarta's administration still lacks pro-elderly policies. There is only one law pertaining to welfare for the elderly citizen: Law No. 13/1998, which is not fully implemented.
"What the elderly need the most is access to healthcare, usable infrastructure, accessible transportation, and user-friendly places for recreation and religious activities," Nirwono said. In Jakarta, these needs are more often met by non-governmental organizations and local communities.
Sutikem spends most of her time at the Bhakti Sekawan senior citizens center in Tebet, South Jakarta. They provide activities for senior citizens in the neighborhood, such as health check-ups, physical exercise, storytelling, recitations and singing. "Every Tuesday and Thursday we gather at the center's hall to conduct our activities, but sometimes we also gather on Mondays and Wednesdays," she said.
Outside of community centers, however, there are few other places for the elderly to go for exercise and relaxation.
Nirwono cited the fact that the city administration had only provided one elderly friendly spot the Langsat Senior Citizens Park in Kebayoran Baru, South Jakarta.
The park, with its smooth jogging path that circles a pond is fairly quiet on weekdays. Ucup, a park security guard, told the Post that crowds of senior citizens gathered at the park on the first week of every month for a public exercise event.
Nirwono said more such parks were needed because in 2009 the Central Statistics Agency reported that people aged more than 55 numbered 833,477. The total population of the city is now more than 9.5 million.
He suggested that the central government create an annual prize to motivate the development of senior citizen friendly infrastructures. "It's time to think about the elderly," he said. "Besides, everyone will become an elderly person someday, the question is what do you want the city to be like when you get old."
WHO reported in 2002 that by 2020 Indonesia would see the largest increase of its elderly population of any country in the world due to the improved quality of public care. According to the Central Statistic Agency, Indonesia's elderly population in 2010 reached 20 million out of 237 million inhabitants. (rpt)
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta An antigraft watchdog called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to probe allegations of the misuse of Rp 89.5 billion (US$10.4 million) in travel allowances in 44 government offices as reported by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).
A BPK audit into the 2010 Government Financial Report (LKPP) including on travel allowances will officially be published in August.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), which has obtained a copy of the audit, said, that the BPK findings indicated that money allocated for travel allowances had "now become a source of graft for government officials".
"We also ask Yudhoyono to order Finance Minister [Agus Martowardojo] to trace the use of travel allowances in the 2011 budget, which is prone to embezzlement," Fitra network development division head Hadi Prayitno told The Jakarta Post on Saturday.
He said such concrete moves were needed to prevent the misuse of state funds as well as to comply with the 2011 presidential decree on reducing government spending.
In 2010, the government allocated Rp 19.5 trillion from the state budget for travel allowances, up from Rp 12.7 trillion in 2009. This year, the government has set aside Rp 20.9 trillion for travel allowances.
The BPK, Hadi said, found that the misappropriation of travel allowances in 33 government institutions in 2009 reached Rp 73.5 billion.
"We see that as more funds are allocated for travel allowances, more is misused by government officials," he said, adding that fraudulent data such as fictitious trip reports, doctored bookkeeping and fake tickets were used.
Fitra also called on ministers and heads of government institutions to take stern measures against officials who abused the system. "Instructing them to return the money is not enough. There must be legal repercussions," Hadi said.
Fitra called on the House of Representatives to summon Finance Ministry officials to clarify the BPK finding to improve transparency and accountability of the government in managing the state budget.
"Each of the House's Commission should also summon their working partners in the government to address the misappropriations of travel allowances," Hadi said.
A legislator from House Commission XI overseeing finance and budget matters promised to bring the issue up with government officials.
"If the BPK report is correct, we will cut allocations for travel allowances in 2012 to ministries or institutions found to have misused the funds," Arif Budiman from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) told the Post.
Former Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin will not return to Indonesia because he believes he will be mistreated by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
According to Nazaruddin's lawyer, OC Kaligis, his client is still a witness in a graft case related to the construction of the athletes' village for the Southeast Asian Games 2011 in Palembang, South Sumatra in November.
Kaligis accused the KPK of treating witnesses unfairly by denying them the right to be accompanied by lawyers. "This is obviously a violation of the KUHAP (Code of Criminal Procedure)," Kaligis told Suara Pembaruan, on Thursday.
The KPK's practices are the main reason Nazaruddin is reluctant to return to Indonesia and answer the commission's summons.
Kaligis said that Nazaruddin is able to return to Indonesia at any time, as long as the KPK guarantees that they will question Nazaruddin according to law, which gives Nazaruddin, as a witness, the right to be accompanied by a lawyer and witnesses for his defense.
"The KPK should not be reckless in questioning witnesses because all this time they have acted as if they're a superbody," Kaligis said.
He added that Nazaruddin had appointed two attorney's offices, Kaligis himself and another from Singapore. As a result, Kaligis continued, he is always in contact with the law firm in Singapore regarding his client's case.
Kaligis also criticized the KPK for aggressively pursuing Nazaruddin, who is still only a witness, while there are many who have been convicted of corruption still 'lounging around' in Singapore.
Anita Rachman & Antara The antigraft agency on Thursday called on the Prosperous Justice Party to help arrange for the return of fugitive Nunun Nurbaeti, one month after the woman was named a suspect in the Miranda Goeltom bribery scandal.
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Busyro Muqoddas said the party should persuade senior member Adang Daradjatun, who is also Nunun's husband, to assist investigators by bringing Nunun back to Indonesia. This was appropriate, he said, because the party known as PKS describes itself as "the party that cares."
Busyro said the commission was also considering establishing a special team to bring Nunun to investigators.
Nunun is alleged to have help distributed billions of rupiah in traveler's checks to at least 30 lawmakers in exchange for their votes in the selection of Miranda as deputy governor of the Bank of Indonesia in 2004. The court has convicted 28 former and sitting lawmakers in the bribery scandal, while two suspects died before the trial began.
Busyro's remarks, however, received a cold response from PKS, which said Nunun's arrest was the responsibility of the KPK and it should not drag others into the job.
"The commission is mandated by the law to resolve legal and corruption cases," said Mahfudz Siddiq, the party's deputy secretary general. "We ask the KPK not to make the problem more complicated by asking us to do things that aren't our job."
Mahfudz said he couldn't believe that the KPK could be so clueless as to where Nunun was hiding. The commission has sophisticated technology to conduct wiretaps and track the whereabouts of suspects, so it should have more information about Nunun's location, he said.
"If KPK had the will, it could arrest Nunun in a day," he said. "I am worried that there's some kind of obstacle that keeps it from doing so."
Furthermore, he added, PKS shouldn't be linked to Nunun because it was irrelevant and would make the problem much more complicated.
"This is not because we don't care about this," he said. "But we are worried that the problem will develop to the extent that the KPK just expands on the issue to buy it some time."
Adang has repeatedly said he would not help the commission locate his wife because as a husband he couldn't be charged for obstruction of justice. The KPK asked for help from Interpol to bring Nunun back after reports suggested she had been in Singapore, Bangkok and Phnom Penh.
Busyro said another team would be formed to pick up recently dumped Democratic Party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, who is wanted for questioning in relation to two graft cases, including one related to the construction of the athletes village for the Southeast Asian Games in Palembang.
Nazaruddin is believed to be staying in Singapore with his wife, Neneng Sri Wahyuni, who is also being sought as a witness in a separate graft case.
Ulma Haryanto A 17-month jail term handed down to a senior politician on Wednesday closed the first chapter in a high-profile, Rp 24 billion ($2.8 million) bribery scandal that has so far dragged down 28 active and former lawmakers.
Panda Nababan, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), was the last of 28 suspects to be convicted for receiving between Rp 350 million and Rp 1.4 billion each to appoint economist Miranda Goeltom to a senior post at the central bank in 2004. Four have already served their jail terms, while two other suspects have passed away.
Panda was among 17 suspects who were sentenced at two separate trials on Wednesday, all receiving 17 months in prison and a Rp 50 million fine, or three additional months in jail. Seven other politicians involved in the case have already been jailed for between 15 months and 20 months each.
"[The defendants] were convincingly and legally proven to have conspired to commit corruption," said Eka Budi Prijatna, the presiding judge at the Anti-Corruption Court.
However, the panel of five judges said the court could not find that Panda had coordinated the bribery, as alleged by prosecutors. Two of the judges, I Made Hendra Kusuma and Andi Bachtiar, moreover, offered dissenting opinions over whether Panda actually received a Rp 1.45 billion bribe.
"The statements from Emir Moeis and Soekardjo Hardjosoewirjo conflicted with each other," Hendra said. "There is no other evidence, statements or documents to support their testimony in court."
Emir and Soekardjo, both from the PDI-P, claimed in court that they had received Rp 200 million each from Panda.
Judge Marsudin Nainggolan said that to prove Panda's involvement, "We used logic that he could not distribute something that he himself did not produce if someone hadn't given it to him in the first place."
Panda said he was disappointed by the verdict and would report the judges to the Judicial Commission. "I have been tyrannized by the judges," he said. Prosecutor Muhammad Rum told reporters an appeal was being considered.
Miranda, who has denied any knowledge of the bribes, has so far remained a witness in the case, while Nunun Nurbaeti, who is suspected for having distributed bribes in the form of traveler's checks, is on the run overseas.
Farouk Arnaz Indonesia's prisons remain ineffective in countering terrorist indoctrination, top law-enforcement officials acknowledged over the weekend.
Brig. Gen. Tito Karnavian, deputy head of the National Anti-Terrorism Agency (BNPT), said this had been made abundantly apparent after the two fugitives wanted for masterminding the killing of two police officers in Central Sulawesi last month were identified as former terror convicts.
"Santoso and Yasir, who are believe to be the masterminds behind the Palu shooting, are indeed recidivists," he said, adding they had previously been arrested between 2006 and 2007 for their roles in the bloody sectarian violence in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and released in 2009.
"They were both small fry back then, but now they've become the most important figures in the local terrorist cell. We have to admit that there are many weaknesses in our prison system in terms of dealing with terrorism," Tito went on.
"Our deradicalization program isn't working as fast as they can radicalize new members. We're one step behind their radicalization, but that doesn't mean that we're on the wrong track. What we need is to speed up the deradicalization program in cooperation with our law enforcement partners."
Since the 2002 Bali Bombings, almost 600 people have been arrested in a variety of terrorist plots, according to the Densus 88, the National Police's counterterrorism squad.
In 2010 alone, 100 suspected terrorists were arrested, more than a dozen of whom were repeat offenders, including firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, Abdullah Sunata and Abu Tholut.
Brig. Gen. Suryadarma Salim, a former head of Densus 88, said there could be several reasons why convicted terrorists would relapse into their old ways after being released. "One of the factors is the lack of communication between the former inmates and law enforcement officers," he said.
Suryadarma, who previously led the crackdown against the Poso terror cell in 2007, arresting around 100 suspects in the process, said the current deradicalization program might need to be re-evaluated.
"Maybe we can't defeat their ideology, or even have to," he said. "But what we must do is open a line of communication with the former convicts, to build a solid foundation for mutual trust. With good communication, we can win over their hearts and minds. That's the key to getting the soft approach to work."
Asludin Hatjani, a former lawyer for Santoso and Yasir, said his clients had started out small. "As I recall, they were charged with sheltering and protecting several Poso fugitives back in 2007," he said.
He added that Anang Muhtadin, another suspect now in custody for the May 25 drive-by shooting of a police post in Palu that left two officers dead, was also involved in the 2007 violence. Four other men have also been arrested for the shooting. Two others killed during police raids were Fauzan and Faruk.
Police have linked the Palu cell to Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), a hard- line group founded by Bashir. They also said it received training from Abu Tholut, a convicted terrorist who is believed to a member of both JAT and the Al Qaeda-linked group Jemaah Islamiyah.
Abu Tholut is currently standing trial in Jakarta for running a militant training camp in Aceh. Bashir was earlier this month convicted and sentenced to 15 years in prison for funding the same operation.
Ulma Haryanto & Farouk Arnaz The nation's antiterrorism czar has called on the state to toughen laws against hate speech and paramilitary training in the wake of rising security fears.
"Promoting anarchy by encouraging people to burn, destroy and expel [certain groups] are initial actions that can trigger terrorism," Ansyaad Mbai, the head of the National Anti-Terrorism Agency (BNPT), said on Thursday. "This includes paramilitary training and sermons that spread hatred, which are not yet regulated."
Speaking at a seminar in Jakarta, Ansyaad said the government needed to revise the Anti-Terrorism Law to restrict such activities.
"We have realized for some time now that terrorism is not something that cannot be fought by law enforcement alone," he said, referring to the acts of violence and the rise of radicalism that have occurred since the law was passed in 2003.
But Thamrin Amal Tamagola, a sociologist with University of Indonesia, said the Constitutional Court had in 2007 revoked two parts of the penal code, Articles 154 and 155, which related to spreading hate and encouraging, influencing or motivating others to commit acts of terrorism.
At the time, then chief justice Jimly Asshiddiqie found that the two articles hindered freedom of opinion and thought, which are guaranteed by the Constitution.
Thamrin said he hoped that an article on the subject be inserted in a revision of the Anti-Terrorism Law, including a minimum three years imprisonment for violators. Ansyaad believed that regulations should be revised to carry more severe sanctions to increase their value as a deterrent.
"We still have recidivists who came out of jail and then became recruiters and planners of terrorist attacks. Prolonging the sentence and isolation and denying remission for them would be policies that can be used," he said.
BNPT Deputy Chief Brig. Gen. Petrus Golose said the revised law should also take aim at hate speech on the Internet. "There are many reasons for people to choose the online medium to spread the message: it is secure, efficient, and effective. It is no surprise that terrorists are using it as well," he said.
He pointed out how slain terrorist mastermind Noordin M. Top used to give orders and attack plans via Internet chat rooms on Anshar, a Web site that has since been shut down.
"[2002 Bali bomb mastermind] Imam Samudra was also known to recruit people via mIRC," he said, referring to a popular Microsoft chat room. He added that there were several blogs that carried messages of jihad and war against the secular government of Indonesia.
Dhyah Madya Ruth, chairwoman of Lazuardi Birru, a group that aims to educate youths about the dangers of extremism, also supported a legal basis for programs to help temper radicalism.
"The law should legitimize deradicalization programs by government institutions and civil society organizations that use re-orientation, re- education, re-socialization and rehabilitation," Dhyah said.
Azyumardi Azra, director of post-graduate studies at Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic University, said mosques needed closer scrutiny to prevent infiltration by radical elements.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Growing aggressive with its antiterrorism measures, the government is devising a legal tool that would expand the scope of prosecution, targeting hate-inciting clerics and members of organizations linked to acts of terror.
The legal tool, which would take the form of an amendment to the antiterrorism law, is currently being drafted by the Law and Human Rights Ministry and will be submitted to the House of Representatives next year.
Speaking at a seminar on terrorism in Jakarta on Thursday, Zafirullah Salim, the ministry's director of designing regulations and laws, said the amendment would give law enforcement officers grounds to arrest, with enough proof, "those who often incite hatred and members of [terrorist] organizations".
The expanded prosecution, which some critics claim could be exploited, is in response to past difficulties to prevent the spread of radical doctrine and religious dogmas that fueled acts of terror, one example being sermons by radical cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir.
Last week, Ba'asyir was sentenced to 15 years in prison, not for decades of hateful and murderous teachings, but for his involvement in the planning and financing of a terrorist training camp in Aceh.
Salim said the ministry was drafting another law on financing terrorism that would see harsher sentences imposed on organizers and financiers of terrorist activity.
"We must deliberate these drafts carefully to avoid blunders in the future," he said, adding that there were currently seven provisions in the draft still being debated, including on de-radicalization measures.
So far, de-radicalization efforts are conducted only sporadically by concerned individuals, most of them police officials and NGOs, highlighting the government's lack of involvement.
National Counterterrorism Agency deputy chief Brig. Gen. Tito Karnavian acknowledged the importance of effective de-radicalization. "We can jail someone, for example, in relation to incitement. But that person could be a hero when they leave prison in one or two years," he said.
Tito said there was a need for a comprehensive approach to identify areas and communities influenced by radicalism to neutralize them in the future.
Salim acknowledged the ministry and related stakeholders were struggling to determine relevant parameters for the implementation of de-radicalization programs.
He said preliminary discussions of the topic recommended that trained psychologists treat convicted terrorists, but added that further discussions were needed.
Many convicted terrorists are able to spread their radical ideas beyond prison walls, he added, citing the example of Oman Abdurrahman, who amassed a large following at several penitentiaries in West Java.
The amendment to the antiterrorism law would also provide legal grounds for "comprehensive protection" of anyone linked to a terrorism trial, from witnesses, prosecutors, judges and family members.
Jakarta Indonesia's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), says it will not use violence to counter a rising number of attacks and intimidation attempts directed at its members by radical groups.
NU Deputy Chairman As'ad Said Ali told reporters on Monday that the group's members have remained calm when facing aggression from radical Islamic groups, declining to specify which radical groups threatened NU. However, the organization would not remain silent about its predicament, he said.
Nahdlatul Ulama, which claims to have about 80 million members, has said it would speak out against radicals during events marking its 88th anniversary on July 17, according to the lunar calendar.
More than 100,000 NU followers from throughout the country are expected to attend the principal anniversary ceremony at the Bung Karno Sports Complex in Senayan, Central Jakarta. "We have a lot of members who are ready to fight for us. But we will not use violence. We will show them that we have power and refuse to be intimidated," he said, adding that it was the government's job to take actions against radicals.
On NU's calm response, As'ad recalled the example of an NU mosque in Ngawi, East Java, that was attacked by seven members of a radical Islamic group in May. "Those people strongly believed that NU's followers incorrectly followed Muslim traditions and that we would be sent to hell for that," he said without naming the assailants.
Majelis Tafsir Al Quran, an Islamic organization in Surakarta, Central Java, he added, allegedly defamed the organization through a radio program, he added. "On their talk shows, they repeatedly say that our traditions do not follow Islamic traditions."
Another alleged campaign to tarnish NU was launched in Lampung, Sumatra, he said. "In a seminar about deviant movements in Indonesia, the speakers mentioned Hasyim Asy'arie," he said, referring to NU's founder.
As'ad blamed the government's lackluster efforts in control radical groups for the rising number of threats levied at moderate Islamic organizations.
"We will still count on the government, but we urge the government to improve its struggle in combating radical groups. We hope they can perform better than they have to date," he said. "The government has done nothing while these groups have disturbed or discredited other people."
Masduki Baidlowi, a member of the organization's education department, said that NU was doing its best to keep its young members away from radical and violent groups. Islamic boarding schools were still the best place to inculcate members with NU's values, Masduki said.
"Islamic boarding schools are culturally a place to learn not only NU values and tradition, but also a place to develop our humanity," he said. (lfr)
A team monitoring the trials of an attack against religious minority group Ahmadiyah said Monday the prosecutor performed below standard. It said many witnesses' statements were not well-explored during the trials.
Wahyu Wagiman, a team member from the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam), told reporters the prosecutor ignored statements from key witnesses such as Muh. Kamil Safei over the 13 trials.
"Kamil said in a trial that he received a text message from Ujang Muh. Arif, a case defendant, saying that Habib Rizieq, the Islamic Defenders Front [FPI] leader, would be held responsible for the riot," Wahyu said. The prosecutor did not question the content of the text message further, Wahyu added.
In February, about 1,500 people attacked Ahmadis in Cikeusik, Banten, killing three. Eleven defendants are being jointly tried for an assault causing death, inciting violence, maltreating others, participating in assault and illegally possessing sharp weapons.
Prosecutors declined to charge anyone with the murder or manslaughter of the three Ahmadis. The next trials will be held on June 30 and July 3 at Serang District Court. (rpt)
Nurfika Osman Human rights activists on Thursday accused Indonesian police of fanning the flames of religious-based conflicts rather than protecting victims and upholding rights.
Choirul Anam, deputy director of the Human Rights Working Group, said the trend had been apparent in the past three years, with police standing by idly when faith-based conflicts erupted.
"Even in religious sermons, such as Friday prayers or those of other religious groups, police are doing nothing to prevent the spreading of hatred of other groups," Choirul said.
He also cited the example of police standing by as Christians are barred from their own church in Bogor, despite a Supreme Court ordering local authorities to grant the congregation access to the building.
Choirule said that police, especially in West Java, appeared to maintain a close relationship with certain religious groups known to employ violence such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) including in Tasikmalaya, Cianjur and Cikeusik districts, where persecution of the minority Ahmadiyah sect has been rife and deadly.
"What the police have been doing has made people feel uneasy. People feel unsafe," he said.
The fact that police take sides in conflicts only makes it more difficult for the victims, he added, citing the murder of two sect members in Ahmadiyah. In February, instead of protecting members of the Ahmadiyah community there from mob violence, police asked them to leave their homes.
"The police should have been able to prevent clashes and they have to be able to say that they are upholding the law standing up to protect citizens from groups that use religion [to justify violence]," he said, adding that there were more than 100 violent cases of religious violence recorded in West Java in the past year.
Siti Musdah Mulia, the chairwoman of the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace, stressed that the state ideology Pancasila put all belief systems on an equal footing. "Even an atheist has rights in this country and that person should be protected," Siti said.
She added that the first tenet of Pancasila, "Belief in One God," just meant that all religions have the right to believe in their one God and worship that God. She also said that the most important part of Pancasila was its recognition of justice and human rights.
"Police should focus on their main duty: they are responsible for the protection of citizens and upholding the laws, they should put aside the issue of faith. Everyone regardless of their religion should be protected," she said.
Tjatur Sapto Edy, a member of the National Mandate Party (PAN) on the House of Representatives' Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, said police should restructure their system of education and change their current mind-set in regard to religious conflicts.
Tjatur also pointed out that the police budget for this year only earmarked Rp 80 billion out of a total of Rp 30 trillion ($9.3 million out of $3.5 billion) for preventive efforts.
Ghufron Mabruri from the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial) said it's time police realize this is a democratic country whose citizens should respect each other. "Violence cannot be ignored. Perpetrators should be punished," Ghufron said.
Tifa Asrianti, Jakarta The government needs to evaluate its fight against poverty as three poverty reduction programs direct cash assistance, rice for the poor and health security for the poor missed their targets, slowing down poverty alleviation efforts, a World Bank official says.
The 2009 National Social and Economic Survey (Susenas) showed that the inclusion error, or the proportion of non-poor people receiving the aid, reached 56 percent for direct cash assistance, known as BLT, 67 percent for the rice-for-the-poor program and 64 percent for the healthcare-for-the- poor program, known as Jamkesmas.
The survey showed that only 31 percent of the nation's poor received all three aid packages, 44 percent received none or only one, while 51 percent of the non-poor population received at least one program and 12 percent of the non-poor receive all three.
World Bank senior economist Vivi Alatas said that targeting poverty in Indonesia was a complex issue due to the large population, geographic dispersion and decentralized structure. She said the missed targets hurt poverty reduction efforts, adding that every year, there were 15 percent newly poor people, or people who were not poor the previous year.
"To have effective poverty alleviation results, the programs must be well- designed and implemented, including the targets," Vivi said during the launching of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) book Employment, Living Standards and Poverty in Contemporary Indonesia on Thursday.
She said the government needed to renew its data on the poor, suggesting four methods: proxy-means testing, community-based methods, geographic targeting and self targeting. The government will conduct a survey on the poor between July and November to renew its data on poverty, she said.
"To improve the 2011 survey, the government should improve the quality of the questionnaire, use macro poverty data, involve the community and mix methods to match the needs of different areas," Vivi said.
Asep Suryahadi from SMERU, an institute researching policy studies on socioeconomic and poverty issues, said it was possible the number of poor people would increase in the future as the near poor made up 36 percent of the population, compared to the 14.2 percent recorded as poor.
"This trend toward poverty will be more visible in urban areas due to urbanization," he said.
Asep said the most of the poor were people in the agriculture sector, but added that the government did not pay attention to developing the sector. "The government should start focusing on agriculture as the manufacturing sector slows down," he said.
Asep also called on the government to use economic growth as a tool to pull the poor out of poverty and widen the scope of existing programs such as the family empowerment program (PKH), that focused on health and education.
"Brazil has a program similar to the PKH, but conducted on a wider scale, which is why it's a success. Apart from adding more poor families to the program, the government should also increase the amount of aid given to them," he said.
Vivi Yulaswati from the National Development Planning Ministry said the government had created several poverty alleviation plans: education scholarships and health insurance, community empowerment programs and credit for small businesses. She said another initiative housing, transportation and clean water would be implemented soon.
The official rate of poverty in Indonesia fell from 16.7 percent to 14.2 percent between 2004 and 2009.
Arientha Primanita The National Bureaucracy Reform Team on Monday said that the government should enact a moratorium on recruiting new civil servants.
"We have suggested to the vice president that openings for civil servant candidates should be halted for six months," said Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, the head of the team, at the Vice Presidential Palace. "Within that time, we will be able to study if hiring is necessary."
The team will conduct a study to find the best mechanism for hiring civil servants. Erry said that the moratorium would be aimed at improving the system and to avoid unqualified workers holding positions in state institutions.
He said that the team believed that the high rate of recruitment was putting burdening the state's finances. "The quantity of public servants is not always equivalent to the efficiency of public service," he said.
The team, Erry said, suggested that the government thoroughly evaluate the organizational structures of central and regional government institutions.
Finance Minister Agus Martowardoyo recently said that the number of civil servants, at 4.7 million, was too high and that it was burdening state and regional budgets.
Last week, the Finance Ministry said that they would conduct a productivity study to determine whether civil servants should be granted early retirement or a golden handshake.
Ismira Lutfia & Ronna Nirmala Media advocates have called for the selection of a board of supervisors for state-owned broadcaster TVRI to be carried out anew, alleging the current process has become highly politicized.
Ahmad Faisol, a media activist and member of the Independent Coalition for the Democratization of Broadcasting (KIDP), said that the "over- politicization and backroom dealings" of the ongoing selection process could hamper the broadcaster's efforts toward greater transparency.
"We have never been informed about how far the selection process has gone," he said at a discussion on Thursday. "We only found out that the House of Representatives' Commission I carried out a fit-and-proper test of 15 candidates on May 30 and 31, but we haven't heard the results so far."
The coalition stressed that the lack of transparency and public participation in choosing the board of supervisors would compromise any effort to make TVRI a solid and impartial public broadcaster.
It also called on the candidates for the supervisory board to be fully aware of their responsibilities in overseeing TVRI's operations and to usher in new ideas and standards for the broadcaster that has largely come to be viewed as stodgy.
Tubagus Hasanuddin, deputy chairman of House Commission I, which usually oversees foreign and defense affairs, said the goal was to find replacements for five of the 15 members of the supervisory board.
He said the posts had been vacated after the commission recommended to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono that the five members in question be dismissed following poor results in their performance evaluation.
Tubagus, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), added that there had also been mounting complaints that the five members had vested interests in serving on the board and were exceeding their assigned authority.
He said that of the 15 candidates vetted by the House last month, only three had been selected. The rest were considered to be unqualified for the position, either because they did not represent the public interest or because they were former employees of TVRI and hence ineligible to serve on the board.
Tubagus said he had asked the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology to nominate another 15 candidates for a second round of vetting, from whom two would be selected to fill the final seats on the supervisory board. "TVRI should be a neutral, non-commercial and independent broadcaster with a dedication to serving the public," he said.
However, Paulus Widiyanto, a KIDP member and former legislator on the House oversight commission for information, said the broadcaster's stated values of being independent, neutral, non-commercial and performing a public service should also extend to the selection process for its board of supervisors. "The selection process for appointees to the TVRI supervisory board should ideally be open and transparent," he said.
By closing off the selection process from public scrutiny, he added, the House and the government were flouting the 2002 Broadcasting Law that stipulates the supervisory board must be representative of public interests as much as those of the government.
Paulus said that besides demanding that the selection process be repeated from scratch, the KIDP was also calling for a thorough audit into TVRI to ensure that it was free of any vested interests. "We expect House Commission I to push a proposal for an audit before TVRI receives any government funding for its operations in the future," he said.
Retno Intani Z.A., one of the current members of the TVRI supervisory board, blamed the closed selection process on a misunderstanding of the board's role in monitoring the broadcaster.
"All this time, the TVRI supervisory board has been seen as similar to a supervisory board at a public company," she said. "This is an erroneous interpretation, because the TVRI supervisory board bears more of a resemblance to the board of governors at state-owned broadcasters in other countries."
The issues with the supervisory board aside, Retno said another major problem afflicting the state broadcaster was the fact that it was not actually qualified to receive state funding.
She said both TVRI and state-owned radio station RRI were classified as public broadcasters, or LPP, but there were no provisions in the state budget for a budget allocation of LPPs.
"LPPs are not recognized under state finances, so we don't get a set allocation from the state budget," Retno said. "That's why we don't have a stable source of funding to support the construction of new infrastructure."
She added that the broadcaster's funding had long come from the Finance Ministry's emergency fund for disaster response.
Henry Subiakto, an adviser to the communications minister, agreed that the lack of fiscal recognition for LPPs was a long-running oversight that needed to be addressed by sourcing funding outside the state budget.
"The problem is that TVRI is completely reliant on funding from the state," he said. "But if it wants to be an independent public broadcaster, why don't we start thinking about a new system of funding through viewer license fees, like [Britain's] BBC or [Japan's] NHK?"
TVRI previously used the system of license fees, which are levied for every television set sold in the country, to fund its operations, but dropped the system at the onset of the reform era.
Henry said that reviving license fees should also go hand-in-hand with fixing the broadcaster's many failings.
"TVRI needs huge funding to adopt new technological developments that will support it in competing with private television stations," he said. "But we have to keep in mind that TVRI works in a completely different way... TVRI exists for the public, so it doesn't have to fight for ratings or advertisers."
He added that any improvement to the broadcaster's services and operations should start with a more transparent selection of its board of supervisors.
House Commission I is also looking to amend the 2002 Broadcasting Law to ensure fiscal clarity for both TVRI and RRI.
Gamari Sutrisno, a legislator from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), previously said "up to 50 percent of the law needs to be amended". "Both stations currently have no clear standing when it comes to funding, yet they need a reliable source of funding," he said.
He added that this could be done through merging TVRI and RRI. TVRI director Immas Sunarya said he was amenable to such a suggestion. "A merger would lead to greater efficiency for both institutions and would not be out of place in this era of media convergence," he said.
[Additional reporting from Antara.]
Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono picked his brother-in-law as the new Army chief, his spokesman said on Wednesday, as speculation grows over who Yudhoyono might pick to as a presidential candidate in 2014 elections.
Under Yudhoyono, Indonesia has started to improve infrastructure and trim layers of bureaucracy, problems cited by investors as deterrents to investment.
Markets and investors would like to see the continuation of such policies and a peaceful transfer of power after the next election in a country with the world's biggest Muslim population.
Yudhoyono picked Lt. Gen. Pramono Edhie Wibowo, commander of Army Strategic Reserves, as Army chief, the presidential spokesman, Julian Pasha, told reporters. "Yes, [the decision] is based on a recommendation from a high panel in the military," he said.
Under Indonesian law, Yudhoyono, a retired Army general who was elected twice partly due to his reformist agenda, cannot run again in the 2014 elections. That has raised a big question mark over who he might groom to run.
Analysts said the appointment of Wibowo, the brother of the Yudhoyono's wife, as Army chief, would raise speculation that he could be involved in a presidential bid. Yudhoyono announced this month that his wife and sons, one the secretary general of his ruling Democrat Party, would not run for the presidency.
"Even though Wibowo is probably the strongest contender in the race for the Army chief seat, we can't ignore the relation between his appointment and Yudhoyono's position as president," political analyst Syamsudin Harris said.
"Analysts will see whether he has potential for 2014," he said, adding that historically many Indonesians see someone from military as having the leadership qualities necessary to lead the country. "So I suspect Wibowo has a chance of being paired up with a future president or vice president candidate," he said.
Wibowo has been a rising star in the military in recent years and was commander of the Army's elite Kopassus unit. In November he became commander of Army Strategic Reserves.
The Army chief is seen as a stepping stone to becoming the head of the Chiefs of Staff, a post that is due to become vacant in 2013, and which Wibowo is likely to be a top contender for.
Ulma Haryanto The National Security bill does not automatically grant law enforcement authorities the right to arrest and wiretap those who pose a threat to national security, First Adm. Leonardi, secretary to the directorate general of defense, explained to reporters on Tuesday.
The secretary's explanation was in response to questions about the phrase "to wiretap, question, arrest and other acts of force," which falls under the "Monitoring" chapter of the bill.
"It doesn't mean that all security-related institutions may wiretap," Leonardi said, "but, rather, if there is a plan to wiretap, then we'd better have a monitoring law ready."
He also disagreed that the bill would prohibit freedom of the press as argued by the Press Council on Monday. "The bill said nothing about negating the Press Law, or the Public Information Law," he said.
Ministry spokesman Brig. Gen. Hartind Asrin told the Jakarta Globe that the House of Representatives has made the National Security bill a priority over the Intelligence bill, also currently discussed by the legislative body. He said the House has promised it will ratify the bill in July, while the Intelligence bill will be ratified next year.
"This is the umbrella for every defense and security regulations in the country," Hartind said. "We need it."
Ina Parlina, Jakarta Legislators are set to deliberate on the national security bill, which aims at improving coordination among state institutions in facing various security threats, but is seen by activists as a threat to democracy.
House of Representatives Commission I overseeing defense will open dialogue with civil society groups regarding the bill, which was submitted to the House on June 18.
"Starting on Monday, we will be open to the public for any input regarding the bill," deputy commission head Tubagus Hasanuddin told The Jakarta Post via text message on Sunday. "We welcome input from experts, NGOs, the press, academics and civil societies."
He added that his office would meet academics from the University of Indonesia, Paramadina University and the Indonesian Institute of the Sciences (LIPI) on Monday.
"That is just a small portion of the public input we will hear," said Tubagus. "Once we've received all the necessary input, the commission will enter intensive discussion on the bill, according to the prevailing mechanisms in its deliberation."
Human rights activists are wary of the bill, saying it encourages shadowy intelligence operations that would lead to human rights abuses.
Respected human rights watchdog Imparsial said the bill had many loopholes. "The bill does not include human rights as one of its basic paradigms. It excludes clauses on human rights in our Constitution," Imparsial program director Al Araf told the Post.
"The protection of human rights is the core of security management," he said. "Failing to include a human rights perspective in the bill can cause problems in the future."
Indonesia has been a target of deadly terror attacks since 2002, and many have advocated for stronger legislation to cope with such threats. The government said the national security bill would serve as an "umbrella law" for the intelligence bill and the draft revision to the antiterror law.
Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro said the bill, which would establish a National Security Council, would improve coordination among various state institutions in facing various threats.
Al Araf added that he was also concerned about the possibility that the bill would be used to grant the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) authorities to arrest and wiretap people suspected of threatening national security. The bill says that the national security apparatus are granted such powers.
"The bill stipulates that the central-level national security elements include the TNI and the BIN. It means that such authorities can be given to them," he said.
The government insisted on giving the BIN authority to arrest and wiretap with the intelligence bill, which is now being deliberated at the House. The effort has been opposed by lawmakers, who believe such authorities should be given to law enforcers.
Imparsial also criticized the bill for giving too much authority to the planned National Security Council, such as the authority to determine when the government should impose martial law.
"Such authority must be in the hands of the president. The president is indeed the head of the council, but why is the final decision still in the hands of the council," he said.
Tubagus said the National Security Bill and the Intelligence Bill would not be deliberated at the same time. "We will decide if it is more natural to proceed first with the National Security Bill."
Dicky Christanto Security experts from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and the University of Indonesia (UI) agree that the recent draft bill on national security is still confusing and therefore needed to be discussed further by inter-department institutions.
"I am under the impression that many clauses in this draft are directly taken from the existing laws without being carefully deliberated. As a result, there have been several clashes over clauses in this draft," Sri Yanuarti of LIPI said Monday.
She cited chapter 37 of the draft, which stipulated the rights of the government in announcing early warnings on dangerous situations. "The chapter and the explanation, however, say nothing about who should make the announcement," she said.
Eddie Prasetyono of UI said the draft had also failed to come up with clear job descriptions for law enforcement officers. "This could cause confusion later on when they are carrying their duties," he said.
He added as an example that the draft did not clarify any clear limitations on the authorities of either the police or the military.
Medan Hundreds of people grouped under the 'Freedom for Medan' staged a rally at the Majestik junction in Medan, North Sumatra, Thursday, protesting against the bill on intelligence. They said the bill, if enacted, would block the people's democratic rights.
The protesters' coordinator Nico Silalahi said that the bill was an indication of the return of anti-democratic military force that was once applied by the New Order regime for 32 years.
"Once it is approved into law, the people will lose their rights to criticize government's policies that are not pro-people. It will kill democracy and human rights," Nico said.
Yogyakarta Scores of students from the Student Struggle Centre for National Liberation (Pembebasan, formerly LMND-PRD) held a protest action in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on Thursday against the enactment of the Draft Law on Intelligence and State Security (RUU Intelijen) saying it will kill off democracy in Indonesia.
Pembebasan General Secretary Arif Hasibuan said that based on a press release by coalition of advocates, the draft intelligence law will threaten the people's freedom of expression and right to organise. Moreover in the articles related to information, intelligence officials will be able to carry out arbitrary arrests in the name of state secrecy.
"Without control mechanisms in any shape or form, in the name of state secrecy, there will be no information about people who have been arrested, which will be used by the state to terrify the people. Moreover there will be an increase in the level of repression and monitoring of social activities through this draft law", said Arif during an action at 'point zero' in front of the central post office in Yogyakarta on Thursday June 23.
Arif said that the draft intelligence shows that the regime of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono and the House of Representatives is insincere about upholding democracy in Indonesia and are even threatening the implementation of democracy itself. Because of this the protesters reject its enactment.
"We are well aware that the basis of the policy [behind] making this draft law is to emasculate the progressive forces of the people's movement and increase the state's control in regulating and enforcing the continued existence of capitalism in Indonesia", asserted Arif.
During the action, the protesters also brought a bier covered in a black cloth with the writing "The death of democracy". The bier was then set alight as a symbol that democracy in Indonesia is truly dead. (Ran)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Medan Protesters from the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation (PEMBEBASAN, formerly LMND-PRD) in the North Sumatra capital of Medan oppose the enactment of the Draft Law on Intelligence and State Secrecy (RUU Intelijen) because it will muzzle the people's democratic rights and emasculate the 1945 Constitution and the state ideology of Pancasila.
This opposition was conveyed by hundreds of students from Medan City branch of Pembebasan when they held a protest action at the Majestic traffic circle on Jl. Gatot Subroto Medan on Thursday June 23.
Led by Medan city Pembebasan chairperson Nico Silalahi, the protesters said that the draft intelligence law represents the resurgence of the same anti-democratic military forces that operated under the New Order regime of former President Suharto during his 32 years in power.
"If the draft intelligence law is ratified into law, it will result in the people loosing their rights to criticise anti- people government polices. This represents a trick and the killing off of democracy and human rights", said Nico.
If the intelligence law comes into effect, according to Nico, there will be no more freedom of expression, opinion or organisation in a country that claims to adhere to Pancasila and the 1945 constitution.
The most chilling thing about the enactment of the law, said Nico, is that any individual or organisation could be deemed to be a threat to the state (the government's version), and intelligence officials will be at liberty to conduct arrests, carry out interrogations and detain people for 7x24 hours.
"Detentions can also be extended to 90 days, even to 3x90 days as well as not being given the right to be accompanied by an advocate (lawyer), or the right to contact outside parties including their own families and the presumption of innocence will not apply", said Nico.
After giving speeches at the Majestic traffic circle, the protesters held a similar action at the North Sumatra Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) building. (HRK/YEZ)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Iwan Taruna, Makassar A protest action by hundreds of students rejecting the Draft Intelligence and State Secrecy Law (RUU Intelijen) at the South Sulawesi Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) building on Thursday June 23 ended in a clash.
The incident occurred when the students tried to force their way into the building to meet with assembly members but were blocked by DPRD security personnel. A clash also took place outside the building but the two groups were able to constrain themselves and the incident did not continue for long.
In speeches meanwhile, the students said they rejected the draft intelligence law because it will give security forces the right to conduct arrests, which has the potential to violate human rights. (BJK/ADO)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Samarinda Scores of students from the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation (PEMBEBASAN, formerly LMND-PRD) held a protest at the East Kalimantan Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) yesterday calling on the assembly to reject the Draft Law on Intelligence and State Security (RUU Intelijen) that is currently being deliberated by the House of Representatives (DPR).
Speaking before deputy speaker Marten Apuy and other assembly members, action coordinator Andi said PEMBEBASAN's reasons for rejecting the draft law are because a press release by the Draft Intelligence Law Advocacy Coalition said that the bill represents a concrete threat against the people's freedom of expression and organisation.
This is particularly so in the articles related to intelligence information secrecy, arbitrary arrests in the name of secrecy and the complete lack of any control mechanisms by the people in the name of state secrecy.
"For example there is no explanation about the rights of people who are arrested. The phenomena of increasing terrorism and the Indonesian Islamic State (NII) movement, regardless of who the masterminds are, is being used by the state to frighten the people and simultaneously increase repression and the monitoring of the people's political and social activities through this draft law", said Andi.
Andi said that in view of the threat that the draft intelligence law poses to the progressive movement in addressing the objective situation and the ordinary people's anxiety, the students explicitly reject the draft law and call on the East Kalimantan DPRD to likewise reject the law.
Andi added that this does not mean they want revisions to the law but reject it outright, because they are well aware that the basis of the policy behind making the draft law is to emasculate the progressive forces of the people's movement and increase the state's control in regulating and enforcing the continued existence of capitalism in Indonesia.
"In view of the how the planned enactment of the draft intelligence law has progressed, we also believe that the regime of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono has no interest in creating democracy in Indonesia. This is because the draft intelligence law already limits democratic space and will destroy the democratic movement. We are therefore inviting the East Kalimantan DPRD to also reject the draft intelligence law", said Andi.
Marten Apuy meanwhile responded by saying that the views expressed by the protesters would be conveyed to the DPR, although he could not himself comment at length on the issue because the draft law is the domain of the DPR. "The DPRD can only accommodate [them] by conveying the students' wishes and aspirations to the DPR", he said.
Speaking in a similar vein, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) faction chairperson Sudarno also said the student's views would be conveyed to the DPR. Sudarno also invited the students to discuss the particular articles in the law that they object in order that their protests against the law can be conducted in an intellectual manner.
"Don't let us protest the wrong thing, who knows perhaps the draft law currently being deliberated has many benefits for our country. Particularly in the eradication of terrorism which has become disgrace for our country. If [the law] is good, don't let us wrongly protest something that is right", he said.
After listening to a statement from DPRD Commission III members the protesters agreed to hold a discussion at a future but unspecified time, then disbanded in an orderly manner. (fer)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Ari Saputra, Jakarta Students and workers have again demonstrated against the draft law on state intelligence (RUU Intelijen Negara), this time by covering their bodies with white paint and chaining their hands together to symbolise the shackling of freedom should the draft intelligence law be ratified by the House of Representatives.
"There are articles in the draft intelligence law that are a threat to the freedom of expression and organisation. Such as intelligence [personnel] having the right to make arbitrary arrests and the lack of any control mechanism or clarification with regard to people who are arrested", said action spokesperson Mutiara Ika Pratiwi during a break in a demonstration in front of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) office on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta on Thursday June 23.
The chained hands theatrical action itself continued throughout the demonstration. Scores of colleagues from the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation (PEMBEBASAN, formerly LMND-PRD) meanwhile shouted slogans and sang songs of struggle while they held up posters rejecting the law. "Defeat the draft law on state intelligence. Fight!", read one of the posters.
The students also found time during the protest action to set fire to photographs of Indonesian military (TNI) generals who they said were human rights criminals. Despite this, the dozen or so police standing on guard did not prevent them from burning the photographs.
As a consequence of the demonstration, traffic from Jl. Diponegoro in the direction of Salemba was congesting because the protesters took up one lane for the action. As of 5.19pm the protest action was still continuing. (Ari/lrn)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Ari Saputra, Jakarta Students and workers have again demonstrated against the draft law on state intelligence (RUU Intelijen Negara), this time by covering their bodies with white paint and chaining their hands together to symbolise the shackling of freedom should the draft intelligence law be ratified by the House of Representatives.
"There are articles in the draft intelligence law that are a threat to the freedom of expression and organisation. Such as intelligence [personnel] having the right to make arbitrary arrests and the lack of any control mechanism or clarification with regard to people who are arrested", said action spokesperson Mutiara Ika Pratiwi during a break in a demonstration in front of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) office on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta on Thursday June 23.
The chained hands theatrical action itself continued throughout the demonstration. Scores of colleagues from the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation (PEMBEBASAN, formerly LMND-PRD) meanwhile shouted slogans and sang songs of struggle while they held up posters rejecting the law. "Defeat the draft law on state intelligence. Fight!", read one of the posters.
The students also found time during the protest action to set fire to photographs of Indonesian military (TNI) generals who they said were human rights criminals. Despite this, the dozen or so police standing on guard did not prevent photographs to be burnt.
As a consequence of the demonstration, traffic from Jl. Diponegoro in the direction of Salemba was congesting because the protesters took up one lane for the action. As of 5.19pm the protest action was still continuing. (Ari/lrn)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Criminal justice & prison system
Made Arya Kencana & Arientha Primanita, Denpasar A row has broken out between anti-narcotics officials and authorities at Bali's Kerobokan Penitentiary following a riot on Saturday that was sparked by a raid.
Taswem Tarib, head of the Bali Justice Office, which oversees prisons on the island, said on Sunday that the raid organized by the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) had not been approved by his office. "They never sought my office's permission, nor the permission of the Directorate General of Corrections," he said.
However, Brig. Gen. Benny Mamoto, the BNN director, denied that his office had acted out of line. "We brought along the requisite warrants and we were accompanied by Kerobokan chief warden Siswanto," he said. "So what procedure did we breach?"
Benny also said prevailing regulations did not oblige the BNN to get permission from the Directorate General of Corrections in order to carry out a raid in a prison. "As for seeking permission from the justice office, we tried and we got no answer."
The raid was intended to seek the arrest of Hariadi, a drug convict serving five years for trafficking. Benny said his office had uncovered indications that he was now running an outside trafficking ring from behind bars.
"Not only is he alleged to be controlling the drug trafficking network from the inside, but he's also believed to be distributing drugs throughout the penitentiary," he said.
He said the trafficking syndicate, believed to be distributing methamphetamine brought in from Iran, was uncovered following information gleaned from five suspects arrested earlier in Java and Bali.
Benny said BNN officials had gone to pick up Hariadi, a former member of Densus 88, the National Police's counterterrorism squad, with Kerobokan officials on Saturday night, where they found him gambling in another prisoner's cell rather than locked up in his own.
"There, we found the prisoners gambling and having a drug party, complete with methamphetamine, syringes and knives," he said.
While escorting the inmate through the prison, however, a riot broke out during which prisoners threw rocks at the officers, injuring Siswanto and another correctional officer.
The officers retreated to safety, but the riot spread. Prisoners managed to break into the warden's office and set fire to furniture and equipment. They also ransacked a prayer room and canteen. The Bali Police had to be called in to restore order and ensure that no prisoners escaped.
Benny said the inmates who started the riot could be charged with disrupting an investigation, which carries a maximum sentence of seven years.
Jakarta Following Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) deputy chairman Ma'ruf Amien's statement on Monday that it is a sin for private car owners to buy subsidized fuel as it violates the rights of poor people, the council will deliberate on whether or not to issue a fatwa on the matter.
"We have yet to decide when the evaluation will take place because [the statement] is just discourse," MUI chairman Amidhan Shaberah said on Wednesday. The evaluation is necessary before the MUI issues a fatwa designating buying subsidized fuel as halal or haram based on Islamic law.
Amidhan said the MUI would proceed with its evaluation if there were public requests and if the Koran did not regulate the issue. "A fatwa commission will accept requests for further discussion based on Islamic law. Afterwards, we will issue the fatwa," he added.
He said that an edict would normally need between one and six months of debate before being officially issued.
According to Amidhan, Ma'ruf was giving his personal opinion when invited by Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Darwin Zahedy Saleh to discuss the issue. "[The statement] related to his rights as a cleric. [Ma'ruf] said both the government and the House of Representatives had allocated a sum of money to subsidize the fuel," Amidhan said.
Ma'ruf said that if rich people continued to consume subsidized fuel then they would violate poor people's rights, as the subsidy could be used to provide education and health care to the poor.
He added that the rising price of non-subsidized fuel should not be an excuse for rich people to switch to subsidized fuel. "We should limit the use of fuel instead of switching to subsidized fuel," he said as quoted by Antara news agency.
However, the government plans to increase the quota for subsidized fuel. Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa said that as global oil prices surged and as non-subsidized gasoline prices at state-owned oil company PT Pertamina doubled the price of its subsidized Premium brand, the consumption of subsidized fuel had increased more than expected.
In this year's first quarter, subsidized fuel consumption comprised 9.7 million kiloliters of the 38.6 million kiloliters allocated in the 2011 state budget, up 7 percent from the same period last year.
However, Deputy Finance Minister Anny Ratnawati said on Tuesday that the limitation policy on subsidized fuel "should be implemented to prevent an increase in the subsidy".
Antara quoted her as saying that the ministry had asked the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry to coordinate implementing the policy in the second semester of this year at the latest.
Anny said if the policy was implemented this year, the budget deficit could be maintained at 2.1 percent. "We will ask the [Energy Ministry] to implement the limitation, because otherwise it will have implications for the increase in fuel, oil and electricity subsidies," she said.
Refrison Baswir, an economist from Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, said Ma'ruf's statement was personal and had nothing to do with the MUI.
"However, we should be aware that some MUI members may try to enter territory that does not belong to them," he said. He added that by involving the MUI in its policy making, the government would be deemed as exaggerating the issue. (fem)
Dion Bisara & Faisal Maliki Baskoro The government should raise fuel prices instead of putting further strain on the state budget with additional fuel and power subsidies, analysts said.
Chatib Basri, an economist from University of Indonesia, said the budget already could not sustain the huge energy subsidy bill, saying it "was like burning your money."
"It is not a question of how long of we can sustain this. Right now, we already cannot afford it," said Chatib, who is also a staff member at the Coordinating Ministry for the Economy.
The government has proposed raising power and fuel subsidies 44 percent this year to Rp 196.2 trillion ($22.8 billion). Officials cited surging oil prices and a failure to curb subsidized fuel use for the addition Rp 60 trillion heaped on the budget.
"That's just not right. An addition of Rp 60 trillion for energy subsidies is the same as wasting money on the rich," Chatib said. "Rp 196 trillion is just too much. With that amount of subsidies, what is left for infrastructure and welfare?"
Such an increase in subsidy spending would push the national deficit from Rp 124.7 trillion, or 1.8 percent of gross domestic product, to Rp 178.1 trillion, or 2.5 percent of GDP.
With the government piling further pressure on the state budget and refusing to raise fuel prices, Chatib said, it could hurt global investors' confidence in Indonesia.
"The 2.5 percent deficit-to-GDP ratio is high, and much of that deficit is attributed to subsidies. This is not good for investors' confidence," he said, adding that investors wanted to see more of deficit spending going toward infrastructure or long-term investments that could support growth.
Energy subsidies account for 14.7 percent of the 2011 revised budget of Rp 1,327.6 trillion. That compares with Rp 137.9 trillion in capital spending, including infrastructure, which makes up about 10.5 percent.
In a draft of a budget revision, the government has prepared two scenarios calling for increases in the price of subsidized fuel, which currently costs Rp 4,500 per liter. One option raised the price by Rp 500 per liter, with the other raising it by Rp 1,000 per liter. According to government figures, both scenarios would result in a total deficit of Rp 166.8 trillion, or 2.3 percent of GDP.
Indonesia is on the brink of an investment-grade rating, but its high subsidy spending consistently has been cited as one of the main hurdles standing between it and another upgrade. Standard & Poor's said in April that one future consideration would be a subsidy rationalization, which could reduce fiscal vulnerabilities from external shocks.
Sofjan Wanandi, chairman of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo), echoed Chatib's assessment that subsidy spending was "burning money". "In the next five years, we have to get rid of the subsidies or we won't be able to develop our infrastructure," he said.
Sofjan said businesses were capable of absorbing a rise in subsidized fuel prices of up to Rp 1,000 per liter this year. "It should be done, and the government must make sure the money saved goes to infrastructure," he said.
The government has estimated Indonesia needs Rp 1,400 trillion in infrastructure spending in the next five years to sustain economic growth.
Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, head economist at the Danareksa Research Institute, said the government should directly subsidize people in need rather than subsidizing fuel. "With the current scheme, benefits are skewed toward the rich," he said.
According to a World Bank report in March, the richest 10 percent of Indonesians enjoy Rp 135,000 of fuel subsidies per capita, while the poorest 10 percent receive just Rp 23,000 per capita.
Esther Samboh, Jakarta The World Bank says Indonesia's ambitious master plan to become one of the largest economies in the world within 14 years is possible if regulatory bottlenecks are addressed to improve investor confidence.
World Bank chief economist Justin Yifu Lin said in Jakarta on Wednesday that a regulatory framework was key to ensuring private investment in hundreds of billions of dollars of projects from 2011 to 2025.
"You need to improve the regulatory framework to carry out these investments effectively. Otherwise, for the private sector to make investments here is very risky," he said at a discussion at the Investment Coordinating Board's (BKPM) office for the release of the World Bank's latest Indonesia Economic Quarterly report, titled "Current Challenges, Future Potential".
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono launched an ambitious Rp 4,000 trillion (US$464 billion) economic master plan for 2011 to 2025 last month, aimed at boosting the country's GDP to approximately $4.5 trillion by 2025, making Indonesia among the world's 10 largest economies.
Investment will be necessary to fulfill the development programs to be carried out in six economic corridors throughout the archipelago: energy- related development in Sumatra; industry and services in Java; mining in Kalimantan; agriculture, forestry and fisheries in Sulawesi and North Maluku; tourism and food in Bali and Nusa Tenggara and natural and human resources in Papua and Maluku.
In the master plan, more than 50 percent of the estimated investment would come from the private sector. State-owned enterprises were expected to contribute 18 percent and central and provincial governments should contribute 10 percent in the form of basic infrastructure.
The remaining 21 percent will be provided by a mixture of foreign investment and public-private partnerships (PPP).
"Political commitment will be required to address specific regulatory bottlenecks that have been blocking investment for several years, such as land acquisition, pricing mechanisms such as in energy, competing regulatory jurisdictions, the slow disbursement of public funds and cost recovery issues, among other things," the World Bank's report reads.
BKPM chairman Gita Wirjawan and Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu also attended the discussion and agreed that the government had been working to develop regulatory frameworks, mainly for land acquisition and tax incentives, both of which have been in the pipeline for at least a year.
"It all depends on how we do over the next one, two, three years. Over the next three years, we need to be able to execute 20 PPPs to be realistic about it," Gita said, adding that two of the PPPs would be executed this year.
Arientha Primanita & Faisal Maliki Baskoro In an attempt to keep price- depressing imported sugar from flooding the local market, the government plans to use a single office to monitor shipments of the commodity and distribute it to private companies.
"We want the imported sugar whether it's refined, white or raw to be handled through one door," State Enterprises Minister Mustafa Abubakar said on Sunday. "We will carry out a meeting with the House of Representatives to discuss sugar imports."
Mustafa said a one-door policy was needed to control distribution. The trade ministry will appoint state logistics agency Bulog as the sole importer.
Without strict regulation, there are fears the goods will flood the retail market, pushing prices down. There are claims farmers would also suffer losses because they would have to compete on price with imported raw sugar sold to local refiners. Currently eight companies hold importing licenses, and the price of sugar is unregulated.
Sutarto Alimoeso, president director of Bulog said his organization was prepared to handle the task. This year, the government allowed the importation of up to 2.4 million tons of sugar. Industrial demand for refined sugar is estimated to be 2.2 million to 2.3 million tons this year.
"Bulog's function is to control crop prices and supply," Sutarto said. "Sugar is a strategic commodity and with this policy we will be able to stabilize price and control distribution."
Natsir Mansyur, chairman of the Indonesian Association of Flour and Sugar Traders (Apegti), was pessimistic about the government's plans. "The industry can absorb only up to 75 percent of the quota, while the rest will leak into the retail market," Natsir said. "The retail market will absorb it because it is cheap,".
The government has previously tried several methods to control distribution of refined sugar, including boosting domestic sugar production and establishing a task force to monitor refined sugar distribution.
The Indonesian Sugar Council (DGI) forecast the nation's sugar production this year to increase by 17 percent to 2.7 million tons on the back of plantation expansion and improving weather conditions. Meanwhile, overall demand for raw and refined sugar is expected to hit 4.6 million tons this year.
Industry ministry representative Benny Wahyudi cast doubt on the country's ability to meet its goal of self-sufficiency in the next three years so that imports will not be required.
"Self sufficiency can be achieved if we can produce 5.7 million tons of sugar annually, with an additional 350,000 hectares of land," Benny said, adding that was more than double the 2.1 million tons that the government forecasts for 2014.
Muhamad Al Azhari Foreign direct investment has shown little growth as a percentage of gross domestic product since 2008 and "continues to underperform that in regional peers," a leading bank says.
DBS Bank research noted that latest figures showed FDI totals 2.3 percent of GDP, only moderately higher than the 2 percent rate prior to the worst of the global financial crisis.
"Consensus opinion is that Indonesia needs greater foreign direct investment to address the economy's bottlenecks, strengthen its growth potential and boost employment," DBS's research division said in a report dated June 14 but circulated on Thursday.
"Among the neighboring economies with more successful FDI experiences, Vietnam sees FDI amounting to as high as 9 percent of GDP during the recent three years. In China, although the FDI [to] GDP ratio has fallen in recent years due to labor shortages and higher wages, the ratio currently remains significant at 3 percent."
But the report notes that in absolute terms, investment in Indonesia has grown, suggesting the problem lies in keeping pace with the economy, which last year clocked a 6.1 percent expansion.
DBS research said data from government authorities showed encouraging FDI inflows. Bank Indonesia figures measuring new FDI showed it rose to more than $4 billion in both the last quarter of 2010 and the first quarter 2011. That compared with an average of $3 billion in the first three quarters of 2010 and a previous peak of $3.4 billion in the third quarter of 2008.
The increase in FDI inflows is "spread across industries ranging from mining and manufacturing to services sectors such as wholesale and retail trade, and transport and communication," the report said.
DBS said there were strong push factors (conditions abroad) and pull factors (domestic conditions) fueling optimism.
"The push factors on FDI are undoubtedly positive: the expansion in the global business cycle, the weak outlook for the G-3 [the US, Japan and the euro zone], and China's waning competitiveness owing to higher wage costs," DBS said. "Regarding pull factors, growth is strong, labor costs are low and economic stability is improving."
Niniek Karmini A sweeping crackdown on terrorism in the past decade has spawned a new problem in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation: Militants in jail are recruiting new followers to their cause.
Prisons threaten to undermine the progress made against terrorism here since 2002, when nightclub bombings killed 202 people on the tourist island of Bali, many of them Australians and Americans.
The campaign has assumed global importance because of feared links between Southeast Asian terrorist groups and Al Qaeda. That possibility was underlined by the January arrest of Bali bombing suspect Umar Patek in Abbottabad, the same Pakistani town where Osama bin Laden was killed in May.
The Associated Press was granted two days of unfettered access to Porong prison in early June by the chief warden, who wanted to show that changes were being made to limit the influence of jihadist inmates. While there were improvements, interviews with terrorists and other convicts show how openly the former still court some of the latter.
Porong is a huddle of low concrete buildings set on 40 acres (15 hectares) near Surabaya, the country's second-biggest city. It is home to 27 terrorists some of the 150 currently held in prisons across the sprawling Indonesian archipelago.
Block F is technically reserved for terrorists but also accommodates about 50 others because of overcrowding. The prison, designed to hold 1,000 inmates, has 1,327.
An elaborate green garden flourishes in the thick heat. Bearded terrorists tend ducks, and fish splash in small ponds. Some militants play sports with other inmates, while others read the Koran or teach Islam to ordinary prisoners.
"We only explain what they should know about jihad," said Syamsuddin, who is serving a life sentence for his role in a gun attack on a karaoke club in Ambon that killed two Christians in 2005. "It's up to them whether to accept it or not."
Syamsuddin was trained in bomb-making by alleged Al Qaeda terrorist Omar al-Farouq during Muslim-Christian conflict in Ambon between 1999 and 2002.
Muhammad Syarif Tarabubun, a former police officer, was sentenced to 15 years for his role in the same attack. He laughed easily and smiled broadly as he explained his extremist views. He said he plans to join a jihad in Afghanistan, Iraq or Lebanon after his likely early release in 2013 for good behavior.
"The death of Osama bin Laden will not ruin our spirit for jihad," he said. "We do it not for a figure. We do it for God's blessing."
Radicalization is common in Pakistan's and Afghanistan's overcrowded prisons, where thousands of terrorists and insurgents mix freely with others, according to a 15-country study by the London-based International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence.
In the US, Omar Abdel Rahman, the blind sheik behind the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, managed to send inflammatory messages from his prison cell to followers in Egypt. There is debate over whether and how far Islamic radicals are infiltrating US prisons.
One exception may be Saudi Arabia, which is fending off radicalization in prisons through an unusually well-funded and comprehensive program. Its "golden handcuffs" approach of finding wives for captured terrorists and enmeshing them in a web of personal, financial, religious and professional obligations once released is regarded as pioneering.
In Indonesia, experts say, some radicals finish their sentences with an even greater commitment to deadly jihad. Of 120 arrested and 25 killed in raids since February 2010, some 26 had previously been in prison for terrorist acts, according to the International Crisis Group, which researches deadly conflict.
Sidney Jones, one of the group's Southeast Asia terrorism experts, calls Indonesia's prisons the weakest link in the counterterrorism effort. "It's going to undermine everything that the police are doing to break up these networks," she said.
Porong prison, though immaculately clean and far from grim, has ceilings that leak copiously during the rainy season and swarms of mosquitoes at night. Inmates are allowed out of their gray windowless cells from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. Within Block F, a small shop is a favorite gathering place.
Nearby, nine men wearing traditional Muslim shirts sit on a floor listening intently to a religious lesson by Maulana Yusuf Wibisono, who stockpiled explosives for a 2004 suicide bombing of the Australian embassy in Jakarta that killed 10 people.
These men, part of the ordinary prison population, diligently copy what Wibisono writes on a small white board.
"It's still too early to invite them for jihad," said the 42-year-old terrorist. He is the former leader of the East Java military wing of Jemaah Islamiyah, the group behind the 2002 Bali bombing. "To change their way of life is more important."
Many are in awe of the terrorists' piety and dangerous reputations. Militants also get extra food and other goods, both from supporters and through police attempts at rehabilitation, adding to their sway in prison. Often bearded and clad in robes, sarongs or ankle pants, they stand out from the other inmates.
"Don't judge them as bad guys," said Frans Sandi, who is serving 13 years for murdering his wife. He is a regular at Wisibono's religious instruction. "They are even able to turn bad guys into good."
He is now well versed in the Koran, fasts and never misses the call to pray five times day things he had never done in the past.
His budding faith is seen by terrorists as a necessary step toward accepting their extremist version of Islam. While his good behavior and piety may earn him an early release, his debt to the radicals could one day see him used as a terrorist enabler.
"These men understand that wider support for their activities is crucial to the longevity of their movement," says "Jihadists in Jail," a report released in May by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. "That's why they continue their dakwah [religious outreach] in prison to ensure they can recruit new members and that their own zeal for militant jihad isn't diminished."
Radical preachers, too, have played a role in recruiting behind bars. In Sukamiskin prison, cleric Aman Abdurrahman won over three students arrested for a hazing death. They were re-arrested last year during a raid on a terror training camp in Aceh province.
Another firebrand cleric, Abu Bakar Bashir, was sentenced recently to 15 years for supporting the Aceh camp. Experts say the imprisonment of Bashir, who co-founded Jemaah Islamiyah, is unlikely to stop him from providing crucial spiritual sanction for terrorism.
Though there have been several more attacks since the Bali bombings, none has been anywhere near as deadly. Analysts credit a crackdown that has netted nearly 700 militants since 2000, including police killings of several key leaders.
But Indonesia, where more than 100 million still live in poverty, lacks the resources to mount a comprehensive program to persuade convicted terrorists to renounce violence. And dozens of Jemaah Islamiyah members are due for release in the coming three years.
"In the absence of a really concerted program,... you are going to see most of them going back to their networks for the simple reason that those networks are based on family ties," said Carl Ungerer, author of the Jihadists in Jail report.
Nur Achmad, the chief warden at Porong, said he was shocked when he took over late last year to see regular inmates moving freely in and out of Block F. Some had changed their appearance, lengthening their hair and beards in imitation of the militants. "I have to stop this," Achmad said. "I don't want them spreading radicalism to other inmates."
Prisoners from other blocks are now restricted from entering Block F. Those in the block are allowed to study Islam with the militants but under tighter supervision, including what kind of instruction can be given. Closed-circuit television cameras have been installed.
The extremists have protested Achmad's changes in letters to the police and the justice and human rights ministries. He also received threatening text messages, warning him that his daily routine and family's whereabouts were known, and that a network outside the prison could harm him.
Government officials acknowledge that reforming radicals isn't easy. "This program has so far not yielded optimum results," said Ansyaad Mbai, the head of Indonesia's anti-terrorism agency.
Sometimes the best that can be achieved is a shaky commitment not to wage jihad at home potentially exporting the problem abroad.
For Slamet Widodo, sentenced to five years for his role in a 2003 bombing of the JW Marriott hotel in Jakarta that killed 12, violent jihad remains an obligation as long as Muslims suffer injustice.
"But now we know Indonesia is not a proper place for the field of jihad," said Widodo, a veteran of al-Qaida military training in the early 1990s in Afghanistan.
He is looking further afield while occasionally attending government-run deradicalization sessions. "If there is a chance to jihad abroad, I would go," he said. "Why not?"
"Polling is merely an instrument for gauging public opinion. When a president or any other leader pays attention to poll results, he is, in effect, paying attention to the views of the people ...," said George Gallup, an American pioneer of survey sampling techniques and inventor of the phenomenal Gallup poll.
Similar positive feedback is expected from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, whose job approval rating has significantly dropped from the time of his reelection in 2009. Any reactive response from him or his supporters will only bring his popularity down further instead of regaining the hearts and support of his voters.
The latest survey by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI), which was conducted before last week's execution of Ruyati binti Satubi, an Indonesian migrant worker in Saudi Arabia, revealed Yudhoyono's ratings had plunged from 56.7 percent in January this year to a new low of 47.2 percent this month.
"If the LSI conducted the survey after Ruyati's execution by beheading, the President's approval rating could have dropped even further," Sunarto Ciptoharjono, director of the Public Policy Survey Circle (LSKP), a subsidiary of the LSI that helped conduct the survey, said.
Yudhoyono's tendency for publicly venting personal and trivial thoughts and the absence of competent political operators among his confidants are cited as among the factors behind his poor ratings in the survey, which was based on interviews with 600 male and 600 female respondents in cities and villages in all 33 provinces from June 1-7, 2011.
Respondents were also disappointed in the fact there are several unresolved cases, including the assassination of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, the controversial Bank Century bailout and the surge of rights violations against minorities in the country.
Earlier this month, a similar survey by the Indonesian Survey Institute (also abbreviated as LSI) found public satisfaction toward Yudhoyono's leadership had plunged to 47 percent from about 61 percent at the start of his second term in 2009. The survey was also based on interviews with 1,200 respondents in 33 provinces.
Unlike the latest survey, the preceding one by the Indonesian Survey Institute revealed that Yudhoyono's declining popularity resulted from scandals that had implicated Democratic Party members, including former party treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, Angelina Sondakh and Andi Nurpati. Nazaruddin and Angelina were implicated in bribery allegations surrounding the construction of an athletes' dormitory for the Southeast Asian Games in Palembang, South Sumatra, while Andi had allegedly fabricated a letter involving a dispute over a House seat in 2009.
As the two surveys came to nearly the same conclusion, the President should therefore pay more serious attention and take immediate action in response to the public views expressed in the two surveys.
The President, who according to the Constitution is not eligible to run for a third term, still has three more years to complete his current term and most importantly to produce policies or programs the nation will recall as his legacy.
The fact that Yudhoyono's approval rating or popularity is below the psychological limit of 50 percent might indicate that the majority of the public no longer trust the President. And unless he can produce tangible not necessarily spectacular or landmark policies or programs throughout the rest of his tenure, he would be remembered as a mediocre president in the country's history, despite his success of staying in office twice. It is a rare, but not impossible, feat of a democratic election.
Brad Nelson & Yohanes Sulaiman The recent arrest and sentencing of Abu Bakar Bashir, co-founder and spiritual leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, to 15 years in prison is unprecedented in Indonesia.
While the government has arrested, imprisoned and sentenced many terrorists to death, it usually treads very carefully around religious figures such as Bashir. Bashir had been arrested and tried twice before, receiving light sentences in both cases.
The reason is easy to discern when one observes that during his previous stints in prison, Bashir was visited by various dignitaries, including then-Vice President Hamzah Haz. Put simply, the judiciary was bullied and under heavy pressure from a host of groups and individuals who believed that Bashir and his radical movement were popular and able to bring them the bulk of the "Muslim-majority" votes to give Bashir as light a sentence as possible.
Therefore it is surprising that this time no one of prominence has run to his defense. And we have not seen anyone showing their shock and indignation on national television. In fact, most news channels only briefly talked about the sentencing, then returned to their regular discussion of the corruption scandal that has enveloped the Democratic Party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
We can draw four conclusions from the fall of Bashir. First, Indonesians are simply tired of radical Islamists. In particular, they are sickened and disgusted by the violence and bloodshed committed against their fellow citizens. And this fact is reflected in the 2009 elections, where the share of votes for various Islamist parties declined significantly. Thus, politicians are now simply adapting to this new domestic political environment, and nobody is protecting Bashir from his comeuppance.
Second, Bashir's group is no longer that useful politically. In Indonesia, there is a tradition of patrons protecting violent organizations, such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which is supposedly protected by several retired Army generals. Not surprisingly, these organizations and their members have frequently acted brutally with impunity. The fact that Bashir was sentenced to 15 years likely means that his organization is no longer as important as it once was.
And third, considering JI's connection to Al Qaeda, Bashir's case may also reflect on Al Qaeda's lack of influence in the region. After all, the death of Osama bin Laden and the emergence of the Arab Spring have degraded Al Qaeda's legitimacy and its operational capabilities, and proved its irrelevance in a world increasingly dominated by people-power movements.
Finally, it can be argued that in the long run, Indonesia's democracy can reduce and limit the importance of radical groups in society. While in the beginning of the reform era it was believed the wave of Islamism was unstoppable, in the end, popular opinion, reflected in public polls and ballots, showed that radicalism remained a fringe movement. Even though some surveys showed a growing radicalism among teenagers and religious teachers, what is encouraging is the popular reaction being a feeling of outrage and disgust toward the results.
The impact of the media cannot be underestimated. With people seeing the impact of violence against their fellow citizens on television and the Internet, they were able to discern that terrorism was no longer something that was abstract and far from home. Indeed, it could no longer be denied that the radicals were capable of committing violence, nor could it be argued that terrorism was simply another Western plot against Indonesian interests.
Still, what is most important is whether this popular outrage can have a long-lasting effect on a court system that is notoriously corrupt and prone to political interference. After all, this will decide whether Indonesia finally extinguishes extremism and terrorism. Intelligence gathering, police work and the courts these are the tools that should be primarily used in this international struggle. Sure, at times, military action might be required to take out terrorists and halt terror plots. But as the United States is finding out, it is much more cost-efficient and effective to prioritize legal and judicial means over military force.
The way Indonesia uses legal and judicial mechanisms against terrorism has long triggered questions about its backbone and will to fight violence and radicalism. Do the courts have the temerity to stand up to political pressure advocating softness and ineffectual punishments for terrorist crimes? The arrest and sentencing of Bashir, we hope, is one step toward putting these concerns to rest once and for all.
[Brad Nelson is president and co-founder of the Center for World Conflict and Peace, a research organization with offices in Ohio and Jakarta. Yohanes Sulaiman, vice president and co-founder of the organization, is a lecturer at the Indonesian National Defense University.]
Pandaya, Jakarta The surprise passage of a bill amending the Law on the Constitutional Court after secretive deliberations on Tuesday smacks of collusion between political parties and the government to control the court.
The House of Representatives passed the bill with little if there was any at all public consultation, which is vital to making legislation as perfect as possible to ensure its acceptability. The media, already preoccupied by numerous high-profile corruption cases, was practically caught off guard. Little was known about the deliberations of the crucial bill.
As widely feared, the amendment is nothing but a weakening of the much- celebrated court, which was formed in 2003 as part of the sweeping reform following the fall of the authoritarian New Order regime under Soeharto in May 1998.
Since its outset, it has occasionally been at odds with politicians especially when it came to resolving electoral disputes at both the local and national levels, as well as reviewing disputed laws in which political parties have huge interests.
The court has earned its reputation as a role model for transparent, modern, corruption-free, cheap and efficient proceedings.
The smoldering conflict with politicians comes mainly from the court's main authorities: reviewing disputed laws, banning political parties, handling general election disputes and giving opinions about the House's allegations that the President or Vice President have committed serious constitutional violations.
So, in the revised law, the House and the government (the legislative and executive powers) have practically amputated the court's power in the three key areas.
First, on constitutional reviews, the revised law will limit the court's authority to examine and rule on the particular article or articles as petitioners request, known as the ultra petita principle. This provision will no longer allow the court to overhaul or entirely drop a law it deems in conflict with the 1945 Constitution.
The House has often accused the Constitutional Court of robbing its law- making authority by introducing new rules, which the public understands is necessary to prevent a legal mess that can trigger political unrest until the legislative body completes the revision of the flawed law.
Constitutional expert Jimly Asshiddiqie says ultra petita should only apply in civil cases, and the court should retain its power to overhaul or cancel a law it deems in serious conflict with the 1945 Constitution.
Secondly, the revised law takes away the Constitutional Court's authority to settle regional electoral conflicts and give it to a regional court to be established to exclusively handle local electoral disputes in every regency and municipality. The court will be put under the supervision of the local high court.
In the past, regional conflicts would be settled in the local high court, but the government switched the authority to the Constitutional Court in 2008, following complaints that local judges could not stand threats from the conflicting parties.
"Judges felt insecure, and their independence was at stake. That was why the Supreme Court asked us [the House] to transfer the authority to the Constitutional Court," senior lawmaker Gayus Lumbuun said.
At the Constitutional Court, regional electoral conflicts have been settled efficiently and fairly. But, in a change of heart, lawmakers sought to relinquish the power on the grounds that referring the dispute to the local high court was cheaper due to proximity.
The lower courts' capacity to resolve electoral conflicts remains questionable, as district courts are short for truly qualified judges to deal with the aggressive judicial mafia. Besides, they are already overwhelmed by their caseloads.
Failure to deliver fast and fair court settlements would have unimaginable consequences. In the past, regional election disputes quickly triggered violence between rival camps.
Thirdly, the House and the government cannot hide their intention to control Constitutional Court judges, as obvious in the composition of its council of ethics, where the Law and Human Rights Ministry and the House will be among the five members.
The three other members will represent the Supreme Court, Judicial Commission and the Constitutional Court.
The inclusion of people from outside the organization in such a vital department as the ethics council is unusual in Indonesian politics. One may wonder how lawmakers would react to a proposal to include a Constitutional Court judge on the House's ethics council.
There is every reason to worry about the lame duck court's independence later when politicians and government bureaucrats, staggering with their vested interests, attend a court ethics hearing.
Politics would be at play in constitutional decision making, and good governance would remain elusive. We may also wonder out loud who will review the new Constitutional Court Law in case citizens have any objections.
Armando Siahaan The nation fumed with rage upon hearing of the unexpected beheading of migrant worker Royati binti Sapubi in Saudi Arabia last week, prompting the Indonesian government to go on a mission to save hundreds more citizens facing the death penalty abroad. Ironically, there are still many foreigners in this country's own backyard awaiting execution.
Just one day before Royati was executed by Saudi authorities for the murder her female employer, Indonesia's Supreme Court quashed a final death sentence appeal by Australian Andrew Chan, a member of the so-called Bali Nine convicted for attempting to smuggle more than eight kilograms of heroin off the resort island in 2005.
Chan's fate is now in the hands of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the only one with the power to grant him clemency. Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard has joined Chan's family in their plea for mercy, stating that her government would "put as much force as we can into the appeal for clemency."
Her request seems to be an uphill battle. Indonesia is one of the countries that refused to jump on the bandwagon when the United Nations passed a resolution in 2007 calling for a worldwide moratorium on the death penalty.
And Yudhoyono's administration in particular is known for its stubbornness when it comes to refusing to pardon those on death row.
In 2006, for example, Brazilian president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva appealed to Yudhoyono to spare Marco Archer Cardoso Moreira, a Brazilian citizen sentenced to death in Indonesia for attempting to smuggle 13.7 kilograms of cocaine into the country in 2003. The request was rejected.
Since 2004, a total of 19 convicts, both locals and foreigners, were executed under the president's watch. In 2008 alone, there were 10 executions, including the infamous 2002 Bali bomber trio, two drug dealers from Nigeria and a serial killer who murdered 42 women
Amnesty International says there are currently 120 more convicts on death row in this country, while there are around 300 Indonesian citizens facing execution abroad.
The Royati incident has raised questions about the government's stance on capital punishment. The House of Representatives (DPR) and several non- governmental organizations have urged the government to exert all its might to prevent them from being executed.
Last week, Yudhoyono said that the government would form a task force to deal with the cases of Indonesians abroad facing the death penalty. At the same time, however, he emphasized that Indonesia would not soften its stance on foreigners facing execution here.
This approach certainly has an air of hypocrisy about it. How can Indonesia expect other countries to grant clemency for our citizens while standing firm on the death penalty for foreign convicts in this country?
Those urging the government to save Indonesians abroad from execution should also be pushing for clemency for foreign convicts at home.
Upon learning that Royati was beheaded with a sword in Saudi Arabia, many Indonesian citizens lambasted the Saudi government as being barbaric and inhumane. In fact, these critics should reflect on Indonesia's own method of state execution a firing squad of 12 gunmen. In the end, whether it is by the sword, firing squad, electrocution or lethal injection, an execution is still simply state-sanctioned murder.
At its core, the death penalty is the ultimate violation of human rights, since it denies a person their right to life. Yudhoyono should take this into consideration when promoting himself as the nation's champion of human rights.
Those in support of capital punishment argue that it is an effective deterrent. However, this argument is purely theoretical, and most countries lack the evidence to support it. In Indonesia alone, there is ample evidence to substantiate the argument that capital punishment does not have a deterrent effect.
Ahmad Suradji, the serial killer who killed 42 women, was executed in 2008 but that didn't stop Verry Idham Henyansyah from going on his own killing spree, in which he murdered and mutilated a total of 11 victims, which he confessed to that very same year.
Three terrorists responsible for the 2002 Bali bombings were executed in 2008. But that obviously failed to deter terrorists from perpetrating the twin bombings in Jakarta in 2009.
At the end of the day, the drive to save the 300 Indonesians on death row abroad should transfer its momentum into abolishing the practice of the death penalty altogether.
In the meantime, the only thing the people can do is watch its government fight for the lives of their countrymen abroad, while ignoring the lives of foreigners in their own backyard.
[Armando Siahaan is a reporter at the Jakarta Globe and writes a weekly column about current events. Follow him @jakartajourno on Twitter or e-mail him at armando.siahaan@thejakartaglobe.com.]
Vincent Lingga, Jakarta The Indonesian government's decision last week to stop sending maids to Saudi Arabia starting as early as next month should only be a temporary ad hoc measure that would be revoked as soon as both countries put in place stronger legal frameworks for the protection of the human and labor rights of our migrant workers in the gulf state.
The national outcry over the last few days after the surprise execution of Ruyati binti Satubi, who was convicted of murdering her Saudi employer, is of course understandable. But we should not allow it to blind us to the greatly important economic role the millions of Indonesian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia and other countries in the Gulf have for their native villages in Java.
No other government program, not even poverty alleviation projects, can be so effective in directly injecting as much cash into the rural economy in Java as the billions of dollars our migrant worker women in the Middle East remit every year.
We would not tolerate any abuse of our migrant workers overseas, but with more than 1 million Indonesian women working as domestic workers in Saudi Arabia alone, there are inherently big risks that some of them are bound to be abused.
In fact, we should magnanimously acknowlege that most of our migrant workers who work as maids overseas have been treated better and paid much higher than domestic servants in Indonesia.
The temporary moratorium on sending maids to Saudi Arabia should be used as an opportunity to look deeper into all aspects related to our migrant workers in the Middle East, right down from the qualification of employment agencies, their recruitment processes, their preparations (technical training), the terms and condition of their employment contracts and the terms imposed by the Saudi Arabian government on the families employing the migrant workers.
We should understand the plight of our migrant workers, who have been forced by the extremely difficult economic conditions at home to set out from their native villages into such far-away places as the Middle East with a strikingly different social environment and culture.
The acute shortage of jobs in Indonesia for low-skilled laborers has forced them to seek work abroad to support their families and pay for the education of their children or siblings. It is indeed a great sacrifice and heart-rending experience for them to be uprooted from their home villages and to leave behind their families for such a long period of time.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono himself, when addressing the Intenational Labor Organization's conference in Geneva a few days before Ruyati's execution, praised Indonesian migrant workers as economic heroes who should be given social justice and protected from abuse.
Working overseas as maids will remain an outlet for the millions of unemployed, unskilled laborers from rural areas, until our economy is able to expand fast enough to absorb all the job seekers.
But the Saudi Arabian government should also realize the great contribution of Indonesian migrant workers to the welfare of its people through the supply to its economy of low-priced labor and should consequently see to it that the maids are treated humanely by their employing families.