Jakarta The Tangerang municipal administration which is still continuing to pursue its vision of a more moralistic society through regulation will in the near future likely be compelled to revise its controversial bylaw banning alcoholic drinks.
Through a letter signed on March 30, Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi ordered the municipal administration to revise bylaw No. 7/2005, which bans the consumption and distribution of alcoholic beverages in the Tangerang area because it is regarded as against a Presidential Decree issued in 1997.
The Presidential Decree allows the distribution of alcoholic drinks with alcohol content under 5 percent.
However, Tangerang mayor Wahidin Halim said he would provide the Minister clarification on the legitimacy of the bylaw before deciding to revise it. "We will try to explain that the bylaw is not at all against the Presidential Decree or other laws above it," Wahidin said Friday.
According to the mayor, since the bylaw took affect in 2005, most residents feel more comfortable due to the decline in the distribution of alcohol in the city.
Petaling Jaya Three Malaysians were queried by Jakarta police Thursday for suspected participation in a demonstration at the Indonesian capital, where the 18th Asean Summit is being held this weekend.
The three were Sisters-in-Islam member Nazreen Nizam, Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) member Choo Chon Kai and Enalini Devi Elumalai of human rights group Suaram.
The trio were reportedly held for questioning at the Polda Metro Jaya police station for about three hours. It is believed that they were in Jakarta to participate in the Asean Peoples' Forum.
In the incident, an Indonesian group known as Solidarity Indonesia For Asean People held a one-hour demonstration in front of the Asean secretariat office, carrying posters and a petition letter.
When contacted Friday, PSM secretary-general S. Arutchelvan said the three were merely watching the demonstration from afar. "I was in contact with one of them via SMS and was told that they were not arrested by the police but merely called in for an enquiry," Arutchelvan said.
Indonesian news portal detikcom said the three were seen leaving the police station at about 8.30pm (Jakarta time) Thursday.
E Mei Amelia R, Jakarta Indonesian police arrested three Malaysian citizens in relation to the 18th ASEAN Summit in Jakarta on May 7-8. The three were questioned for allegedly taking part in a demonstration at the ASEAN Secretariat on Jl. Sisingamangaraja in South Jakarta on May 5.
"Intelligence offices were suspicious of them because they took photographs during the demonstration. The offices suspected, that they were taking part in the demonstration", said Metro Jaya Regional Police public relations chief Senior Commissioner Baharudin Djafar when contacted by a Detik.com journalist on Thursday.
The protest action in front of the ASEAN Secretariat was demanding a resolution to the problems facing South-East Asian countries. Officers then queried the identity of the three who were absorbed taking pictures of the demonstration. "After being queried about their identity, it turned out they were Malaysian citizens", said Djafar.
Upon discovering the three were foreign nationals, the officer then escorted them to the Metro Jaya Regional Police headquarters. After questioning however, it turned out that the three were not involved in the protest action.
"We cross-checked with the field coordinator for the protest action and the field coordinator stated that they were not part of the protest action participants", explained Djafar.
After being question, the three, one woman and two men were sent home. They arrived in Indonesia on visitors visas. "They have been sent home", he said.
The arrest of the three Malaysian citizens meanwhile attracted protests. Social organisations grouped under the Indonesian People Action on ASEAN (IPAA) condemned the arrest of the three and the ban on demonstrating that was issued by the Metro Jaya Regional Police chief. This was despite the fact that the protest action was to demand solidarity and democracy for ASEAN.
"Demonstrating is a constitutional right and is one of the legitimate forms of political expression. As a democratic country, there should not be a ban on activities such as demonstrating", said IPAA spokesperson Oki Firman Febrian in a press statement.
Febrian emphasised that the police's job is not in fact to ban activities such as demonstrations, which are part of the political domain in the implementation of the civil and political rights of citizens. The police's job is to guarantee law and order.
"The ban in fact contradicts the vision of a people's orientated ASIAN that was touted in the formation of the ASEAN Community 2020. The national police are overacting too much in banning demonstrations, this ban will in fact do irreparable damage to the people's orientated ASEAN that has been promoted up until now", said Febrian (mei/ndr)
According to The Star newspaper, the three Malaysian nationals were Sisters-in-Islam member Nazreen Nizam, Malaysian Socialist Party (PSM) member Choo Chon Kai and Enalini Devi Elumalai from the Malaysian of human rights group Suaram (Voice of the Malaysian People).
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta The City Police have launched an investigation to identify the owner of a car that has the license plate number B 8360 SBY, which has been construed as an insult against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"Our intelligence division is cooperating with the Bogor Police to investigate the case," City Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Baharuddin Djafar told reporters.
A photo of a car license plate reading B 8360 SBY has been circulating on social media networks over the past few days. Some believe that the license plate was created to insult the President, who is often referred to as SBY. The license plate, they say, can be read as "BEGO SBY". Bego means idiot in local slang.
Some alleged that the car pictured in the photo a Toyota Fortuner - belongs to local psychic and TV personality Ki Gendeng Pamungkas. This conclusion was prompted by a sticker of the Front Pribumi (Indigenous Front) mass organization plastered on the rear window of the car. Ki Gendeng was chairman of the organization.
Baharudin said the police would have to check that the photo was authentic before investigating who the license plate belonged to.
Some social network users said the photo had likely been digitally manipulated because the letters were not uniform. "Our investigators will check if the vehicle with the plate really exists or not," Baharudin said on Wednesday.
Previously, City Police Traffic Division head Sr. Comr. Royke Lumowa said the license plate was not listed in the police database and was therefore illegal.
Royke said a person working for Ki Gendeng had once applied for the same license plate number. "We rejected the request as we thought the plate could have a negative meaning," Royke said. He added that it was possible that the photo was a fake.
The Constitutional Court has annulled three articles in the Criminal Code that criminalized the act of insulting the president. However, the President is allowed to file a complaint to the police if he is insulted.
In March last year, the city police issued a regulation banning animals at protest rallies after a group of demonstrators brought to a rally a water buffalo that had the word "Sibuya" painted on its rear. "Sibuya" was seen as a reference to SBY.
However, in February this year, the City Police did nothing when members of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) threatened to launch a revolution and unseat Yudhoyono if the Ahmadiyah religious sect was not disbanded.
Ismail Hasani, a member of human rights think tank Setara Institute, said the police's investigation into the license plate picture showed that they were inconsistent in upholding the law.
He said the police had likely chosen to address the license plate issue because it was an easy, whereas cracking down on radical groups such as FPI was more risky.
"There are political choices that have to be made when it comes to the hard-line organizations. The license plate issue has no major political implication," Ismail told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
Elisabeth Oktofani, Vento Saudale, Dwi Lusiana & Rahmat The overwhelming message on May Day from the thousands of workers who took to the streets in rallies nationwide was a call for better wages amid tougher working conditions.
In the capital, employees from various industries descended on the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta on Sunday. Among them were members of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), who carried a mock cage to protest their working conditions.
Winuarto Adhi, head of the AJI union, told the Jakarta Globe that they were demanding greater protection from the government in response to the growing number of acts of violence against journalists.
"Indonesian journalists face bigger challenges these days, such as an intimidation, threats or destruction of property," he said "This is evident in the increasing number of violent incidents targeted at journalists. Unfortunately, these cases have rarely been thoroughly investigated by the police." Siti Damiti, a street vendor at the rally in Jakarta, bemoaned rising food prices and the perceived marginalization of informal-sector workers. "Even though food was expensive before, at least we didn't have to leave home to earn enough to eat," she said.
She added that she was disappointed with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for neglecting the poor and kowtowing to foreign investors. "If he wants to make things better, he shouldn't let foreigners exploit Indonesia and make us strangers in our own land," Siti said.
In Bogor, 500 workers from various factories in the area took part in a similar rally.
Devi, a worker at a textile plant, claimed that she only earned Rp 930,000 a month ($110), far below the minimum wage in Bogor of Rp 1.17 million. She said she could earn Rp 1.6 million, but that would mean working a 12-hour shift.
Yuyus said that he felt compelled to keep working to support his family. He said his job at a mattress factory paid him Rp 1.9 million a month, which was just enough to cover the needs of his wife and four children.
"I've worked for 20 years [at the factory], and even though I'm nearing retirement age, I've got to keep working because I'm the sole breadwinner in the family," he said.
In Malang, East Java, around 600 workers marched on the City Council to protest violations of the minimum wage, union-busting tactics by employers and the lack of social security for workers' families.
Mistiani, a factory worker and mother of one, said that she only earned Rp 800,000, while the minimum wage was Rp 1.08 million."The unions have repeatedly pressed for a wage hike in line with the minimum wage, but to no avail," she said.
The rally was closely guarded by 600 police personnel and proceeded peacefully. But in Makassar, South Sulawesi, protesters blocked the road to the city's Sultan Hasanuddin Airport, forcing flight delays of up to half an hour.
The members from nine unions made an attempt to take over the airport but were held off by 300 riot police. They finally dispersed after a two-hour standoff.
Ulma Haryanto - As workers around the world marked May Day, they once again drew public attention to the shoddy way in which many companies treat their staff.
"I lost my baby during my pregnancy, but I didn't know at the time," said Pipit, 30, a garment factory worker whose first child was stillborn. She told the Jakarta Globe she could only afford to go to a midwife to monitor her pregnancy every two months.
She makes the minimum monthly wage of Rp 1.1 million ($122), but takes home only Rp 850,000 to Rp 900,000. "I took a loan from a co-op for my wedding, which they cut from my pay each month," she said.
She also used to put aside Rp 250,000 a month to cover the costs of giving birth because her company did not cover her medical expenses.
"One of my colleagues fell ill once and couldn't come in, but instead of paying for his treatment, they cut his salary," she said. "That's how it works if you're out more than two days."
Workers like her, she said, had to pay their own medical bills. "I'm recovering, but I hope to go back to work soon," she said. Pipit's company gave her two weeks' unpaid maternity leave. "If my baby had lived, I wouldn't mind unpaid leave," she said. "But I lost her and also part of my salary, and it's sad."
Pipit's plight epitomizes the disenfranchised working class still struggling for basic social security.
Hermawanto, of the Indonesian Workers Union Association (Aspek), said that although companies were paying more heed to improving their workers' welfare compared to previous years, there was still a long way to go.
"When we talk about minimum wage and health care, more companies are including these things in their employment policy," he said.
He said this was part of their compliance with the 2004 National Social Security Law. "But, of course, it's not enough, because the workers also need pension funds, social security, health coverage and unemployment benefits," he said.
The social security law is meant to overhaul existing social protection programs and usher in universal coverage to protect workers against risks associated with old age, illness, work-related injuries and death. Since its passage in 2004, the law has not been enforced.
"A lot of informal workers could lose their jobs at any moment, and if they do, they won't have any social security net," Hermawanto said. "Companies often cling to the old view that social security is a burden. They refuse to believe modern management theory that happy employees contribute more to the company's productivity and profitability."
Disenfranchised workers have for the most part taken their cases to pro bono institutes like the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation. In 2009, a record 163,165 workers filed complaints with the foundation, saying their rights had been breached.
The reported violations included employers failing to pay the minimum wage, breach of contract and denial of workers' rights to receive allowance.
Litigation on this front, however, often backfires on the workers. "Union heads or activists usually end up being fired or even sued for libel by the companies," Hermawanto said.
Jakarta - A similar scene plays out every year on May Day: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono goes out of town while thousands of workers rally in front of his office.
Yudhoyono visited ceramics factory PT Industri Keramik Kemenangan Jaya and drinking water company PT Tirta Investama in Bogor, West Java, on Sunday. "I have celebrated International Labor Day in the last five years with visits to companies," Yudhoyono said.
During his visit, the President pledged to continue boosting relations between workers, businessmen and the government, known as tripartite talks. "We hope [that with better relations], worker's welfare can be improved," he said.
Thousands of workers gathered at a rally in front of Merdeka Palace under the close watch of 14,000 police officers.
Representatives from a number of labor organizations threw coins and burned tires to highlight long-standing snags in the country's labor system. The police fired tear gas at protesters who burned tires. The rally caused heavy traffic congestion along major roads in Jakarta.
Protesters key demands include halting outsourcing of labor, a contract- based recruitment practice established by the 2003 Labor Law. Protesters also called on the government to set up a social security agency to implement the national social security system (SJSN).
The 2004 SJSN Law requires the government to implement healthcare, occupational accident, old-age risk, pension and death benefits programs. "Government should stop trying to impoverish workers," Rekson Silaban, president of the Indonesian Prosperous Labor Union (SBSI), said.
Elsewhere in Greater Jakarta, hundreds of protesters took to the roads around Tangerang city after local police blocked their convoy headed to Soekarno-Hatta International Airport.
Thousands of workers in several provinces across the country also marked May Day with rallies.
In Batam, 5,000 workers gathered at the Batam Center in a peaceful protest demanding President Yudhoyono step down for failing to protect worker's rights in his seven years in office.
The head of the Batam branch of the metal workers union, Yoni Matoyo, said the government was inconsistent in its enforcement of labor laws. "Businesspeople exploit the system of outsourcing for their own benefit. The system is not humane," Yoni said.
In Medan, the North Sumatra Police deployed 4,952 officers to separate rallies held by activists and supporters of the local administration. Medan Regent Rahudman Harahap led a rally of 100 workers handing out gifts. Workers affiliated with the Unity of Labor Liberation Front staged a separated rally criticizing Rahudman's followers as betraying workers' struggle for better welfare.
In Yogyakarta, 100 journalists also staged a rally demanding media companies give journalists better wages and allow for the establishment of unions. "Journalists are also workers. As workers, journalists deserve a decent salary that will in turn influence the quality of their reports," Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) activist Bambang Muryanto said in a speech.
In Makassar, 1,000 workers called on the government to stop outsourcing practices and increase the salary of workers. "Workers in Indonesia, including in Makassar, are still to receive a fair deal. Many of our rights are ignored," rally coordinator Muhtar Guntor said.
[Fadli in Batam, Apriadi Gunawan in Medan and Andi Hajramurni in Makassar contributed to this story.]
Dira Derby, Jakarta A clash broke out between workers and police at the rear entrance to the Soekarno-Hatta International Airport on Sunday when police refused to allow protesting from the Indonesian People's Opposition Front (FORI) from entering the airport.
Wearing red uniforms and carrying flags, banners, posters and megaphones, the workers gave speeches along the length of the road leading to the airport. Despite being blocked by police the demonstrators were determined to continue the demonstration inside the airport.
When the workers came face-to-face with the police blockade a clash broke out with demonstrators and police pushing and shoving each other and the two sides coming to blows. The scuffle did not last long however and protest leaders and the police were eventually able to calm the protesters down.
In speeches the workers demanding that the government abolish contract labour systems or outsourcing, which they said means that workers have no job security.
"Contract workers are very vulnerable to intimidation or even dismissals when there are problems with the company or wish to be involved in a trade union. So we will besiege and occupy the Soekarno-Hatta airport", said Rendra, one of the workers.
As of 2pm the protest action was still continuing resulting in severe traffic congestion at the M1 toll road gate in the direction of Tangerang city. (gah/gah)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Solo Commemorating International Labour Day on May 1, two protest actions were held by workers and students in the Central City of Solo on Sunday.
During a demonstration led by students from the Surakarta (Solo) Muhammadiyah University (MS) and the Solo Solidarity Trade Union Federation (FSBSK), the protesters deplored employers and the government for failing to pay heed to the fate of workers.
They also held a theatrical action at the UMS campus intersection on Jl. Ahmad Yani depicting the suffering of Indonesian workers. "Mercy boss, mercy boss. We're working as hard as we can", cried Sutanto, Ipung and Tri Purwanto as they played the part of workers while Iwan Setiawan, who was portrayed as an employer trampled on their heads.
During the action the protesters read out a number of demands including rejecting contract labour or outsourcing, called for a decent wage for workers in line with the reasonable living cost index (KHL) and criticised labour laws for failing to side with workers.
The action descended into chaos when a scuffle broke out with police after demonstrators destroyed a theatrical prop in the form of a two-metre high bamboo cone-shaped building symbolising the employers' empire. "Destroy the capitalists' walls, destroy them", said one of the demonstrators as they shouted long live workers and argued with police.
Separately, around 50 workers from the Surakarta city and Sukoharjo regency branches of National Trade Union (SPN) held a demonstration at the Gladag traffic circle demanding justice for workers. Emphasising four points, the workers rejected outsourcing system, demanding a reasonable wage, called for revisions to the Ministry of Labour Regulation Number 17/2004 and the upholding of labour laws, which they said employers and the government had failed to address to this day.
"[Wages] in Solo and surrounding areas are still not adequate, employees' wages are only 826,000 rupiah per month. When we conducted a survey in later March 2010 in cooperation with the AKKK (Occupational Health and Safety Program, AK3) it [should] be at least 1,400,000 rupiah per month. Bearing in mind the increasing cost of living", said SPN Sukoharjo chairperson Kuwadi Mulyadi. (Asep Abdullah/CN26/JBSM)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Boyolali Hundreds of workers from a number of different companies in Boyolali, Central Java, held a peaceful action commemorating May Day on Sunday.
During the action, the workers drove around the city on motorbikes starting from the National Trade Union (SPN) offices on Jl. Pahlawan and ending up at the Labour, Transmigration and Social Affairs Offices (Disnakertransos) where they were received by Disnakertransos head Ir Mulyatno and office officials.
After giving speeches at the Disnakertransos, the workers then continued the action at a number of companies in the Mojosongo and Teras sub- districts.
In their demands the SPN called for revisions to the Law Number 3/1992 on the Workers Insurance Scheme and Law Number 2/2004 on the Settlement of Industrial Disputes. They also rejected contract labour systems and called for the enforcement of labour laws and the fulfillment of women workers' rights. (fid)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Liliek Dharmawan, Purwokerto At least 150 people from the People's Struggle Front (FPR) held a demonstration to commemorate International Labour day at the Purwokerto town square in Central Java on Sunday.
During the action, the protesters even held a "sleep in" action on Jl. Jenderal Soedirman in front of the square in which 10 activists threw themselves down on the hot asphalt while the other demonstrators shouted their support for the workers' demands. As a result police were forced to redirect traffic passing by the square.
In a speech action coordinator Widi said that the workers are demanding wages in line with a reasonable living standard. "We also call for the abolition of contract work systems, protection for migrant workers and the annulment of laws that smack of neoliberalism", asserted Widi.
The action, which was also supported by a number of student organisations and NGOs, began at around 10am and was closely guarded by police. The demonstration action was ended with the release of balloons into the air. (OL-12)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Sukabumi (PRLM) Hundreds of workers from the Sukabumi regency National Trade Union (SPN) in West Java commemorated International May day at the Sukabumi regional government offices.
Arriving on motorbikes, the workers then forced their way into the government office grounds. In anticipation of the workers' arrival, the Sukabumi city police and military personal were on alert and prevented the workers from entering main audience hall.
"In addition to concerns over welfare and healthcare workers are to this day still being neglected. We are asking for workers to be given enough time to pray. Because for almost all of them, the opportunities to pray are very limited. We find it difficult to perform our ritual prayers five times a day", said Hera Iskandar, the chairperson of the Sukabumi SPN regional leadership board. (A-162/A-120)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
A workers action commemorating International Labour Day or May Day at the House of Representatives (DPR) in Jakarta also demanded the cancelation of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA).
"Cancel the free trade agreement with China (ACFTA), because it is paralysing the people's economy in all sectors of the economy", said National Labour Union (SPN) central leadership board chairperson Bambang Wirahyoso during the action on Sunday.
In addition to demanding the cancelation of the ACFTA, the protesting workers at the DPR also called for the immediate ratification of the Social Insurance Management Agency (BPJS) law and the eradication of the judicial mafia in the Supreme Court, particularly in relation to industrial relations cases.
A short time ago Industry Minister MS Hidayat reported that the free trade deal with China had resulted in a 25 percent decline in domestic production. Factors such as the un-readiness of local employers, particularly in relation to product competitiveness, were cited as one of the causes. Rampant smuggling is damaging domestic markets.
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Mursalin Yasland, Bandar Lampung Hundreds of activists and workers in the Lampung provincial capital of Bandar Lampung took to the city's street on International Labour Day.
The protesters started the action in front of a well known shopping centre in Bandar Lampung then marched towards the Elephant Monument traffic circle and rallied in front of the busiest shopping centre in the city. In addition to giving speeches, they also handed out leaflets with demands for more attention to be paid to workers' welfare and labour rights.
The 500 or so protesters came from the group Lampung People's Struggle (PRL), which is made up of 32 organisations or NGOs that support the struggle for better working conditions. "This is a peaceful action, to fight for workers' interests, which are increasingly languishing as their rights are trampled on by the hegemony of power", said one of the activists, Suryadi.
In another part of the city, the Bandar Lampung Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) also used May Day to convey their demands. In a press release the journalists called for safety guarantees and increased wages. AJI said that these demands are urgent in order that journalists can be more professional in carrying out their assignments.
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Hendra Saputram Banda Aceh Commemorating International Labour Day, scores of mass media workers in the Acehnese provincial of Banda Aceh held a peaceful action condemning violence against journalists on Sunday.
During the action, which took place at the Simpang Lima traffic circle, the journalists also condemned an attack on Pidie Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) chairperson Rahmad Idris and an Analisa Daily journalist by a former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) member in Padang Tiji, Pidie.
In speeches the journalists called on the police to fully investigate cases of violence against journalists and try the perpetrators. The action, which was held by cross-media journalists in Aceh, also demanded better safety guarantees and welfare for journalists.
AJI Banda Aceh chairperson Mukhtaruddin Yakob said that welfare and the threat of violence is still the main problem faced by journalists in Indonesia.
"Many journalists are not paid decent wages by their media. Yet the risk in carrying out assignments is very high. There are still many journalists who are not yet covered by insurance by the media companies where they work. The low wages received by journalists make it difficult for them to work professionally, so not a few of them are forced to violate journalistic ethics", said Yakob.
AJI has record 66 cases of valence against journalists in 2010 and the Committee to Project Journalist includes Indonesia on the list of countries where journalists are at risk. (OL-12)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Semarang Hundreds of people from groups such as the National Workers Union (SPN) and the Indonesian People's United Resistance (PPRI) commemorated International Labour Day (May Day) on Sunday in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang.
The SPN held its action in the vicinity of Jl. Pahlawan while the PPRI started their action at the Baiturrahman Mosque in Simpanglima then marched to Jl. Pahlawan.
The march by the PPRI, which is composed of the SMI, the Lengkong Youth, the Indonesian Cultural Society Union (Sebumi), Indonesian Parliamentary Youth (PPI) and the Indonesia People's Movement (GRI), took up the entire road forcing vehicle behind to trail slowly behind. The march resulted in several minutes of traffic congestion. One of the PPRI activists, Rendra, said that the current administration does not side with workers but with capitalists. "We are demanding three things, the nationalisation of state assets for the people's welfare, building a people-based national industry and the implementation of genuine agrarian reform", he said.
As of 11am the PPRI protesters were still holding free speeches on Jl. Pahlawan. The previous night they also held a cultural contemplation at the same location. The action was guarded by hundreds of police. (Adhitia A, Krisnaji Satriawan/CN14/JBSM)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Komhukum (Jakarta) Thousands of workers are still demonstrating at the State Palace on Jl. Merdeka Barat in Central Jakarta demanding reforms to working conditions.
The protesting workers, who had been gathering since this morning, had earlier held a long-march from the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta. One of the larger groups involved in May Day this year is the Indonesian People's United Resistance (PPRI, an alliance of 14 trade unions).
In commemorating May Day, the PPRI said that it is seeking working condition reforms for workers and labourers. In addition to trade unions, PPRI also includes the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) and several extra-parliamentary youth organisations such as the Indonesian Youth Front for Struggle (FPPI) and the Indonesian Student Union (SMI).
In a leaflet, the PPRI said that the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono is a capitalist regime and accused it of failing to bring prosperity to the ordinary people, particularly the working class.
Meanwhile the national coordinator of the FPPI, Ferry Widodo, said that this year's May Day represents an effort to united the people's movements to resist oppression by the state. "Currently the state is committing more violence, particularly through the policies the government is issuing", said Widodo.
The demonstrators from AJI meanwhile, who brought theatrical props to the action such as a miniature jail, called for improvement to welfare for journalists. They also demanded the freedom for journalists to form trade unions and organise. (K-2/Kahfi)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Iman Herdiana, Bandung Hundreds of students and workers from the People's Struggle Front (FPR) held a protest action in front of the West Java provincial government offices in Bandung today to commemorate International Labour Day.
The protest action started at around 10am with demonstrators from trade unions and student organisations from throughout Bandung giving speeches demanding welfare improvements for farm and plantation labourers, factory workers, the unemployed and students.
"Today is a momentum for farm and plantation labourers, factory workers, students, who are still in poverty. Let us demand the right to a decent life, which to this day the government has never provided", said one of the speakers. "We have land, our land is stolen. We work hard and are wages are cut. Our young people have no employment", said the students and workers as they sung songs of labour struggle.
Action coordinator Hechtor Situmorang from the Indonesian National Students Movement (GMNI) said that there is currently no National Social Security Program (SJSN), but that this could be applied if the Social Insurance Management Agency (BPJS) had a legal umbrella.
"We demand that the House of Representatives ratify the law regulating the BPJS. Because if the BPJS law is ratified, it would no just be workers that benefit but there would be accident insurance and healthcare for the people in general", said Situmorang. (abe)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Rohmat, Denpasar The commemoration of International Labour Day in Bali was commemorated by a number of different student organisations. Workers however were absent from the protest.
At around 10am, scores of students marched from the Udayana University campus in the capital Denpasar towards the Sudirman and Dewi Sartika intersection. Along the way they stopped to give speeches in the middle of the road in which they condemned the government for failing to pay attention to the fate of migrant workers.
"Workers are still oppressed. The packet of Department of Labour and Transmigration laws have further marginalised workers", said People's Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights (Ardham) public relations officer Hairul during a break in the action. Moreover the laws regulate outsourcing or contract labour, which clearly harms workers.
According to the students, there is no political will on the part of the government to take concrete action to improve workers' welfare. They added that the packet of three labour laws fail to side with workers and only benefits employers.
"The administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono has failed to bring prosperity, as proven by the migrant workers in Saudi Arabia that were abandoned just like that without protection. Not to mention workers in Indonesia working in the factories with low wages and being robbed by the owners of capital", asserted Hairul.
Unfortunately, the commemoration of May Day, which was organised by the Udayana University Student Executive Council (BEM), was not joined by Balinese workers.
In addition to giving speeches, they also handed out leaflets to passing drivers containing a statement of six demands including opposing contract labour systems and outsourcing and rejecting mass sackings. (ful)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Iman Herdiana, Bandung The West Java provincial government office in Bandung has again been the target of hundreds of workers with around 500 people from the Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance (KASBI) besieging the Gedung Sate building.
The protesters arrived at around 10am with most wearing red T-shirts. The demonstration was also marked by a theatrical action in which several workers were smeared with red ink to symbolise blood and their oppression by employers and the authorities.
Protesters also took turns in giving speeches including Enung Wiwin from KASBI Majalaya. "Women workers are the pillars of the country, it's time for women to be active and lead. The tap of freedom is open. Workers organisations must take care of their members. Don't be defeated by employers", said Wiwin in a speech.
According to Wiwin, the fate of workers, particularly women workers, depends on the factory environment and the strength of workers. "If women workers are consistent in demanding their rights, they are sure of being able to resist pressure", Wiwin told journalists.
Although Wiwin conceded that the conditions at her factory were relatively good, one important right has not been fulfilled, namely the right to breastfeed. "Almost none of the women workers have obtained the right to breastfeed. So for the whole eight hours of work, there is no time to breastfeed and no special room for breastfeeding", she said. (ful)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Laurencius Simanjuntak, Jakarta Even though its occupants are in recess, the House of Representatives (DPR) building in Central Jakarta was the target of around 150 protesters commemorating Labour Day.
The demonstrators, who wore grey T-shirts and began arriving in buses at around 10am, gave speeches and unfurled flags. There was no additional security provided, but a 200-metre long razor-wire baracade had been setup up in front of the DPR guarded by around 20 police officers.
"The plan today was for 15 thousand people to come. In fact we have a permit for 15 thousand", said Metal, Electronic and Machinery Trade Union- All Indonesia Workers Union Federation (SPLEM-SPSI) action coordinator.
The demonstrators appeared united in their demands opposing outsourcing, rejecting set work shifts, calling for the ratification of the Social Insurance Management Agency draft law (RUU BPJS), demanding that May 1 to be declared a national holiday and calling for the repeal of Labour Ministry Regulation 1/2005 on staged achievement of the reasonable living cost index. (gah/fay)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Suci Dian Firani, Jakarta In addition to demonstrating at the State Palace and House of Representatives (DPR) building, hundreds of workers also commemorated May Day by descending on the Department of Labour and Transmigration (Kemenakertrans) office demanding welfare improvements.
The demonstrators from the National Trade Union (SPN) began arriving a the Department of Labour offices in Central Jakarta at around 12.45pm where they immediately began giving speeches from a pickup truck.
"We are warning the government about the Social Insurance Management Agency (SJSN) law which since 2004 is yet to be implemented, we also reject outsourcing systems and demand pension payments", Trade Union Association (PSP) chairperson Sunadri told journalists. The protest action, which was watched over by around 400 police officers proceeded peacefully. The 50 or so buses used to transport the workers, which were parked along the side of the road, did not disrupt the flow of traffic.
In addition to protest actions in the capital Jakarta, May Day commemorations were also held in other cities such as Yogyakarta and Makassar. (adi/fay)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Febrina Ayu Scottiati, Jakarta A peaceful commemoration of Labour Day in front of the State Palace in Jakarta became heated after protesters set fire to five tyres at around 12.15pm forcing police to deploy anti-riot troops.
Two police officers equipped with fire fighting equipment attempted to extinguish the fires, which were generating a thick black smoke. It took around 15 minutes for the pair to completely put out the fires.
As a result, around 50 anti-riot troops wearing black uniforms, helmets and armed with truncheons were deployed to anticipate any undesirable incidents and setup a barbed-wire blockade.
"We did not have any plans to set fire to tyres in front of the Palace. Whoever set fire to the tyres was not one of our demonstrators", said the action coordinator speaking from atop an open truck.
By around 12.45pm the atmosphere returned to normal with around 5,000 demonstrators from various labour organisation who packed Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara as far as Gambir train station listening to speeches from the from their respective leaders. (gah/fay)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Muhammad Nur Abdurrahman, Jakarta Around 1,000 workers in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar disbursed after protesters were prevented from entering the Sultan Hasanuddin international airport by a police blockade in front of the airport entrance.
Prior to dispersing, the protesters from the Indonesian People's Opposition Front (FORI) were involved in a scuffle with police when they tried to force their way through the blockade.
"We wanted the demonstrating workers to occupy the airport, because the airport is a vital state object and we wanted our demands to be heard, because we were tired of [demonstrating at the] Regional House of Representatives and the governor's office. Our voices were not being heard there", said FORI field coordinator Muchtar Guntur in a speech in front of the police blockade.
After failing to break through the blockade the workers disbursed with Guntur pledging that they would return at a later time. Other workers meanwhile held an action at Makassar industrial Zone. (mna/gun) [Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Bagus Kurniawan, Yogyakarta Thousands of workers and students from a variety of organisations in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta commemorated International Labour Day or May Day today demanding wage increases and social welfare.
Among others, the demonstration was joined by protesters from the Yogyakarta Workers Alliance (ABY), the Media Workers Union (SPM) and the Independent Trade Union Federation (FSPM).
During the action, the thousands of protesters packed the length of the Jl. Malioboro area of central Yogyakarta forcing traffic to be diverted by police.
In speeches they condemned the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono saying they had failed to bring prosperity to the ordinary people.
FSPM action coordinator Ali Prasetyo said in a speech that workers reject the use of labour outsourcing and called for a national workers insurance scheme. "Abolish and revoke contract systems and contract labour", said Prasetyo.
The demonstration was closely watched over by hundreds of police officers who were placed on alert at important locations such as the Pertamina state-owned oil company offices, the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) and the Yogyakarta Governor's office. (bgs/gah)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Addi Mawahibun Idhom, Yogyakarta Jalan Malioboro in Central Java city of Yogyakarta was the focus today for International Labour Day 2011 or May Day commemorations by six different groups of protesters voicing a number of different demands.
The first action was held by hundreds of protesters from the Yogyakarta Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) who held a long-march from the Yogyakarta Regional House of Representative (DPRD) building to the governor's office at the Gedung Agung building rejecting low wages and calling for the formation of a media trade union. A second group of protesters later joined the protest giving speeches and holding a theatrical action.
A second demonstration by the Yogyakarta Labour Alliance (ABY), which involved workers, domestic workers and students, demanded the immediate ratification of the Social Insurance Management Agency (SJSN) law and rejected contract labour systems.
Several meters south of the ABY and AJI protesters, was a demonstration by dozens of people from the Kulonprogo branch of the Volunteers of Democracy in Struggle (Repdem). In addition to giving speeches rejecting low wages and outsourcing, they also held a theatrical action involving five people chained to together and entirely covered with white paint.
Meanwhile, hundreds of people from the Yogyakarta Solidarity Committee Federation of Indonesian Independent Workers (KF SBII) held an action a short distance north of the ABY and AJI protest. They also held a long- march to the Yogyakarta DPRD. In a press release the KF SBII rejected the politics of low wages, demanded the abolition of outsourcing, called for criminal punishment of companies violating the 2003 labour law, demanded that Labour Office supervision reports be published and called for a regional regulation to protect Yogyakarta workers. Demonstrating in front of the Malioboro Mall, scores of protesters from the Carrefour Indonesia Trade Union (SPCI) and the Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance (KASBI) commemorated May Day by blockading the entire road. They also unfurled red-banners with demands such as "Reject outsourcing labour systems" and "Reject neoliberalism".
Meanwhile, scores of students commemorated May Day by holding a sit-in in front of the Yogyakarta provincial government offices in Kepatihan. The protesters, who came from the Yogyakarta Student Union (SMY) unfurled banners with demands rejecting low wages and calling for increases to the provincial minimum wage (UMP).
In an official announcement, the Yogyakarta regional police said they had enacted a state of high alert for Yogyakarta on May 1 and deployed 1,643 police officers to watch over the commemoration of May Day and at various entertainment spots and places of worship. It is estimated that 3,382 people will commemorate May Day throughout the Special Province of Yogyakarta today.
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Tifa Asrianti, Jakarta - Despite working for a German sports apparel company that amasses annual profits of millions of dollars, garment manufacture worker Jamiatun can barely make ends meet for her family.
After a decade of labor at the garment company, she earns a monthly salary of Rp 1.29 million (US$143). As her husband is always between jobs, living expenses and the two children's education swallow almost all of her income.
"I can't afford to get sick," she said. "If I fell ill and had to skip work for one day, the company would cut my pay."
The salary she receives is the provincial minimum wage, but as a garment and textile sector worker, she should actually receive Rp 1.38 million.
She said that when an accident happened at work, the company would take the injured worker to the company's health center but expected the worker to work again the next day. For illnesses that last more than two days, the company makes workers pay for medication.
"The company only gives me a salary and Jamsostek [social security allowance], but they don't offer health insurance or workplace injury insurance," she said.
Jamiatun and Khumsoni pay Rp 250,000 per month for their three-by-three meter rented room where they sleep and cook. The couple shares the electricity and water bills with other people living in the rented room complex as they share one electricity meter and a communal bathroom.
Khumsoni said they ate whatever they could afford. "If we are short on money, then we don't eat," he said.
Jamiatun said she stuck with her job because of her children and the eventual old-age savings she could cash in. "People may think those working in the formal sector have a better life than those working in the informal sector. But my reality is very different."
Despite the formal sector status, the work barely fulfills the International Labor Organization's definition of decent work, which includes opportunities for productive work that delivers a fair income, security in the workplace and social protection for families.
Many formal sector workers are not registered with all five mandatory social insurance schemes as mandated by the social security law. The ILO's 2010/2011 World Social Security Report stated that less than 20 percent of the country's 170 million working age population were registered to a pension scheme in 2009.
"In fact, about 83 percent of workers remain uncovered by social insurance [old-age, occupational injury and death]," stated another ILO report titled Labour and Social Trends in Indonesia 2010. It added that healthcare coverage was higher at 46 percent in favor of Jamkesmas, the tax-funded healthcare provision for the poor.
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator Rieke Dyah Pitaloka said workers needed to be protected by the social security system, especially universal health coverage. "With universal health coverage, people can get free medication regardless of their location or income," she said.
The social insurers bill (RUU BPJS), which is currently being drafted, could help expand the provision, but its deliberation is stalled with unresolved debate between the government and lawmakers over the bill's purposes and the ideal forms of the insurers.
"A recent meeting with the government sparked the idea the social insurer in the bill could take the form of multiple entities, not just one," Rieke said.
Bandung, West Java - Outsourcing was the main issue raised by thousands of workers in the Indonesian Trade Union Alliance Congress (KASBI) commemorating international Labor Day in Bandung on Sunday.
"Just revoke the work contract system, do you agree friends?" asked Daryanto, KASBI field coordinator, in a street rally in front of the Bandung city administration gate on Jalan Diponegoro on Sunday.
During the May Day rally, the workers raised seven demands including the revocation of outsourcing.
"We, of the May 1 Action Committee, refuse layoffs and low wages. Stop the crack down on trade unions. Manpower supervisors should carry out real work, act assertively, provide working capital and modern agricultural technology, and set commodity basic prices for farmers," Daryanto said.
Around 100 university students from the Popular Struggle Front also held rallies in front of the City administration in Bandung relating. Thousands of police officers were on guard around the city administration building.
Novi Christiastuti Adiputri, Jakarta The Nusantara Marijuana Circle (LGN) held a long-march through the Farmers Monument area in Central Jakarta on Saturday May 7 to commemorate the Global Marijuana March (GMM).
Around 50 people wearing white T-shirts with the LGN logo gathered at the Farmers Monument bringing banners and posters, one of which read "Global Marijuana March", with another reading "[We] demand the government provide the objective facts".
Other posters had unique messages such as "Marijuana for Indonesia's future", "Legalise for meditational purposes", "Food and energy industry, marijuana is the solution", "We like Marijuana" and "Marijuana go Green".
The protesters marched around the Farmers Monument area accompanied by a pickup truck carrying a sound system. In the style of Jamaican reggae, some wore their hair in dreadlocks and music could be heard in the reggae genre.
LGN spokesperson Dira Narayana said that the event has been organised in Indonesia since last year while internationally it has been taking place for the last five years. "Overseas it is still taking place to this day, we are trying to pioneer it here", said Narayana.
When asked about the direction of the movement, Narayana explained that it is only an issue of information saying that Marijuana can be used to treat cancer and other illnesses. Narayana also said that the movement already exists in 250 cities and 50 countries.
"Marijuana is no more dangerous than coffee and tea, although if in large amounts it can also cause intoxication. There is overseas research overseas to that effect, it's not dangerous. We have also tried to conduct research here", Narayana asserted. (mpr/gah)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta - The Nationwide Marijuana Circle (LGN) staged a march on Saturday to campaign for the legalization of marijuana in the country. They marched around the Tugu Tani monument in Central Jakarta.
"What we want as our first step is for the government to provide objective information about marijuana," LGN chair Dhira Narayana said at the march. "People need to be informed that marijuana can be used to cure cancer. Marijuana also does not trigger any addiction that is more dangerous than coffee or tea," he said.
The march was originally planned to go from the Tugu Tani monument to the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, also in Central Jakarta. But, the police did not allow LGN marchers to gather at the traffic circle because of the ongoing ASEAN Summit, which began on Saturday morning.
About 50 members of the LGN participated in the march. "Not all of them are active users," Dhira said.
Medan Hundreds of journalists rallied in front of Medan Police headquarters to protest the closure of TOPKOTA and an attack on Orbit, two local daily newspapers.
Three reporters were injured when unknown attackers raided Orbit's office on Tuesday night, allegedly motivated by the newspaper's reports on alleged gambling racket run by a food company.
"Press freedom in this region is under threat. Violence haunts the press. This has been marked by an escalation in anarchic acts against media workers," Rika Yoez, chairwoman of the Independent Journalist Alliance's (AJI) Medan branch, said, adding that there were 11 reported threats to media freedom in the region over the last two years. The violence was counterproductive to democratization, Rika said.
Medan Police chief Sr. Cmr. Tagam Sinaga promised a thorough investigation of the Orbit case. "We have named seven people suspects, including the director of PT Wahana Dewata Mandiri," he said. The company allegedly distributed lottery tickets to customers.
Meanwhile, Medan Mayor Rahudman Harahap allegedly ordered TOPKOTA closed last weekend after it published a report alleging Rahudman assaulted a government official who allegedly had an affair with his wife.
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Panca Nugraha, Bandung/Mataram Students nationwide marked National Education Day on Monday with peaceful rallies demanding free education, better infrastructure and facilities, and educational budget transparency.
In Bandung, West Java, students from several local universities rallied in front of the governor's office at Gedung Sate on Jl. Diponegoro, demanding more money for education, while contract teachers staged a separate rally for better wages.
A spokesperson for the students, Andi Nuroni, questioned the West Java provincial administration's claim to have allocated 21.1 percent of its 2011 budget for education, saying that only 20 percent of the total educational allocation would go to improve the educational system or provide free education, while the remaining 80 percent would pay teacher salaries.
"This violates the Constitution since teacher salaries must not be included in the education budget. This accounts for why we still find many damaged schools, expensive educations and teachers of low quality everywhere," Andi said on the sidelines of the rally.
In Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, dozens of students from a local teacher training student association staged a piece of political theater decrying the condition of the nation's educational system and its expensive fees.
Protest coordinator Wachid Yahya demanded that the government ensure its commitment to allot 20 percent of the national budget not include teacher salaries.
They also urged the government to improve education infrastructure and facilities and to provide financial support to economically disadvantaged students.
In Banyumas, Central Java, hundreds students from Jenderal Soedirman University (Unsoed) rallied at the regency administration building on Monday to demand a ban of the International School Pilot Project (RSBI) program, claiming it had become a business enterprise for schools.
"RSBI is a form of a capitalization of education that only makes parents miserable," Tofik, a protester, said.
In Jakarta, National Education Minister Muhammad Nuh called for the implementation of character-based education at all academic levels starting in the 2011/2012 academic year.
In his speech at National Education Day celebrations on Monday, Nuh cited three characteristics of character-based education: consciousness of existence as one of God's creatures, intellectual curiosity and pride in achievement. (rcf)
[Agus Maryono and Arya Dipa contributed to this story from Banyumas and Bandung.]
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh - Officials have lambasted an Australian carbon broker for selling the marketing rights for carbon credits created through a forest conservation project to a Canadian mining firm.
According to a press release from Toronto-listed East Asia Minerals, Carbon Conservation included the sales and marketing rights to the carbon credits as part of the 50 percent equity the miner acquired in the broker.
East Asia Minerals said it paid $500,000 and issued 2.5 million shares to Carbon Conservation in the deal.
Makmur Ibrahim, a spokesman for the Aceh administration, confirmed that Carbon Conservation had signed on to help create carbon credits in the 700,000-hectare Ulu Masen forest conservation project.
However, he said that if Carbon Conservation had auctioned off the sales and marketing rights to those credits, then its contract with the Aceh administration would have to be reviewed. "We may even cancel the contract if we find that they've abused the agreement [by selling the rights to a mining firm]," he said.
Vanda Mutia Dewi, coordinator of the environmental group Greenomics Indonesia, also lashed out at Carbon Conservation for giving up the rights to the miner. "East Asia Minerals has mining interests in Aceh, and Carbon Conservation had the exclusive right to sell and market the carbon credits from Ulu Masen," she said. "Clearly there's a conflict of interest here. Carbon Conservation has abused its contract with the Aceh administration."
Hasbi Abdullah, speaker of the Aceh legislature, said he was surprised the Aceh authorities had never been involved in the talks about the equity stake that Carbon Conservation had sold to East Asia Minerals.
"It's that kind of move that's dangerous for the future of Aceh's forests," he said. "We'll immediately summon Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf to explain how this was allowed to happen," he added.
"The governor must answer for this mess because it was his administration that struck a deal with the foreign firm without informing the legislature, and subsequently causing losses to the province."
Jakarta Puncak Jaya Regent Lukas Enembe has ordered soldiers not to carry weapons during peacetime, particularly when in the town, saying it scares residents.
"The ban does not apply when soldiers are pursuing enemies in the jungle or whenever they are at war with separatists. But if they enter the city in peacetime they shouldn't carry any weapons with them," Enembe said Thursday, as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
The statement was made following a series of complaints from residents on how soldiers could be "arrogant" when strolling around town with their guns.
Commenting on this, Papua Military commander Maj. Gen. Erfi Triasunu said he understood the ban and reasons behind it, adding that he would pay serious attention on it.
"We carry those weapons in accordance with our duty to safeguard the region and to protect the country's sovereignty not to show off, let alone to scare [locals]," he said.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura The number of people living with HIV/AIDS in Papua and West Papua has jumped by more than 30 percent to over 17,000 in just four months, an official said on Thursday.
Kostan Karma, head of the Papua AIDS Prevention Commission (KPA), said the spike in infections was very worrying, and blamed it on the prevalence of unprotected sex.
He said the latest data from the provincial health office showed there were 7,098 people with the virus in Papua in December, and 10,000 in West Papua.
"But back in August 2010, there were only 5,000 in Papua and 8,000 in West Papua," he said. "The KPA is trying hard to campaign about HIV/AIDS prevention, but we just can't seem to keep the numbers down."
Kostan said that of the 38 towns and districts in the two provinces, Mimika in Papua, home to the world's biggest copper and gold mine, had shown the highest increase and overall number of infections. However, he did not give any figures.
The KPA also blamed the proliferation of new districts over the past 10 years as a factor for the spread of the virus.
"What's happened is that there's been more money spreading around, which encourages people to break with the traditional way of life and adopt a more modern lifestyle, including sexual promiscuity," Kostan said.
"What we're trying to do is get churches to spread the message to get people to stop having casual sex, or if they must, to at least use a condom."
He said that if the number of people living with the virus rose to 1 percent of the population of both provinces which the 2010 census put at 2.8 million the KPA would begin imposing mandatory testing for all new mothers in the region.
He said the measure would at least help identify the number of infected newborns, so they could get early treatment.
An activist who campaigns for the protection of Papuan forests says an agreement between the European Union and Indonesia over illegally sourced timber probably won't save kwila hardwood from extinction.
Under the new arrangement, auditors will verify that imports of wood products comply with Indonesia's environmental laws. Indonesia exports well over a billion US dollars of timber products to Europe every year.
Maire Leadbetter of the Indonesia Human Rights Committee says illegal logging remains rampant in Papua.
"This move in the EU and moves in the US to do something about the entry of illegally logged timber, I suppose you could say it's a step in the right direction but there's still a heck of a lot of things to be looked into and it's not really likely to solve the kwila problem in itself."
Maire Leadbetter says the agreement doesn't appear to provide for independent cerification of the timber source.
Thousands of demonstrators from the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat, KNPB) again demanded that a Referendum be held in Papua. Demonstrators carried a number of smaller banners, and two large ones. The masses planned to bring their demands to the Papuan office of the House of Representatives in Jayapura, Monday (2/5).
>From JUBI's observations, the masses of KNPB demonstrators continually shouted cries of 'Independence for Papua (Papua Merdeka).' The masses also communicated that they judged the Act of Free Choice (penentuan pedapat rakyat, or 'Pepera') which took place on 1 May 1963 to have been illegal.
Mako Tabuni, the leader of the demonstration, said that the action took place under the theme of 'National Action of the People of West Papua.' According to Mako, this time, the demo was no ordinary demo. On the contrary, this demo had the potential to open up the process of dealing with the West Papua issue in the international arena.
He added that the action also gave weight to moves to mount a legal challenge to the Papuan situation, supporting 62 lawyers who plan to challenge the Act of Free Choice in the International Court. "This action gives weight to legal actions. This is no ordinary action." said Mako, whilst giving a political speech from a pick-up truck which was being used as a command vehicle by the masses.
The masses gathered at four points around Abepura: in front of the Cenderawasih University Campus; at Padang Bulan in Abepura, at the taxi terminus at Waena III public housing block, and at the Ekspo Waena public housing block. Other demonstrators came from Sentani, Jayapura regency, Papua.
The masses arrived carrying two large banners. One of the banners bore the slogan "The people of West Papua support IPWP and ILWP." They also brought a number of smaller banners bearing writing and pictures about the struggle which took place during the Act of Free Choice. In addition, the masses also carried banners bearing pictures of the Morning Star flag. One large banner was painted with a number of countries which are said to support Papua. The masses planned to set off from Abepura, heading towards the Jayapura-based Papuan office of the House of Representatives. (Musa Abubar)
Nethy Dharma Somba The election of Hana S Hikoyabi as a member of the Papua People Assembly (MRP) representing women has been rejected by the Home Ministry for the 2011-2016 term due to suspicion of separatism activities.
"I have asked for clarification according to the prevailing regulation but was rejected. I was informed of the rejection by the director general of regional autonomy on April 29, 2011 in Jakarta," Hana told The Jakarta Post via cell phone Tuesday.
Hana was not on the list of 73 elected members of the MRP inaugurated on April 18, with officials saying that she did not meet some requirements.
Hana, who was a deputy MRP speaker during the 2005-2010 term, said she traveled to Jakarta for clarification but she was rejected.
She was considered disrespectful toward Pancasila state ideology and the 1945 Constitution after she was seen returning the red-and-white flag during a rally in June 2010 to protest the central government's policy on special autonomy.
While denying the accusation, she said circumstances at the time were not conducive to rejecting protesters demand for a meeting at the MRP. "Saying no could have meant losing your life," she said.
Councilor Sophia Maipauw of the West Papua Regional Representatives (DPD) criticized the Home Ministry's rejection of Hana's MRP membership, considering that she was elected by the people.
"Papua women entrusted her with becoming a member of the MRP because she is considered capable of struggling for the rights of indigenous Papuan women. Not inaugurating her means hurting the hearts of Papuan women," Sophia said. Sophia said suspicion of separatism should not prevent the government from inaugurating her as an MRP member in order to enable the supervision and monitoring of her movements.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura The Indonesian Military (TNI) is engaging in non-combat activities in an attempt to repair its image among locals. The military and police are perceived as ineffective in tackling a recent spate of violent crime.
The TNI staged a community event themed "Love and Peace are Beautiful" in Puncak Jaya, where a series of shootings resulted in the deaths of several people in the last five years. Military and police officers have also been targeted by the gunmen.
Tensions in the regency are high, with the security apparatus accusing locals of supporting secessionist movements, while residents accuse the TNI and police of rights abuses.
The TNI's recent community event involves 300 Army, Air Force and Navy personnel and will run for four months. The community programs include renovating homes, churches and markets damaged during rioting, and rebuilding a number of public facilities, health centers, schools and livestock enclosures.
Other engagement measures include disseminating advice on farming, health and legal affairs, and offering carpentry, water treatment and auto mechanic training.
The head of the Cenderawasih Military Command, Maj. Gen. Erfi Trianusu, said the TNI would provide psychiatrists to help residents traumatized by the widespread violence in the area.
Puncak Jaya Regent Lukas Enembe expressed his appreciation to the TNI for the social activities, saying it would help the administration accelerate development in the regency, so much so that the entire community would benefit from the impacts of development.
Lukas said that as people could get involved and benefit from the impacts of development, those harboring separatist tendencies would return to the fold and unite to bring about development.
Reverend Hengky Felle from the Indonesia Evangelical Church said miscommunication between the people and security personnel was widespread, instigating suspicion and discord.
"I hope the miscommunication can gradually be mended and the feeling of suspicion erased. The [TNI's community] activities should not only be done once but continuously so as to maintain the good ties that have been established. If the communication improves, I believe there won't be any more problems," Felle said.
Thousands of people have joined mass rallies in cities and towns around Papua to mark the handover from UN to Indonesian control in 1963.
In a direct challenge to Jakarta, the demonstrators are calling for a new referendum on independence. The rallies also mark the rise of younger activists impatient with the lack of progress over decades of demanding a fairer deal from Indonesia.
Presenter: Karon Snowdon
Speaker: Victor Yeimo from the West Papua National Committee; Camilia Webb-Gannon, Coordinator of Sydney University's West Papua Project
Snowdon: On May 1st 1963 the United Nations handed over the administration of Papua to Indonesia. The legality of the notorious Act of Free Choice in 1969 which resulted in Papua becoming a province of Indonesia through the vote of just one thousand Papuans has been challenged since then.
Rally organiser Victor Yeimo says this year's peaceful rally in the capital Jayapura attracted 20-thousand, a figure it's not possible to verify.
Yeimo: I report to you direct from the demonstration in Jayapura in West Papua. And they make a statement to support international law for West Papua, international parliament for West Papua, and they commit to demand a referendum in West Papua because Indonesia, Dutch and US have stolen our right of self determination through the "Act Of No Choice" in 1969.
Snowdon: The rallies marked the day with placards, speeches and dances. They had official permission but there was a strong police and military presence.
Camillia Webb-Gannon is the Coordinator of the West Papua Project at Sydney University's Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies. She says the younger generation is taking the reins, fed up with what it regards as the failure of previous leaders to achieve any change through years of diplomacy and dialogue.
Webb-Gannon: For the past four decades this movement has been run by the older generations who are now becoming according to the current generation of students more obsolete in their methods. While they think they can be effective in some circumstances they haven't been for West Papua. So today they are focussing on using civil resistance and mass protests. And I think this rally really carries on from last June and July, the mass rallies they held then in Jayapura where up to 20,000 people were protesting.
Snowdon: And if they think that the older generation's methods of negotiation and diplomacy have failed does that mean they are advocating more militant action or even armed conflict or anything like that?
Webb-Gannon: No definitely not. The KNBP which stands for the Komite Nasional Papua Barat or the National Committee of West Papua, is the main student and youth movement that's active today. And they look to people like Gandhi and other revolutionary movements using civil resistance and people power.
Snowdon: Controversially, the movement has rejected the special autonomy granted by Jakarta that was meant to address some of the Papuans' grievances. These include military violence, arrests, torture, Indonesian migration and a lack of development.
They want nothing less than full independence from Indonesia, calls for which usually lead to jail. Victor Yeimo says a new UN sponsored referendum should be organised.
Yeimo: And there are so many, many people they want to show to the international and Indonesia for the international (community) facilitate a referendum as the solution in West Papua.
Snowdon: A referendum for independence, is that what you're demanding?
Yeimo: Yes and we want to choose what we want. We want independence through a referendum solution.
Snowdon: Camilia Webb-Gannon believes despite the media bans and other restrictions imposed by Indonesia, the Papuan cause will in future attract the international attention it now lacks.
Webb-Gannon: And I think that it's becoming an increasingly important international issue because of the use of new technology and social medias and Utube and videos. But that's more of a recent thing because media is changing. But I think its going to be hitting the international agenda a lot harder in coming years.
Local and provincial Police stopped demonstrators from continuing on their route to the House of Representatives of Papua building in Jayapura.
Motorcycle and other heavily armed police were involved in the operation along the highway with units of soldiers from the Indonesian Army (TNI) monitored the demonstration from a distance. However, the mass of protesters appeared in far greater numbers and were overwhelming forces of the police.
Police halted demonstrators in front of the post office in the Abepura area of the city. Not being not allowed further into Jayapura city, many of the thousands rallied chose to sit in the middle of the road and continue their protest.
As a result, traffic from Kotaraja toward Abepura was paralysed. Speakers addressed the thousands of protesters demanding the independence of Papua and review of the Act of Free Choice. They also demanded an end to impunity in cases in Papua.
Hundreds of dock workers demonstrated on Monday at the Port of Merauke, demanding wage increases from $US8 (70,000 rupiah) to $US23 (R200,000) per each ship unloaded.
The demonstration went ahead from 7am resulting in delays of the loading and unloading of goods and congestion at the port. The demonstration was peaceful.
"Around eleven years we have work loading and unloading ship, for only 70,000 rupiah ($US8). It is very hard and exhausting work. The relevant authorities should attend to this." demanded Yohanes T at the port yesterday.
The chairman of the dock workers union (TKMB) in Merauke said his organisation were not involved in the demonstration, described as action taken by freelance workers, stating "It's outside my responsibility. Please check with the Port Authorities (Adpel) or others".
He reported the demonstrations did not interfere with the activities in the port area, and the hundreds of workers within his organisation were able to perform their duties, he reported that "The demonstrating workers were kept outside and not allowed to enter the port" (ans)
The anti-militarism coalition of Papuan Students, KoMPAM, has urged the Indonesian government to immediately end the use of repressive measures which continue to be used by the security forces in the Land of Papua.
The statement was issued in relation to the bloody incident that occurred a few days ago in Moanemani, district of Dogiyai.
The student coalition said that they were very angry about the actions of the police which had led to yet more people's blood being spilt. The government mut accept responsibility for the incident in which two people, Dominikus Auwe and Aloysius Waine were killed while three others, Vince Yobee, Albertus Pigai and Matius Iyai were wounded.
The statement was issued by hundreds of Papuans studying in Java and Bali who took part in demonstration outside the presidential palace and the national police headquarters in Jakarta.
The demonstrators also called for the immediate resignation of the police chief in Papua and the police chiefs in Nabire and Dogiyai. They also said that there should be an end to the militaristic methods being used all the time in the Land of Papua, and said that they would draw the attention of the international community to the many human rights violations that occur in Papua.
KoMPAM consists of the Alliance of Papuan Students, APM, the National Front of Papuan Students FNMP, and the Alliance of Papuan Students from the Central Highlands.
Kupang - The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said the Belu military battalion was responsible for the death of local resident Charles Mali last March. Charles was believed to have been tortured to death by soldiers.
Deddy R. Ch. Manafe, the chairman of the East Nusa Tenggara branch of Kontras, said legal sanctions should be imposed on military authorities because "Kontras' investigation indicates they had been trying to get rid of evidence". "Our investigation proved that instructions had come from the commander in this case," he said.
Charles was one of seven people interrogated by soldiers following an attempt by the seven to blackmail soldiers. Kupang military command chief Col. I Ketut Dewa Siangan said 23 soldiers had been named suspects and those found guilty would be punished.
Jakarta The government has revoked 4,000 bylaws deemed unjust, discriminatory and in violation of human rights.
"Another defect of the bylaws was that they violated the Constitution [and] the law," Law and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar said in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan, on Monday.
He said that formulating a bylaw can cost Rp 300 million (US$35,100) each. "That's why I call for a bylaw making for more efficiency in the future," he said, as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
In order to avoid mistakes in the creation of bylaws, Patrialis said regional administrations can request assistance from the ministry's directorate general for legislation, which has legal drafters and legislation experts.
"We can be involved in helping regional administrations to synchronize bylaws [with the Constitution and existing laws] so that they will not be problematic," he said.
Jakarta The Prosperous Justice Party's (PKS) campaign to achieve a top three spot in the 2014 election may face a rough road as it is coping with a fight with its former founder, Yusuf Supendi, who is challenging party officials.
Yusuf filed a civil lawsuit against 10 party officials at South Jakarta District Court on Monday, demanding Rp 42.7 billion (US$4.9 million) in compensation. "It is a civil lawsuit for material and immaterial losses," said Dani Saliswijaya, one of Yusuf's 11 lawyers.
The lawsuit was a last resort in Yusuf's search for justice after the PKS ignored his April 19 warning, he said.
Yusuf asked the party to produce his dismissal letter, but he said the party has failed to produce it. For that reason, Yusuf is asking for compensation as he said he feels the nature of his dismissal was unclear, claiming that the sacking had cost him dearly.
Dani said Yusuf initially planned to ask for Rp 37 billion, but the sum ballooned following Yusuf's dismissal from the party.
Yusuf said the Rp 37 billion sum accounted only for his material losses, which were mostly accumulated through his lost monthly earnings and the cost of medical treatments for his wife.
"My wife is seriously ill because of this. She is ill because she was lied to," Yusuf said. His wife reportedly had a stroke.
Yusuf made it clear that his motive in filing the lawsuit was to ensure that justice was upheld regarding his firing, which he described as "mysterious".
In response to Yusuf's legal filing, the PKS said it would be ready to challenge Yusuf in court. "Yes, we are ready to respond [to the civil lawsuit] in accordance with the prevailing laws," PKS president Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq said Monday.
Luthfi declined to comment further, saying that the party had appointed a team of attorneys to defend the party's name in court.
Yusuf was fired by the party in 2010 for allegedly embezzling party funds. Yusuf's feud with the PKS became known after he publicly criticized the party and accused some of the party's key members of embezzlement, unlawful polygamy and authoritarian leadership.
The party's reputation has been rocked by a spate of scandals in the past month. The latest embarrassment saw PKS lawmaker Arifinto photographed by a journalist watching pornography on his tablet computer during a House of Representatives plenary meeting.
Yohan Wahyu If we look at the still sidelined state of workers and employees, the need to unite and organise oneself should be a big one. The historical facts in Indonesia however show the reverse, with political parties claiming to be based among workers not in fact "selling well" in the eyes of the voting public.
In all the elections held since the reformasi era (the reform era beginning in 1998), political parties that are specifically based on the interests of workers have never shown their fangs. Although they have won a number of seats at the regional level (Regional House of Representatives, DPRD), labour parties have had to acknowledge the low level of public appreciation with a vote share of 1 percent at the national level (at the regional level voters tend to know the candidates better).
The number of political parties accommodating workers' interests over consecutive elections has tended to decline. In the 1999 general elections there were four labour based political parties, namely the Workers Solidarity Party (PSP), the National Labour Party (PBN), the All Indonesia Workers Solidarity Party (PSPSI) and the Indonesian Workers Party (PPI). In the 2004 elections there was only the Democrat Socialist Labour Party (PBSD), led by labour figure Muchtar Pakpahan. The party later became the Labour Party and was again able to contest the 2009 elections, but did not obtain a seat in the national parliament (House of Representatives, DPR). A similar fate was shared by the Indonesian Workers and Employers Party (PPPI), which failed to garner a meaningful number of votes in the elections.
The failure of labour parties in gaining votes at the national level proves that labour related issues are no able to be used as a draw card for the mass of voters to consolidate their political strength. The results of this survey found that the majority of respondents (73.6 percent) said that they were not interested by labour based political parties in the 2009 elections. Moreover a majority of respondents who are categorised as employees or workers also did not vote for labour parties.
This view cannot of course be separated from doubts about the effectiveness of the struggle by labour parties in the midst of the still confusing system and management of political parties in Indonesia. More than half of respondents believe that the presence of political parties that are specifically based on labour organisations will not be effecting in struggling for workers' welfare, let alone for larger issues. This is further added to by the profile of voters who tend to be influenced by primordial sentiments such as social class, religion or ethnicity in determining their political choices.
This is a signal that the Indonesian public does not yet hold to a similarity of interests and struggle as a basis for determining their political choices. The success stories of labour parties in countries such as Australia, Britain, New Zealand and South Korea do not appear to be an easy thing to realise in this country.
Do you think labour based political parties are effective in fighting for workers rights?
Not effective | 55.4 percent |
Effective | 36.3 percent |
Don't know | 8.3 percent |
Are you satisfied with the government's efforts to regulate and protect workers?
Issue | Yes | No | Don't know |
Application of regional minimum wage | 26.3% | 68.1% | 5.6% |
Guaranteeing workers' safety | 27.8% | 66.9% | 5.3% |
Providing legal protection | 24.5% | 70.4% | 5.1% |
Providing social security | 46.9% | 47.6% | 5.5% |
Guaranteeing the right to organise | 41.9% | 46.9% | 11.3% |
Source: Kompas Research & Development
[Translated by James Balowski.]
The Golkar Party said on Friday that it was not concerned about a newly registered political party that has reportedly secured the backing of Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the youngest son of former president and Golkar founder Suharto.
Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie said Golkar would not worry about the National Republic Party (Nasrep) or any other new party.
"We have experience of Golkar Party members jumping ship and forming new parties. Or people associated with Golkar forming new parties," Aburizal said. "We have layers upon layers of members. If a Golkar member leaves, the person will be replaced."
Aburizal provided examples of several prominent Golkar politicians who had gone on to different parties: retired Gen. Wiranto, who founded the People's Conscience Party (Hanura); Prabowo Subianto, who founded the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra); and Tjahjo Kumolo, who is now an official with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"Nothing to worry about," he said. "Golkar is the cradle where [politicians] and national leaders hone their skills."
Nasrep's recent inaugural meeting was dominated by pictures of a sunglasses-wearing Tommy. Tommy made a failed bid for the chairmanship of Golkar in 2009.
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta The country's effort to increase employment has not been followed by assurances of decent work and worker protection as the number of contract-based workers has risen, activists say.
The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) said increased investments last year led to the creation of four million new jobs. Labor activists, however, warned the increased employment did not necessarily mean secure and decent jobs.
Khamid Istakhori from the National Solidarity Committee (KSN) said many Indonesian workers were forced to work in exploitative working conditions since most of them were contract-based with no social protection and lax job security.
"It's alarming since the number of people who work in an outsourcing system or on a contract basis continues to grow," he said.
"Outsourcing or contract-based employment introduced through the implementation of a flexible labor market system are the most obvious examples of worker exploitation," he said on the sidelines of a discussion titled "Decent Work and Labor Market Flexibility".
Studies show contract-based workers have workloads that are the same or even larger than tenured workers. However, they receive less work protection, the study said.
Khamid said 65 percent of employees in Indonesia were contract-based workers. However, 35 percent of tenured employees face threats of mass layoffs for various reasons, such as bankruptcy, factory relocations and company liquidation.
Asia Monitor Resource Centre researcher Fahmi said Indonesia and other Asian countries continued to face outside pressure to liberalize their labor markets, leading to the exploitation of workers.
In Indonesia, he said, the inflow of foreign investment did not create new labor markets since they were so-called brown field investments, where investors took over existing production or manufacturing facilities.
"They take over an established company, fire tenured workers and recruit new contract-based workers at a lower salary and with no protection," he said.
The flexibility of the labor market to adapt to changing environments is seen as a counter to rising unemployment. However, it has also been criticized for lowering workers' social and economic well-being.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has heavily promoted Indonesia's labor market flexibility in a bid to lure foreign investment. However, his administration has been unable to push through the reforms necessary to improve labor market flexibility.
Instead of better working conditions, those trapped in contract-based positions are vulnerable to unilaterally planned layoffs.
More entrepreneurs and business people hire workers on a contract basis or outsource in the wake of the 2003 Manpower Law, Fahmi claimed. Under the law, the government allows businesses to outsource or recruit workers on a contract basis to lure foreign investments.
There are 8,000 lecturers at the University of Indonesia who were brought in through outsourcing, while 17,000 employees at the Finance Ministry are hired as temporary workers, despite the fact that many have worked for 20 years at the ministry. More than 50 percent of the employees at state-owned electricity monopoly PT PLN are contract-based workers.
A representative from Coordination of Action Research on AIDS and Mobility-Asia, Vivian Chong, addressed the poor working conditions of domestic workers at the discussion.
"They work in poor conditions, receive no day off, are not unionized, not covered by labor laws and having no worker rights," she said.
Environment & natural disasters
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta States should play a bigger role in the realization of people's rights to clean water by not only providing larger fund allocations for water but also considering solutions other than privatization, which has been proven ineffective, activists say.
Indonesia remains one of the Asian countries that suffers from water crises due to the government's inability to manage water as a natural resource.
Hamong Santono, an activist from the People's Coalition for the Rights to Water (KRuHA), said privatization had emerged as the way to reform water resources since the 1990s, but it had led to many problems instead of giving people greater access to clean water.
"Privatization has increased the price of water, hampering poor people's access to water," he said at a discussion titled "Navigating critical waters: issues, challenges and alternatives to the privatization and commercialization of water in Asia".
Privatizing water, he said, had also undermined both the Indonesian government and communities in controlling their own water resources. Moreover, privatization had been unable to improve the quality of water and water services despite the continuing skyrocketing of water prices, the activists said.
About US$300 million was provided by the World Bank to support the government to reform water resources in the country under the Water Resources Sector Adjustment Loan.
Following the World Bank support, the 2004 Water Resources Law was enacted, giving water the status of an economic good. Under the law, the government green-lighted water privatization.
At least 30 water privatization efforts have been carried out, with the Jakarta and Batam projects the two biggest. Despite strong criticism, the government continues to privatize the country's water such as in Jatigede (West Java), Pontianak (West Kalimantan) and Semarang (Central Java).
Water tariffs in Jakarta are the highest in Southeast Asia after Jakarta water utility PAM Jaya signed a cooperation agreement with two private operators for the period between 1997 and 2023. "There were 10 tariff increases since the privatization," said Irfan Zamzami from the Amerta Institute.
Instead of receiving benefits, PAM Jaya continues to suffer financial losses since it has to pay water charges to the two operators at higher amounts than the water tariff paid by consumers, he said. In 2008, PAM Jaya suffered financial losses worth $190 million, while its debt amounted to $80 million.
Apart from Indonesia, water crises have affected several other countries in the world. Data from the World Health Organization (WHO) shows that in 2010 about 900 million people across the globe had no access to clean water, while 9.8 billion people didn't have access to sanitation.
In the midst of water crises throughout the world, water as an economic good is treated as the panacea for water crises. Problems arising and remaining following the adoption of privatization prompted policy makers and critics to find alternatives to cope with water crises.
"Promoting community-based water and community public partnerships may be a better alternative to cope with water crises instead of privatizing it," Hamong said.
The Philippines has suffered the most from water privatization among Asian countries. Having been burdened by a total foreign debt of US$20.2 million, the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) was privatized.
The privatization caused water prices to sharply increase for water produced by Maynilad and Manila Water, the MWSS's two concessionaires. In 2008, the price of water produced by Maynilad reached 32.032 pesos (US 70 cents) per cubic meter, increasing more than sixfold from 4.96 pesos in 1998. The water price for Manila Water reached 26.98 pesos in 2008 from 2.61 pesos in 1998. Despite soaring prices, the leakage level of the water supply remained high.
"People fought to stop water privatization in the Philippines," said Milo Tanchuling, an activist from the Freedom from Debt Coalition in the Philippines, adding that some privatization was halted after a string of mass protests.
Hamong said the government should guarantee a sufficient amount of water to meet the basic needs for healthy lives for all people, without requiring the ability to pay. "Stop privatization; don't make water a commodity," he said, adding that water should be excluded from any trade agreements.
Tifa Asrianti, Jakarta "Non-procedural" forest use in three provinces of Kalimantan has cost the state Rp 311.4 trillion (US$36.38 billion) in losses, according to a government report.
According to the report, which was released by the Judicial Mafia Taskforce and the Forestry Ministry, regents and mayors in East, West and Central Kalimantan were involved in "non-procedural forest use" for plantations and mining, including violating spatial planning agreements and failing to grant needed licenses.
In East Kalimantan, state losses were estimated to reach Rp 31.5 trillion and involved 86 plantation companies responsible for 720,830 hectares of forest and 223 mining companies responsible for 774,520 hectares, according to the report.
West Kalimantan suffered Rp 121.4 trillion in state losses allegedly caused by 169 plantation companies responsible for 2.14 million hectares and 384 mining companies covering 3.6 million hectares.
While in Central Kalimantan, the report said that 282 plantation companies responsible for 3.9 million hectares and 629 mining companies responsible for 3.5 million hectares allegedly caused state losses of Rp 158.5 trillion.
The estimates were based on an assumption that one forest hectare might yield 100 cubic meters of logs valued at Rp 60,000 per cubic meter and a reforestation fund of US$16 per cubic meter.
The ministry and the taskforce said they would ask the Supreme Audit Agency to develop a more precise method to calculate alleged state losses from non-procedural forest usage.
The report recommended criminal investigation of companies and local administrations involved in 483 alleged mining permit violations involving 2.9 million hectares in Central Kalimantan.
The taskforce said nine companies operating in protected forests should be a priority for criminal investigation.
The report also found 225 cases of alleged plantation permit violations connected to forested areas, recommending that law enforcement authorities probe 54 cases where companies operated without permits on 623,000 hectares in 10 regencies.
The taskforce and the ministry vowed to cooperate with the National Police, Attorney General's Office and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to investigate the allegations. Several cases have already been forwarded to the KPK including that of the Bukit Harapan cooperative, the Kutai national park development project and the case of PT Multi Tambangjaya Utama and the construction of fish ponds in protected forests in Kuburaya regency.
"We will replicate the law enforcement approach in Central Kalimantan to provinces across Indonesia," taskforce chairman Mas Achmad Santosa said in a press release made available to The Jakarta Post.
The taskforce recommended that the central government and local administrations create an integrated permit system, establish a list of all forest area permits and monitor forest use.
The taskforce and the Forestry Ministry agreed that no more permits should be issued in Central Kalimantan until the process of forest area declaration and law enforcement integration was complete.
The ministry and the taskforce have scheduled similar reviews for Riau, South Kalimantan, West Java, Southeast Sulawesi and Gorontalo.
Berry Furqon, executive director of the Indonesia Environmental Forum (Walhi), said he appreciated the government's plan.
"Whenever the taskforce finds non-procedural forest use, it means there is systematic corruption," he said.
Indra Harsaputra, Surabaya A plan by Lapindo Brantas Inc. to begin new drilling activity in Kalidawir subdistrict, Tanggulangin, Sidoarjo, East Java, has been strongly rejected by both local residents and mudflow victims over worries that the endeavor might cause another disaster and further social trauma.
Tanggulangin resident Nasromi said that the oil and gas exploration company had approached local people and promised that another mudflow disaster would not be repeated in the future.
"But we don't believe it. Even up to now there are still many victims who have yet to receive compensation from Lapindo, although they promised to complete compensation payments by the end of last year," Nasromi told The Jakarta Post on Saturday.
Nasromi and other Tanggulangin villagers were not direct victims of the 2006 Lapindo mudflow, which displaced thousands of people, but they also suffer from the social and economic impacts of the disaster.
Nur Ahmad, one of the mudflow victims who has yet to receive compensation, said he would stop Lapindo from conducting new drilling activities in Sidoarjo. "We have had enough with Lapindo's nonsense. How can we trust that the new wells are secure for the community," Nur said.
Lapindo Brantas Inc. spokesperson Diaz Roychan confirmed that the company would start the planned exploration activity in Tanggulangin, which is some 2.5 kilometers from the center of the 2006 mudflow.
He said there were seven new wells to explore in Tanggulangin with depths of between 3,400 meters to some 3,600 meters in the Pucangan Formation.
This formation, he said, is not connected to that of Kujung, which had caused the blow out that led to the hot mudflow disaster. "So, there is nothing to worry about," he said.
Diaz said the drilling activity was part of the company's exploration expansion in the 27 oil and gas wells in Wunut, Tanggulangin and Ceret Sidoarjo. Of the wells, he said, only nine have been producing 4 million metric standard cubic feet per day, whose products are to supply the province of East Java's need for liquefied natural gas (LNG).
"We decided to start the exploration because of the demand for gas in the province. Otherwise we will experience a gas crisis in East Java," he said.
He added the new wells had the potential of producing 16-20 million metric standard cubic feet per day of gas and 150 barrels of oil per day.
Company drilling manager Bambang Heru Yuwono said the exploration had been well-planned and Lapindo itself had the same trauma as experienced by the mudflow victims.
"None of the world's geologists ever confirmed that the mudflow came from the Pucangan Formation that we are going to drill," Bambang said, adding that Lapindo had received approval from the Sidoarjo Mudflow Management Agency for the planned exploration. Upstream oil and gas regulator BP Migas senior public and institutional relations manager Elan Biantoro said his office would help Lapindo start the planned exploration in August this year due to the urgent need for gas supply.
Separately, the chairman of the November 10 Institute of Technology Surabaya group analyzing the hot mud flow, I Nyoman Sutantra, said that his team had yet to recommend Lapindo explore new wells due to lack of research on the geological conditions in Porong, which reportedly has experienced significant changes following the mudflow disaster.
Elly Burhaini Faizal, Jakarta Lack of education and training has resulted in the sluggish expansion of job opportunities for women in Indonesia, experts say.
International Labour Organization (ILO) economic and labour market analysis technical officer Kazutoshi Chatani said women laborers are deprived of quality jobs. "It implies a lack of sufficient quality jobs, or so-called 'decent work', for women," Chatani told The Jakarta Post.
Citing the data, he said that the share of "vulnerable employment" among women in Indonesia reached 64.6 percent in 2009, higher than 54.6 percent in East Asia and 51.8 percent globally. Vulnerable employment among women in Southeast Asia reached 65.7 percent in 2009.
The participation rate of female labor workers in Indonesia reached only 51 percent in 2009, far lower than 66.5 percent in East Asia, 57.6 percent in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and 52.7 percent globally.
According to the ILO, decent work involves opportunities for employment that is productive and delivers fair income, workplace security and social protection for families.
The ILO is promoting productive employment by declaring Asian Decent Work Decade 2006-2015.
A new report titled "Women and Labor Markets in Asia: Rebalancing for Gender Equality", jointly prepared by the ILO and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), says that although Asia is helping to lead the global economy, recovery of the labor market from the recent global economic and financial crisis has not kept pace.
"In some developing countries, particularly in East Asia, job growth is back, but the quality of jobs being created is a major concern," the report says.
According to estimates from the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, even before the crisis Asia was estimated to be losing US$42 billion to $47 billion a year because of limits on women's access to employment opportunities and another $16 billion to $30 billion a year as a result of gender gaps in education.
"Asia needs to address these challenges if it wishes to reap the social and economic benefits of gender equality," said ILO Asia-Pacific Regional Director Sachiko Yamamoto.
Chatani said Indonesia could generate more formal employment by improving its business environment. Improving infrastructure, public administration and education are important in ensuring that economic growth would be more inclusive and more focused on the needs of the poor.
"You don't have to depend too much on foreign business in creating employment here. Indonesia can focus on how best to enable people to create their own businesses," said Chatani.
The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) says that 61.8 percent of female workers found their means in the informal sector in 2010, adding that most live and work in poor conditions and lack social security coverage.
"The lack of employment opportunities in Indonesia results in an increasing number of overseas migrant workers, and most of them are female domestic workers," said Chatani.
National Commission on Violence Against Women advocate Agustinus Supriyanto said that most Indonesian women of productive working age are employed in the informal sector due to a lack of education and skills caused by economic difficulties.
"This problem is deeply rooted in poverty. Many women have little education and few skills due to their poor economic circumstances, whereas such education and skills are needed to boost their opportunities in finding decent work," he told the Post.
Ensuring proper access to education and training, especially for women from low-income families, would create more opportunities for better jobs, he added.
Camelia Pasandaran The Corruption Eradication Commission on Friday said Indonesia's Ministry of Religious Affairs had yet to implement 38 recommendations involving its controversial Hajj-management system.
The 38 system failures allegedly allow for the possibility of wide-spread corruption during Indonesia's annual Hajj pilgrimage, when 200,000 Indonesians pay Rp 25 million ($2,925) up from Rp 20 million the previous year each to make the pilgrimage to Mecca.
Bibit Samad Rianto, deputy chairman of the commission, known as the KPK, said the ministry had failed to implement the recommendations made last year.
Indonesia Corruption Watch believes that given the lack of accountability, the ministry perceived to be one of the nation's most corrupt institutions according to Transparency International Indonesia could be sitting on as much as Rp 27 trillion ($3.16 billion).
ICW says it estimates that the cost of each hajj journey should cost just $500.
Jakarta Suspended Bekasi Mayor Mochtar Mohamad is still receiving a government salary and benefits even though he is imprisoned in Kebon Waru Penitentiary in Bandung municipality, West Java, after the court found him guilt of corruption.
The Home Ministry temporarily dismissed Mochtar from May 2 now that he cannot carry out his obligations as mayor from prison. However, Mochtar still receives a monthly pay and benefits amounting to Rp 9.1 million.
"These rights have been provided to him for the past three months," Bekasi municipality spokesperson Endang Suharyadi said on Friday. He added that Mochtar would be temporarily suspended until all legal processes were completed, reported kompas.com.
Meanwhile, Bekasi municipality deputy mayor Rahmat Effendi has automatically assumed several of the mayor's duties. However, he receives the salary stipulated for a deputy, Rp. 7.6 million per month.
Heru Andriyanto The Jakarta High Court has slapped an additional three years to the seven-year jail term imposed on disgraced taxman Gayus Tambunan.
The sentence increase, announced on Tuesday, was welcomed by the prosecution, which had been seeking 20 years when the case was tried in the South Jakarta District Court.
"The ruling upholds the conviction and that means our indictment was proven, so we're happy with that," South Jakarta chief prosecutor Yusuf said. "But we would have been happier if the jail term was even longer."
Gayus's lawyer, Hotma Sitompoel, was not available for immediate comment.
In January, Gayus was sentenced to seven years in jail for bribing a judge and two police officers, leading to his acquittal in his first trial in Tangerang, and for misusing his authority as tax official in his handling of a tax complaint by seafood company Surya Alam Tunggal that caused a loss of Rp 570 million.
Ulma Haryanto - A former legislator convicted of taking bribes in the 2004 selection of a senior central bank official testified on Monday against his former colleagues in the same case.
Dudhie Makmun Murod, formerly of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and now serving a two-year sentence for taking Rp 500 million ($58,000) to vote for Miranda Goeltom as senior deputy governor of Bank Indonesia, told the Anti-Corruption Court he had been ordered to pick up the money by party senior Panda Nababan.
Panda is the only currently serving legislator among the 25 now standing trial for receiving the bribes in the form of traveler's checks.
"After the vote [for Miranda], Panda called me and told me to meet someone and pick up [something]," Dudhie said.
He said he was told to go to a restaurant near the House of Representatives, where he met with Ari Malangjudo, an alias used by Ahmad Hakim Safari. The latter has been identified as an aide to Nunun Nurbaeti, a businesswoman and associate of Miranda's.
"We shook hands, introduced ourselves, then he handed me the envelope and I left," Dudhie said. He then called Panda, who told him to "distribute it to the others."
He also called fellow PDI-P legislator Izedrik Emir Moeis, who asked Dudhie to come to his office.
"Inside Emir's room, we opened the envelope and found smaller white envelopes with names written on them," he said. "Emir and I called the other [PDI-P legislators] and gave each of them the envelope with their name on it."
Dudhie also testified to seeing Miranda at one of the PDI-P's meetings on the BI selection process. "Even though I arrived late, it was apparent to me that she was there seeking our support for her bid," he said.
Neither Miranda nor Emir have been named suspects in the case, while Nunun, who fled to Singapore, has repeatedly ignored summonses for questioning, citing a mystery illness causing her to lose her memory.
Krisna Pribadi, an official from Bank International Indonesia, which issued the checks, said there had been 480 of them, totaling Rp 24 billion, that were purchased by a company called First Mujur via Artha Graha Bank. First Mujur, a palm oil company, and Artha Graha Bank are both subsidiaries of the Artha Graha Group, owned by tycoon Tommy Winata.
Investigators from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) are still looking into the link between First Mujur and Nunun, as well as Miranda's role in the case. The latter is no longer a deputy at BI.
Agus Maryono, Banyumas Eighteen graft defendants previously convicted by district courts across Central Java have been acquitted by the Central Java High Court, inciting anger among anti-corruption activists in the region who have accused the high court of not being serious about fighting graft.
Central Java Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism Eradication and Investigation Committee (KP2KKN) secretary Eko Haryanto said the high number of corruption suspects being acquitted was an indication of a lack of professionalism in upholding the law in the region.
Eko, however, did not blame the condition solely on the judges, saying that investigators may also play a role.
"They probably weakened the evidence so much that it was difficult for the judges to prove that corruption actually happened," Eko said in a statement Monday.
He added that the 18 acquitted corruption suspects were those who filed appeals with the high court against their sentences in the period from 2009, 2010 to the first quarter of 2011 by the district courts.
In 2009, out of the 78 corruption cases tried at the district courts for which appeals were filed with the Central Java High Court, 10 were successful (meaning that the defendants were acquitted), 26 were adjusted (meaning that the sentences were either reduced or increased) and 42 were upheld (meaning that the sentences were maintained).
The following year, 2010, out of the 61 district court cases appealed to the high court, six were successful, 19 were adjusted, 35 were upheld and the appeal of one was withdrawn.
This year as of March, out of 21 corruption cases for which appeals were filed, two were successful, seven were corrected, five were upheld and the remaining seven are pending.
Eko Haryanto said that high court judges actually had the right to pass heavier sentences than handed down by the district courts. "But so far the right has not been exercised," he said.
Central Java High Court spokesperson Soedarmadji said the judges had their own considerations in deciding a corruption case. Among the considerations are the case itself, how legal facts are applied and whether an incorrect legal consideration played a role in a district court's ruling.
"What the high court judges do is improve the quality of the sentences, including considerations used, so as to create a deterrent effect for embezzlers and caution others against corrupt practices," Soedarmadji said.
Solo Scores of Indonesian men rallied on Friday to publicly vow their readiness to sacrifice their lives to avenge the death of Osama bin Laden, in a sign of the Al Qaeda leader's popularity among hard-core Islamists in the most populous Muslim country.
The group, calling itself Al Kaida Solo, said it would focus attacks on the United States but there was no indication that it had the capacity to do so, or whether it was just bluster.
Several police kept watch on the rally in the city of Solo in central Java, but no one was detained. "One hundred youths from Solo are ready to die to take revenge on the death of Osama," declared Choirul, a cleric in Al Kaida Solo and also a member of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) which has a history of violence including attacks on bars, nightclubs and the offices of Indonesia's Playboy magazine.
"His fight will not be ending," Choirul told the assembled group of around 60 men dressed in white Muslim robes with their faces covered to hide their identity.
Several other Indonesian Islamists have hailed bin Laden as a martyr this week, showing the continued militancy of some Southeast Asian groups, one of which predicted a major reprisal attack. Security experts said the risk of attacks had risen.
"Osama had lived with a principle of living nobly or dying a martyr... But the US said he was a terrorist and we objected to this view. Due to this lie we are committed to avenge his death," said Endro Sudarsono, spokesman of the Solo group.
Sudarsono said that the group of men aged 20-40 from central Java was still discussing how to avenge the death, but that Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq were their main destinations. In the late 1980s, some Indonesians participated and trained in the Soviet-Afghanistan war.
Links between al Qaeda and domestic militant groups such as Jemaah Islamiyah and Abu Sayyaf have weakened in recent years following military crackdowns, and analysts say a quick reprisal attack is unlikely.
However, al Qaeda is believed to have supported some of the Jemaah Islamiyah's attacks, such as the 2002 Bali bombings that killed more than 200 people.
One Indonesian militant, Umar Patek, who also has links to the Abu Sayyaf group in the Philippines, was arrested in late January this year in the same town where bin Laden was found, a security source said.
Besides Indonesia, the other key haven for Islamist militants in the region is the Philippines, a mostly Catholic nation with a Muslim minority.
On Friday, about 60 Muslims marched today from a mosque in the old business district in Manila to the US Embassy in a protest against the killing of Osama bin Laden. There was minor scuffle when the protesters were stopped by anti-riot police guarding the embassy, about 100 meters from the embassy gates.
"The decades of aggression and decades of oppression against the Muslims are not good, because violence begets violence," said Nash Pangadapun, secretary-general of Maradeka, a Muslim civil society group. "Force will meet force in the end."
Wahyudi Soeriaatmadja A terrorist group behind last month's suicide attack at a police mosque in Cirebon, West Java, had planned at least six similar attacks elsewhere, Indonesian police said on Thursday.
Six bombs similar to the one used in the mosque attack were retrieved on Wednesday from the bottom of a river in Cirebon, 200 kilometers southeast of Jakarta. A key member of the terrorist group confessed to throwing them there in a panic once the group knew police were onto them.
The arrests come ahead of a big regional meeting in Jakarta this weekend. Hundreds of foreign delegates are expected to attend the 18th Asean summit tomorrow and on Sunday. Jakarta is now on high alert, with three bomb scares in the city on Wednesday alone.
Last month, Muhammad Syarif, 32, blew himself up during Friday prayers, killing himself and injuring about 30 worshippers, all but two of them policemen. The bomb carried by Syarif contained, among other things, potassium nitrate, calcium chloride (a raw material used to make toothpaste), and shrapnel such as nails.
Police have arrested four people believed to be linked to Syarif, including a key figure known by the initial M, who might have played an important role in procuring the explosives and making the bombs.
Syarif's younger brother Muhammad Basuki, alleged to have been intended as the group's next bomber, has also been arrested.
Police arrested M in Slawi, Central Java, late on Monday. They seized a grenade, jihadist books and nails. A series of interrogations of M led the police to the Soka river in Cirebon. Local television stations showed footage of a bomb squad going into the river to search for and remove the soaked pipe bombs, which could no longer be used.
"We won't stop our investigation here. We want to know who else is in this group, and whether there is any financier," National Police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar told reporters on Thursday. Police are also trying to pinpoint the would-be suicide bombers as well as their targets.
Terrorism analyst Mardigu Wowiek Prasantyo said militants are learning from each other in media reports. That is why, he said, different militant groups may apply the same methods, even if they are not affiliated.
"Syarif's cell used raw material to make toothpaste to make bombs. That was just some common whitening material that was easy to get here. This was then reported publicly, and unfortunately became a lesson to other militant groups, who may in turn use the same material next time," Mardigu told The Straits Times by telephone.
On April 21, five massive bombs near a Catholic church outside Jakarta, set to detonate during Easter celebrations, were defused by a police squad. The bombs, weighing a total of 150 kilograms, were placed near a gas pipeline that extends beneath the church and around houses at a nearby residential complex.
The mastermind of that attack, former journalist Pepi Fernando, in his early 30s, was also behind a series of so-called book bombs in March that were sent to, among other people, a moderate Muslim leader and an anti- terrorist veteran policeman.
On Wednesday, several suspicious objects a fuse inside a plastic pipe and boxes on the seat of a parked car were spotted by a security guard, who alerted the police. The car was parked near an entrance to the convention center where the Asean summit will be held. Further checks showed the objects were not bombs.
Jakarta The Islam Defenders Front (FPI) says it is planning to organize a mass prayer after the killing of wanted terrorist and Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden by US troops on the weekend.
In a text message sent to tempointeraktif.com on Monday night, the organization said it wanted to pray for Bin Laden. The event, the message says, would be held at the FPI headquarters in Petamburan, Central Jakarta, on Tuesday from 7 p.m. to 10 p.m.
The message, however, did not provide further information as to who else had been invited to the event.
Osama Bin Laden was found dead after a massive blitzkrieg by a group of US Navy Seals on Sunday night in the upmarket area of Abbottabad in Pakistan. US officials said Osama's remains had been quickly buried at sea after being treated in an Islamic way.
Nivell Rayda News of the death of Osama bin Laden reverberated strongly in this corner of the world, particularly in Indonesia, where ties between Al Qaeda and local terrorist groups date back more than three decades.
It was the ideas of Jordan-born scholar Abdullah Azzam that would inspire many Muslims around the world to fight as volunteers against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
Bin Laden met Azzam during his time as a student at King Abdulaziz University in Saudi Arabia. Bin Laden, who was from a wealthy family, agreed to finance Azzam's dream of setting up a camp for mujahedeen, or Islamic warriors, from around the world.
Another figure attracted to Azzam's teachings was Abdullah Sungkar, a co- chairman of the Indonesian rebel group Darul Islam who later founded Jemaah Islamiyah, a radical Southeast Asian terrorist network with the goal of unifying the region under one Islamic state.
At the beginning of the Soviet invasion, Sungkar was serving a four-year sentence for advocating against participating in Indonesian elections. Despite being incarcerated, he was able to recruit members of Darul Islam to be sent to Afghanistan.
Among the first to be sent to Afghanistan was Abu Rusdan, who would later become a JI leader; Muchlas, who later acted as the coordinator for the first Bali bombings in 2002; and Abu Tholut, later the financier behind several bombing in Indonesia.
The three men spent three years in Afghanistan, from 1981 to 1984, fighting the Soviets under the banner of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, a supporter of Azzam who later led the Taliban.
Rusdan said they would meet Azzam and Bin Laden each Friday at his camp in Sadda, Afghanistan, but did not build a strong relationship with the pair.
It was another Indonesian, Hambali, who eventually secured the trust of Azzam and Bin Laden and established a close relationship with Ayman Al Zawahiri, who later became Bin Laden's right-hand man after the establishment of Al Qaeda between 1988 and 1989.
When the war in Afghanistan ended in 1989, Sayyaf argued that the training camp should stay open and be used as a jihadist school for Muslims worldwide.
Bin Laden sought refuge in Sudan from 1992 to 1996. His Al Qaeda organization was responsible for attacks on American aid workers in Somalia in 1993 and the US Embassy in Kenya in 1998.
In Indonesia, Sungkar formed Jemaah Islamiah in 1992 with Abu Bakar Bashir, with whom he had established the Al Mu'min boarding school in Ngruki, Central Java, in 1972. Sungkar continued to send his disciples, all recruited from Al Mu'min, to Sayyaf's training camp in Afghanistan.
They included Ali Imron, Imam Samudra, Amrozi and Dulmatin, who all participated in terror attacks here. They were all trained by Hambali, who would later help finance their bombings.
Bin Laden returned to Afghanistan in 1998, where he was reunited with Sayyaf and Hambali. Hambali later became his middleman for contact with Jemaah Islamiyah and coordinated plans for the Bali bombings in 2002. Hambali was arrested in 2003 and sent to the Guantanamo Bay detention center.
Farouk Arnaz & Agence France Presse In a reaction that hardly came as a surprise, radical Indonesian Islamists on Monday hailed slain Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden as a "martyr" who championed Islam against America.
"If it's true that Osama bin Laden is dead, then he died a martyr. He fought for Islam and he fought for the lands colonized by America," Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid spokesman Son Hadi told Agence France-Presse.
"Al Qaeda didn't die with him. Jihad will not be dampened just because he's dead, because jihad is a command of the religion, not of individuals," he added.
JAT was founded in 2008 by 72-year-old cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, who is on trial for leading and financing a militant group that was discovered training recruits in Aceh last year.
The hard-line cleric said that Bin Laden was a great cleric and mujahedeen, and that his killing would lead to retaliation. "Obama said that America was not hostile to Islam, but this a big lie," Bashir said, as quoted by his personal aide, Hasyim Abdullah.
Bashir, together with Abdullah Sungkar, who helped create regional terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, reportedly met Bin Laden in Afghanistan in 1980.
Syawal Yasin, the son-in-law of Abdullah Sungkar and leader of the Greater Jakarta branch of the Indonesian Mujahedeen Council (MMI), an organization also founded and once led by Bashir, described Bin Laden as a man who genuinely cared for the fate of Islam and Muslims worldwide.
"Osama was a calm, sympathetic man. He was a multimillionaire who gave all of his wealth for mujahedeen camps," said Syawal, who in 1986 was one of the first Indonesians sent to a mujahedeen training camp on the Pakistan- Afghanistan border, where he met Bin Laden.
"God willing, he was a syahid [martyr]. He died in a way he wanted to die which is every mujahedeen's dream," he said. Citing the Koran, Syawal said: "Whoever dies a syahid, he is never really dead in the eyes of God. They will live on, beside God. New Osamas will be born."
He said Bin Laden's death would not have a major impact on the waging of jihad in Indonesia. "Americans may be partying, celebrating his death. But they will cry later, and be blanketed with pain," Syawal told the Jakarta Globe.
"The waging of jihad is as stipulated in the holy Koran and the Sunnah [the traditions of Prophet Muhammad]. It will not be impacted because of a [human] figure. But I admit, the death of such an important figure will have somewhat of a temporary impact."
Anita Rachman PKS president Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq told journalists on Monday afternoon that there was a "fifty-fifty" chance that Osama bin Laden had actually been killed by US security forces.
He said he needed evidence, including DNA tests, to be completely convinced that it was bin Laden. "Just like the case of Saddam Hussein, it was brought forward with all the evidences." Meanwhile, the body of bin Laden was reportedly buried at sea on Monday.
When asked whether he would rather have the late leader of Al Qaeda dead or alive, Luthfi said that the life and death was none of his business, but rather "it's all within God's hands."
He said the death of bin Laden would not rid the world of terrorism so long as poverty remained, stating that acts of terrorism were necessarily driven by ideology but could also be driven by economic reasons.
On the issue of addressing the rise of radicalism in Indonesia through education, Luthfi said the country didn't need to change its curriculum. "Changing the curriculum is the United States' agenda for the Middle East. We don't need to follow suit," he said.
Jakarta Indonesia's top Islamic body on Tuesday condemned the sea burial of Osama bin Laden, as radicals promised a day of mass prayer to mourn the Al Qaeda leader's death at the hands of United States special forces.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's office issued a statement which neither applauded nor condemned the killing of the world's most wanted terrorist and alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks on the United States.
"The president said Indonesia has a common spirit with other nations in fighting against terrorism," spokesman Julian Pasha said in the first official Indonesian reaction to the news.
Indonesia is the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation and has been hit by multiple terror attacks including the 2002 Bali bombing which killed more than 200 people, mainly Western tourists.
Its US-backed counter-terrorism force has killed and arrested scores of Islamist militants since 9/11, including leaders of the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) regional network who had links to Al-Qaeda.
But the Southeast Asian archipelago of 240 million people 80 percent of whom are Muslims remains home to a radical fringe with sympathies for bin Laden's campaign of global jihad, or "holy war," against the West.
Police said they were on alert for possible retaliatory attacks. "We are monitoring the situation and anticipating all possibilities," a top police officer told reporters.
Reflecting local sensitivities, the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI), the country's highest Islamic body, slammed the US decision to bury bin Laden at sea.
"A Muslim, whatever his profession, even a criminal, their rites must be respected. There must be a prayer and the body should be wrapped in white cloth before being buried in the earth, not at sea," MUI chief Amidhan said. "Many others have condemned it, especially as it was done with extraordinary hatred against him."
The United States says bin Laden received Muslim rites but his body was "eased" into the Arabian Sea so no one could turn his grave into a shrine. Other Muslim leaders have also condemned the method of burial.
Mahmud Azab, an adviser to Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb, the grand imam of Al- Azhar, the top Sunni Muslim authority in Cairo, said: "If it is true that the body was thrown into the sea, then Islam is totally against that.
"Any corpse, if it belongs to someone murdered or someone who died of natural causes, must be respected," he said, adding that Islam can only accept burials at sea if they are inevitable, for instance in a case of drowning.
A source close to the head of the Grand Mosque in Paris said a burial at sea "is totally against the sacrosanct rules of Islam."
In Jakarta, a violent vigilante group known as the Islamic Defenders Front announced plans to hold a "mass prayer for bin Laden" on Wednesday. Mourners were invited to "express gratitude to the late martyr Sheikh Osama bin Laden."
The group's Jakarta branch chairman, Habib Salim Alatas, said there was no proof that bin Laden was the mastermind of the September 11, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington that killed around 3,000 people.
"This is a question that must be answered by countries such as Australia, Britain, the United States and the Jews," he told AFP, adding that bin Laden was a "sincere fighter who defended Islam".
Yudhoyono's coalition government, which includes the conservative Muslim Prosperous Justice Party, has failed to ban such groups despite their frequent violent attacks on minorities and moderates.
Another radical Islamist group on Monday hailed the assassinated Al Qaeda leader as a "martyr" who championed Islam.
"He fought for Islam and he fought for the lands colonized by America," Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid spokesman Son Hadi said. "Al Qaeda didn't die with him. Jihad will not be dampened just because he's dead, because jihad is a command of the religion, not of individuals."
JAT was founded in 2008 by firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, the alleged JI spiritual leader who is standing trial on charges of leading and financing another terrorist group.
Farouk Arnaz National Police said on Monday that Pepi Fernando, the alleged mastermind behind the foiled Good Friday bombing of a church, had been "steered" by another actor, a politician.
Pepi, 30, who was arrested in Aceh, was believed to be the mastermind, financier and bomb maker behind the Good Friday plot and book bombs sent to various prominent figures in Jakarta last month.
"[But] National Police have a strong indication that there was another perpetrator above Pepi a financier for Pepi Fernando to carry out terrorism acts," National Police spokesman Chief Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said.
He said that the police would not be satisfied by Pepi's confession that he was part of a new terror cell, and would continue their investigation. "We need time to reveal all of his network. He has not been cooperative, come clean or told us what he has done," Boy said
According to a police source investigating the case, Pepi, a former member of the Indonesian Islamic State movement (NII) had "a close relationship with a politician. We suspect that this politician had knowledge of Pepi's plan."
But the source refused to give any more detail, as the investigation remained ongoing. "Be patient because the details will emerge later."
Pepi is a familiar face to a number of police officers because he is the husband of Deni Carmelita, a National Narcotics Agency (BNN) public relations staffer. Deni has also been named as a suspect in this case.
Police raids following the foiled Good Friday bombing uncovered explosives and bomb-making materials at the home of Pepi's parents-in-law in Bekasi including a grenade, a rocket shell, bombs and a timer.
Elisabeth Oktofani When Islamic hard-liners in Bekasi and Bogor were questioned recently about what influenced them to take up causes or attend demonstrations, most pointed toward an often overlooked medium: the radio.
Haryanto, a resident of Ciketing in Bekasi, said it was through the radio that he became aware of Murhali Barda, the former head of the Bekasi chapter of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). And it was through Murhali's speeches on the radio that Haryanto felt compelled to attend the former FPI head's criminal trial for inciting violence.
Murhali was found guilty of inciting an attack last September that culminated in the stabbing of two leaders of the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) in Ciketing. He was sentenced to five months in prison in February.
"I do not know Murhali personally. I only know of him from the Dakta radio station," Haryanto told the Jakarta Globe. "Every Sunday I'd listen to his program on Dakta. Through this program, I felt that I needed to support him as much as I could."
Haryanto is just one of thousands of listeners of Islamic radio programs that at times carry information on where demonstrations in support of religious or moral causes are being held. Or which mosques will host preachers like Murhali.
Media analyst Iswandi Syahputra says many people who rely on television or social networking Web sites for their information underestimate the influence of radio.
According to the Alliance of Islamic Radio (ARIN), there are about 50 registered Islamic radio stations across Indonesia, about 30 of which are members of ARIN. The alliance itself was officially launched in February of last year.
Dhea Qotrunnada, who heads ARIN, recently told the Globe that Islamic radio stations in the country were established to augment and sometimes counter the news on Islam being carried in the mainstream press.
"The main purpose of our broadcasts is getting as many people as possible to stand together. Why should we stand alone? We would never be successful in striking down incomplete reports by mainstream media if we were to stand alone," Dhea said.
"We air news that has a clear Islamic perspective. We need this to make up for the news being carried by mainstream media, which often discredits Islam. We also air nasyid [Islamic songs]."
Dakta Radio, which Haryanto likes to tune into, is based in Bekasi. It was established in 1992 and broadcasts news and speeches for what it claims are one million listeners in Greater Jakarta. But director Andi Kosala denied on Friday that it was an exclusively Islamic radio station.
"This is a news radio station that happens to have 40 percent Islamic content," Andi told the Globe. "It needs to be understood that this is not an Islamic radio station."
Asked why of all the Islamic preachers in the country Dakta Radio picked Murhali to host his own program, Andi said, "We used Murhali because we saw that he was competent. We did not know that he was an FPI leader."
At Radio Nuris, an executive told the Globe that the station was established because its founders were concerned about young Indonesian straying from the path of Islam.
"We believed this was happening because of the strength of Western culture," Rudianto said. "So we began to offer Islamic edutainment for young people, especially students and university students, with 100 percent Islamic values."
Dadang Rahmat Hidayat, who chairs the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), said there were many religious radio stations, and not just Islamic ones.
"There are also Christian stations, like Petra FM," Dadang said. "It needs to be understood, however, that there is not necessarily anything wrong with 'radio dakwah' [radio for preaching purposes] as long as they do not provoke listeners to commit crimes."
But that can sometimes be difficult to prevent. "We do not have the equipment to monitor radio broadcasts," Dadang said. "So we ask listeners to report anything they find offensive."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho A former member of the outlawed Indonesian Islamic State movement claimed on Thursday that the group had links to the co-founder of the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party.
Imam Supriyanto, previously a high-ranking member of the movement known as the NII, said the histories of both the organization and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) could be traced back as far as Hilmi Aminuddin, one of the founders of the PKS.
He said Hilmi's father, Danu Muhammad Hasan, was a military commander for Darul Islam, an ultraconservative group that gave birth to the NII and fought for its implementation in the 1950s and 1960s. Darul Islam shares an ideology and aims to build Islamic governing entities with the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt.
When the military cracked down on DI, Hilmi was sent to Egypt, where he joined the Muslim Brotherhood, Imam said.
"He then brought the Brotherhood's ideas back to Indonesia, established the Tarbiyah movement and carried out an underground campaign," he said. The Tarbiyah movement aims to spread and promote the supremacy of an Islamic state.
"The Brotherhood usually works to consolidate political power through controlling parties and legislatures," he said. "That's how they push for Islamic principles to be imposed by the state."
After the downfall of President Suharto in 1998, Hilmi and several others formed the Justice Party (PK), which in 2004 became the PKS. Hilmi currently serves as chairman of the party's advisory board.
Imam said that while it was normal for the Muslim Brotherhood to set up its own political party, the NII movement in Indonesia had tended to recruit members and supporters from within existing parties.
Yon Machmudi, a political expert from Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic University who has researched the PKS extensively, confirmed the links between Danu and DI, and between Hilmi and the Brotherhood.
Yon said the Tarbiyah movement was active in recruiting members from university campuses. Some of those recruits later went on to form the Indonesian Muslim Students Action Front (Kammi), while others would join the existing Justice Party, which later merged with the Prosperous Party to form the PKS.
However, Yon said that history was not necessarily evidence that the PKS in its current form was linked to the NII, especially since Hilmy and the PKS were known to be staunch opponents of the NII.
Fahri Hamzah, a member of the PKS's national leadership board, denied Hilmi's family ties made the party an NII sympathizer. "The PKS has long stressed that concepts of an Islamic state, a Christian state, a Hindu state and so on are completely outdated," he said.
Golkar Party Chairman Aburizal Bakrie has asked all party members to avoid Al Zaytun Islamic Boarding School in Indramayu, West Java, which is allegedly operated by the Indonesian Islamic State.
Setya Novanto, head of the Golkar faction in the House of Representatives (DPR), said Bakrie had instructed party officials to avoid the school operated by Panji Gumilang, who allegedly heads the local operations of the outlawed hard-line group, also known as NII.
Al Zaytun has come under scrutiny after a group of activists claimed it was recruiting for NII. The school was founded and is led by Panji, who according to Sidney Jones, a terrorism expert from the International Crisis Group, is the leader of NII's district command 9 (KW9.)
Setya said Golkar remained alert and was evaluating their members. "Golkar doesn't want to be infiltrated by the Indonesian Islamic State group. We have conducted an evaluation," Setya said. "There are no Golkar members who have joined NII. We will take action if there are any," he said.
The statement was made after a former leader of NII, Imam Supriyanto, told the press that Anis Gumilang, a Golkar legislator from Indramayu, West Java, is Panji's daughter. Imam added that Panji could also be linked to senior members of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, also through Al Zaytun.
"Democratic Party Chairman Anas Urbaningrum and secretary general Edhie Baskoro once came to Al Zaytun with other officials," he said. Edhie is Yudhoyono's youngest son and a House legislator.
Imam also said that the family of former president Suharto was one of the contributors to Al Zaytun, once donating Rp 5 billion ($585,000) in 2005.
Panji Gumilang used the money to build a building that was later named after Suharto. "The building was named the Great General Suharto building and it is the main building of Al Zaytun university," Imam said. (Antara, JG)
A former leader of Indonesian Islamic State (NII) claims that the extremist group has infiltrated political parties in Indonesia, including the Golkar Party and the ruling Democratic Party.
The statement was made by a former NII leader Iman Supriyanto duirng a meeting with the House of Representative's deputy speaker in Jakarta on Monday. "NII has put their people in political parties like Golkar, Democrats and other parties," Iman said.
"The son of Panji Gumilang [allegedly the current leader of NII and the director of Al Zaitun Islamic Boarding School] is a legislative member in Indramayu, he's from Golkar," Iman said. "In the 2004 election, Panji Gumilang fully supported Wiranto, who became Golkar's presidential candidate," Iman said.
As for the Democratic Party, Iman said that the party's chairman Anas Urbaningrum came to Al Zaitun Islamic Boarding School. "Anas Urbaningrum came to Al Zaitun with the party's secretary general Edhie Baskoro and other party officials," Iman said.
NII has infiltrated political parties, he said, because they are interested in three things politics, education and the economy.
Jakarta Radicalism in schools is believed to have reached alarming levels, with a recent survey finding almost half of the students in Greater Jakarta willing to be involved in acts of religious violence.
But, some Muslim students and teachers are casting doubt on the survey's validity, saying that they denounce violence and believe that the state's ideology of tolerance, Pancasila, still remains relevant today.
Erwin Maulana, an 11th grader at SMAN 6 senior high school in Bekasi, told The Jakarta Post last week that he disagreed with all acts of religious violence.
"Rather than keep fighting with each other we must establish an effective interfaith dialogue to clear things up and to find a middle ground that everybody can agree on," he said.
Erwin is not alone. Many others shared his opinion. "I believe violence and anarchy should not be used to express discontent toward the government and to attack people of different beliefs," Feri Harfan of SMAN 78 senior high school in Kemanggisan, West Jakarta, said.
Feri and Erwin are active in their school's extracurricular class on Islamic spirituality, known as Rohis. Feri said that he just held a two-day Islamic Arts Festival that included various contests between schools in West Jakarta.
"These kinds of positive activities are important for educating teenagers in how to channel their creativity and make their voices heard without resorting to violence," Opik Haswari, a teacher of Islam at Feri's school, told the Post on Saturday.
According to Opik, teachers should be responsible for continually disseminating ideas about diversity and pluralism as a way to counter youth radicalization.
He said that there was no need for the establishment of an Islamic state in Indonesia. "Indonesia is a nation with such great diversity. Forcing all citizens to accept Islam as the state ideology is not the way to go."
"An enforcement to accept a single state ideology would be just like the New Order," said Achmad Safari, the deputy headmaster of curriculum at SMAN 70 senior high school in Bulungan, South Jakarta.
Both Opik and Achmad agreed that Pancasila was still relevant as state ideology. "Maybe those who call for the replacement of Pancasila with Islamic ideology never realized that there are many Islamic values within each of Pancasila's five principles," Opik said.
Opik and Achmad's views provide a glimpse of hope after a recent survey painted a bleak picture of the country's education.
A recent survey by the Institution for Islam and Peace Studies (LaKIP)showed that 25.8 percent of students and 21.1 percent of teachers in Greater Jakarta deemed Pancasila no longer relevant as the state ideology.
The same survey also showed that, in the same region, 48.9 percent of students were willing to be involved in acts of religious violence and that 41.1 percent of students were willing to be involved in vandalizing houses of worship of other religions.
The survey, which was conducted between October 2010 and January 2011 involving 611,678 students and 2,639 teachers in Greater Jakarta, was released on the heels of deadly acts of terror involving young Indonesians, including high school graduate Dani Dwi Permana, the suicide bomber in the JW Marriott attack in 2009, and Pepi Fernando, a university graduate who planned to blow up a church in Tangerang.
The survey's findings shocked many. Pariyono, the deputy headmaster for student affairs at SMAN 6 senior high school in Bekasi, said, "I just don't believe that almost 50 percent of students in Jakarta would approve of acts of religious violence."
"From my experience as a teacher for more than 10 years, I just don't believe that the conditions are that bad," Pariyono said.
LaKIP's Bambang Pranowo defended the survey's findings. "I guarantee that the results are correct and not engineered," he told the Post. He said the survey did find that the majority of students still believed in Pancasila, but the fact that 25 percent should be considered a wake-up call for the government. (mim)
Jakarta Academics agree that negligence by the older generation and widespread disappointment over the government's failure to provide economic, social and political justice were the main reasons for the younger generation's turn to radical ideologies.
"This disappointment, which can easily lead to anxiety and outrage, is radical groups' key instrument to spread speeches of hatred against the state and to offer these people a target to express their frustration and anger," Ismail Hasani, a professor of law at Jakarta's Islamic State University, told The Jakarta Post.
Ismail, who also served as a researcher at the pluralism think tank the Setara Institute, said that a low level of understanding of religious teachings could also contribute to a person's susceptibility to doctrines of intolerance.
Another factor that might lead to radicalism was a combination of the increasing cost of living and the decreasing number of available jobs in the country.
"These disgruntled youths blame the government for these conditions and being fed various corrupted sociopolitical theories and religious dogma by radical groups come to the conclusion that the so-called 'corrupt' system should be overthrown by any means necessary," University of Indonesia sociologist Thamrin Amal Tomagola said.
Opik Haswari, who teaches Islamic religion at SMAN 78 senior high school in Kemanggisan, West Jakarta, said teenagers were more prone to radical indoctrination because most had yet to develop their own self-identity.
"This is why the older generation, especially parents and teachers, must support this identity-searching process," he said.
These speakers were all responding to the current situation in the country in which several students were allegedly brainwashed and recruited by the Indonesian Islamic State (NII) movement.
Opik said many parents might neglect to rear their children properly because they have to spend so much time at the office.
"I don't blame them. The financial pressures of today's world force them to do that," he said. "However, they must make efforts to utilize what little time they have at home to communicate and have discussions with their kids so that the parent-child relationship remains strong."
On the other hand, Thamrin said that parents should not be too overbearing because too much control could also lead to dangerous results.
"Teenagers feel at home the most when they spend time together with friends of a similar age or with similar ways of thinking," he said, adding that overbearing adults did not fit in any of those two categories.
According to Thamrin, radical groups could exploit frustrated innocent teenagers who complained about their overbearing parents by providing them with solace and a seemingly wonderful refuge, brimming with mutinous views disguised as ideas of freedom and of fighting back against so-called "oppression".
Regarding the most effective solution to tackling this issue, Ismail cited a continuous lecture-based dissemination of anti-radical perspectives.
"Lecturers play a great role in spreading national awareness among their students in order to help curb the growth of terrorism," he said. "Islam teaches that your home is your heaven," Opik said, adding that schools, as a second home, should also be a heaven for their students.
"It should be the responsibility of parents and teachers to create a 'heavenly' environment both at home and at school so that teenagers would not even think of searching for fake heavens that offer deviant ideologies," he said. (mim)
Nivell Rayda President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's speeches often leave many Indonesians mystified, and the one he made shortly after a series of book bomb scares across the capital last month was no exception.
"To that group, [I say] if you don't like me, don't sacrifice the people. Don't let them become victims," he said on March 18, shortly after police discovered a fourth bomb sent to the house of a prominent music mogul.
To some, the president appeared presumptuous for assuming that he was the target, but Mufti Makaarim, executive director of the Institute for Defense, Security and Peace Studies, thinks that there is more to the remark than meets the eye.
"He knows that there are some people who benefit from religious violence and acts of terrorism. He senses that there are a few retired generals who would love to see him lose legitimacy to run this country," he said. "For me the speech was clear. As vague and intriguing as it may seem to the rest of the nation, he was addressing military retirees."
Two other incidents that took place shortly after that speech seemed to crystallize what Yudhoyono meant.
On March 20, a little-known Islamic political analyst named Wachiduddin received thunderous applause from an audience of 500 veiled women and bearded men at a talk show organized by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, a hard- line group that seeks the formation of an Islamic caliphate.
Wachiduddin on that day said that it was important for hard-line Muslim activists to establish ties with warmongers and military officials. Excerpts and video recordings of the show have been circulating online since.
"Gaining support from ahlul quwwah [bearers of military might] in a revolution is a method exemplified by the great prophet, Muhammad," he said. "The prophet and his disciples once convened with ahlul quwwahs throughout Mecca, asking them to convert to Islam and join his holy struggle."
Muhammad eventually gained the support of Sa'ad bin Muaz, a prominent seventh-century warlord from Medina, Saudi Arabia, the self-proclaimed expert added. "Muslim activists [in Indonesia] must visit these generals. We must convince them that Islam is the only system blessed by Allah. Generals must become the 21st century Sa'ad bin Muaz," Wachiduddin said.
On March 22, two days after the speech, Al Jazeera reported that "senior retired generals" were supporting the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and other hard-liners to incite religious violence and overthrow Yudhoyono.
The report included an interview with retired Army Chief Gen. Tyasno Sudarto, a staunch government critic who acknowledged his support for the groups that he said aimed to topple Yudhoyono in a "revolution." Coming out
Besides Tyasno, there are more military men backing the hard-liners, according to Chep Hernawan, head of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis). In an interview with the Jakarta Globe, he identified them as retired Maj. Gen. Muchdi Purwoprandjono, former commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus); retired Maj. Gen. Kivlan Zen, former commander of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad); and retired Gen. Fahrul Razi, a former deputy chief of staff.
Chep said several meetings had already taken place since January between the ex-generals and conservative Muslim leaders to discuss their plans.
"We're united by the Ahmadiyah issue, since these retired generals have also lost faith in how the president is managing the country. They are Muslims too and know very well that Yudhoyono's hesitance in banning Ahmadiyah could spark public anger, particularly from Muslims," Chep said.
He was referring to the minority sect deemed deviant by mainstream Muslims that has faced increasing persecution over the years, including from the state.
Islamic People's Forum (FUI) secretary general Muhammad Al Khaththath had also acknowledged its movement to seek the dissolution of the sect was supported by retired generals but refused to divulge details into what sort of arrangements the hard-liners had with the generals.
A source inside the military retiree circle told the Jakarta Globe that the hard-liners had benefited financially as well as politically from the relationship.
"These generals always finance pesantrens [Islamic religious boarding school] and madrasahs [Islamic schools] owned by hard-line figures. Their houses are always visited by hard-line groups and some return with plenty of donations," the source said on condition of anonymity.
"In return they pledge allegiance and consider these generals as their patrons. [Hard-liners] are often exploited for a certain political gain."
But the source said that the retired generals had a more sinister plot. "The other retirees are calling their actions 'Awan Merah' [Red Cloud], short for 'Aksi Purnawirawan Militer Berdarah' [Bloody Actions of Military Retirees]," he told the Globe.
"Their aim was to create another religious conflict like the ones in Ambon [North Maluku] or Poso [Central Sulawesi]. But this time, they want it to be close to the capital. It is likely that their target would be Kuningan or Parung."
Around 2,000 followers of the Ahmadiyah faith live in Manis Lor village in Kuningan district, West Java, making it the largest Ahmadi community in Indonesia. An attack on the community occurs almost every year.
Parung, a small town about halfway between Jakarta and Bogor, is home to an Ahmadiyah center. It was last attacked in 2008.
"Other retirees are not too sure about their strategies. Toppling a president is not that easy," the source said. "But what these generals have in common is that they all hate SBY, they're devout Muslims or what some would describe as 'green generals,' they have close ties with hard-liners and in the past they had their hands dirty in cases of religious violence."
Mufti of the IDSPS said the retired generals were discontented with Yudhoyono because he had failed to provide enough political positions for members of his former corps. Only two retired generals sit in Yudhoyono's administration: State Secretary Sudi Silalahi and Deputy Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsuddin.
"The aim is to topple Yudhoyono through de-legitimization of his rule, to show that civilian-controlled government is failing and that we should go back to military rule," he told the Globe. "That has happened during the administrations of [former presidents] [B.J.] Habibie and Gus Dur [Abdurrahman Wahid]."
Muchdi, the retired major general, has confirmed that he has close relationships with hard-line Muslim figures. "I have friends from almost every Muslim organization and yes, some of them are radicals," he told the Globe.
He was cautious, however, about revealing the extent of those ties with radicals. "All I can say is that these [hard-liners] don't have a political vehicle to channel their aspirations. They just want their voices heard by the government," he said.
"I don't agree with violence and every Muslim organization that I have talked to feels the same way. There is not a single political party that can facilitate their needs, that is why some rogue elements within the organizations feel frustrated and do [violent] things."
Muchdi, the former head of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) who was controversially acquitted in 2009 of the murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib, has also been cited as a senior adviser of FUI publication Suara Islam and of Media Dakwah, a publication tied to the Indonesian Islam Propagation Council (DDII).
Although he is open about opposing the existence of the Ahmadiyah, he denied playing a part in religious violence.
"After the cases in Cikeusik [Banten] and Temanggung happened, text messages began circulating saying that me and Tyasno Sudarto were behind the melees," he said, referring to a mob attack on Ahmadis in Banten that left three sect members dead and the violent riot in the West Java town after a blasphemy trial.
"To me, rumors like that happen almost on a daily basis. Some issues we have to fight back but some I chose to ignore. I don't know why, but people see me as a hard-line Muslim myself."
A long time critic of Yudhoyono, Tyasno has been participating in various rallies and activities to oust the president. His disapproval for his former classmate in the military academy had led him to form an unlikely bond with radical Muslims, secular nationalists and other groups frustrated with the sitting administration.
In March 2010, Tyasno joined hard-line Muslim activists in an event organized by HTI to denounce the growing economic influence of the United States in Indonesia. The retired Army chief did little to hide his alliance with hard-line groups during the interview with Al Jazeera.
"We work together to enlighten each other. Our angle is different. They fight in the name of Islam, we use national politics. But we have a common goal, which is change. We want to save our country, not destroy it. The revolution should be peaceful, not anarchist or bloody," he said.
Al Jazeera cited a Web site that detailed a proposed cabinet line-up for the so-called Islamic government which included Tyasno drafted by FUI's Al Khaththath, himself a member of the HTI and former chairman.
Like Muchdi, Kivlan denied sponsoring religious violence and suggested Muslim groups channel their resentment toward the Ahmadiyah in a court of law.
"For me, the solution is simple. Launch a legal action [against the sect]. The same with Ahmadiyah, if they feel intimidated, report it. Don't take this problem to the street... let the court decide. Only then will all problems be solved," he told reporters after his name circulated as a mastermind of attacks against members of the sect.
But despite the denials, it is hard not to question how hardliners have continued to enjoy impunity without the presence of political support from powerful figures.
In February, hard-line groups began demanding that Yudhoyono step down unless he issued a decree banning the Ahmadiyah, just days after the president announced plans to disband organizations that used violence to further their goals.
"The fact that the government is reluctant to dissolve hard-line groups suggests that these organizations have support from powerful people. He wouldn't even touch HTI, which is clearly trying to establish an Islamic state and replace our national ideology. That's treason," human rights activist and noted military critic Usman Hamid told the Globe.
In 1965, the military began establishing close ties with Muslim groups in order to fight communists. It is widely estimated that close to a million people were killed in an ensuing witch hunt for Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) supporters.
During the Suharto regime, the military maintained the relationships, including with former elements of the Darul Islam and the Islamic Troops of Indonesia (TII), which launched a widespread rebellion during the Sukarno era in a failed attempt to establish a theocracy.
The military allegedly capitalized on the relationships during the final days of Suharto's 32-year regime by inciting hatred toward the Chinese ethnic minority through rumors that they had caused the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98. A widespread riot occurred in May 1998, targeting Chinese businesses and homes.
After the fall of Suharto, the ethnic violence spread throughout the islands of Java, Borneo, Sulawesi and the Malukus.
Witnesses detected a similar pattern in the seemingly separate conflicts and reported the presence of unidentified men provoking an attack on other religious groups. "What we are seeing today is a re-establishment of old ties. There is a good chance that similar conflicts would occur again," Usman said.
In a recent interview with the Globe, Mahmudi Haryono, alias Yusuf, a former terrorism convict who once participated in religious violence in Poso, said that the best possible way to disrupt national stability in Indonesia would be to incite another violent religious conflict.
"There are thousands of us who 'graduated' from Moro, Poso and Ambon. This is a time of peace so most of us just carry on with our daily lives. But when there is another conflict, they would leave their job and everything they have and fight. A lot of people that I know feel that way," he said.
"I realized, even back then, that the jihadist movement has been exploited by political power to destabilize the government. But blind faith and the notion that Muslims are under attack can prompt radical Muslims to do just about anything."
Elisabeth Oktofani The last person jailed in relation to the brutal attack on members of the Batak Christian Protestant Church of Pondok Timur Indah in Bekasi late last year was released from prison on Friday.
Shalih Mangara Sitompul, a lawyer representing Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) member Aji Ahmad Faisal, 28, confirmed his client had been freed.
He had been convicted of stabbing religious leader Asia Sihombing during an attack in which Rev. Luspida Simandjuntak was beaten with a bamboo stick.
Aji, reportedly a struggling street singer and poet, was greeted by a number of supporters after he was released from prison. "Aji is now back to the place where he comes from," Shalih said. "Perhaps he will go back to be a street artist as he used to be."
Human rights groups have accused the state of failing to uphold the law after a Bekasi court gave light sentences to the 13 Muslim hard-liners linked to the attack in September last year.
Camelia Pasandaran A meeting between presidential staff and a beleaguered Indonesian church at the center of an ongoing dispute with the Bogor administration was delayed on Thursday.
Bona Sigalingging, spokesman for the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI) Yasmin congregation, said the meeting with presidential adviser Daniel Sparingga had been delayed until next week.
The government has previously stated that it is evaluating whether the Bogor authorities abused their powers in repealing the church's building permit and sealing the site in direct violation of a Supreme Court order.
Bona told the Jakarta Globe that he was unsure why the palace had summoned congregation representatives but he expected President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to intervene in the dispute in favor of the church.
"The local administration is contravening the orders of the... Supreme Court," Bona said. "Therefore, I think the executive government needs to intervene to remind and order the mayor not to stand against the national legal system. We should not let any regional heads think that their authority is higher than Supreme Court's."
Though the Bogor administration has sealed the church, the congregation continue to worship in a street near the church every Sunday. The dispute comes amid what analysts say is increasing religious intolerance in Indonesia.
The hard-line Islamic Defenders Front is preparing to hold a rally in front of the offices of film production house K2K, which made the horror movie "Pocong Mandi Goyang Pinggul" ("Shrouded Corpse Bathing While Hip-Shaking") starring American adult film actress Sasha Grey, due to what they say is the film's pornographic content.
"Jakarta's Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) will rally at the K2K office on Jalan Dr. Saharjo at 12:30 p.m. We have watched the movie and it's porn!" Salim Alatas, an FPI leader, told news portal Detik.com.
Salim also accused the production house of having no regard for public morality as well as using sensationalism for material gain.
"[We're rallying] because they pushed porn stars to act in Indonesian movies and we are opposed to their decisions. We want to cleanse Indonesia of porn stars, international and local, to guard the nation's morality," Salim said.
He added that FPI planned to bring 100 protestors to the office to pelt it with rocks and eggs.
"We will bring rocks and eggs to throw at the office. If the production house won't stop flying porn stars to Indonesia, we will fly him [KK Dheeraj, the movie's producer] back home to India," he said.
Apriadi Gunawan, Medan Thousands of Muslims in Medan, North Sumatra, performed Friday prayers outdoor at the location of a demolished mosque.
The Al Ikhlas mosque was torn down by the Indonesian Military (TNI) on May 4 to make way for a housing complex.
The first Friday prayer following the demolition of the mosque was tightly secured by the police. The majority of worshipers came from a number of Islamic organizations, including the Muslim Forum (FUI). The congregation was led by FUI secretary-general Muhammad Khattab, a preacher from Jakarta.
North Sumatra chapter FUI head Indra Suhairi said Friday prayers would continuously be performed at the demolition site until TNI re-erected the demolished mosque. He said it was a protest form over the military's move.
"We will continue performing Friday prayers here despite the demolition of the Al Ikhlas mosque.
The mosque was owned by Muslims and the TNI had no right to tear it down," Indra told reporters after the prayers. They moved from the prayer site to the North Sumatra legislative building to protest further.
When reached for confirmation on Friday, Bukit Barisan Military Command spokeswoman Maj. Siti Fatimah expressed regret that Muslims had performed their prayers along the road next to the demolished mosque, which caused traffic congestion.
Fatimah said that the Al Ikhlas mosque was part of the military command's property. She confirmed that the mosque was torn down by TNI because it had reached a land swap deal in 2009 with developer PT Ganda Reksa Mulya.
"The Al Ikhlas mosque was demolished by members of the Bukit Barisan Military Command because it was our own property. Nobody has the right to prevent us from tearing it down," Fatimah told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
Fatimah said the military command had planned the demolition for a long time. Before the demolition, she added, the TNI had asked for consideration from leaders at the TNI headquarters in Jakarta. "The leaders at the TNI headquarters supported our efforts to demolish the mosque," she said.
Fatimah added that the Bukit Barisan Military Command had provided Rp 700 million (about US$81,900) in compensation to Muslims.
"We handed over the funds to Muslims, facilitated by the Indonesian Ulema Council and Islamic organizations. It is up to them as to what they do with the money, whether they want to build a mosque again or donate it to Muslims currently building mosques," said Fatimah.
After meeting with Bukit Barisan Military chief Brig. Gen. Murdjito, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali said the demolition was no problem, given the fact that the land belonged to the state.
Murdjito said it had provided a plot of land for the new construction of the mosque, located at Namorambe, Deli Serdang regency.
After months of debate, scores of soldiers from the Bukit Barisan Military Command demolished Al Ikhlas mosque on Jl. Timor in Medan, North Sumatra, early on Wednesday morning, to make way for a new housing complex.
Previously on the day, the soldiers had arrested people guarding the mosque who claimed to be volunteers of the Islam People's Forum (FUI). Several volunteers said they had been taken by police to the Medan Police Headquarters at around 1 a.m., under tight security.
Affan Lubis, one of the volunteers, said he had been forcefully taken to the headquarters. "They ordered us to go into a truck and we did not have the courage to refuse," Affan told reporters in Medan on Wednesday.
Affan said 18 volunteers had been guarding the mosque, and that all had been taken to the police station.
Affan said the police had confiscated all of their cell phones at the police station so that they could not communicate with their friends or the press. He said they had not been poorly treated by the police.
"We were kept in isolation at the police station for more than three hours. After that we were freed," Affan said.
Affan said that when they were allowed to the leave the police station at about 4 a.m. the volunteers then tried to check up on the mosque, but were prevented from doing so by soldiers.
Affan said the Muslim community was very disappointed by the demolition of Al Ikhlas mosque. He said his group had taken the case to the Medan District Court.
"There is a strong feeling that the mosque has been demolished in spite of the legal avenue that had been taken," he said.
It was reported that a businessman bought a swath of land in the area, including the mosque, to build a housing complex.
The Bukit Barisan Military Command put up a sign in front of the demolished building, reading "This land and building of Certificate No. 847 belong to the Army/Bukit Barisan Military Command."
Staff at the military compound declined to make comment about the mosque. It was reported that the command would issue an official statement on Friday.
Fitri R. Thirteen islets in West Lombok district in West Nusa Tenggara have been illegally sold to private individuals, companies and foreigners, officials alleged on Wednesday.
Mahrip, the deputy district head, said the islets, or gilis, were in the scenic Sekotong tourist area and had been fraudulently flogged off by rogue officials despite being listed as government property.
Ispan Junaidi, a spokesman for the West Lombok administration, backed the claim, saying the National Land Agency (BPN) had issued title deeds for several of the islands. He said this included the 30.5-hectare Gili Rengit, with the deed listing a Bali resident as its owner.
By law, however, an individual may only own a maximum five hectares of contiguous land in a given district. For the gilis, a 1966 government regulation restricts that to 600 square meters, with a maximum 30-year period of use. A 2007 government regulation clarifies that outright private ownership of small islands is prohibited because they are considered state property.
"What the law allows is for individuals to manage the land, not own it," Ispan said. "The BPN should only be issuing HGB [right to use] certificates for land on those islets, not SHM [title deeds], and certainly not to foreigners."
Udin Syafrudin, head of the West Lombok branch of the BPN, denied that his office had ever issued title deeds to individuals for the gilis off Sekotong.
"We have, however, issued deeds for multiple ownership for gilis that have more than one owner," he said. "Individual ownership of a gili is forbidden."
He declined to explain why his office was issuing title deeds in violation of the 1966 regulation.
He cited Gili Layar, a 55.7-hectare islet, as one such case of multiple ownership. He said the BPN had issued 60 title deeds for the 60 co-owners of the islet.
"That doesn't violate any regulations because it's not single ownership," Udin said.
However, a source familiar with the issue told the Jakarta Globe that the entire islet was in the ownership of a single person, identified only as M.D., a West Lombok businessman.
The source said Gili Layar and 12 others were currently believed to be under individual ownership, including by foreigners and corporations.
The source said these 13 islets were the focus of a long-running investigation for document fraud by law-enforcement officials, but declined to identify which agency was carrying in the probe.
Udin also claimed ignorance of claims that foreigners had been issued title deeds. Under Indonesian law, foreign ownership of land is prohibited. "I don't have any data on that yet," he said.
According to the BPN, the islets of Layar, Sudak, Asahan and Rengit have been issued title deeds, all for multiple owners.
Gili Poh has been divided into two lots, for one of which a title deed has been issued and for the other an HBG certificate.
Two others, Gili Nanggu and Gili Tangkong, have also been issued HGB certificates.
Allegations of the sale of the islets have been raised in the past. Some of the gilis have also appeared on Web sites offering holiday islands for sale.
Jakarta The hefty cost of local bureaucracy has hampered the provision of basic services throughout Indonesia, according to an official.
Budhi Santoso, the director of regional autonomy development for the National Planning Agency, said large local personnel expenditures made it difficult to translate regional autonomy into achievements in health and education.
"The national average for personnel expenditures is 50 to 60 percent of the regional budget. There are a lot of regencies that use about 60 to 70 percent of their budget," Budhi said.
"The proportion is absolutely reducing allocations to basic services, especially those related to programs needed to meet the MDGs [Millennium Development Goals]."
The central government allocates one-third of its budget to support 491 regencies and municipalities with general allocations that are based on population, revenue and fiscal capacity estimates.
The regions also receive several program-based allocations from central government ministries. The central government would channel an estimated Rp 630 billion (US$73.71 million) to regional administrations through both channels in 2011, Budhi said The government has raised civil service salaries well above the infl ation rate, boosting paychecks from 5 to 20 percent since 2006. The highest salary increase was 20 percent in 2008.
Bastian Zaini, an economist for the World Bank, said bureaucratic spending has undermined increases in spending for healthcare and education.
"The portion of capital spending, such as for healthcare in preventing malnutrition, is getting bigger, but the biggest proportion is still for salaries," he said.
Reducing the number of malnourished people is a component of the first MDG, which provides for the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger.
ndonesia has targeted to decrease the number of malnourished children under 5 from 7.2 percent of all children in 1989 to 3.6 percent by 2015. Regular assessment indicates that Indonesia has been on track in meeting the goal, despite disparities between provinces.
Budhi said regions should better manage the huge sums given to them to do more to achieve the MDGs. A confl ict between regional priorities and budget allocations has led to the uncoordinated provision of basic services, Budhi said. "This weakness of the planning national development comes from the top down. The planning of the central government does not meet regional needs," he said. (rcf)
In the latest blow to Indonesian lawmakers trying to shake off their reputation for incompetence, members of a House of Representatives commission visiting Australia embarrassed themselves while addressing a group of Indonesian students.
A delegate of House's Commission VIII, which oversees religious and social affairs, gave a Yahoo e-mail address as the commission's official contact during a heated dialogue with the Association of Indonesian Students in Australia (PPI Australia) in Melbourne on Saturday.
Pressed to provide the official address for students' queries, a member of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Astriana Sinaga, gave students the address komisi8@yahoo.com. Several students immediately tried to send e- mails to the address but all bounced back.
Teguh Iskanto, one of the students in the audience, blogged on Kompasiana that the lawmakers had dodged numerous questions from the floor, including one related to the budget for their comparative-study tour on poverty to Australia.
The lawmakers responded that they did not have enough time to answer such questions as they had to prepare for activities the following day, Teguh wrote.
The lawmakers had given the private e-mail address of the commission chairman, Abdul Kadir Kardin, and other members.
House commissions have come under pressure in recent months as scrutiny increased following a string of costly overseas study trips that generated little in the way of findings.
Abdul Kadir told the Jakarta Globe that the e-mail gaffe had been exaggerated. He said the commission tried its best to discuss things with the students and promised to publish the outcome of the tour of Australia and China. He said the commission had prepared several recommendations for Indonesia's poverty bill.
Ray Rangkuti, director of the Indonesian Civic Network (LIMA), said it was "funny" that while lawmakers were trying to improve their performance, they could not even offer a simple contact for communication.
Nining Indra Saleh, the House secretary general, said that like all commissions, Commssion VIII had an official address: set_komisi8@dpr.go.id.
A Democratic Party lawmaker and telematics expert, Roy Suryo, told the Jakarta Globe that the official address was only part of an intranet system and that e-mails sent to it from outside the system would bounce back.
"I told the House when I started to serve here that we should make the e- mail service accessible both inside and outside the House," he said. "It's cheap. Compared to the study's budget, it's nothing. It would probably cost Rp 5 million [$585] for the whole thing."
Priyo Budi Santoso, deputy House speaker from the Golkar Party, dismissed the gaffe as "not substantial." He said that it was understandable that lawmakers could forget an official e-mail address.
Criticism of the House of Representatives Commission VIII is mounting on social media Web sites after a gaffe during a discussion with the Association of Indonesian Students in Australia (PPI Australia) in Canberra on Saturday.
Sixteen lawmakers from the commission which oversees religious and social affairs were in Australian between April 27 and May to complete a comparative study for the poverty bill.
The meeting on Saturday, recorded and uploaded on video-sharing site Youtube, showed the lawmakers' seemingly unpreparedness when one of the students asked them the commission's email address.
"We, Commission VIII, is open to ideas from everyone," Ahmad Zainudin a lawmaker from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said when a student interjected, asking for the email address. "We have given you pak Karding's [commission head Abdul Kadir Karding] email address and I can give you my email too," Ahmad said.
But the student insisted. "Yes, but what's the commission's email?," the student asked again.
Amid the confusion, a lawmaker identified in the video as Astriana Sinaga from PKS said the email address was komisi8@yahoo.com. The answer triggered laughter and chuckles from the audience.
The video, uploaded by ppiaLATROBE, had been viewed 64,391 times until Thursday at 12 a.m.
In an open letter directed to Karding, PPI Australia said their evaluation showed the lawmakers were only effective on four out of six days they were on the junket and that Australia was not the right place to study poverty because its level of prosperity is different to Indonesia.
"We, PPI Australia considered the study junket by the House Commission VIII to Australia was not effective and a waste of government money," the association's chairman Mochamad Subhan Zein said in the letter.
The meeting with Australian officials, PPI Australia said, was conducted at the Indonesian Embassy in Canberra. The lawmakers did not meet with the community or visit any social services. "The lawmakers didn't have to come here, communication could have been done through the Internet or teleconference," Zein said.
Abdul Kadir Karding thanked the students for their evaluation, but he said a number of things had to be straightened out. "We had a well coordinated trip with the Australian Embassy. The schedule had been set and we met with the Australian Ambassador Greg Moriarty in Jakarta," Karding told news portal Okezone.com.
So, what's the commission's official email? "The official email of the House Commission VIII is set_komisi8@dpr.go.id," he said.
Meanwhile, the director of Indonesian Civic Network (LIMA) Ray Rangkuti said the incident was "funny."
"In reality, the fact that Commission VIII doesn't have an email has created big stories about improving the House of Representatives quality. The creativity of the PPI Australia must be appraised," Ray said.
"They opened the public's eye that in the middle of discussions about improving the quality of House members, they still can't deal with some very easy and elementary things."
Anita Rachman Despite the intense criticism of lawmakers' overseas study trips, members of the House of Representatives' Commission II jetted off to India this week, claiming they needed to study a population demographics monitoring system in the country.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) said on Wednesday that the commission, which oversees home affairs, left the country on Tuesday for India, where they will stay through Saturday.
Fitra's data showed that the visit, the last of several comparative studies conducted by lawmakers during the current recess period, will cost taxpayers Rp 453.7 million ($53,100).
Ganjar Pranowo, deputy chairman of the commission, said lawmakers had been setting up appointments with Indian institutions dealing with population and demographics for months. He called on the public to realize the urgency of the visit.
"The law has mandated us to apply the online Population Administration Information System [SIAK] in 2011," Ganjar said. "That is the main issue, we need to learn from a country with a huge population that has applied a similar system."
Although he was not taking part in the visit, Ganjar said, he supported it. He said lawmakers planned to learn about India's online population database and how the system could help the government identify and aid the poor.
He stated that the government had earmarked Rp 6.4 trillion for the SIAK and the House would closely monitor its use.
Ganjar added that he was sure the lawmakers would not return empty-handed. "We have been in correspondence with India for some time, we will gain many things," he said.
People should not only criticize the price of the trip, Ganjar said, but consider the benefits lawmakers would get out of it. "The democratization process is indeed expensive. But this trip is truly needed," he said.
Fitra has recorded 14 overseas trips by legislators so far this year, costing taxpayers about Rp 15 billion. The House commissions involved were Commission I, which oversees defense affairs, Commission VIII, which oversees religious and social affairs, Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, Commission II, which oversees home affairs, Commission X, which oversees education and sports, and the House speaker's trip to Iraq.
Uchok Sky Khadafi, who heads the watchdog's investigative division, said both Fitra and the public were eager to see what real inputs lawmakers gained from "studying" overseas.
Uchok said many of the lawmakers had yet to publish the results of their comparative studies.
"The public demands concrete reports from House members upon their return," he said. "But none of them have released the results of their trips."
Abdul Kadir Karding, the chairman of Commission VIII who went to Australia to study poverty last month, said his team, and the team that went to China, were still working on their reports.
TB Hasanuddin, deputy chairman of Commission I, said they would soon publish the results of their overseas visits. He said that lawmakers needed time because they had to meet with their constituents soon after returning from their trips.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho An outspoken Democratic Party legislator on Tuesday accused other members of House of Representatives Commission III of using their power to protect business interests.
Ruhut Sitompul, the Democrat spokesman, said some legislators on the commission, which oversees legal affairs, were acting as "legal bodyguards" for wealthy businesspeople.
"At many commission hearings, they work to back up the businesspeople, they accommodate the interests of the businesspeople and they sometimes use their position to attack opponents of these businesspeople," he said.
While not naming names, Ruhut claimed certain individuals were "playing around" in cases such as the ownership dispute of the former Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia (TPI).
That dispute involves media tycoon Harry Tanoesoedibjo and Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana. Last month a Jakarta court ruled in favor of Siti the daughter of the late President Suharto and a Golkar Party stalwart.
Ruhut also said there had been House meddling in the decision to jail Yusak Yaluwo, the Democrat head of Papua's Boven Digoel district, for corruption. He added that he was gathering facts to back up his allegations and would file a complaint with the House Ethics Council.
A source at House Commission III, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the Jakarta Globe that some legislators were believed to act as brokers in legal cases. The source said they included Syarifuddin Sudding, from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), and Ahmad Yani, from the United Development Party (PPP)
Both denied the accusations, but Yani acknowledged that he had made several statements in support of Harry during the TPI saga.
"But that was only because I felt law enforcers were criminalizing him," he said. "I was just doing my job as a legislator, monitoring and supervising law enforcers," he added.
Nasir Jamil, a Commission III legislator from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said the accusations likely sprang from the fact that a quarter of the commission's members were lawyers, including Syarifuddin, Yani and Ruhut, and were often asked to represent businesspeople or district heads in legal cases.
He added he often received similar requests, stressing the practice should not be seen as an abuse of power.
"But if legislators intervene in the legal process, then that's a violation of the law," Nasir said. "If there really is evidence of legislators taking bribes to help influence certain legal cases, then just file a complaint with the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission]," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho After paying the ransom and freeing the crew of 20 Indonesian sailors aboard the Sinar Kudus cargo ship late on Sunday, the Indonesian military announced today that it had also killed four of the Somali pirates who had taken the sailors hostage.
"After we secured all the hostages, we chased after the pirates and killed four of them," said Rear Admiral Iskandar Sitompul, a military spokesman. He explained that, after the ransom was paid, the pirates left the Sinar Kudus ship in small groups and the last batch leaving the ship was four pirates.
"At that point, all the hostages had already been secured. So one of our units, consisting of 12 personnel and a helicopter, chased the last pirate group. Gunfire occurred and our personnel killed all the pirates in the boat," Iskandar said.
The personnel responsible for the kills are members of a joint military operations force specializing in hostage extraction. Iskandar said they were made up of members of the navy's Jalamengkara detachment, the army's special forces unit and the army's strategic command group.
He said the all hostages are now safe and at a nearby harbor from which they would be transported by plane back to Indonesia.
Three Indonesian warships are guarding the hostages, Iskandar said. "So trust me, they are safe. The pirates won't have guts to disturb them."
The Indonesian sailors aboard the cargo ship Sinar Kudus had been held captive by the Somali pirates for 46 days. Reuters quoted a pirate as saying they received $4.5 million in cash but David Batubara, vice president of ship owner Samudera Indonesia, said the amount was not accurate but declined to reveal how much the company paid.
Iskandar said military personnel had actually been on the water monitoring the pirates' activity for over a month, waiting for the government's final order.
Ulma Haryanto Prospective whistle-blowers are one step closer to being assured of stronger protection and "rewards" in the eyes of the law after a draft bill left the witness protection agency's hands.
The Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK) together with the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force on Friday submitted the draft revision of a witness protection law to the Justice and Human Rights Ministry.
It is hoped the revision will encourage whistle-blowers suspected of crimes to come forward, with an opportunity for them to receive lighter sentences or a pardon.
"We hope that there is an increase in people's participation in disclosing crimes. Without proper reward and protection, people would think twice before digging their own graves," said Abdul Haris Semendawai, LPSK chairman.
Abdul said the current law on witness protection offered safeguards and incentives to criminally suspect witnesses, but had been implemented in a supplementary decree usually ignored by judges who deemed it legally flimsy.
"The law actually has a governmental decree that details such technicalities," he said. "However, in practice, everything is up to the judges to decide."
The proposed revision would weld the whistle-blower protection and leniency provisions into the law itself to give them a stronger legal footing. It would also propose delaying prosecution of whistle-blowers so they would not be forced to stand trial while also testifying in criminal cases they exposed.
In one of the more high-profile cases highlighting the issue, former lawmaker Agus Condro was arrested in the 2004 Miranda Goeltom bribery case, which only came to light when he exposed it.
"Our intention is to encourage the disclosure of organized crime practices, be it corruption or other forms of judicial mafia [activity]," said Mas Achmad Santosa, a task force member.
Justice Minister Patrialis Akbar said that after being studied, the draft would be submitted to the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs.
"We want LPSK to run effectively," Patrialis said. "The agency is needed to push corruption eradication. Whistle-blowers should feel safe if they want to report."
Patrialis declined to say whether the draft would be discussed at the legislature this year.
Jakarta Activists from several legal organizations grouped under the Justice Monitoring Coalition said the Judicial Commission should not have the authority to wiretap as it was not a law enforcement agency.
The statement was issued in the wake of recent developments at the House of Representatives regarding a bill to amend the 2004 Judicial Commission Law to empower the commission, which is widely considered toothless.
The House commission deliberating the bill plans to grant the commission several powers, including wiretapping to weed out rogue judges, but activists said such powers were "over the top".
The activists said the Judicial Commission's scope of authority was limited to supervising and monitoring judges' adherence to their code of ethics and did not include criminal law enforcement.
They cited the information and electronic transaction law, "which firmly states that wiretapping conversations is illegal unless it is done in the context of law enforcement".
"In other words, the authority to wiretap conversations should only be delegated to law enforcement agencies such as the police, the AGO or the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK], and not to the Judicial Commission," Astriyani, a researcher at the Institution for the Advocacy and Study of Justice Independence (LeIP), told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
"This clearly shows us that members of the House, especially from Commission III [overseeing the matter], are clueless about the Indonesian legal system," Dimas Prasidi, another researcher at LeIP, added.
Dimas said the argument that the Judicial Commission could use such an authority to uncover case broker rings was irrelevant.
"Should the Commission find indications of such practices, they could report it to law enforcement agencies the police, the AGO, and the KPK instead of investigating the case themselves," Dimas said.
He added that failure to comply with the procedure could potentially create a messy law enforcement system, in which a crime committed by a court official could be forcefully resolved in the ethical domain.
"The House members' insistence on passing the bill could be seen as wilfully defying a verdict issued by the Constitutional Court," Andi Muttaqien, a researcher at the Social Study and Advocacy Institution, said, referring to a Court verdict last February ordering the government to create a distinctive, all-encompassing law to regulate the wiretapping of conversations.
The Judicial Commission has taken a neutral stance in the debate. "Our position is that we will implement the law as passed by the lawmakers," Judicial Commission spokesman Asep Rahmat Fajar told the Jakarta Post on Tuesday. "It is not our position to support or reject the bill."
Asep said the authority to wiretap conversations would certainly improve the commission's performance. "However, we acknowledge that this is a sensitive issue."
He added that proposed powers be aligned to other related laws and conform to principles of human rights. "I hope these issues are also discussed at the House, so the resulting law brings benefits to all involved," Asep said. (mim)
Dessy Sagita The Judicial Commission announced on Monday that it had received more than 1,000 complaints so far this year about the conduct of judges.
A spokesman for the watchdog said the number of complaints was up this year, but did not indicate that this was a sign of greater judicial misconduct.
Instead, Asep Rahmat Fajar said more people were aware of the commission and its function.
The Judicial Commission monitors judges and can make disciplinary recommendations to the Supreme Court.
"As of the end of April, we had received 1,001 complaints about the actions of judges, prosecutors and police officers," Asep said. This is an increase from the same period over the past three years, he added.
Asep also said the complaints process was now more open, with people being able to file reports by phone, via post and online.
Danang Wijayanto, head of the commission's judge monitoring bureau, said most of the reports so far this year concerned judges' lack of professionalism, discipline, productivity and honesty.
"Some reported illegal drug use by judges, but that's not under our authority," he said.
Asep said nearly half of the reports filed could not be processed because the complaints fell outside the authority of the commission. These included requests for verdicts to be revised. "We do not have the authority to change court verdicts," he said.
One of the main criticisms of the commission is that it lacks the necessary bite to disciple judges. And while complaints may be up this year, only a fraction of them have gone anywhere.
Asep said that as of the end of March, only 111 of the complaints had reached the commission's discussion panel.
He said 17 judges had been summoned so far over alleged ethics violations. Of those, 16 had answered the summons, while the one judge who refused had been punished by the Supreme Court.
Asep said the commission was very selective in choosing which cases to pursue. He also said the commission did not have the authority to force judges to answer a summons.
"According to the rules, we can't force judges to come, however, if they decide not to come, we can still make a recommendation based on the information in our possession," he said.
Judges who ignore a summons from the commission, he added, were missing the chance to defend themselves.
"They may opt not to answer our summons, but don't blame us if we give a recommendation to the Supreme Court that can affect their career," he said.
From 2005 to 2010, Asep said, the commission had received more than 9,000 reports, but only 300 judges had been summoned and investigated. Of those, only 90 had been found guilty, with the recommendation that they be removed from the bench.
Indonesia said Thursday its economy posted robust growth in the first quarter thanks to rising investment, exports and strong domestic consumption.
Southeast Asia's largest economy expanded 6.50 percent in the January March period from a year earlier, and 1.50 percent from the previous quarter, the official Statistics Agency said. This follows growth of 6.90 percent in the October December period, when the economy usually receives a temporary boost from budget disbursements.
"Looking ahead, we expect growth momentum to accelerate to an average pace of 6.40 to 6.80 percent by 2013," Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo said.
Speaking at a forum of finance ministers organized by the Asian Development Bank, Martowardojo said Indonesia's economy had gained momentum from domestic demand and favorable global conditions.
The government expects the resource-rich archipelago of 240 million people to grow 6.40 percent this year after expanding 6.10 percent in 2010, when it was among the best performing economies in the Group of 20 nations. Analysts said the government would have to boost spending to achieve its annual growth target as exports could be hit by falling Japanese demand in the aftermath of the March 11 earthquake and tsunami disaster.
Bank International Indonesia economist Juniman also warned that rising inflation could hurt household consumption. "The only things the government can push is investment and its own spending," he told Dow Jones Newswires.
Inflation eased to 6.16 percent in April from a year earlier, thanks to lower basic food prices during the harvest season, according to official figures released on Monday. Bank Indonesia in April held interest rates at 6.75 percent after prices eased slightly a month earlier, but the central bank warned the risk of inflationary pressures remained high.
The International Monetary Fund has urged Indonesia to slash expensive fuel subsidies and redirect the money into building badly needed infrastructure to spur long-term growth.
[AFP/Dow Jones Newswires contributed to this story.]
Dion Bisara In an unprecedented move, the central bank has barred Citibank Indonesia from acquiring new credit card customers for two years, priority banking customers for one year and opening any new branches for a year.
The controversial bank at the center of two ongoing scandals has also been banned from using third-party debt-collection services for two years. Citibank country manager Syarik Mochtar and other executives will also be forced to undergo fit-and-proper tests.
In March, former Citibank relationship manager Inong Malinda Dee was accused of embezzling millions of dollars from wealthy clients, closely followed by the death of politician Irzen Octa, who allegedly died after being confronted by debt collectors.
Bank Indonesia deputy governor Budi Rochadi, speaking at a press conference in Jakarta on Friday, said at special investigation of the bank and concluded that "violations" of Citibank's internal regulations and risk management had occurred.
"There were also weaknesses of the standard operating procedures and internal controls," Budi said. He said the sanctions were effective immediately, though Citibank could continue to serve its existing clients.
As well as forcing the bank's senior employees to undergo fit-and-proper tests, any staff implicated in the offending or lack of oversight should be fired, he said.
Budi said the sanctions could be more severe, depended on the results of police and Financial Transaction Reports Analysis Center (PPATK) investigations.
Bank Indonesian Deputy Governor Halim Alamsyah said the action was "part of the central bank's effort to ensure protection for Indonesia banking customers." "We also hope that with these steps, other banks will also be able to improve their operations," he said.
Budi said the central bank has previously imposed punishments on a number of banks but this is the first time the action has been announced publicly.
With the general election now three years off, the political climate is heating up every day as politicians begin jockeying for positions, heightening the rivalry. At least three new political parties have registered with the Law and Human Rights Ministry to try their luck in the 2014 elections.
These three are the National Republican Party, the Nasdem Party and the Indonesian Sovereignty Party (PKB Indonesia). Many more are expected to register for screening in the coming year, making the best of Indonesia's burgeoning democracy.
The question is how serious are they about their participation in the 2014 elections? And how big are their chances at winning, or at least securing seats at the House of Representatives?
The National Republican Party, founded by Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the youngest son of the late dictator Soeharto, has taken the public by storm because most people never realized he was planning to form a political party. Tommy was a onetime Golkar functionary, but Golkar moved away from the Soeharto shadow to shed its image of being a legacy of the New Order regime, and to win support from reform-minded voters.
Nasdem is meant to be a political wing of National Democrats, a "social movement" organization led by media tycoon-cum-politician Surya Paloh and the revered Sultan Hemengkubuwono X of Yogyakarta. Nasdem has got dirty looks from such major political parties as Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which lost their seasoned politicians to the new organization.
PKB Indonesia is a splinter from the National Awakening Party (PKB) founded by the late charismatic Muslim cleric and former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid. Led by his daughter, Yenny Wahid, PKB Indonesia is tipped to steal the show in the 2014 elections thanks to Gus Dur's charisma, which charmed millions supportive of his unwavering defense of pluralism at the heels of the growing Islamic extremism.
But the struggle to win coveted seats at the House will be extremely tough for any newcomers because the existing political parties have raised the bar so high that it will take formidable resources to attract would-be voters.
Complicating the situation further is the falling public trust in political parties, widely perceived as among the most corrupt institutions along with the House of Representatives, police and the judiciary. The new parties will have to offer more and better programs than those offered by their established rivals.
In notoriously corrupt Indonesia, money reigns supreme in everyday life, and politics is no exception. There is nothing secret about the ways the (politically and financially) powerful use their money to buy everything from votes to loyalty and "justice".
Lately, Indonesia has been witnessing politicians exploiting religious issues such as Ahmadiyah and secessionist Islamic State of Indonesia (NII) movement for personal and political gain.
Keeping in mind that the increasingly well-informed public will only vote for parties that truly defend their interests, we hope that political parties, be they old or brand new, only strive for the interests of the people through democratic means.
Richard Chauvel I first met Filep Karma in the Papuan capital, Jayapura, in November 2000. Even in the relatively open political climate that prevailed in Papua during the first years after the fall of Suharto, he was a courageous and striking figure.
He had recently completed a term in prison for his leadership of the July 1998 flag-raising protest at Biak, which had been suppressed by the security forces with considerable loss of life, and he was wearing the uniform of an official in the provincial government (a position he still occupied) with a Papuan national flag pinned provocatively to his chest. Later, in 2004, he was arrested again for raising the Papuan flag at a peaceful commemoration of 1 December 1961, which is regarded by Papuans as their independence day. In May the following year he was sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment on charges of treason, a sentence he is still serving.
At the time we met, Karma was active in the Papua Presidium Council, which was then the dominant pro-independence organisation. Typical of his forthright approach to politics, Karma was critical of the council leadership's pragmatic and accommodating approach, and once again it was a debate about the flag that brought matters to a head. Earlier that year, as a gesture of reconciliation, President Abdurrahman Wahid had agreed to change the name of the province from Irian Jaya to Papua and had given permission for the Papuan flag to be flown. But, as the year progressed, flag-raisings again became a focus of conflict between the Indonesian authorities and Papuans. The council's leaders had negotiated a restricted and carefully monitored commemoration and flag-raising with the Indonesian authorities, but Karma asserted that Papua had not become independent in 1961 and so independence needed to be proclaimed at that year's commemoration a course ofaction that would have risked a violent In the report I wrote soon after for the International Crisis Group, I used Karma and his provocative attire as a symbol of the dual loyalties of many senior Papuan officials in the Indonesian administration. Some, like Karma, actively supported Papuan independence; others, probably a rather greater number, were sympathetic but not active. The Indonesian authorities knew that Karma was saying publicly what many of his fellow bureaucrats thought and felt.
In fact, in mid 2000 an Indonesian intelligence document concluded that the Papua provincial government had been "contaminated" by the independence ideal and recommended that strong sanctions be applied to well-known supporters of Papua Merdeka (Free Papua) among local officials. Filep Karma was one of the officials named in the report.
Attached to the same document was a diagram headed "Papuan Political Conspiracy" that depicted the various groups of Papuans whom the Indonesian intelligence community thought supported independence. In addition to the best-known public advocates, the diagram named local people who had been successful in the Indonesian system, including Barnabas Suebu, who was Indonesia's ambassador to Mexico and is now governor of Papua, Suebu's immediate predecessor, another former governor and a number of Papuan members of the Indonesian parliament.
The criminalisation of peaceful political activities, which led to the imprisonment of Filep Karma, has proved effective in keeping Papuan nationalist sentiments off the streets. But the security forces' concern about the influence of pro-independence ideals among Papuan government officials persists. A 2007 secret report by the Kopassus unit stationed in Kotaraja, a suburb of Jayapura, argued that the activities of the separatists in Papua were centred on the city, where most activists lived. "Most of the separatist group," it reported, "had become officials in government institutions and occupied important positions." The separatists were not a large group, but their prominent positions meant that their views were often reported in the media, according to the report. As many young Papuans did not have a strong Indonesian nationalist ideology, the separatists, who "increasingly had an objective of the ideal of Papuan independence," were able to "influence all levels of society and government institutions."
The Indonesian authorities' distrust of Papuan politicians and provincial government officials has made it difficult for Jakarta to implement the 2001 Special Autonomy Law in a way that might have achieved its objective of reducing Papuan support for independence. The law was the government's response to the revival of the independence movement after the fall of Suharto and provided for a much more extensive devolution of authority and revenue than that granted to other provinces under the regional autonomy laws of 1999.
Earlier this year Agus Sumule one of Governor Suebu's advisers, but writing in a private capacity outlined how the Indonesian government has endeavoured to limit the autonomy devolved to the provincial government in Jayapura. First, he described the practice of distributing the budget allocation of Special Autonomy funds to Papua every couple of months rather than on an annual basis. Sumule argued that an annual allocation of these funds would facilitate optimal planning and program implementation. He understands that the practice of graduated allocation of funds was introduced at the behest of one of the Indonesian intelligence agencies, out of fear that annual distribution would increase the likelihood that the money would be used for "subversive" purposes. Second, he described how there has been virtually no practical devolution of authority to Papua despite the fact that the Special Autonomy Law devolves authority to the provincial government in all areas of government except foreign affairs, defence and security, finance and religion.
In a similar vein, late last year the Sydney Morning Herald quoted a September 2009 cable from the US embassy in Jakarta that said, "Many central government ministries have been reluctant to cede power to the province. As a result, implementation of the [Special Autonomy] law has lagged and Papuans increasingly view the law as a failure."
Filep Karma's fifteen-year prison term for raising the Papuan national flag contrasts strikingly with how the Indonesian authorities dealt with the members of the Indonesian security forces who videotaped each other barbarically torturing Papuans. The depravity of the behaviour depicted on the video attracted considerable international media attention after it was posted on the internet last October. In January this year a military court in Jayapura sentenced three soldiers from the TNI infantry battalion 753/AVT to ten, nine and eight months respectively for torturing two Papuans, Anggun Pugukiwo and Telenggen Gire, in May last year. The judge, Adil Karo-Karo, found that "the three accused disobeyed their superior's command and that they had used violence towards civilians."
In an earlier military trial of soldiers accused of violence against Papuans, also recorded on video, the four accused were given sentences of five to seven months. Like the soldiers in the January trial, they were sentenced for disobeying orders. But the head of the military court noted that the soldiers' behaviour had tarnished the good name and image of the armed forces in the eyes of society and the world. Speaking to a group of military and police leaders during the January trial, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recognised that there had been acts of violence by the security forces in Papua. "I am concerned about cases in Papua. These acts were not the policies of generals, marshalls or the government. They were incidents."
The treatment of Filep Karma and the military's violence against Papuans not only raise questions about the values and functioning of the Indonesian legal system, but also symbolise the governance issues Indonesia faces in Papua. The security forces' abuses of human rights, the criminalisation of non-violent political activity and the mutual distrust between the Indonesian government and many sections of Papuan society are among the issues that have motivated a concerted effort by Papuan activists notably the leading Catholic figure, Neles Tebay, and researchers at the government's Indonesian Institute of Sciences, led by Muridan Widjojo to promote dialogue between Jakarta and Papua. Tebay and his Papua Peace Network have sought to mobilise Papuan support for dialogue, especially among the independence activists, while Muridan and his colleagues have sought to persuade the government that Papua's complex and entrenched problems can only be addressed through dialogue, and that dialogue doesn't mean negotiations for independence.
On the eve of his visit to Australia last month, the Indonesian vice president, Dr Boediono, told the Sydney Morning Herald that the government recognised "there was room for improvement" in its Papua policies and needed to take a broader approach than its usual focus on economic development. But he explicitly ruled out the possibility of a dialogue with Papuans. Boediono also foreshadowed the creation of a new agency that would coordinate policy-making and implementation for Papua. That new agency is the Unit to Accelerate Development in Papua and West Papua, part of a broader reformulation of Papua policy, which has been mentioned in the media at least since November last year.
Djohermansyah Djohan, Indonesia's director-general of regional autonomy, argued that the unit is needed because special autonomy has been more effective in Aceh, where authority has been devolved to the province under the supervision of the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Board. "Whatever the circumstances," Djohermansyah asserted somewhat patronisingly, "the father has the responsibility to take care of the children." Vice President Boediono's spokesman, Yopie Hidayat, explained that the new policy, of which the unit is the institutional centrepiece, was expected to "gain optimum results through centralized planning."
Ironically, the one issue on which there is agreement between the Indonesian government and some of its Papuan critics is that the Special Autonomy Law has failed. Yet this recognition has produced sharply contrasting responses. The government seems intent on reasserting its direct control over Papua and reducing the limited authority that had been devolved to the provincial government. In Jakarta's new policy framework, the provincial government would remain part of the planning process but won't have the critical role envisaged in the Special Autonomy Law's provisions for self-government. As Agus Sumule noted, the draft policy documents being prepared in the vice-president's office barely mention the position of governor and the role it has played in the development of Papua over the past nine years.
The responses of the Indonesian government and its Papuan critics to the failure of special autonomy are informed by their different understandings of how the conflict in Aceh was resolved. Jakarta focuses on the success of the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Board in Aceh, and has decided to establish a similar agency, under its direct control, to accelerate development in Papua.
Papuans, on the evidence of the public consultations organised by the Papuan People's Assembly in mid 2010, see the resolution of the conflict in Aceh differently. They want negotiations or dialogue, involving an international partner, with the Indonesian government to resolve the political, cultural, historical as well as economic dimensions of their conflict with Jakarta. Some Papuans envisage significantly greater autonomy, as happened in Aceh under the Helsinki Agreement and the Aceh Governance Law, but policy-making in Jakarta seems to be heading in the opposite direction.
It is difficult to envisage much progress being made in Papua with either economic development or the entrenched governance, political, cultural and historical issues that have fuelled Papuan nationalism unless there is a policy framework that recognises and seeks to address these complex and interrelated issues.
There is no doubt that Indonesia can sustain its rule in Papua. Neither the ad hoc and poorly armed resistance of the Free Papua Movement nor the non- violent activities of numerous pro-independence organisations threaten Indonesian control, and so the government feels little pressure to engage in dialogue. But the governance issues embodied in the treatment of Filep Karma, and grotesquely dramatised in the Indonesian soldiers' videos, raise questions about the legitimacy of Indonesian rule. After all, the Indonesian government has the responsibility to protect its citizens in Papua.
More generally, the growing gap between the severely constrained political space in Papua and the robust democracy in much of the rest of the country, together with the continuation of human rights abuses by the security forces, is an Achilles heel for an Indonesia aspiring to play a regional and international role appropriate for the world's third largest democracy.
[Richard Chauvel is a senior lecturer at the school of social sciences and psychology at Victoria University.]
Beyond our imagination, the Indonesian Islamic State (NII) teachings have spread to many layers of society, but the way the government plays down the lurking danger that may cost the existence of Indonesia is regrettable.
Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto raised many eyebrows when he, in response to brainwashing practices involved in the recruitment of NII members, regarded the clandestine organization as having no potential to endanger national integrity.
Unfortunately, Djoko's statement is too good to be true. Due to its aspiration to form a state that breaches the Constitution, NII makes no difference from the now defunct Free Aceh Movement and the Free Papua Organization, which the government used to and is trying hard to quell due to their secession movement, which is a serious crime.
For years NII has been recruiting members, many of them students and even political party members and government officials, and collecting funds, findings that should give cause for concern not only to the government but also the public at large.
No less surprising is the confession of a former NII minister, Imam Supriyanto, who said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party donated US$10,000 to an Islamic boarding school widely rumored to have been used to promote NII ideology and recruit followers.
Not to mention a possibility that NII deposited billions of rupiah into the now defunct Bank Century, prompting the House of Representatives to ask the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre to verify the report.
NII may have not transformed its dream to build an Islamic state into an armed movement as the Aceh rebels and the old NII did, and Papua separatist group is perpetrating, but the ideology war NII is waging could be more effective, particularly if people lose their confidence in democracy and a prosperous and just society envisioned by our founding fathers.
Indonesian modern history has seen the commitment to a nation state that preserves plurality surviving a series of efforts to change the Pancasila state ideology to Islam, either through constitutional or unconstitutional ways.
The fourth and latest constitutional amendment in 2002 confirmed that the Pancasila ideology, which does not recognize the Islamic state, was final and would be maintained as it stood.
Sadly the political elites have been compromising the national consensus by giving false hope to an Islamic state or a quasi of it for short-term interest and political gains.
The passage of regional ordinances that are inspired by Islamic law in many regencies and provinces is a trick the elites have deliberately chosen, regardless of its repercussions which many warn as creeping Islamization.
The hard-won democracy has allowed everybody to exercise their freedom, but there is always a limit. The freedom shall not put the nation state that was built on blood and sufferings of our founding fathers at stake.
It was this concern that perhaps triggered noted Muslim scholar, the late Nurcholish Madjid, to consistently uphold his famous and hopefully everlasting motto "Islam yes, Islamic parties no".
Nivell Rayda After weeks of tweaking and trials and errors, an activist at a prominent human rights group was finally able to connect his laptop computer to an old 32-inch cathode-ray tube television at home.
Although he had seen it about 20 times already, Hendi (not his real name) was eager to watch the 40-minute video of the bloody attack on the Ahmadiyah minority sect in the Cikeusik subdistrict of Banten on a screen with a much bigger resolution than that of his laptop.
"I'm curious to learn who these people who wear the blue and green ribbons are. The fact that they wear ribbons to distinguish friends from foe suggests that they don't know each other," he told the Jakarta Globe after asking not to reveal his identity because he was far from concluding his research.
Witnesses say around 20 attackers wearing the ribbons on their jackets and shirts were among the first to arrive at the scene on Feb. 6 and could be seen provoking others to attack a house belonging to an Ahmadi. More than 1,000 people eventually joined the assault which resulted in the death of three Ahmadis.
Hendi said he was curious how the attackers, who witnesses say were not from the area, knew which house to attack.
Obsessed with learning who these people were, Hendi scrutinized every frame of the video, listening to a barrage of sounds and noises and scribbling in his notebook every time he heard an audible conversation.
"They were highly skilled in martial arts, can be seen provoking the masses to attack Ahmadiyah and simply vanished just minutes into the riot," he concluded, adding that this was precisely the pattern found in scores of sectarian conflicts that sprung up after the fall of Suharto.
Hendi said that he became fixated on digging up the truth that many of his activist friends chose to ignore after the Al Jazeera television station in March reported closer ties being forged by hard-line groups and several retired military generals.
The activist said that unless police were able to apprehend the provocateurs, the mastermind behind the Cikeusik attack would never be revealed.
But Hendi is not alone. Mufti Makaarim, executive director of the Institute for Defense, Security and Peace Studies, also thinks that there is more to the attack than meets the eye.
"Rogue elements within the military have used radical Muslims as proxies before to create diversions or push certain political agendas. They don't want to be linked directly to sectarian conflicts," he said, adding that religious violence had been used in the past to de-legitimize civilian- controlled governments.
Chep Hermawan, head of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), a hard-line group, has said that several retired generals had approached radical Muslim groups one month prior to the Cikeusik attack in a bid to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono by exploiting mainstream Muslims' resistance toward the Ahmadiyah.
Chep named them as former Army chief of staff Gen. (ret.) Tyasno Sudarto; Maj. Gen. (ret.) Muchdi Purwoprandjono, former commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus); Maj. Gen. (ret.) Kivlan Zen, former commander of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad); and Gen. (ret.) Fahrul Razi, a former deputy chief of staff. IDSPS' Mufti seemed hardly surprised. "These are old players," he said.
In his book, "Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization of Indonesia," anthropology professor Robert Hefner said that during the Suharto regime, the government made use of hard-liners to act as agent provocateurs to de- legitimize criticisms toward his rule, particularly when calls were mounting for him to step down at the height of the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. In the book, Hefner details numerous reports and anecdotes that detail links between the military and hard-liners.
He writes that during the May 1998 riots in Jakarta, a group of unidentified men started burning and looting businesses and homes owned by ethnic Chinese. The men provoked ordinary civilians to follow suit and by the time security forces arrived they had vanished, similar to Hendi's observations of the Cikeusik attack 12 years later.
A similar pattern was reported during a religious conflict in East Java a year earlier, with efforts to break ties between the Nahdlatul Ulama, led by future President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, and syncretist Javanese Muslims.
NU probes quoted witnesses as saying that groups of men dressed in "ninja" outfits had been killing Muslims clerics as well as people believed to be black-magic sorcerers. But a series of rumors that sprang up after the violence would omit mention of the ninja-clad attackers and allege that the Muslim clerics and sorcerers had in fact been killing each other. It would not be the last time such tactics would be reported.
In 2000, a string of religious conflicts between Muslims and Christians erupted in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and Ambon, Maluku. Several rights groups cited witnesses reporting ninja-clad bands of people killing both Muslim clerics and Christian priests.
Then-President Gus Dur accused a Maj. Gen. "K" and a civilian named "Gogon" to be behind in the conflicts in Poso and Ambon. But until he was forced to resign in 2001, Wahid never disclosed the full identities of those he accused.
At the time, Kivlan was one of only two major-generals in the military with that initial. "Gogon" is the reported nickname of Ahmad Sumargono of the conservative Indonesian Islamic Propagation Council (DDII), a long-time friend of Muchdi and later a politician of the Star Crescent Party (PBB.)
Conflicts in Ambon and Poso went on until 2007, ending after the National Police toured the area with FPI leader Rizieq Shihab, who urged remnants of the Muslim militias to join FPI and fight new enemies: immorality and blasphemous sects. Some former militia members chose to join the Jemaah Islamiyah terror network.
After the fall of Suharto in May 1998, the new government formed fact- finding teams to investigate the cause of the Jakarta riots as well as the kidnapping and murder of 14 student activists, according to Hefner.
In October 1998, one team probing the kidnapping of activists released its findings and concluded that it was conducted by a special unit inside the Army Special Forces Command (Kopassus). The team deemed former Kopassus commander Prabowo Subianto and his successor, Muchdi, responsible for the crime.
Prabowo would later go on to found the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra). Muchdi would go on to head the National Intelligence Agency (BIN). In 2009 he would be controversially acquitted for the 2004 murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib.
In a postscript addendum after he concluded research into his book in November 1999, Hefner wrote that most disturbances at the time bore the telltale signs of agent provocateurs.
"Although its leaders have been removed from the heights of government, advocates of state terror remain ensconced in segments of the military and bureaucracy. The dismantlement of their shadowy network of vigilantes and gangsters will be one of the greatest challenges facing democratic Indonesia," he wrote.
For Hendi, the evidence is still up for debate. But the patterns he says he sees are undeniable.
"What is intriguing for me about the Cikeusik attack is that it doesn't follow the same pattern as other cases of violence on Ahmadiyah involving hard-liners," Hendi said. "The attack bears more resemblance to the ones seen during the sectarian conflicts in Ambon or Poso.
"I think there is a good indication that one of the martial arts groups associated with a military figure might be involved. But unless police are able to arrest one of the provocateurs or at least have someone who would identify who they are and where they're from, we won't know who the true masterminds are."
Al Araf Every act of terrorism will be followed by the government's desire to reassess and strengthen the role of state security institutions. This was the case after the first and second Bali bombings, the JW Marriott attack and the Australian Embassy bombing.
Following a terrorist attack in Cirebon in April and the spate of book bombs sent to prominent figures in March, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recently called on the Armed Forces (TNI) to cooperate with other state institutions to prevent terrorism. The president had in January already officially instructed the TNI to be ready to assist the National Police in the fight against terrorism.
The state's desire to beef up its anti-terrorism efforts is not wrong- minded considering the complexity of the issue. And certainly every effort must be made to prevent terrorism. But we must also make sure that the fight against terrorism does not lead to abuses of authority and an assault on human rights in the name of security.
In the past decade, terrorist groups have developed broad but secretive networks working to commit suicide bombings based on the belief that all means are acceptable in their religious quest. This decision to pursue asymmetric warfare is based on their inability to directly and openly challenge much stronger enemies. As a consequence, it has become very difficult to predict when and where a terrorist group will strike next.
The complexity of terrorism makes it impossible to tackle only on a national level, or by any one institution. Fighting terrorism must be done comprehensively and involve a variety of actors, such as the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the immigration office, religious leaders, the media and more.
When it comes to the military, the TNI's role in tackling terrorism falls under the heading of "Military Operations Other Than War" in the 2004 Law on the TNI. The weakness of the law is that it does not explicitly explain the military's role and tasks in dealing with the threat of terrorism.
The military has in the past assisted the police in addressing threats related to internal conflicts and terrorism. So far, the mechanisms and procedures for these operations have been based on the standard operational procedures of the police and the military themselves. But the problem with these SOPs is that they are not recognized in the national legal system, and thus are not legally binding for those involved.
Neither the government nor the House of Representatives have yet to establish formal and binding rules of engagement for military operations other than war. The absence of such rules could leave undesirable room for security forces to make unilateral interpretations of the SOPs.
This weakness has also had a negative impact on the relationship between security institutions. The rivalry between the TNI and the National Police is a public secret.
A member of the police's elite anti-terror unit, Densus 88, told Tempo magazine in 2005 that a bombing suspect in Bali eluded capture because there were too many intelligence units and no sharing of information among them. The operation went awry because of the rivalry among the various agencies involved and a lack of communication, the officer said.
To make matters worse, the president stressing the importance of the TNI's role in dealing with terrorism has been interpretation by the military as a recommendation to strengthen its influence at the local level throughout the country.
The military could be trying to enhance its power by giving its territorial commands more responsibilities. The problem is, this not only creates the potential for an overlap of authority between security institutions because of a lack of clear rules, it also raises questions about the effectiveness of the various territorial commands in dealing with an issue as complex as terrorism.
Additionally, there are concerns that greater involvement by the TNI, and especially its territorial commands, in the fight against terrorism will lead to more human rights violations. There was a reason why the 2004 Law on the TNI aimed to limit the power of the territorial commands.
Giving the TNI greater responsibilities in combating terrorism without explicitly providing clear rules about its role and its tasks will create tremendous problems for the state, which needs to maintain security on the one hand and to guarantee civil liberties on the other.
The situation should remind us of what happened in terms of human rights in states all over the world during the so-called War on Terror that followed the tragedy of Sept. 11, 2001, in the United States. Civil liberties have been limited, states' powers to monitor citizens have been increased, there have been abusive arrests, cases of torture and discrimination against entire social groups, including here in Indonesia.
An International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group report stated that basic rights and freedoms have been sacrificed in name of the War on Terror. Stricter anti-terrorism and immigration laws and regulations have contributed to an increase in institutionalized racism. Prosecution based on guilt by association has negatively affected the basic rights to free expression and association, the freedom of movement and also the basic democratic right to protest and express opinions.
The threat of terrorism has in many places been countered with draconian policies: increased powers for intelligence and military institutions, routine checks on personal documents, control of movement, control of mass media and mass communication, the drafting of laws targeting political enemies and so on.
The War on Terror has prioritized security over freedom as the main object that needs to be protected by the state. In the name of security, freedom can easily be lawfully limited by the state.
To prevent us from plunging into a draconian war on terror in Indonesia, it is important to remember that the policies aimed at tackling terrorism must respect the balance between two of our most essential needs: the need for security and the need for freedom.
Indeed, we need to strengthen the state so it can safeguard both security and freedom, but this does not mean that the state is no longer obliged to respect and maintain human rights.
The War on Terror must be embedded in democratic policies and be based on the principle of the rule of law, and fighting terrorism should remain chiefly the domain of the police. The involvement of the TNI should not lead to it gradually taking over the role of the police. The military's role must remain limited to providing assistance.
Moreover, our dealing with terrorists should not only focus on coping with attacks, but also on ways of preventing them. This means the state should concentrate on policies that are intended to preclude the spread of radicalism by weeding out social discrimination, corruption, injustice and poverty.
[Al Araf is the program director of the rights group Imparsial.]