Repeka Nasiko The Australian West Papua Association (AWPA) in Sydney has written a letter to Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) leaders urging them to discuss and speak out against the deteriorating human rights situation in the territory at the next MSF forum in Fiji.
In his letter to the MSG, Joe Collins of the AWPA said the issue of West Papua will not disappear and AWPA believes that as the situation in West Papua deteriorates further it could lead to instability in the region.
Collins urged the MSG Leaders to discuss the deteriorating human rights situation in West Papua and to make a public statement of concern regarding the human rights situation in the territory. "We note that the MSG is to allow Indonesia to attend as an observer at the MSG summit." he said.
"AWPA urges the MSG to now offer full membership to the Melanesian people of West Papua, to those representatives of the West Papuan people involved in the independence struggle.A precedent previously gave by the MSG to Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) of Kanaky (New Caledonia)."
Adding that they "believe the MSG can play an important role in helping facilitate dialogue between genuine representatives of the West Papuan leadership and the Indonesian Government."
The AWAPA also urged the MSG to do all it can to help facilitate such a dialogue.
The MSG forum begins tomorrow starting with the MSG Police Commissioners conference. The forum is expected to continue for the next few days and will end on March 28 with the MSG senior officials meeting.
A West Papuan independence group has been angered by a decision to grant Indonesia observer status at a summit meeting of the Melanesian Spearhead Group next week. The decision was made by MSG leaders.
East Timor also has been granted observer status, while a founding member of the European Union, Luxembourg, has been invited as a special guest
Fiji's leader and MSG chairman, Frank Bainimarama, says the decision to invite Indonesia and East Timor as observers is a historic moment in the young life of the MSG, which was formed in 2005.
But the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation has accused MSG leaders of prioritising Indonesian aid money, ahead of the West Papuan independence movement.
Vice-president John Otto Ondowame says Indonesia does not have the credentials to be a part of the group. "West Papuan are from Melanesia, Indonesian are Asian... therefore the Melanesian Spearhead Group is for the Melanesian people," he said.
An Australian newspaper at the center of the controversy surrounding allegations of abuse of power involving President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono remains unapologetic for publishing the "startling" accusations.
In an editorial titled "The new Indonesia faces a test of democracy," published on Thursday, The Age says Yudhoyono would hasten the formation of an open and accountable democracy in Indonesia if he responded to "these accusations with more rigour than it has displayed since the cables were reported last week."
Yudhoyono and his inner circle have so far refused to comment on the specific allegations contained in the leaked United States diplomatic cables, which include claims that members of the presidents family, including the first lady, Kristiani Herawati, had attempted to "profit financially from its political position."
Other claims include that Yudhoyono used the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy on political opponents and used his influence to help Taufik Kiemas, the husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, evade prosecution.
The Age said that it was important to note that "this is not a case of a single document containing accusations from a rogue source; rather, our reporting is based on numerous cables over several years that detail information gathered by senior US diplomats from a range of well-placed contacts."
"The Age does not presume to stand in judgment of Dr Yudhoyono on the matters raised in the previously secret cables, but nor do we apologize for exposing them and him to the harsh light of public scrutiny. Whatever else the cables show, they suggest that the so-called new Indonesia free of the corrupt culture that poisoned the country's political, military and judicial institutions through and beyond the Suharto era remains elusive."
The Melbourne-based paper also noted that it was disappointing that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had said it would not launch an investigation into the allegations, particularly given Yudhoyono's statement that Yudhoyono himself declared he would be "accountable for whatever I do."
"Indonesia's evolution as a democracy would be hastened by an open and comprehensive testing of these disturbing claims."
A week after two Australian newspapers earned the ire of the Indonesian government for publishing allegations that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, among other officials, abused his power, the foreign editor of another Australian newspaper has praised the leader as a "corruption buster."
In an opinion piece "Indonesian President a 'corruption buster'" published in the Australian on Thursday, Greg Sheridan writes: "Despite the revelations from WikiLeaks, the net contribution of SBY [Yudhoyono] to Indonesian life has been to reduce corruption and enhance the quality of governance."
The Age published a report last Friday based on the leaked cables, revealing US diplomats' views on several prominent Indonesian politicians. The explosive revelations included a note from the US Embassy in Jakarta that it had doubts about the integrity of Yudhoyono.
The cables allege that Yudhoyono stopped former Deputy Attorney General Hendarman Supandji from pursuing an alleged graft case against Taufik Kiemas, husband of former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, and that his family had received money from banking and construction tycoon Tomy Winata. It is also alleged that the president used Indonesian intelligence to spy on his political rivals.
But commentator Sheridan writes that the president acts no different from anybody else within Indonesian politics and that compared to former Asian leaders such as Suharto or Ferdinand Marcos, Yudhoyono is "a pillar of propriety and good governance."
"Indonesia is a country of 240 million people. Its politics are complex and sprawling. Like most democratic politics, they involve a great deal of money," he writes
"Senior politicians often need to raise and dispose of a great deal of money, perhaps indirectly, even if they are not profiting from it personally.
"Indonesia is also still a poor country and corruption is widespread. A great deal of that is what you might call salary corruption, in which individuals try to get their pay up to a point where they can take care of their families."
Though the conservative commentator conceded that moves made by Yudhoyono to combat corruption had been slow since he was re-elected in 2009, he reminded those critical of the president that he was responsible for establishing the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
"By any reasonable standard, SBY must be judged to be a corruption buster and someone who has tried to improve the overall quality of governance."
Nurfika Osman The country's top antigraft body said on Wednesday that it had no intention of probing the explosive allegations in reports published by two Australian newspapers based on US diplomatic correspondence released by WikiLeaks.
"We are not going to investigate them and we do not have any plan to do so in the future," said Johan Budi, spokesman for the Corruption Eradication Commission, or KPK. Johan declined to elaborate on the reasons for the decision.
Adnan Topan Husodo, deputy chairman of watchdog Indonesian Corruption Watch, said the KPK could not investigate the claims because it would be very difficult for the commission to do so.
"The information in the cables is only statements made by several people who are concerned about a particular nation and it is hard to confirm that information," Adnan said.
"The government must first show us whether the claims are true or not," he said. He said the ICW had urged the government to clarify the allegations in reports published by The Age and Sydney Morning Herald.
The cables allegedly included a note from the US Embassy in Jakarta that stated it had doubts about the integrity of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Ani Yudhoyono, the first lady, was accused of enriching herself through her position.
"Our government, through the Foreign Affairs Ministry, has called the US ambassador to clarify the claims and the president wrote a response published one day after the report in the Australian newspapers," Adnan said.
He added that he suspected the government would now remain silent regarding the leaked diplomatic cables. "Now it is up to the public to interpret the issue as a whole," he said. "If the president remains silent, the public will become suspicious and think that there's truth behind the claims."
Adnan said that Indonesian officials were not the type of people to resign elegantly, like leaders in Japan, if they did something wrong.
An outspoken activist group, Petisi 28, on Monday called on the KPK to look into the information contained in the Australian newspaper reports. Haris Rusli Moti, chairman of Petisi 28, said he was upset the KPK would not be investigating the claims.
"We are disappointed," Haris said. "It is weird, since we were welcomed by the KPK's report receiving division on Monday.
"This is an important issue and I hope the KPK considers it a serious matter," Haris continued. However, he said he was pleased the group had at least drawn attention to the matter.
"I knew from the first day we went to the KPK that the chance was small, but at least we did something," he said.
The WikiLeaks phenomenon has produced an important test for Indonesia's democracy project. The whistleblowing website has obtained United States diplomatic cables that implicate Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in corruption and abuse of power. The accusations are startling, all the more so because Dr Yudhoyono has enjoyed a reputation for personal honesty and has proven since his election in 2004 to be one of his country's most substantial pro-democracy reformers. But the sort of open and accountable democracy the former army general has proclaimed to be fashioning will be stronger if his government responds to these accusations with more rigour than it has displayed since the cables were reported last week.
WikiLeaks provided the cables exclusively to The Age, and our publication of reports based on information in them has caused a furore in Indonesia, opened a new rift in Indonesia-US relations and prompted criticism of this newspaper in Jakarta. It is important to note that this is not a case of a single document containing accusations from a rogue source; rather, our reporting is based on numerous cables over several years that detail information gathered by senior US diplomats from a range of well-placed contacts.
The Age does not presume to stand in judgment of Dr Yudhoyono on the matters raised in the previously secret cables, but nor do we apologise for exposing them and him to the harsh light of public scrutiny. Whatever else the cables show, they suggest that the so-called new Indonesia free of the corrupt culture that poisoned the country's political, military and judicial institutions through and beyond the Suharto era remains elusive.
The cables contain no assertion that Dr Yudhoyono has used his position for personal monetary gain in stark contrast to some of his predecessors. But one cable reports that the President's family, particularly his wife Kristiani Herawati, has tried to "profit financially from its political position". Other cables suggest Dr Yudhoyono used the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency to spy on his political opponents and, on at least one occasion, a minister in his government. Perhaps most disturbing are the reports that Dr Yudhoyono personally intervened to influence prosecutors and judges to protect political cronies including Taufik Kiemas, the husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri.
A December 2004 cable shows the US embassy reporting that one of its most valued political informants, presidential confidant T. B. Silalahi, had advised that Hendarman Supandji, described as the then assistant attorney- general and who was leading the new government's anti-corruption campaign, had gathered sufficient evidence of corruption to warrant Mr Taufik's arrest. The embassy reported that Mr Silalahi told US diplomats that President Yudhoyono "had personally instructed Hendarman not to pursue a case against Taufik".
The accusations are vigorously contested. In response to our reporting, Indonesia's government said the allegation that Dr Yudhoyono had ordered Mr Supandji to abandon the corruption investigation against Mr Taufik did not make sense because Mr Supandji was not assistant attorney-general at the time. More generally, Dr Yudhoyono's spokesman said the cables were full of lies and their content showed "disrespect". The President himself declared he would be "accountable for whatever I do". In this context, it is disappointing that Indonesia's independent Corruption Eradication Commission has said that the unsubstantiated nature of the claims do not meet its threshold for an inquiry.
Indonesia's evolution as a democracy would be hastened by an open and comprehensive testing of these disturbing claims.
Jakarta Threats against workers, democracy and human rights activists have increased in 2010. This includes threats against journalists, which have begun to face threats to their lives. Conversely, cases of threats and violence against human rights and democracy activists are never able to be resolved.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) 2010 annual report on the human rights situation in Indonesia notes that attacks on human rights and democracy activists have risen sharply.
"From the data we have, there are several important notes. First, violence against human rights and democracy workers has increased, almost touching on a figure of 100. Journalists and those defending the rights of farmers or fisherpeople, are always the victims. In addition to this, there are also anti-corruption activists", said Kontras Coordinator Haris Azhar at the launch of the annual report, which coincided with the commemoration of Kontras' 13 anniversary in Jakarta on Sunday March 20.
According to Azhar, although there has been an increase and escalation in threats against human rights and democracy activist, the irony is that these cases are never solved by law enforcement agencies. "What is most typical is violence against human rights and democracy defenders. Cases of violence against journalists are not resolved, the murder of journalists is not solved. Likewise in cases involving the shooting of farmers and fisherpeople, none are ever solved", he said.
This is despite the fact that according to Kontras' records, threats of violence against human rights and democracy activists frequently end in death. Kontras' annual report also notes that journalism is one of the professions that are most vulnerable to the loss of life because of the nature of their work. The most recent case was the murder of Pelangi Maluku (Maluku Rainbow) journalists Alfrets Mirulewan, which is suspected to be linked to his investigative reporting.
Former National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) member MM Billah claimed that the perpetrators of violence have begun to shift from state institutions to civilians. (bil)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Kupang Amnesty International (AI) asked the government to form an independent body to investigate allegations of torture that led to the death of one person and to severe injuries for six others.
The violence was allegedly perpetrated by soldiers at the Satya Yudha Bakti border post in Atambua, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), AI Indonesia and East Timor Campaign Division coordinator Josef Roy Benedict said in an email sent to The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
Amnesty International received a report that a man named Charles Mali was killed in the incident, Benedict said.
"The independent body should make sure that those involved in the case are not only soldiers due to the chain of command. They should be brought to justice in a civilian court in a process meeting international standards," Benedict said.
Ismira Lutfia The widow of slain Sun TV journalist Ridwan Salamun has lobbied the Press Council and the Judicial Commission for justice following the acquittal earlier this month of three men accused of his murder.
Saodah Nurfi Toisutta, in a visit to Jakarta on Monday, pleaded with the council for help ensure that prosecutors lodged a timely appeal with the Supreme Court against the March 9 acquittal by the Tual District Court in Maluku province.
"The acquittal really breaks my heart," she told Press Council member Bekti Nugroho. "How could the defendants be acquitted as though taking my husband's life was the same as committing a petty crime?"
Ridwan was killed last August while covering a clash between residents of Fiditan village in Tual. In the murder trial, prosecutors only sought an eight-month sentence for the three defendants, arguing that they killed the journalist in self-defense.
However, footage from the clash showed Ridwan had a video camera with him at the time, and not a machete, as prosecutors claimed. Bekti said a witness in the case, presented by the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM), had verified the footage and testified that Ridwan was not armed.
"The verdict sends a message to the public about the country's legal system," Bekti said. "I wonder if the judges ever stopped to think about it."
He added the Press Council had joined forces with the media community to call on the Judicial Commission, which oversees the conduct of judges, to review the verdict.
Arif Harahap, regional coordinator for Sun TV, said his company and Saodah had submitted their own version of the case file to the Judicial Commission at an earlier meeting on Monday.
"The commission said it would review the case and contact the presiding judge," he said. "They'll use the files to identify any errors made during the investigation and court proceedings that led to the acquittal."
He added the clock was ticking for the prosecution to mount its appeal by Wednesday's deadline. "I'm just concerned they'll miss the deadline," Arif said. "If that's the case, maybe this was all rigged to put the case to rest."
Anita Rachman As allegations of unapproved polygamous marriages were leveled against three members of the Prosperous Justice Party on Tuesday, one embattled legislator from the Islam-based party claimed there was a concerted effort underway to undermine the party.
Anis Matta, secretary general of the party known as the PKS, said the campaign was apparent in the recent allegations of corruption and personal misconduct leveled against himself and other party members.
Although he declined to identify the groups he claimed were behind the allegations, Anis said it was likely they would keep up their attacks against the PKS.
"I think this is a political operation [against] the PKS," Anis said. "This is an attempt to undermine the PKS. There have been a series [of attacks] and they have not yet ended. Let's just wait."
He said the initial blow came earlier this month, when a sex video was uploaded onto Twitter and claimed to feature Anis. This was followed by allegations of wrongdoing by PKS officials in the meat import program.
The latest criticism against party officials has come from Yusuf Supendi, a PKS co-founder who was fired last November.
On Monday, Yusuf reported Anis to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly embezzling Rp 10 billion ($1.2 million) from the party's campaign chest for the 2007 gubernatorial election in Jakarta.
Yusuf had last week reported Anis and party chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq to the House of Representatives' Ethics Council for allegedly embezzling campaign funds during the 1999 and 2009 elections.
On Tuesday, Yusuf continued his war of words against the top PKS officials when he told the Jakarta Globe that three were in polygamous marriages not approved by the party's Shariah Council. He identified them as Luthfi, Communications Minister Tifatul Sembiring and party deputy secretary general Mahfudz Siddiq.
Mahfudz said all the recent allegations had come in the wake of the party's failed motion to launch a House inquiry into corruption at the tax office. The motion was opposed by the ruling Democratic Party, whose officials have since called for the PKS to be removed from the coalition for not toeing the government line.
Mahfudz said he had heard there were to be two more scandals linked to the party. "We'll let it all happen and see how it ends," he said. "Once the dust has settled, we'll make our move."
He also said the PKS knew who was trying to undermine it, but declined to name names. However, Yusuf denied there was a grand conspiracy to take down the PKS, saying he was acting on his own.
"I am ruled by no one. All the [alleged cases] are ruled by God," he said. "Don't link my closeness to other political parties to my current moves. That has nothing to do with it. Stick to the substance of my reports, for which I have all the evidence."
Hanta Yuda, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute, said it was not impossible that the PKS was being deliberately targeted, adding the party now needed to focus on tackling the accusations. This meant addressing each allegation head-on instead of complaining about a political conspiracy to destabilize the party, he said.
He warned that failure to do so could prove costly in the 2014 elections. "The allegations relate to corruption and polygamy," Hanta said. "The PKS tag line is anticorruption, while polygamy is a pretty sensitive issue for voters," he added.
Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has turned down an offer from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) to join his coalition of political parties. In a letter to the party's executives, he said that he wished to cooperate with the party in the coming years.
"The letter was sent to the party's chief patron, Prabowo Subianto, a few days ago," said presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha on Monday as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
The President's letter was a reply to Prabowo's that had mentioned requirements that the President had to fulfill in return for the party's commitment to the coalition.
Meanwhile, Yudhoyono has yet to address the matter of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which took an opposing stance in the latest vote at the House of Representatives regarding the initiation of an inquiry committee into the tax mafia in the country.
"We have yet to receive any summons or meeting with Pak [Yudhoyono]," PKS secretary-general Anis Matta said on Monday as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
The ruling Democratic Party had previously threatened to scrap the membership of coalition parties that deviated from the opinion of the broader coalition.
Ulma Haryanto & Anita Rachman An ousted co-founder of the Prosperous Justice Party reported the party's second-highest official to the antigraft commission for embezzlement on Monday.
Yusuf Supendi, who in 1998 helped establish the party now known as the PKS, said he had brought the case to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in a bid to "combat evil and save the PKS that I founded from incorrect behavior."
He claimed that Anis Matta, the PKS secretary general and a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, had embezzled Rp 10 billion ($1.2 million) from the party's campaign chest for the 2007 gubernatorial election in Jakarta.
"At that time, there was a briefcase containing Rp 40 billion that was handed to our regional office," he said. "Anis took Rp 10 billion for himself."
Yusuf claimed the money came from the party's candidate, Adang Daradjatun, a former National Police deputy chief, who went on to lose the election to Fauzi Bowo.
"The party's Shariah council investigated the case, but it was dropped after intervention by the council's chairman and consultative body," Yusuf said.
He also said he had 12 witnesses who could testify to the alleged embezzlement, some of whom took part in the internal investigation, as well as supporting documents that he had submitted to the KPK.
Last week, Yusuf reported PKS chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaq to the House Ethics Council for embezzling donations from the Middle East during campaigning for the 1999 general elections, and Rp 34 billion from then- Vice President Jusuf Kalla during the 2004 presidential campaign.
However, he denied he was reporting the allegations in retaliation for being fired from the party last November.
"I'd accept their decision to fire me if it was done according to prevailing procedures, but it wasn't," he said. "I'm still waiting for them to send me a copy of the decision, and as soon as they do, I'll challenge it at the State Administrative Court."
Johan Budi, a KPK spokesman, said the commission would study Yusuf's claims. "It's standard procedure for the KPK to study all documents submitted to us and determine whether the cases fall within our jurisdiction," he said.
Anis dismissed Yusuf's allegations, saying he had long had an ax to grind with the party.
"The PKS will not respond if there are no facts," he said. "And Yusuf has been accusing the party since 2005 or 2006."
Nudirman Munir, a Golkar Party legislator and deputy chairman of the House Ethics Council, said the council would follow up on Yusuf's report against Luthfi.
The council is scheduled to convene a meeting today to discuss the case and determine whether Yusuf's report contains enough supporting evidence to start a probe.
"After that, we can begin an investigation and question witnesses," Nudirman said.
The chairman and the secretary general of the Prosperous Justice Party have been reported to the House of Representatives' Ethics Council for alleged embezzlement.
Yusuf Supendi, one of the founders of the party known as the PKS, on Thursday filed a report to the council accusing party chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq of embezzling "a fund from the Middle East during the 1999 elections" and Rp 34 billion ($3.9 million) from former vice president Jusuf Kalla during the 2004 presidential elections, as reported on Media Indonesia's online site.
Yusuf also reported PKS secretary general Anis Matta for allegedly embezzling Rp 10 billion from the party's fund for the Jakarta governor election in 2007.
Anis is the deputy speaker of the House, while Luthfi is a member of the House commission I, which oversees foreign affairs. Both lawmakers have denied the allegations. "I was never aware of it [the fund from Middle East]. We're studying the allegations," Luthfi was quoted as saying.
Nudirman Munir, the deputy chairman of the House ethics council from the Golkar Party, confirmed that he had received the report, and said that the council would first study the documents before deciding whether to formally investigate the case.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri has once again slammed the door on any possibility of joining the ruling coalition government.
Speaking during a party gathering in Klaten, Central Java, the former president said she remained a true follower of the results of the party's last national conference, which decided that PDI-P would remain in opposition.
"So don't ever ask me again whether PDI-P will join the government or not," she told the crowd.
Megawati's husband, Taufik Kiemas, and her daughter, Puan Maharani, have been actively courting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party-led coalition, which is facing serious internal pressures from the Golkar Party and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Similar attempts by the pair seeking seats in Yudhoyono's cabinet have previously been rebuffed by Megawati, who still retains firm control over her political vehicle.
Megawati reminded Yudhoyono to pay more attention to the real problems confronting the nation, rather than thinking about power sharing among political parties. "The people need real work," she said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Camelia Pasandaran The House of Representatives has asked the General Elections Commission to suspend by 24 hours the processing of a request by the National Awakening Party for the recall of two of its lawmakers, to allow them to file an objection.
Last week, the party, known as the PKB, sent a letter to the House leadership demanding that two of its lawmakers Lily Wahid and Effendy Choirie be withdrawn from the legislature. House Speaker Marzuki Alie said he had forwarded the letter to the General Elections Commission (KPU) for it to study and make a recommendation.
"If Lily and Effendy don't file any legal objection to the decision in the next 24 hours, we will give the permit to the KPU to process the PKB letter," said House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung, a member of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The decision was made after House leaders met to discuss Lily's complaint over Marzuki's decision to simply forward the PKB letter to the KPU without consulting other House leaders.
Priyo Budi Santoso, a House deputy speaker from the Golkar Party, had said the majority of the five House leaders did not agree with the PKB's decision to recall Lily and Effendy.
The two have been reprimanded by their party several times for indiscipline, with the latest episode being their support for a proposed special House inquiry into corruption in the tax office, running against the party's stance of opposing the inquiry. The proposal was defeated by two votes.
The House's move comes four days after the Constitutional Court rejected a judicial review filed for by Lily. She was seeking to challenge the law on political parties and the authority of House factions to recall their members. The recall, if approved, would mean the pair would lose their legislative positions.
Marwan Ja'far, the chairman of the PKB House faction, acknowledged that the party had expelled the two lawmakers.
Lily said she would immediately file a legal objection against the decision. "We will also come to the KPU to explain the facts of the matter," she said.
Meanwhile, Effendy criticized PKB chairman Muhaimin Iskandar for bowing to the ruling Democratic Party. "It's now a joke among party members that President SBY is the real advisory board chairman of the PKB," he said.
"I am sure of one thing, that what has happened to Lily and I owes itself to the relationship between Muhaimin and the Democratic Party. I'm sure no PKB member wants us to be treated like this, but the Democratic Party does have such a wish."
The PKB's secretary general, Imam Nahrowi, said the recall of the lawmakers was an important step in keeping party members in line. "We need discipline," Imam said. "They have a [bad] record. In any organization, members like that should be sanctioned."
Scavengers, street vendors and other informal workers are falling further behind as the global economy recovers, amid rising competition from hordes of new working poor, a study released on Wednesday said.
A survey of people struggling in the so-called "informal job sector" in nine African, Latin American and Asian countries, including Indonesia, found they had largely missed out on the benefits of the rebound from the 2008 financial crisis.
"Incomes have risen for some workers in absolute terms to mid-2009 levels, but not to pre-crisis levels and not at the rate of rising living costs," said the study by Inclusive Cities, an international coalition of groups supporting the working poor.
"Persistent unemployment and underemployment in the informal economy continues to drive new entrants into informal employment."
The sector includes waste pickers, street vendors, construction workers and maids, as well as home-based workers who make clothes and other low-cost products for global brands. Half the respondents in the survey saw their incomes fall between mid-2009 and 2010.
Home-based subcontractors did see stronger demand from the big manufacturing companies for their products, but this was largely offset by the rising prices of fabrics, dyes and other raw materials, according to the study.
Street vendors reported no increase in local demand, while scavengers said the amount of useful waste they could source had not returned to pre-crisis levels. Meanwhile, six in 10 found new competition, after workers in the formal labour market who lost their jobs during the financial crisis joined the informal sector.
One in six respondents had a family member lose his or her job, with the same number forced to withdraw one or more children, more often girls than boys, from school. To cut costs they trimmed their food intake last year.
To help their plight, the report said that street vendors needed low-cost loans and a secure place to sell their wares, home-based workers wanted cheaper electricity, and waste pickers needed more recyclable waste volumes.
The research conducted in 2010 covered Colombia, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Malawi, Pakistan, Peru, South Africa and Thailand. The study said there were no definite numbers for people working in the informal sector.
But an International Labour Organization study released in January said that apart from the record 205 million who were jobless amid the global recovery, 1.54 billion were trapped in so-called "vulnerable employment."
Jakarta National Education Minister Muhammad Nuh says half of Indonesia's labor force is comprised of primary school graduates, some of whom have not even completed six years of basic education.
As a result, the ministry has formed three programs to increase the average level of education to at least the high school level, he said.
"One of them is improving access [to education] by working to improve its availability and affordability," Nuh said on Wednesday as reported by kompas.com.
He added that the ministry has created the Target Mission Scholarship to assist 20,000 students per year. State-owned universities offer similar scholarship programs to students from financially disadvantaged backgrounds, he said.
The universities handed out scholarships to 30,000 students from poor families, bringing the total number of scholarship recipients to 50,000 students, Nuh added.
Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung More than 250,000 children under the age of five suffers from malnutrition in West Java's impoverished northern coastal regions, an official says.
West Java Health Agency head Alma Lucyati said more than 7,000 of the children suffered from severe malnutrition. They are mostly from Sukabumi, Cianjur, Garut, Sume-dang, Karawang, Majalengka, Ku-ningan and Cirebon.
"Cases of malnutrition are difficult to eradicate mainly because of low income and lack of knowledge about nutritionally rich food and healthy lifestyles," Alma said in Bandung on Friday.
She claimed, however, that the figure had decreased compared to previous years. In 2009, 10 percent of the province's 3.5 million children under the age of five suffered from malnutrition. The figure decreased to 8 percent in 2010.
"We do not differentiate between children from wealthy families and poor ones because incidents of malnutrition are prevalent in both cases," Alma said.
She added that in most cases, children were malnourished from before birth. Data from the agency showed 11.5 percent of newborns in the province weighed less than 2.5 kilograms, with the mothers also suffering from malnutrition.
"We need to work with different institutions to deal with the problem," Alma said, adding that she was confident such cooperation combined with poverty eradication programs would help address the issue.
She said the province had increased its health budget from 4.7 percent of its total budget of Rp 744 billion (US$84.6 million) last year to 7.6 percent this year.
"It is important for us to revive the integrated health service posts [posyandu] to make health care accessible at the grass roots level," Alma said.
Malnutrition and limited access to health services have also been blamed as the main causes of high mortality among babies and among expectant mothers.
The agency's 2010 data showed 39 newborn babies and 19 mothers died for every 100,000 births. The national average is 34 newborn babies and 19 mothers.
West Java Women's Empowerment and Family Planning Agency (BPPKB) head Sri Asmawati Kusumawardani cited the parents' low level of education as another factor leading to high rates of malnutrition among children in the province, a condition that leads parents to marrying off their daughters at a young age.
She said girls in West Java got married at the age of 18.05 years on average, accounting for the high fertility rate in the province of three children per woman.
"Such a population problem gives rise to numerous other problems, especially those related to educating on improving quality of life, including on nutrition," Sri said.
Nurfika Osman A men's organization advocating gender equality was launched in Jakarta on Thursday, giving women an unlikely ally in the battle against male dominance.
The New Men Alliance (LLB) aims to promote awareness of women's rights among Indonesian men, according to the group's chairman, Nurhasyim. He said the group had around 50 members from Jakarta, Aceh and East Nusa Tenggara.
"Men should realize that the problem we experience is that there is an unjust system [in terms of the rights of] men and women," Nurhasyim said during the group's news conference and official launch on Thursday.
He said the LLB would advance its cause by using social media, including Facebook and Twitter and their Web site, lakilakibaru.wordpress.com.
"We also have a gentlemen's hotline on a new radio program run by the Women's Journal Foundation [YJP] where men will be given space to speak and we can engage them in gender talks," Nurhasyim said.
He said most men did not realize that they had prejudices against women the product of years of patriarchal societies. "Patriarchy is addictive. It gives power and privilege to males and it has been going on for centuries," the chairman said.
He said the group was formed to give the gender-equality movement a much- needed boost, adding that the pace of changing men's prejudicial attitudes toward women was "too slow."
Nurhasyim cited as an example the male biases in the country's legal system. The group said there were 189 bylaws limiting women's freedom of speech and right to employment.
Nurhasyim said the LLB wanted men to learn about "violence against women, how to care for mothers and children and be full of love."
The organization's founding was supported by pro-women's groups, including the YJP, Pulih Foundation and the Aceh Men's Forum.
Husein Muhammad, a member of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), said at Thursday's press conference that men should open their minds to women's issues.
Mariana Amiruddin, the executive director of YJP, said changing men's biases would be a long and painful process, but that the formation of groups like LLB was a step in the right direction.
"Men can play a great role in voicing gender insensitivity as an issue that citizens should be paying more attention to," she said.
Similarly, Husein said enlightening men would be difficult because many spheres of society including the government were still patriarchal.
"But we have to be optimistic that we can do it if we want to keep the talks going and keep learning," he said. "By having a new organization like this, we are in the right path and heading there."
Ulma Haryanto & Anita Rachman The House of Representatives said on Monday that revisions affecting the national antigraft agency's sweeping powers could be in the works.
Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, said proposed amendments to the 2002 law governing the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) could curtail the body's authority to conduct wiretaps and prosecutions.
She said the KPK's ability to carry out wiretaps without a warrant needed to be addressed in light of a Constitutional Court ruling in February that struck down a contentious decree governing the use of wiretaps in a separate piece of legislation, the 2008 Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) Law.
"This is not a fabricated need," Eva said, referring to concerns the KPK's powers were being deliberately slashed as retaliation for the arrest of 22 serving and former legislators in a bribery case linked to the election of Miranda Goeltom as a Bank Indonesia deputy governor in 2004.
"The Constitutional Court has issued a rule on wiretapping, so we must review this and adapt it to the KPK. However, this is still being discussed. It's premature to start a debate on this issue now."
The amendment of the KPK Law is on the House's priority list for this year. For now, though, Commission III is still focusing on a host of other legislation, including bills concerning immigration, the Supreme Court and an amendment to the 2004 Judicial Commission Law.
KPK chairman Busyro Muqoddas argued at a meeting earlier this month with the House leadership that there was no need to amend the KPK Law, which he said was adequate. He said any proposed amendments should be limited to the KPK's budget and its cooperation with other government agencies.
Busyro also sent a formal request to the House asking that any revisions not affect the unique powers afforded to the KPK, including those covering wiretaps and the prosecution of corruption cases.
"If the House wants to revise the law, that is its right," he said. "But I want to say that I hope the revision will only serve to strengthen the KPK's synergy with other bodies."
Eva, however, said there was a need to rethink the KPK's authority to prosecute cases at the Anti-Corruption Court. Under prevailing laws, she said, only prosecutors could try criminal cases. "So there needs to be a revision of the KPK's authority," she said.
The Anti-Corruption Court, which was set up in 2002, boasts a 100 percent conviction record. The district courts, where prosecutors hold sway, by contrast, have a poor record against graft suspects and are widely regarded as corrupt themselves.
Eva said the House would be transparent throughout the deliberation process to put to rest speculation it was trying to clip the KPK's wings.
House Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso said he had instructed Commission III in January to get started on an amendment to the KPK law, but he denied he had placed any special emphasis on it. "I guarantee there were no bad intentions toward the KPK," he said.
Meanwhile, KPK deputy chairman Haryono Umar told the Jakarta Globe that its ability to conduct wiretaps was integral to the wider fight against graft.
"Corruption employs advanced technology, and one of the solutions to keep up with that technology is wiretapping," he said. "If we're restricted in our use of wiretaps, it will be difficult to eradicate corruption."
Haryono also denounced any attempt to strip the KPK of its authority to prosecute high-level graft cases. "Many countries have learned corruption investigation and prosecution methods from us, including Malaysia," he said. "If the House decides to also restrict this, then we'll be regressing."
Camelia Pasandaran Collecting taxes is a bit more challenging this year in the wake of the Gayus Tambunan tax mafia scandal, the finance minister said on Friday.
"Rehabilitating the image of the Directorate General of Taxation has become a heavy burden after several tax-related cases," Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo said at the directorate's office. "However, we are trying hard to improve the taxation directorate general to be a credible institution."
Agus said the Finance Ministry, following the presidential decree issued this year on tax embezzlement, had established an investigative team drawn from several institutions, including the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), to probe the functionality of the tax office. "This is to solve the [tax mafia] cases and to uphold the law effectively," he said.
Agus was speaking during an event that saw President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Vice President Boediono and other prominent politicians submit their annual tax declarations (SPT).
The tax office expects to collect more than Rp 708 trillion ($80.7 billion) this year, which Agus says is an ambitious task that will require the support of the entire nation to fulfill. Last year, the government missed its tax revenue target of Rp 661.4 trillion by 2 percent, collecting Rp 649.04 trillion.
Still, the numbers were a sign of improvement in the tax office. In 2007, less than 40 percent of registered taxpayers paid the government its due. In 2008, the number climbed to 52.8 percent, and in 2009 it improved again to 58.16 percent.
However, Agus said he feared that with so many tax corruption cases making headlines, the recent increases in tax revenue could begin to reverse as people lose faith in the system.
Last year was marked by one of the biggest graft cases in the country's history with the arrest of Gayus Tambunan, a low-level tax officer found to have Rp 28 billion stashed in bank accounts. Gayus was convicted of bribery in January, and he is expected to stand trial again for taking bribes from corporate taxpayers who allegedly used his services to ease their tax burdens.
"It has pushed the government to fix the system," Agus said. He added that the taxation directorate general was carrying out a program to address internal problems revolving around every aspect of its duties.
Bambang Soesatyo, a lawmaker from the Golkar Party, said on Thursday that based on the analysis of several experts, he estimated the tax mafia stole as much as Rp 400 trillion each year.
Last month, Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and five other parties successfully blocked a Golkar-led proposal for the House of Representatives to launch a special inquiry into corruption in the tax office. Democrats opposed the inquiry on the grounds the House would ineffective in attempting to solve the issue.
Bambang criticized the blockade on Thursday. "The proposal to use the House inquiry on tax mafia cases was indeed to investigate and fight the tax mafia," he said, adding that he believed the inquiry would have been successful in rooting out tax embezzlers.
[Additional reporting by Antara.]
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) might be allowed to drop cases and facing stricter wiretapping rules, as the House of Representatives deliberates on amending the law authorizing the anti-graft body.
The KPK's inability to drop cases ran counter to human rights, Eva Kusuma Sundari, a legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) who sits on House Commission III overseeing law and human rights, said on Thursday. "It violates the presumption of innocence principle," she said.
The KPK was established in 2003 under the Corruption Eradication Commission Law, which was enacted in 2002. Under the current law the anti-graft body cannot halt an investigation a right that is frequently abused by other law enforcement bodies such as the police and prosecutors, according to critics.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) deputy coordinator Emerson Yuntho said such authority could lead to "bribery from suspects who want to escape legal charges".
KPK deputy chairman M. Jasin denied that the commission had previously violated the presumption of innocence of suspects. "Without the authority to drop a case, we are prudent in declaring suspects. We have never detained people with lack of supporting evidence," he said.
Since the KPK's establishment, none of its suspects brought to trial have been acquitted.
Commission III chairman Benny Kabur Harman of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said the proposal was aimed at eliminating reckless arrests. However, he said Eva's concerns were "a possibility".
The Constitutional Court rejected a judicial review request of the KPK Law in January, upholding articles that proscribed the commission from terminating an investigation.
Both Benny and Eva agreed that the KPK's authority to monitor suspects needed more scrutiny. "Wiretapping is about privacy. It must be authorized under very tight conditions," Eva said. Benny said the KPK's current standard operating procedures for wiretapping still had loopholes that could be abused.
The Golkar Party's Bambang Soesatyo said he opposed increased wiretapping requirements. "Golkar thinks that the KPK's current wiretapping and investigative mechanisms are already good," he told the Post.
Eva said the KPK's authority to prosecute suspects should be limited. "The authority should be limited to investigations. Prosecutions should be done by the Attorney General's Office," she said, something rejected by both Benny and Bambang.
The House debate on limiting KPK prosecutions may be influenced by the party affiliations of 24 former and current lawmakers who were previously detained by the anti-graft body, including 13 PDI-P lawmakers. Eva, a PDI-P lawmaker, refused to answer questions on perceived retaliation directed at the KPK.
ICW coordinator Febri Diansyah said lawmakers would effectively "murder" the KPK if they insisted on inserting articles that might weaken the commission in the law revision. "The House's image has been damaged enough before the public and yet they still want to degrade the KPK's power," he told the Post.
Jakarta Prolonged debate on the bank accounts with implausibly large balances allegedly held by several mid- and high-ranking police officers will end only if the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) investigates the issue, the Judicial Mafia Taskforce said on Wednesday.
"We will coordinate with the KPK to discuss the 'fat bank accounts' case. The commission is the most suitable law enforcement agency to handle it," taskforce member Mas Achmad "Ota" Santosa said.
Ota and taskforce secretary Denny Indrayana met with anticorruption activists upset with the police's decision to let the case go despite a ruling by the Central Information Commission (KIP).
The Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre's (PPTAK)analysis of 23 'suspicious' bank accounts held by police officers was previously leaked to the public. The PPATK responded by announcing that 17 of the 23 accounts were "clean" but refused to go into detail.
Last month, the KIP resolved a complaint from the Indonesia Corruption Watch and ordered the National Police to disclose information on the bank accounts.
The police ignored a 14-day deadline imposed by the KIP and refused to disclose the data. "The 2008 Law on Freedom of Information still has loopholes that the police might use to escape the KIP's ruling," Ota said, adding that the law should be revised.
Heru Andriyanto A bill to implement an international antigraft convention will have broader powers than existing legislation by criminalizing private-sector corruption and bribery of foreign public officials, an official said on Tuesday.
Muhammad Amari, the Deputy Attorney General for special crimes, said the bill would be applicable for all graft cases, even those not incurring state losses.
"Under the existing law, bribery in the private sector doesn't classify as corruption, unless it involves state officials," he said.
"The new bill, meanwhile, applies to [all] bribery within the private sector." The bill, being drafted by the Attorney General's Office, will implement the UN Convention Against Corruption, which was ratified by Indonesia in 2006.
Among the other changes it will introduce to existing antigraft legislation are the criminalization of foreign public officials taking or receiving bribes and the criminalization of match-fixing in sporting events.
"Foreigners can be charged with corruption under the bill," Amari said. "The UNCAC has ruled on those things. Because we've ratified the convention, we have to adopt them into Indonesian law."
The current antigraft legislation, the 1999 Anti-Corruption Law, did not recognize match-fixing as a criminal offense.
He said the new bill was not an amendment of the existing law, but was meant to replace it outright to provide a broader legal foundation for the antigraft drive.
Amari added that a draft of the bill had been submitted by the AGO to the State Secretariat for approval after which it would be handed to the House of Representatives for deliberation.
Antigraft campaigners on Wednesday hailed the bill as a major step toward adapting domestic law enforcement efforts to the global fight against corruption. Emerson Yuntho, a senior member of the nongovernmental organization Indonesia Corruption Watch, said it was necessary to have legislation that recognized the impact of corruption on the public as well as on the state.
"The antigraft campaign introduced by the UNCAC is not limited to state interests," he said. "It has a broader approach of combating corruption that harms the interests of the public, not just the state."
He also welcomed the fact that the bill would not affect the work of the Corruption Eradication Commission, which has its own set of legislation for tackling graft. "Instead, the new law will grant the commission broader authority and coverage to combat corruption," Emerson said.
However, Hifdzil Alim, from the Center for Anti-Corruption Studies at Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University, said introducing yet more antigraft legislation would prove futile unless corruption within law enforcement agencies such as the police and prosecutors' offices was addressed.
"Even as we discuss this issue, reports are coming out that [police generals] Edmond Ilyas and Raja Erisman were made to apologize to the National Police chief for their handling of a major graft case, amid widespread allegations that they took bribes," he said.
"Amari himself is not free from scandal. He once hosted a secret meeting with [media tycoon] Harry Tanoesoedibjo, whose brother was being investigated by the AGO in a major corruption scandal."
While the new bill was important, "above all we need the law enforcement agencies to clean up their act before claiming to have made things better," he said.
The Prosperous Justice Party has asked that the current spate of terror attacks in the greater Jakarta region not be associated with Islam.
Jazuli Juwaini, a legislator from the Islam-based party, also known as the PKS, said the parcel bombs should not be politicized or "corner Islam," adding that the terror attacks should not be associated with the religion.
Islam, Jazuli said, was a peaceful religion and anyone who understood Islam thoroughly would never deliver bombs to another person. "If there is a Muslim does that, it must not be linked to Islam. Islam also denounces all kind of terrorist acts, violence and despotic treatment," he said.
Asking for police to be allowed to do their job and investigate who was behind the five parcel bombs, Jazuli said it was too early to link the attacks to either opponents of the Ahmadiyah sect or the ongoing trial of cleric Abu Bakar Bashir.
Three people have been injured in the parcel bombings, including a police officer who lost a hand during an amateur attempt to defuse one of the devices.
Heru Andriyanto Firebrand cleric and terror defendant Abu Bakar Bashir has accused National Police's elite counterterrorism unit, Densus 88, of masterminding recent bomb scares in order to create an impression that the country was still plagued by terrorism and assert their legitimacy.
"In my opinion, the perpetrators of the recent bomb terror are Densus," Bashir told reporters at the South Jakarta District Court. "The aim is to corner mujahedeen [Muslim fighters engaged in jihad] as terrorists."
The cleric said the unit had an interest in maintaining a terrorist threat in the country because it meant that they were still relevant. "Terrorism is created and it must not stop, that's their goal. Densus is behind this. And if I'm linked with the book-bomb scares, that's silly," he said.
The 72-year-old, who is accused of funding a paramilitary camp in Aceh, again refused to attend his hearing on Monday in protest to the use of video conferencing to obtain witness testimonies. Instead, he chose to follow the proceedings on a television in his cell.
Farouk Arnaz Police suspect that the small bomb that exploded in Bogor on Friday is linked to the recent book-bomb threats despite the packaging being different.
Chief Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said the bomb "must have been built by an expert". "It has same characteristics as what we have seen in the previous bombs in conflict areas," he said, refering to Poso, Central Sulawesi, which saw sectarian conflicts in 2006 with the involvement of Jemaah Islamiyah.
The bomb on Friday was found in Kota Wisata complex wrapped inside a box on Friday morning around 9.30 a.m. On the box was writing saying "Ini Bom" ("This is a bomb") and "Allahu Akabar" ("God is great"). Police on the scene believe it could have been activated by a timer, or a "chemical process inside the bomb," Boy said
The previous bombs, described as booby trap bombs, were hidden inside thick books and were designed to explode once the book was opened. The book bombs also had specifically identified targets, unlike this one.
"We don't know who this bomb was sent to, but we do know that there was no book inside," Boy said.
Boy declined to comment when asked whether the bomb was intended for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's private house in Cikeas, Cibubur, which is located just 2 kilometers from where the bomb exploded.
Heru Andriyanto Suspected militants testifying in the trial of Abu Bakar Bashir have described the firebrand cleric as an influential anti-democracy advocate with solid links to the Aceh terror camp.
Suranto, introduced on Thursday to the South Jakarta District Court as Bashir's former clerk, said the preacher was strongly opposed to democracy and railed against it in his sermons as an un-Islamic concept. "He said democracy was haram [forbidden] in Islam," Suranto said.
He said he was only in charge of editing Bashir's speeches and did not actually write them.
Haryadi Usman, a businessman, told the court by video link that he regularly attended Bashir's speaking engagements after being impressed by the cleric.
He said that when Bashir asked him to donate money toward an i'dad, or preparation for armed conflict, he agreed to hand over Rp 150 million ($17,100) without hesitation.
"He told me he had an i'dad program that needed funding," said Haryadi, who is himself standing trial at the West Jakarta District Court for funding the paramilitary camp in Aceh.
Bashir is charged with three counts of funding terrorist activities at the camp, as well as two counts of illegal firearm possession, one charge of mobilizing and inciting people to commit acts of terrorism and one charge of using violence with intent to inflict human casualties. He faces the death penalty if convicted.
Thursday's hearing also revealed that the Aceh militants had planned to establish more training camps elsewhere in the country.
"We planned to set up similar camps in West Java and Poso [Central Sulawesi]," said Joko Purwanto, a witness introduced as a member of Jemaah Islamiyah, the shadowy regional terror network of which Bashir is believed to be the spiritual leader.
"We considered Ujung Kulon in West Java and Malino or a mountainous area near Poso as other training grounds, but the plan was abandoned for some reason."
Joko said the idea to set up the camps came from top militant Abu Tholut, who is in police custody awaiting trial.
In an attempt to link the camps to Bashir, prosecutor Bambang Suharyadi asked the witness if Abu Tholut was a member of Jemaah Anshorut Tauhid, a fundamentalist group founded by Bashir. "Yes, he's a JAT member," said Joko, who is being tried separately for his links to the Aceh camp.
He added he had visited the Aceh camp together with Mang Jaja, who was killed in a police raid after the camp was uncovered in February last year, and Luthfi Haidaroh, also known as Ubaid, who managed the donations and distributed money to field leaders at the camp, including Tholut and the late Dulmatin.
"Mang Jaja handed over a total of Rp 180 million for the Aceh camp," Joko said. "He sold his truck for that purpose."
Thursday's hearing was marred by yet another walkout by Bashir, who continued to voice his opposition to the videoconference technology used to present witness testimonies.
He also told presiding Judge Herri Swantoro that he refused to attend any hearing "led by a panel [of judges] that opposes and ignores verses from Allah." He then spent the rest of the hearing in the court's holding cell, where a TV monitor relayed the proceedings from the court.
But after six witnesses had testified, Bashir demanded to be allowed to deliver a response.
"First you ask to leave, now you ask to get in," Herri said. "The defendant will be given a chance to say anything he wants, but not today. Just tell us which testimonies from today you agreed or disagreed with."
Bashir's defense team, which had earlier requested and been granted permission for Bashir and members of the defence undergo a medical checkup in the afternoon, riled the court further when they delayed the plan to Friday morning.
"Your lawyers are inconsistent," Herri said. "I suggested the medical checkup for Friday, but they asked for it to be this afternoon. After I approved the request, you asked me to delay it until Friday."
Bashir said his lawyers had not expected the hearing to last until late in the afternoon.
On the sidelines of the hearing, Bashir responded to Tuesday's mail bombs, calling the people behind them "cowards." However, he described one of the targets, Ulil Abshar Abdalla, a murtad, or apostate.
Ulil, a co-founder of the Liberal Islamic Network (JIL), has long advocated a moderate interpretation of the religion and in the process has alienated key hard-liners and conservatives.
"Ulil is a murtad," Bashir said. "His JIL has destroyed Islamic teaching." Bashir also claimed that the police's counterterrorism unit, Densus 88, was behind the mail bombs. "It's all a fabrication. If they're gentlemen, they shouldn't hide," the cleric said. "They should declare war openly."
He also denied speculation linking him to the mail bombs. "Again, this is an attempt to frame me. They're insane," Bashir said.
Niniek Karmini, Jakarta, Indonesia A popular singer. A former anti- terror chief. An outspoken critic of Islamic extremism. All have been targeted by parcel bombs sent by suspected Muslim extremists, leaving many in the Indonesian capital asking, "Who's next?"
Indonesia, a secular country of 237 million people, most of them Muslims, has a long history of religious tolerance. But a hard-line fringe has grown louder, and more violent, in recent years.
Critics say the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono which relies on the support of Islamic parties in Parliament is partly to blame. It has remained largely silent, even when mobs attacked Christians and members of Ahmadiyah, a minority Muslim sect, with knives, sticks and rocks, killing three people this year alone.
"Had the government pushed back from the beginning, it probably wouldn't have gotten to this stage," said Yenny Wahid, executive director of the Wahid Institute, which promotes a moderate and tolerant view of Islam.
As a result, she and others say, a small, intolerant group has seized the moral authority to decide who is a real Muslim and who isn't. "We, the nation, are paying a big price for that," Wahid said.
Four mail bombs have been sent this week, one exploding and injuring four as it was being detonated by police. All arrived in hollowed-out, thick books that said "Militant Jew" or "They should be killed for their sins against Islam and the Muslims."
The first packet was addressed to Ulil Abshar Abdalla, an outspoken critic of extremism and founder of the US-funded Islamic Liberal Network. Others were sent to Lt. Gen. Gories Mere, former chief of the police's anti-terror squad, and to Yapto Suryosumarno, a politician suspected of having ties to Jakarta's underworld.
The latest package was delivered Thursday to the home of Ahmad Dhani, a well-known singer who has butted heads with Islamic extremists, most recently over topless pictures of an actress.
With rumors swirling that many other parcels have been posted, talk about the bombings lit up social network sites like Facebook and Twitter on Thursday. "Celebrities. Politicians. Who's next?" some wrote.
For others, the biggest concern was that singer Justin Bieber and soccer sensation Giovanni van Bronckhorst might cancel planned trips to the capital.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The country's liberal Muslims said Wednesday they were not deterred by the renewed threat of terror after a liberal Muslim activist was mailed a bomb disguised in a book.
Liberal Islam Network (JIL) co-founder Luthfi Assyaukanie said that the terror attack allegedly targeting his colleague Ulil Abshar Abdalla was an attack on freedom. He dismissed Ulil's suggestion Tuesday that the attack was politically motivated and linked to his role as a Democratic Party politician.
"This is more than just a threat to the Liberal Islam Network. This is a threat to our pluralistic society," Luthfi told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
A bomb packed in a book titled Mereka Harus Dibunuh Karena Dosa-Dosa Mereka Terhadap Islam dan Muslimin (They Must Be Killed for Their Sins against Islam and Muslims) was sent on Tuesday to JIL's headquarters in Utan Kayu, East Jakarta. JIL was co-founded by Ulil.
The bomb exploded while being defused, injuring three police officers. Ulil, who never actually received the book, was uninjured.
Luthfi said it would be naive to believe the botched attack against Ulil was political. "This is an attack against liberal Islam. And this was not the first time JIL has been intimidated like this," he said.
In 2003, hard-liners from the Islamic Community Brotherhood Forum (FUUI) declared Ulil's blood halal, meaning that it was okay to kill him.
A suspected terrorist, Abdullah Sunata, ordered Iqbal Husaini to shoot and kill Ulil in 2004. In 2005, hard-liners from the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) reportedly planned to attack JIL's offices after JIL issued a petition asking the government to protect all citizens' right to worship and to protect the 200,000 Ahmadis in Indonesia.
Noted moderate Muslim scholar Azyumardi Azra from Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University condemned the attack, saying that differences in opinion could not be resolved through violence. "The development of Islamic thought will not be stopped by bomb threats," he told the Post.
Mohamad Guntur Romli, a former JIL member and defender of pluralism, was a victim of a violent ambush by the FPI during a rally promoting religious tolerance in June 2008. He said he would continue to fight for freedom of expression, including religious expression. "Closing the door to interpretations of Islam is a threat to Islam itself because in doing so Islam will decline," he said.
The liberals' mission is clear. "We defend the rights of minorities, including Ahmadiyah. And we only condemn one group: Those who commit violence," Guntur said.
Some admitted the challenges they faced were now greater than ever. The bomb attack in Utan Kayu came amid rising intolerance in the country towards minority Ahmadis, who some consider heretics. Critics said the state was not only failing to protect Ahmadis but was also complicit in persecuting the group.
"Religious intolerance and the radicalization of Islam are getting worse. The government is failing," Luthfi said.
Rendi A. Witular and Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The unusual method of attack and the targets of the three attempted bombings in Jakarta on Tuesday have caused many to question whether this was the work of the usual terror group once linked to Jamaah Islamiyah (JI).
As the police investigation into the perpetrators who sent explosives disguised in books to three prominent figures in the city continues with no significant progress, what is clear is that the targets represent the enemies of radical Muslim groups.
The first bomb was sent to moderate Islamic scholar and pluralism activist Ulil Abshar Abdalla, who has received death threats from radical groups since 2001.
The second and third bombs were sent to National Narcotics Agency (BNN) chief Comr. Gen. Gories Mere and Pancasila Youth chairman Yapto Soelistyo Soerjosomarno.
Gories is known as a counterterrorism tzar and Catholic activist, while Yapto is half Jewish and the leader of an organization whose members are mostly engaged in the protection racket.
The bombs did not go off as the perpetrators planned, Ulil's package exploding and injuring police officers who were attempting to defuse the bomb while waiting for the bomb squad to arrive.
"Existing terrorist groups have long kept other main targets on their list aside from government officials and Westerners, like liberal Muslim activists, Christian activists and Jewish people," University of Indonesia terrorism analyst Mardigu Wowiek Prasantyo said Wednesday. "The three bombs targeted representative figures."
Indonesian Muslim Movement (GUII) chair Abdurrahman Assegaf, who has close links with the intelligence agency, said the attacks might have been carried out by former JI members who were now targeting people deemed in opposition to mainstream Islam. "By targeting them, the groups would like to draw the sympathy of mainstream Muslims to their struggle."
But, the attacks could also be politically motivated, planned by people in the military, law enforcement and the intelligence community who are unsatisfied with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's leadership.
"From the methods and the targets, it's a different game than that played by the usual terrorist groups," House of Representatives' Commission I for intelligence, defense and foreign affairs member T.B. Hasanuddin said.
The packages' low explosive level coupled with the absence of nails and bolts to boost a bomb's damaging effects are just not in line with the bombs usually assembled by members and former members of JI.
"There's always the possibility that there is a new group involved in the attacks. A group that is a mutation of an existing one or a group that is totally new," National Antiterrorism Agency (BNPT) chair Ansyaad Mbai said.
State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Sutanto said the agency could not be sure what group was behind the recent attacks. Sutanto also denied his agency had any role in the incidents. "It is not that the intelligence was poor in failing to detect the threat, it's just that we've done so many things to prevent bigger incidents," he said.
The attempted triple bombing has now been added to a long list of recent incidents intentionally engineered to disrupt pluralism in the country.
Those incidents include a bloody mob attack on Ahmadiyah in Cikeusik, Banten, and riots in Temanggung, Central Java, triggered by a blasphemy trial. While the police have managed to detain participants in those attacks, they have thus far been unable to net the masterminds.
Ali Kotarumalos, Jakarta, Indonesia One of three mail bombs sent to Indonesians blamed for "sins against Islam" wounded four people when police detonated it, a new threat coming as religious intolerance rises in the world's most populous Muslim country.
The bomb that exploded was addressed to Ulil Abshar Abdalla, the founder of the US-funded Islamic Liberal Network, which has long promoted a tolerant, open form of the faith through radio shows, the Internet, discussion groups and publications.
The low-intensity devices delivered Tuesday were placed in a hole carved into a heavy book titled: "They should be killed for their sins against Islam and the Muslims."
A note with the bomb asked Abdalla, who was not in his office at the time, to name those who should top the "hit list." The explosion wounded four people, including the policeman who lost his left hand trying to defuse the device.
"This is clearly a terror attack," said Anton Bachrul Alam, spokesman for the national police, after video of the officer's attempt was aired on local television. "We're still investigating to see who was behind this," he said, refusing to speculate if Islamic hard-liners were to blame.
National police spokesman Col. Boy Rafly Amar said the devices sent to a former anti-terror chief and a third person did not explode.
Hard-liners seeking to carve out an Islamic state in the secular nation of 237 million have in recent months targeted Christians and other minorities, sometimes beating people with bamboo sticks and machetes.
Indonesia, home to more than 210 million mostly moderate Muslims, has been hit by a string of terrorist attacks blamed on the al-Qaida-linked militant group Jemaah Islamiyah since 2002, when suicide bombings on Bali island killed 202 people.
Many of those victims were foreign tourists. But a new terrorist cell discovered just over a year ago has shifted tactics, experts say, instead targeting the liberal Muslim leaders like President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his security forces.
The militants accuse Yudhoyono, who launched a crackdown on terrorism that has resulted in hundreds of arrests and convictions, of being an infidel and lackey of the West.
Abdalla, who joined Yudhoyono's Democratic Party a year ago, has been a hated figure among hard-liners in Indonesia for a decade. But in a interview with MetroTV, he said he believed the attack was motivated by politics, not religion.
"I've been with the Islamic Liberal Network for 10 years and nothing like this has ever happened," said Abdalla, the son of a respected local Muslim cleric. "It's only just now."
[Associated Press writer Niniek Karmini contributed to this report.]
A top Indonesian antiterror official said on Wednesday that regional militant group Jemaah Islamiyah was behind a series of 'book bombs' in Jakarta, one of which injured four people.
The first bomb, hidden in a hollowed-out thick book, exploded on Tuesday afternoon as police attempted to defuse it.
The package was addressed to Ulil Abshar Abdalla, a well-known liberal Muslim figure who espouses pluralism and religious tolerance. It came with a threatening letter urging Abdalla to write a preface to the book which was entitled 'They Deserved to be Killed: Because of their Sins to Islam and Muslims.'
National Anti-Terror Agency (BNPT) chief Ansyaad Mbai told AFP: 'It's the work of terror group Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) which has been actively launching bomb attacks in this country.'
JI is a South-east Asian extremist group inspired by Al-Qaeda, which carries out terror attacks to destablise governments in a bid to unite the region into a fundamentalist Islamic state.
An Indonesian analyst believes Tuesday's terrorist attacks in Jakarta were the work of the United States.
Ichsanuddin Noorsy, an economic and political analyst often quoted in the Indonesian media, said the attacks were "probably the work of Uncle Sam," particularly the explosion that injured four people outside the office of Liberal Islamic Network co-founder Ulil Abshar Abdalla.
"The US wants to discredit an Islamic group that has undermined the puppet authority [government] and to build sympathy for a liberal group," he was quoted by Tribunnews.com as saying.
Police believe the three attacks were linked but Ichsanuddin was not asked why the two other intended victims were targeted.
Parcels addressed to Comr. Gen. Gories Mere, a former key officer of the National Police's elite counterterrorism unit, Densus 88, and Yapto Suryosumarno, chairman of the Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth) organization were intercepted and destroyed.
The claims of the type expressed by Ichsanuddin are common in the wake of terrorist attacks. After the devastating Bali bombing in 2002, claims were made and believed by many that the attacks were orchestrated by the CIA.
Wawan Purwanto, another analyst, said Ulil was most likely targeted because of his campaigning for religious tolerance and because he was a member of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.
"Ulil is a vocal campaigner for pluralism and religious harmony so in my view, the terror was triggered by personal motivations and the target was Ulil himself," Wawan said in a television interview.
Al Chaidar, a terrorism analyst from the University of Indonesia, said Ulil had been a target for a long time. "[Extremists] hate liberal thinkers and activists like him," he said.
Dessy Sagita & Anita Rachman Lawmakers and activists said a news report aired on Tuesday alleging senior retired generals had been supporting hard-line groups to incite religious violence and undermine the government was not surprising.
In the report by Al Jazeera, correspondent Step Vaessen claimed the generals were using radical groups in an effort to topple President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono "because they feel he is too weak and too reformist."
Al Jazeera acknowledged that while the claims of high-level support were nothing new, it had now be confirmed for the first time by the leader of one of the groups. "This revelation shows that behind religious violence, a dangerous political power play is happening," the report said.
Chep Hernawan, leader of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), told Al Jazeera that "the generals are fed up with the president's lies." He said the generals had earlier attempted to use a number of issues, including corruption, to foment a backlash against Yudhoyono, "but they failed."
"Now they are using the Ahmadiyah issue and it works," he said, referring to the minority Muslim sect that has been the target of recent attacks by hard-liners and bans by several local governments.
Chep told the cable news channel that he was approached by a retired three-star general in January. "He told me that we should keep fighting a jihad, we should not back down so the liar can be toppled," he said.
In December, the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace named both Garis and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) among seven radical Muslim groups working behind the scenes to shore up support among grassroots clerics and political heavyweights.
Setara's Bonar Tigor Naipospos said rumors about the hard-liners' high- level backing had been around for quite some time.
"It is possible these generals are using radicals like the FPI to pursue their own political agenda, which is revolution," he said. "Which is why some FPI leaders have been bragging about being supported by some powerful military figures."
Ahmad Mubarok, a member of the advisory board for Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said it had always thought there were political forces behind the rise in communal violence. "I am not surprised," he said. "This nation is being held hostage for the sake of the interests of a small number of people."
Abdul Kadir Karding, a lawmaker from the Islam-based National Awakening Party (PKB) and chairman of the House of Representatives' Commission VIII, which oversees religious affairs, said a variety of theories had been put forward with regard to the rise in religious attacks, including influence from those "disappointed with the government."
"That is why I have always urged law enforcers to get to the root of the problem," he said. "What I mean is, they should go arrest the instigators."
The Al Jazeera report said that while the chances of toppling Yudhoyono were "slim," it would be difficult to counteract such well-connected antagonists. "With former generals supporting hard-line groups, the battle to end religious violence seems hard to win."
One of the hard-line organizations implicated by Al Jazeera in a movement to overthrow President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and install an Islamic- based government says the allegations against it are false.
"That is misleading, not true," Muhammad Al Khaththath, secretary general of the Islamic People's Forum (FUI), told Tempointeraktif.com on Wednesday.
Khaththath told Al Jazeera that he had met with retired generals who wanted to overthrow the government and admitted that he was one of those who had drafted the proposed cabinet.
It names Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) chairman Habib Riziq as president and well-known radical Abu Jibril, a senior member of the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), as vice president.
Khaththath, as quoted by Okezone on Wednesday, said the Islamic cabinet was prepared during the Bank Century crisis in 2010 to anticipate "the possibility of a power vacuum."
Retired Army Chief Gen. Tyasno Sudarto was also named to a senior position in the cabinet.
The Al Jazeera report alleged that "senior retired generals" were supporting the FPI and other hard-line groups to incite religious violence as part of a wider attempt to oust Yudhoyono.
It quoted Chep Hernawan, leader of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), as saying the generals were using the groups in their efforts to topple Yudhoyono because they feel he is "too weak and too reformist."
The report concluded that though there was little likelihood of this occurring, Indonesia's high-profile battle against religious extremism "seems hard to win."
Camelia Pasandaran A senior cabinet minister on Wednesday rejected allegations that hard-line Islamists backed by senior retired military generals were attempting to overthrow the government.
Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, one of the first senior ministers to address the claims outlined in a report by cable news station Al Jazeera on Tuesday, said there were "no plans and there should not be any plans for a coup."
"There have never been any reports of a coup," said Purnomo, a surprise appointment as defense minister after nine heavily criticized years as Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources.
The minister said even if there was a planned coup, "we're going to face it." He did not address the wider concerns that senior retired military generals were supporting hard-line Islamic groups who were stoking religious tensions in Indonesia.
Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, gave any plot little chance of success given the nation's recent democratic advances. He said that though Indonesian was yet to reach democratic maturity, "if we are lacking in some aspects, we should go through the [democratic] process."
Al Jazeera is reporting that "senior retired generals" are supporting the Islamic Defenders Front and other hard-line groups to incite religious violence and overthrow Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"The generals are using the groups in their efforts to topple President Yudhoyono because they feel he is too weak and too reformist," said Al Jazeera correspondent Step Vassen in the report.
Al Jazeera acknowledged that though the claims that certain hard-line groups had powerful backing were not new, "this can now be confirmed for the first time." "This revelation shows that behind religious violence, a dangerous political power play is happening."
Al Jazeera quoted Chep Hernawan, leader of the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), as saying that "the generals are fed up with the president's lies." Chep said the generals had previously attempted to use a number of issues, including corruption, to foment a backlash against the president, "but they failed."
"Now they are using the Ahmadiyah issue and it works," he said, referring to the Islamic sect currently being persecuted by the mainstream Muslim majority. "The generals say Ahmadiyah has to be disbanded or we'll have a revolution."
Chep told the cable news channel that he was approached by a retired three-star general in January. "He told me that we should keep fighting a jihad, we should not back down so the liar can be toppled."
In December last year, the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace named Garis as one of seven radical Muslim groups working behind the scenes to shore up their support by forging political alliances and embracing more liberal groups and moderate clerics. The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), allegedly involved in a number of high-profile, well-organized religious attacks, was another of the seven groups.
Retired Army Chief Gen. Tyasno Sudarto, a staunch government critic, told Al Jezeera about his support for the groups that he said aimed to topple Yudhoyono in a "revolution."
"We work together to enlighten each other. Our angle is different. They fight in the name of Islam, we use national politics but we have a common goal, which is change. We want to save our country, not destroy it. The revolution should be peaceful, not anarchist or bloody."
Al Jazeera cited a Web site that detailed a proposed cabinet line-up for the so-called Islamic government, which included Tyasno.
Muhammad Al Khaththath, secretary general of the Islamic People's Forum (FUI), a leader of the anti-Ahmadiyah protests, said he was one of those that had drafted the line-up.
He also said he had met with generals who want to overthrow the government. "I won't say anything more," he said.
Al Jazeera said experts said that the chances Yudhoyono being toppled "were slim." "But with former generals supporting hard-line groups, the battle to end religious violence seems hard to win."
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta Hot on the heels of its campaign against the dissolution of Ahmadiyah, the hard-line Muslim group Islam Defenders Front (FPI) is now setting its eyes on underground music, which its members believe carry messages that would lead young Muslims astray.
In a public lecture at the FPI headquarters in Petamburan, Central Jakarta, senior FPI member and purported Islamic music "expert" Farid Budi Fahri alleged there had been concerted efforts to turn young people away from Islamic teachings through a variety of underground music.
"There has been a conspiracy. A war launched by the underground community [against mainstream Islamic teaching]," he told FPI members who came to the talk last week.
Farid traced the roots of the underground music to a Zionist movement. He said that a group of people adhering to Zionist ideology has used the medium to conceal their objectives of world domination. "At the end of the day, it will sow conflict among Muslims themselves," Farid said.
He went on to speculate that the underground music community, which initially developed as a resistance towards the mainstream industry by independently producing and distributing music, has been subverted by the Zionist movement to spread ideas that would contradict Islam.
"Are these musicians carrying out a Zionist mission? I would say no. The conspiracy is within the music, the lyrics which carry messages and the ideology which would create a lifestyle and counter culture in the end," Farid said.
He cited the lyrics of John Lennon's song Imagine as Zionist music, although Lennon was not Jewish and was not considered an idol of the underground music community.
"People keep singing his songs without realizing the meaning behind it," he said. He suspected that the song about a hypothetical state of the world where religion, state and ideology did not exist carry a pure Zionist message.
Farid also said some underground musical outfits had promoted Satanic messages. He said bands like Sepultura, Metallica and Lamb of God were satanic bands that could turn young Muslim fans away from religion.
The FPI has thus far tried to extend efforts to reach out to punk communities in the city to spread the message of Islam. "So far we have tried to approach punk communities in Pulo Gadung and Blok M bus terminals so that they can return to the true Islamic teachings," Farid said.
He said FPI would soon expand its anti-underground initiatives. "We expect that we can be done with the Ahmadiyah case soon so that FPI can concentrate on other issues like dealing with heresy that is rampant in the underground community," Farid said.
Responding to the threat, the Jakarta Police said it would look into the matter. "We have not received information about the issue yet," City Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Baharuddin Jafar said.
This is not the first time FPI launched a campaign against creative arts. The Bekasi branch of FPI last year called on the removal of a sculpture design by a Balinese artist titled Tiga Mojang (Three Women), alleging that it was a depiction of the Holy Trinity.
Ulma Haryanto Activists on Tuesday called for urgent state action against attacks on Ahmadiyah, saying authorities had failed to follow up on National Commission on Human Rights probes into the violence.
M.M. Billah, a former member of the commission, also known as Komnas HAM, said the body found clear proof of rights violations in last month's mob riots against an Ahmadiyah community in Cikeusik, Banten.
The commission requested sanctions against hard-liners after it recorded instances of forced displacement, special targeting of victims and premeditated attacks. However, Billah said authorities refused to act on the findings.
Billah, now with the Jakarta-based Center for Participatory and Social Management, said inaction was not new.
"I headed the fact-finding team that was assigned to probe rights violations when Ahmadis in Parung, Bogor, were attacked in 2005," he said. "At the time, the Bogor Police chief told me he couldn't arrest the perpetrators. He said if he did, an angry mob would destroy his office," Billah said.
His team probed another assault on the minority Muslim sect a year later in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara.
Billah likened the attacks to "serious crimes against humanity and genocide". "In Cikeusik, there was murder, deprivation of freedom and persecution," he said.
Yoseph Adi Prasetyo, a Komnas HAM commissioner, said on Tuesday that the fact-finding report on Cikeusik was almost complete. However, he said the commission did not have the authority to prosecute.
Yoseph said this was a recurring problem, particularly in cases of alleged rights abuses by armed forces personnel. "We'd hand over our reports to the House of Representatives and they'd have to push the police and prosecutors to bring the cases to court," he said.
"To date, there are five pending cases that have not been followed up on," he added.
Unresolved cases include the disappearance of activists across the nation during riots in May 1998 and the shooting of protesters near Trisakti University and Semanggi in Jakarta that same year. There was also the 1989 massacre of 130 Muslims by soldiers in Talangsari, Lampung, as well as attacks on villagers in Wasior and Wamena in Papua.
Bhatara Ibnu Reza, a researcher for Imparsial, said Komnas HAM needed more state support. "Silence is no longer golden. By doing nothing, we are approving crimes against humanity."
Ina Parlina & Rizal Harahap, Jakarta/Pekanbaru Representatives of the Ahmadiyah congregation skipped a government-initiated dialogue with officials on Tuesday, a closed-door meeting they said was aimed at discrediting their beliefs.
The Religious Affairs Ministry held a "dialogue and opinion sharing" forum on Tuesday, attended by human rights groups such as the Wahid Instiute and Setara Institute, and anti-Ahmadiyah groups such as the Islamic People's Forum (FUI) and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI).
"It is regrettable that they decided not to attend. This can be seen as a sign that they do not want to find a solution," Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali said, adding that the ministry invited all parties to find a comprehensive solution to the Ahmadiyah issue.
Ministry secretary-general Bahrul Hayat said the Ahmadis should not have skipped the meeting, as the government was prepared to listen, not to preach.
The Ahmadis were invited to attend the afternoon session, as the morning session was to hear opinions from mass organizations such the FUI and the FPI.
Erna Ratnaningsih, of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), which represents Ahmadiyah congregations from across the country, said her clients insisted on refusing a "biased dialogue" with ministry officials, saying they feared their faith would be judged.
"Even though members of civil society groups were there, the Ahmadis feared they would be cornered, as happened in a 2007 dialogue. Many of the people participating in the dialog are in favor of those who want Ahmadiyah to be disbanded," she told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
In 2007, the government held a dialogue with Ahmadis and came out with seven options, including to ban it or to declare it a new religion, separate from Islam. The Ahmadis opted to be seen as part of Islam.
However, the ministry found that Ahmadis still held religious teachings deemed heretical by mainstream Muslims. The government later enacted a 2008 joint ministerial decree prohibiting the group from propagating its teachings.
Erna asserted that Ahmadiyah would not be represented at the four-day meeting. She said the invitation received by Ahmadiyah leaders only invited them to attend one session on Tuesday. "How could it be fair? We want to be involved fairly in the dialogue," she said.
"We want a neutral mediator and participants. [The current] composition, regardless of NGOs, would only bring the matter into the perspective of religion," she said. "What we want is a dialogue about Ahmadiyah congregations' constitutional rights as citizens. Don't judge them on their faith."
Rumadi Ahmad from the Wahid Institute said his team explained at the discussion that both banning Ahmadiyah and declaring it a different religion from Islam were not the best solutions, as they would only lead to future conflict.
"I'd say that intimidation against them would likely still occur if the government imposed those two options," he said.
Fajar Riza Ul Haq from the Maarif Institute said his team pushed the discussion to perceive the Ahmadiyah matter as more of a human rights issue, "because they were intimidated just for worshiping. Some even were attacked."
Both activists said it was better to have an independent mediator apart from the ministry.
Meanwhile, in Pekanbaru, Riau province, authorities claimed success in supervising Ahmadis after 35 Ahmadiyah followers renounced Ahmadiyah for mainstream Islamic teachings.
The Religious Affairs Ministry's Pekanbaru municipal office head Tarmizi Tohor said the detachment was the result of a few months of counseling and a supervising process involving a number of Islamic preachers.
"They realized their wrongdoing and have religiously sworn [not to revert] on their own will without being forced to do so," Tarmizi said on Tuesday. "And no forceful element was involved in the process."
Camelia Pasandaran A top judge says the Bogor administration is clearly in the wrong in defying a Supreme Court ruling to unseal a church it had previously closed down for a building violation.
Justice Akil Mochtar, from the Constitutional Court, said on Tuesday that the national Ombudsman Commission had the power to force the city administration to comply and reopen the GKI Yasmin Church building.
"If [the Supreme Court] has issued an order and the regional administration keeps refusing to execute that order, then the administration is in violation of the law by going against the court ruling," he said.
Although in possession of a valid building permit issued in 2006, the church was sealed off by the city in 2010 on the grounds that residents opposed the building of the house of worship.
The Supreme Court in January ruled against the revocation of the church's permit by the Bogor administration and ordered the building reopened. However, the city has refused to comply, citing a ruling by the Bogor District Court that church officials had falsified residents' signatures in order to get the building permit.
Last week, church officials reported the Bogor administration to the Ombudsman Commission for defying the Supreme Court ruling.
Despite Akil's opinion on the issue, Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar backed an offer by the Bogor administration to relocate the church building. "I heard that the best way to prevent conflict among the people is for the Bogor administration to provide a new site for the church," he said.
Patrialis skirted the issue of how this move would still put the administration in violation of the ruling, saying only that people needed to view the issue in a comprehensive way. "We shouldn't wear blinders when looking at the problem," the minister said.
"We should look left and right. What's most important is how to put the people at ease. On one hand, the Christians should be allowed to worship according to their beliefs and without being disturbed," the minister said.
"But on the other hand, it shouldn't create trouble for the Muslim residents." Patrialis added that although the government held both religions in equal regard, social considerations on the ground needed to be taken into account.
Bona Sigalingging, a spokesman for the GKI Yasmin congregation, told the Jakarta Globe that although the Bogor administration had told the media about a new site for the church, it had never made a formal offer to the congregation.
"Even so, we would [reject] it, given the legal aspect and past experience," he said. "It's not a solution at all. It's a mockery of the law. The Supreme Court ruling cannot be negotiated because that would be an insult to the court."
Bona added that in a similar dispute involving the HKBP Ciketing congregation in Bekasi, a relocation offer had also been made but nothing had come of it. "To date, they still haven't been issued a building permit," he said. "It's just a trap by the administration."
He added that GKI Yasmin members would continue to hold services on the streets outside the locked church "for the world to see how this country treats its minorities."
Ina Parlina and Yuli Tri Suwarni, Jakarta/Bandung Jamaah Ahmadiyah Indonesia is refusing to attend a meeting spnsored by the Religious Affairs Ministry scheduled for Tuesday, saying they feared they would be "lynched" at the meeting by other participants.
Erna Ratnaningsih from the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), which represents Ahmadiyah congregations across the country, said that her clients refused to have a "biased dialogue".
"The composition of the parties that will participate in the dialogue is unfair to Ahmadiyah. Many of them are in favor of those who want Ahmadiyah to be disbanded," Erna told the press on Monday. "Therefore, we won't attend the dialogue."
Erna said at least two-thirds of the total 44 participants attending would be from the Religious Affairs Ministry. Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali has repeatedly expressed support for bylaws banning Ahmadiyah.
The ministry also invited the Islamic People's Front (FUI), which recently barricaded an Ahmadiyah facility in Yogyakarta, and other Muslim leaders who supported bans on Ahmadiyah.
Erna denied accusations that the refusal was an indication that Ahmadiyah was being uncooperative, saying that her clients would only attend a fair dialogue. "We will attend a dialogue only if it has a fair composition. We want the dialogue to also involve neutral parties," she said.
She was concerned that the meeting, dubbed by the ministry a "dialogue and opinion sharing" session, would only trick Ahmadiyah into something harmful to themselves.
Nurkholis Hidayat from the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH) said that the Ahmadiyah matter was not merely about Islam. "It's not about Islam. It has become a matter of the state because Ahmadis are citizens who have the same constitutional right to worship," he said.
He added that if the government was truly committed to finding a permanent settlement on the matter they must take Ahmadiyah's constitutional rights into consideration.
He said it would be best not to shift the matter into theological debate through unfair dialogue "because faith is individual territory that cannot be interfered". "I'm sure with such composition, the dialogue would only lead to Ahmadiyah dissolution," he said.
Zafrullah Ahmad Pontoh, a spokesman for Ahmadiyah Indonesia, said the manner in which the Religious Affairs Ministry sent the invitation was suspicious. "We received the letter on March 18, but it was dated March 16. It was Friday; it means that we had only one working day to prepare for the Tuesday dialogue," he said. "It's not fair."
The ministry's director general of guidance to the Muslim community, Nasaruddin Umar, said that he regretted Ahmadiyah's decision not to attend the Tuesday dialogue.
"This will be a good chance for the Ahmadis to present what they called their faith to the state officials. Show us what we called deviation as something right and not against Islam," he said. "Deciding not to attend our meeting means they will lose their chance to show it."
However, he asserted that his office would not impose any sanctions against Ahmadiyah. "We will still hold the Tuesday dialogue, even without Ahmadiyah," he said, adding that his office might schedule another dialogue for Ahmadiyah.
Nurkholis said the government's efforts to hold such dialogue were tardy. "All this time, local administrations have made unfair policies against Ahmadiyah and the central government did nothing," he said.
The Legal Aid Institute said it found at least 10 new local bylaws and decrees which ban Ahmadiyah from practicing their faith after a fatal mob attack against Ahmadiyah congregation in Cikeusik village, Banten.
In Bandung, members of FUI successfully persuaded eight Ahmadiyah members to return the Ahmadis who had been deemed heretical to the "right path" of Islam by relieving their debt on Monday. Two men, three women and three young girls who were previously members of Ahmadi's Al-Ukhuwah, returned to Islam, claiming that they wanted a peaceful life.
Slamet Susanto and Jon Afrizal, Yogyakarta/Jambi Demands to ban Ahmadiyah have increased in a number of regions amid recent calls from some US congressmen asking the Indonesian government to revoke laws that discriminate against the Islamic sect.
In Yogyakarta, some 300 people from different Muslim organizations grouped under the Islamic Peoples' Front (FUI) staged a rally on Sunday demanding the provincial administration ban Ahmadiyah in the province.
Riding on motorcycles, the protesters traversed the main streets of Yogyakarta a city that has long been respected for tolerance. The demonstrators reportedly shouted anti-Ahmadiyah sentiments in a rally that was said to be orderly and peaceful.
"Please remember Islam teaches peace. So don't become easily provoked by the enemies of Islam by contributing to anarchy. March in two rows so you won't disrupt the traffic," protest coordinator Abu Almer told participants.
The protesters expressed support for the Indonesian Ulema Council's (MUI) edict declaring that Ahmadiyah must be disbanded because of heresy and blasphemy against Islam. "Ahmadiyah must be disbanded unless they no longer use the name and symbols of Islam," Abu Almer said.
The group also urged the provincial administration to implement the joint ministerial decree on banning Ahmadiyah activities and to issue a bylaw banning the sect. The group symbolically closed the Ahmadiyah office in Kotabaru by attaching a piece of cloth with the word "sealed". "This is a symbol of our demand," Abu Almer said.
Yogyakarta Governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X has repeatedly said he would not issue a special bylaw to ban Ahmadiyah, arguing that the province was peaceful and tolerant and that the authority to ban the sect lays with the central government.
In Padang, West Sumatra, Governor Irwan Prayitno said that he was ready to issue a gubernatorial regulation banning Ahmadiyah activities in the province within two days. Irwan also said his administration would try to send a letter to the President urging a ban of Ahmadiyah since regional administrations could only ban the sect's activities.
"In other countries such as Pakistan and Malaysia, Ahmadiyah has become a cult and not a part of Islam," Irwan told a Cult Surveillance Coordinating Agency (Bakorpakem) forum on Friday evening.
In Palu, Central Sulawesi, the provincial branch of MUI also expressed support for the ban of Ahmadiyah activities. "Ahmadiyah is heretical because it has turned away from Islamic teachings," MUI branch chairman Saggaf Aldjufri said, as quoted by Antara news agency on Saturday.
Central Sulawesi Governor H.B. Paliudju has previously called on local Ahmadis to return to Islamic instruction and not influence other Muslims with their teaching.
"I call on Ahmadis to temporarily stop their activities until further decision is made by the central government regarding the existence of Ahmadiyah in the country," the governor said.
In Jambi, the provincial MUI branch said that it has been monitoring the activities of Ahmadis in the province to see if what they practiced was heresy.
Ahmadis are differentiated between those who believe Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is a prophet thus considered heresy because Islam recognizes Muhammad as the final prophet and those who consider Mirza a preacher.
The Jambi branch chairman Handri Hasan said a survey team had been sent to regions where Ahmadis resided. "If they only considered Mirza Ghulam Ahmad an Islamic preacher then it will not be a problem," he said.
Nivell Rayda When 55-year-old Joni Jailani became the leader of Ciaruteun Udik village in Bogor two years ago, it never crossed his mind that he would be mentioned in newspapers, let alone in the same articles as leaders of the Indonesian Council of Ulema and the local office of the Religious Affairs Ministry.
But that was exactly what happened shortly after 33 of his fellow villagers, including children, said they wanted to return to the fold of mainstream Islam after long having been adherents of the controversial Ahmadiyah sect.
"This article tells the truth, but the news on television has been exaggerated," Joni told the Jakarta Globe, pointing to an article recently run by a local newspaper, which he said would be framed and put on a wall as a reminder of his "achievement" in converting those who follow the "blasphemous" sect's beliefs.
"There was never any intimidation, any coercion or even persuasion, as television reports state. The Ahmadis here just want to live peacefully with their neighbors. Yes, some of them decided to stay with Ahmadiyah and leave, but what good does that do? At their new place they're not going to be accepted, because of their faith."
In recent years, persecution and violent attacks have marked the lives of Ahmadis living across Indonesia. On Feb. 6, three Ahmadis in the subdistrict of Cikeusik, Banten were killed in a brutal attack by a lynch mob of more than 1,500 villagers. And more attacks have followed since.
Instead of protecting this minority sect, the government accuses the Ahmadis of leading more and more Muslims "astray." The main bone of contention is the Ahmadiyah view of the Prophet Muhammad.
A crucial tenet in Islam is that Muhammad was the final prophet and the Koran is its holy book. But mainstream Muslim organizations accuse Ahmadiyah of considering its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908), to be a prophet as well.
Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali has also repeatedly said that his officials had found the Ahmadis had a different holy book altogether: Tazkirah.
Ahmadis here however have strongly denied both claims, stressing that Mirza was nothing more than a reformer of Islam, and the Tazkirah was simply a compilation of Mirza's writings used as a book of religious-philosophical learning.
Indonesian governments at various levels however are not taking chances. Several regions have issued regulations on the basis of a 2008 joint ministerial decree, which bans Ahmadiyah members from proselytizing.
Most recently, East Java Governor Soekarwo and West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan issued decrees that further restrict the movements and activities of the sect.
West Java took matters a step further, coordinating with the local military command and urging mainstream Muslims to occupy Ahmadiyah mosques, with non-Ahmadis leading Friday prayer sermons in hopes to get Ahmadis to "convert to Islam."
Just a week after the West Java decree was issued, dozens of unidentified men came to Ciaruteun Udik, home to 18 Ahmadiyah families, to target Ahmadis' homes, pelting them with rocks. But village leader Joni claims the attack was not aimed at converting them.
"I don't even know who the attackers were. Yes, some villagers here were provoked and joined the attack," he said. "After the incident, four Ahmadis renounced their faith and joined Islam. The initiative was theirs. I didn't even try to persuade them."
The village chief added that four other Ahmadis soon followed suit. "I told them if they were really serious about renouncing their faith they should produce a written statement. And so they did."
Joni agreed to show signed statements that were handwritten by the recent converts.
"You see, they made the statements themselves. This is not formulated by the government. You can see their own handwriting in these statements," he said. "See, this letter was written by a man who didn't finish elementary school. You can't forge handwriting as terrible as this."
But converts in Ciaruteun Udik, as well as in the Ahmadiyah community in the neighboring villages of Cimanggu and Cisalada, tell a different story. "You have to ask yourself, if there weren't any attacks in Ciaruteun Udik, would people convert? Of course not," one Ahmadi woman who spoke on condition of anonymity told the Globe.
The woman added that after four Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik renounced their faith, local officials harassed the rest of the Ahmadiyah community, urging them to follow suit. "They visited our homes, rounded us up. Even called us round the clock. We were intimidated," she said.
"I don't know if this is a coincidence or not. But [on March 13] at around 6 p.m., dozens of people attacked the homes of Ahmadiyah members in Cibuntu [West Java]. Afterward, they marched to Cimanggu and ransacked Ahmadis' homes at around 8:30 p.m."
This attack took its toll on the remaining Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik. A total of 29 men, women and children quickly announced they would renounce their faith.
"At that point I felt I had had enough," 47-year-old Nur Hasan told the Globe. "I just want to live in peace. I don't want to run away. Where would I go? Where would my children go?"
He recently renounced his Ahmadiyah beliefs and managed to persuade his wife and four children to do the same. Hasan's father and siblings felt similar pressure and did so as well.
The remainder of those who refused to convert, estimated at around 60 people, have now left the village with their belongings, seeking refuge elsewhere. Their homes, some badly damaged due to attacks, remain abandoned.
Among those who fled Ciaruteun Udik fearing for their safety is 70-year-old Dayat, a Ahmadiyah cleric whose whereabouts are unknown.
"The fact is, the people who converted never felt intimidated by the attack. They told me they had always wanted to convert to Islam, but each time Dayat told them not to," Joni claimed.
In Ciaruteun Udik, there is an eerie silence that looms at every corner of this small village of less than 500 souls.
Outside almost every home people have put up signs reading "Ahlusunnah Wal Jamaah" signifying the homes belong to members of the mainstream Muslim community. The signs are put up in the hopes that they won't fall victim to further attacks.
With the exception of Hasan, who agreed to speak at Joni's home, the remaining former Ahmadis refused to talk about their reasons for renouncing their beliefs. When approached by the Globe, one recent convert specifically asked to be contacted by phone claiming that it was not safe to discuss the matter openly in Ciaruteun Udik.
"My neighbors are watching me, observing my every move to make sure I am not practicing the [Ahmadiyah] faith in secret. I also can't let you into my house, they might get suspicious and I could be in trouble if I do," the man said. Later attempts by the Globe to contact him over the phone were unsuccessful.
Muhammad Isnur, from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said Ahmadis in Ciaruteun Udik and Leuwisadeng, also in Bogor district, including Dayat, were rounded up a day after the first attack on March 11, shortly after Friday prayers.
"They were briefed by the Bogor Police, officers from the regional military command and the village's ulema [religious leaders], among others, on the contents of the new gubernatorial decree," he said. Even though the decree itself is unconstitutional, Muhammad said, the Ahmadis were strongly urged to obey.
"The preaching at mosques has gotten worse there are calls to kill, attack and hang the Ahmadis," he said.
Local and international human rights groups have also documented cases where military officers have visited the homes of Ahmadis in several districts in West Java, collecting data and asking people to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.
"They were intimidated into signing a statement," said Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI).
"The village administration leader also informed them that if they insisted on remaining Ahmadis, it would be difficult for them to get their ID cards processed, and to get their children into schools."
"The Ahmadis were also offered up to Rp 150,000 [$14] to renounce their beliefs."
Ruhdiyat Ayyubi Ahmad, a JAI leader, said he did not know where the Ciaruteun Udik Ahmadis who refused to renounce their faith were hiding.
"Ahmadiyah came to Indonesia not through force or coercion, but in peace, so I am saddened to see that it takes violence and intimidation to make them renounce their faith," Ruhdiyat told the Globe.
"I can understand why some of our brothers and sisters felt they had to leave Ahmadiyah. We don't see them as enemies or traitors. I am certain that for some, they still feel that Ahmadiyah is the right path for them."
Vento Saudale, Bogor Some 100 members of a Christian congregation conducted services on the sidewalk in Bogor Sunday after police prevented them from using a contested church site that has been sealed off by city officials in defiance of a Supreme Court order.
Some 500 personnel, including Mobile Brigade (Brimob) officers and soldiers, cordoned off an area around the sealed Taman Yasmin Church, which is under construction by the Indonesian Christian Church (GKI).
"We do not want to be caught unaware and therefore we have been forced to block off Jalan Abdullah bin Nuh," Bogor Police Chief Adj. Snr. Comr. Nugroho Slamet Wibowo said, referring to the street the church is on.
Despite a Supreme Court order in January for municipal authorities to reopen the site, the Bogor administration has continued to ignore the verdict, arguing it wants to avoid sparking a conflict.
Although a building permit was issued in 2006, the GKI Yasmin church site was sealed by the city in March 2010 due to opposition to the construction. Hard-line Muslim groups have alleged some of the signatures needed from neighboring residents to secure the building permit were falsified.
However, Nugroho said the police presence was only to maintain security and not to prevent the group from worshiping. "We are only the security side. We are not involving ourselves in the substance of the dispute," he said.
Because of the cordon, members of GKI Yasmin held their service on the sidewalk some 100 meters from the site under a strong security presence.
The hour-long service was led by Rev. Gomar Gultom, secretary general of the Protestant Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI). He was assisted by the Rev. Emi Sahertian, from the National Alliance of Bhineka Tunggal Ika, and GKI Yasmin's reverend, Suryadi.
"This service is being held here because we feel we should be allowed to conduct our worship in the proper place," said Doriana, a member of the congregation who attended the service.
Bona Sigalingging, a spokesman for GKI Yasmin, said the group was planning to report the dispute to the Special UN Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief over the Bogor administration's noncompliance with the Supreme Court ruling.
He also said the congregation would reject the administration's offer to purchase the church site and build it at another location.
"Just from this case we can see how difficult it is to build a place of worship," he said. "How much harder would it be if we had to start from scratch? The process will, of course, be very long."
Bona said the congregation's members, all of whom were from the Bogor area, were not keen to travel far to worship.
Gomar, meanwhile, said the PGI had supported the congregation by writing letters to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Minister of Home Affairs Gamawan Fauzi and the Bogor administration over the church issue. So far, however, he said there had been no response.
Gomar urged the government to protect the right to worship for all minority religions. "Worshiping is a fundamental right of every human being and, of course, cannot be prohibited," he said.
Elisabeth Oktofani & Camelia Pasandaran The Indonesian Christian Church and the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation on Thursday reported the Bogor administration to the national Ombudsman Commission for defying a Supreme Court ruling and sealing off the church's house of worship.
In the report, the church, known as GKI Yasmin, accused the city administration of refusing to abide by a Supreme Court ruling by forcefully closing down its building in Bogor on Sunday.
Although in possession of a construction permit issued in 2006, the GKI Yasmin church was sealed by the city in 2010 on the argument that residents opposed the building of the house of worship.
The Supreme Court in January ruled against the revocation of the church's permit by the Bogor administration and ordered the church reopened. However, the city has refused to comply, citing a ruling of the Bogor District Court that the church had falsified residents's signatures in order to get the building permit.
Erna Ratnaningsih, chairwoman of the foundation, also known at the YLBHI, told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday that the commission, which is charged with supervising and improving public services, needed to probe the city for discrimination.
"The Bogor administration has violated a Supreme Court decision on the church building permit issued in 2006. They have even tried to give GKI Yasmin two alternative options regarding this case," Erna said.
She said one solution proposed by the city shortly after the Supreme Court ruling entailed the church relocating, with the land and building to be purchased by the city. GKI Yasmin rejected the proposals.
The church's spokesman, Bona Sigalingging, said on Thursday that Bogor officials had told him that they would not abide by the court's decision.
"On March 7, we met with the Bogor administration and they said that they had received the Supreme Court letter ordering the church reopened." Bona said. He claimed they said they would again seal the church to prevent tension between Muslims and Christians.
Ombudsman Commission chairman Budi Santosa said on Thursday that it would be following up the case as soon as possible. "Tomorrow, we will discuss the final time to invite the Bogor mayor [Diani Budiarto] to get his clarification," Budi said, adding that two previous summonses had been ignored.
"We will find a clarification on why they did not respond to the letters and why they did not execute the Supreme Court decision," he added.
Meanwhile, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali said the government had also requested an explanation from the Bogor mayor on the issue. "If there is no legal problem concerning the permit, then there is no reason for us to hamper the construction of the house of worship."
The church on Jalan KH Abdullah bin Nuh was padlocked on Saturday night and barricaded on Sunday morning by police, Mobile Brigade (Brimob) and public order agency (Satpol PP) officers.
Over the past decade, the congregation has had to face down protests from fundamentalist Muslims and officials in order to build its church there.
It was forced to hold its services on the sidewalk in front of the half- constructed building for much of last year after the Bogor administration first revoked its building permit in March 2010.
Rights group Amnesty International urged Indonesia on Thursday to investigate allegations of soldiers intimidating followers of a minority Islamic sect and forcing them to renounce their faith.
The military have visited the Ahmadiyah, who unlike mainstream Muslims do not believe Mohammed was the last prophet, asking some members to sign statements renouncing their faith, Amnesty said citing local rights groups.
"The Ahmadiyah community is facing increasing restrictions, intimidation and attacks because of their beliefs," according to the group's Indonesia and East Timor campaigner Josef Roy Benedict.
Indonesian human rights group Imparsial said it had recorded 56 cases in West Java province in which soldiers allegedly forced Ahmadiyah followers to convert to mainstream Islam.
Soldiers have entered mosques, gathered followers of the sect and "forced them to repent and convert to Islam", the group said.
The government denied forced conversions had occurred, saying military actions were taken to protect the sect from violence at the hands of Muslim fanatics.
Amateur video emerged in February capturing an extremist mob armed with machetes, sticks and rocks attacking Ahmadiyah followers, leaving three dead and sparking international outcry.
"Since then at least four provinces in Indonesia South Sulawesi, West and East Java and Banten have issued new regional regulations restricting Ahmadiyah activities," Benedict said in a statement.
The restrictions include banning the sect from distributing pamphlets, putting signs in front of their offices and places of worship or wearing anything indicating that they are Ahmadiyah members, Amnesty said.
The rights group called on the authorities "to conduct prompt, independent and impartial investigations" into all reports of intimidation and to bring the perpetrators to justice.
Ahmadiyah have been subject to abuse and persecution since 2008 when curbs were placed on them at the insistence of mainstream Muslims.
Human Rights Watch has condemned violence against them and urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to sack his religious affairs minister for discrimination and to lift the ban on Ahmadiyah practicing in public.
Indonesia's constitution guarantees freedom of religion but rights groups say violence against minorities including Christians and Ahmadis has been escalating since 2008. There have been cases of Christians being beaten and churches attacked.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has received a letter from 27 US lawmakers urging him to immediately revoke recent provincial decrees and the 2008 national decree banning Ahmadiyah activities.
"Not only do the decrees recently issued in East and West Java run contrary to the principles of international human rights, but we also fear that they will only serve to embolden extremists and exacerbate violence against the Ahmadiyah community," the letter states.
The letter cites the recent attack on Ahmadis in Cikeusik village, Banten, where three Ahmadiyah followers were beaten to death.
The 27 congressmen and women who have signed the letter also urged the Indonesian government repeal the country's blasphemy law.
Sukabumi Eighteen more members of the Ahmadiyah sect, this time from four subdistricts in Sukabumi, West Java, renounced their faith on Wednesday.
Witnessed by the chairman of the Sukabumi branch of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), they recited the Islamic syahadat, an affirmation of mainstream Islamic beliefs that there is only one god and that Muhammad was his last prophet, at Sukabumi's Islamic Center.
They also signed a statement saying that they renounced their faith of their own free will.
One of them, Wawan Irwansyah, 47, said he had followed Ahmadiyah's teachings for 19 years before giving up on them.
"I became an Ahmadi because a relative asked me to, but for all 19 years, I had never felt comfortable with it. Today, I decided to renounce it without any pressure from anyone," Wawan said.
Another convert, Sukaria, 78, said he became an Ahmadi by 'accident' two years ago. He said the nearest mosque near his home was the Ahmadiyah mosque so he always carried out his Friday prayers there.
"I doubted Ahmadiyah teaching because they said there was another prophet after Muhammad," Sukaria said.
On Tuesday, 13 members of the beleaguered Ahmadiyah sect in Bogor underwent a public ceremony to renounce their faith.
The ceremony, at a mosque in the village of Ciaruteun Udik, in Cibumbulang subdistrict, was organized by local officials and supported by the police and the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI).
Indonesia admitted on Wednesday that soldiers had been entering mosques of a minority Islamic sect but said they had been protecting followers, escalating a debate about religious freedoms.
An Indonesian human rights group said however that it had recorded 56 cases in West Java province in which soldiers forced Ahmadiyah followers to convert to mainstream Islam.
The government denies there have been any forced conversions, saying the military intervention was to protect the Ahmadiyah from more violence.
"As long as their intention is positive that is to ensure Ahmadiyah followers do not become the target of violence then that's not a human rights violation," said Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar. "It's not a harmful intervention," Akbar told reporters.
But local rights group Imparsial disputed that, saying soldiers have entered mosques, gathered the sect followers and "forced them to repent and convert to Islam."
There has been an international outcry over the treatment of Ahmadis after an amateur video showed hundreds of Muslim fanatics armed with machetes, sticks and rocks attacking Ahmadiyah followers, leaving three dead. There is also criticism over a decree from some provincial administrations that prohibited Ahmadis from displaying signs identifying their mosques and schools.
"We already checked and there's no negative element, there's no coercion whatsoever," Defence Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro said.
Human Rights Watch has condemned violence against the sect and urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to sack his religious affairs minister for discrimination and to lift the ban on Ahmadiyah practising in public.
Ahmadiyah, who differ from orthodox Muslims because they do not believe Mohammed was the last prophet, have been subjected to regular abuse and persecution since their sect was slapped with restrictions at the urging of mainstream Muslims in 2008.
Yudhoyono has condemned last month's attack on the sect but defended a 2008 law banning the Ahmadiyah from spreading their faith, which is used by hardliners to justify attacks on the sect.
Indonesia's Constitution guarantees freedom of religion but rights groups say violence against minorities including Christians and Ahmadis has been escalating since 2008. There have been cases of Christians being beaten and churches attacked.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Camelia Pasandaran The military denied on Tuesday that it had ordered the Siliwangi command in West Java to encourage mainstream Muslims to occupy Ahmadiyah mosques and preach "the true path" of Islam.
The denial follows statements by one of the Army's top generals, Maj. Gen. Moeldoko, who had called on Muslims to refrain from physical violence and acts of vandalism, and instead conduct "an attack of prayer rugs" in mosques belonging to the beleaguered minority Islamic sect.
In what human rights watchdogs have called a clear attempt to forcibly convert Ahmadis, Moeldoko, the head of the Siliwangi Military Command, said earlier this month that it was better to avoid violence and instead get the Ahmadis to open up their mosques to mainstream Muslims.
"I ask all of you [Muslims] to sit inside their mosques, which are exclusive for Ahmadis," he said. "Let us fill their mosques with Islamic activities and the correct teachings of Islam."
On Tuesday, Army spokesman Brig. Gen. Wiryantoro said the Army had never ordered Moeldoko to conduct such an operation.
"If there was such an order issued by our headquarters, it would have been issued to all military commands across the nation," he said. "In the case of West Java, what happened was the Siliwangi Command had been asked by the local administration to help them more effectively phase out the activities of Ahmadiyah.
"The operation in West Java was aimed at preventing further violence against Ahmadiyah. The local administration had asked the local military to guide members of Ahmadiyah," Wiryantoro said.
Moeldoko's statements on March 7 seem to have been taken up by West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan, who later said the sect's mosques should be accessible to all mainstream believers.
"All mosques believed to belong to Ahmadiyah can be used by anybody and everybody," Ahmad said. "A mosque, after all, should not belong to a certain community. It is open to each and every Muslim. Let us put all of our prayer mats side by side. Islam, after all, does not teach exclusivity."
According to sources in the military, Moeldoko is considered one of the best and the brightest in the Army. These sources added that he was the highest rated graduate from the Military Academy's class of 1983. He was appointed head of the Siliwangi Military Command last October, replacing Lt. Gen. Pramono Edhie Wibowo, brother of the first lady, Ani Yudhoyono.
One source told the Jakarta Globe that Moeldoko was being groomed to lead the Indonesian Military, and that he would be a top candidate for the post of Army chief along with Wibowo.
Wiryantoro's suggestion that the operation was conducted only after the West Java administration and local police asked for assistance from the military command in introducing a recent gubernatorial decree banning the activities of the sect was reiterated by Suryadharma Ali, the minister of religious affairs.
"It is not true that the military was enforcing [the decree]," Suryadharma said at the Presidential Palace. "The military was supporting a police program, but that doesn't mean [it was] carrying out coercive actions. That's not true."
There have been allegations that police and military officers in West Java have been coercing Ahmadiyah members into renouncing their faith through bribery and intimidation.
Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), said he had received reports from Ahmadis across West Java that police and military officers had visited their homes asking them to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.
Suryadharma denied that this constituted coercion. He said the military "was just using persuasive action" in order to prevent the possibility of "unwanted chaotic incidents" occurring in the future.
"It's better to take a preventative approach rather than later having to send in the military when something big happens," the minister said.
Though the government continues to insist it has not banned the sect, Suryadharma said on Tuesday that it was better if the "Ahmadis return to Islam."
Ina Parlina and Arya Dipa, Jakarta/Bandung Soldiers involved in an operation initiated by the West Java administration to convince local Ahmadis to change their beliefs was "voluntary", the Indonesian Military (TNI) said on Tuesday, emphasizing that they did not violate any regulations.
Army spokesman Brig. Gen. Wiryantoro told The Jakarta Post that the central command did not order the soldiers to assist the West Java administration in carrying out the Operasi Sajadah (Prayer Mat Operation), which aims at returning the Ahmadis who have been deemed heretical to the "right path" of Islam.
Wiryantoro added that the soldiers' involvement was acceptable as long as they did not coerce people and were only trying to help educate the Ahmadis. "The Ahmadis who converted did it voluntarily," he said.
But the move drew strong criticism, mainly from legislators and human rights activists. Tubagus Hasanuddin, of the House of Representatives' Commission I, said the action was wrong because "it intimidated people".
"Even though the TNI claimed that they only helped the local administration, it's wrong because their presence would definitely create fear among the Ahmadis" he told the Post, adding that the military should never be involved in such an operation or anything related to religious affairs.
Tubagus said the commission, which was scheduled to meet Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro on Wednesday to discuss the bill on intelligence, would question him about the incidents. He added that the commission invited the TNI chief to the meeting.
A coalition of several human rights groups accused the military of 56 acts of intimidation against Ahmadis in West Java after the attack of Ahmadiyah in Cikeusik, West Java, recently.
West Java's Ahmadiyah Indonesia Congregation (JAI) protested intimidation by TNI officers during the deployments, complaining to the West Java Legislative Council on Tuesday.
Ahmadiyah spokesman Rafiq Ahmad Sumadi Gandakusuma told the regional councilors in the province about the intimidation they had experienced. "We don't want the TNI or the police to interfere with our right to worship. They have to do their job, which is to protect the citizens," Rafiq said, adding that Ahmadiyah also objected to West Java's gubernatorial decree banning the spreading of Ahmadiyah teachings.
Syarif Bastaman, from the West Java regional council, concurred with Rafiq, saying he regretted that the decree had justified intimidation. "The decree surely needs to be reviewed."
The human rights coalition, consisting of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation, human rights NGO Imparsial and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, recently published data of at least 56 cases of military officers in West Java working in the program.
They condemned the military for involving itself in religious matters. "President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must order TNI Chief Adm. Agus Suhartono to stop their actions immediately and investigate the deployment due to alleged human rights and constitutional violations," said Imparsial program director Al Araf who also represents the coalition.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Having previously called for the blood of Ahmadis, the Islamic Defenders Front on Tuesday suggested that peace with the sect was possible only if a critical requirement was met its banishment.
Habib Rizieq Shihab, who heads the hard-line group known as the FPI, has said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must issue a decree banning the minority sect outright.
Rizieq has said that the issuance of such a presidential decree would pave the way for putting an immediate stop to attacks that have been launched against Ahmadis in provinces across the country.
"If such a presidential decree is issued, we shall persuade our brothers and sisters in the Ahmadiyah to return to the teachings of Islam," Rizieq said on Tuesday. He was speaking following a meeting with leaders of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).
"What we want is this: ban Ahmadiyah. Prohibit the spread of Ahmadi teachings," he said. "Let us persuade them to return to the true teachings of Islam. If the Ahmadiyah are left alone like they are today, there will be far more bloodshed among the children of this nation.
"No one can stop Muslims from stepping up to straighten out the akidah [fundamental points of faith]."
Rizieq said the FPI and similar organizations had been disgusted by recent incidents of violence against the Ahmadiyah.
He said the public was being misled to believe that a decree banning the sect would open the door to mass killings of Ahmadis, or genocide on the scale of the 1965 killings of members of the Indonesian Communist Party.
"We pledge to avoid any violence in dealing with the Ahmadiyah. We will not allow the decree to be manipulated [to sanction genocide]," Rizieq said.
MPR deputy chairman Hajriyanto Thohari said the assembly respected the FPI's opinion about a new presidential decree, adding that the meeting raised questions about the current belief that the FPI was behind the religious violence.
Hajriyanto also promised to forward the FPI's suggestions directly to the president.
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker Sumanjaya, who attended the meeting, said he supported the persuasive and nonviolent approach of dealing with the Ahmadiyah advocated by the FPI. "Please use good words. If we use our fists, then other fists will rise up to attack us," he said.
Nurfika Osman The chairman of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) says he disagrees with an article published by a MUI leader that says Muslims should not salute the national flag and anthem.
Cholil Ridwan published the article in bi-weekly tabloid Suara Islam (Voice of Islam) on Friday in response to a reader's question on the issue.
According to Cholil, who has a regular column on sharia-related issues in the tabloid, saluting the flag is bid'ah in Islam something never recommended or undertaken by the Prophet Muhammad, and therefore not desirable. "Saluting [national flags] is in the tradition of kafir (infidels) who exaggerate respect toward the leaders and formal conducts," he said.
"Saluting a waving flag is not allowed because a flag is an inanimate object and saluting it means a glorifying such objects. Inanimate objects must not be glorified because they are useless and they cannot hear," Cholil said in the column.
He suggested Muslims to show their love for their country in other ways. "Some people might say that by saluting the flag means we respect state symbols, but the real answer is to respect the country in the ways Allah taught us, that is by listening to and obeying the law," he said.
But the head of the MUI, Amidhan, told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday there was nothing wrong with saluting the flag or any other national symbol.
"As long as the person doesn't worship the flag or any other object, it is fine," Amidhan said. "It will become haram if the person sees that the flag has magical powers or is sacred," he said. "People who think it is haram are simply narrow minded."
Prominent Islamic scholars agreed with Amidhan on the issue, saying that there was no harm in saluting the flag.
"For me, it is fine to salute the national flag," saiid Salahuddin Wahid, a senior figure at the Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest and most progressive Islamic organization. Salahuddin is also the brother of former president Abdurrahman Wahid.
A similar opinion was voiced by Azyumardi Azra, a history professor from Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic State University. "I think it's a personal opinion of an MUI official, and they don't need such a fatwa," Azyumardi said.
Nurfika Osman The country's highest authority on Islamic affairs, the Indonesian Council of Ulema, on Tuesday denied that one of its provincial branches had issued an edict banning women from running in mayoral elections.
"We have never issued a fatwa on that and we will not issue fatwas banning females from political positions because it remains a source of debate among MUI officials," said secretary general Ichwan Sam, referring to the organization by its acronym.
Ichwan denied that such a fatwa had been issued by MUI's chapter in Riau, adding that there was no official named Muhammadun at the provincial council.
But the Riau Post newspaper in January identified Muhammadun as a member of the commission for brotherhood and foreign relations at MUI's local branch. Ichwan said Muhammadun "is a rogue official and he is not affiliated with MUI, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah or any other mainstream Muslim organization."
Muhammadun on Monday claimed the Riau chapter issued the fatwa, and was quoted by state news agency Antara as saying that female mayors were not in line with Islamic teachings.
"MUI has so far only issued a fatwa that a Muslim woman is not allowed to be an imam of a congregation," Ichwan said. "It is not that easy to issue a fatwa and a fatwa like this is impossible to be issued," he continued.
Mayoral candidate Septina Primawati, who has the backing of the Golkar Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the United Development Party (PPP), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), was quoted in local media as saying she was disappointed with the fatwa. The election for the mayor of Pekanbaru, the capital of Riau, will be held in May.
The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) condemned the fatwa, saying it violated the laws of the land. Masruchah, deputy chairwoman of the commission, said the Constitution stated that "every citizen, both male and female, has the rights to participate in politics."
Three subdistrict heads were caught on camera watching a pornographic video on a smartphone while they were supposed to be listening to a speech by the district head of Malang, East Java.
Although the incident took place on Monday, it was only discovered on Friday after a journalist saw evidence of it in one of his photos, news portal Kompas.com reported.
The event happened during a plenary session of Malang's Legislative Council to discuss four edict drafts. Malang's district head, Rendra Kresna, was delivering a speech about the drafts when a subdistrict head sitting in the back row of seat took out his Blackberry and started to watch a pornographic video on it.
The video quickly caught the attention of two colleagues sitting next to him. Another subdistrict head tried to tell them to stop watching the video and start paying attention to the speech. He was ignored.
When the video was finished, the subdistrict head put the Blackberry back into his pocket and went to the men's room. He never returned. Rendra Kresna said he would impose administrative sanctions on the three officials, whose identities were not revealed.
"They should have paid attention to the discussion because it was important. I won't deny that some officials probably have similar movie collections on their cellphones, but if they play those movies in the middle of a plenary session, it's so wrong," Rendra said.
According to him, the drafts they were discussing are part of Malang's middle-term development plans. "Officials attending the meeting must be knowledgeable about the plans," he said.
Farouk Arnaz House of Representatives deputy speaker Anis Matta can breathe a sigh of relief after the National Police on Friday declared that the sex tape posted on Twitter last month did not star the top politician.
"We are convinced that it was not [Anis] who was featured in the video," Chief Comr. Sulistiyono, head of the National Police's Cyber Crime's unit told the Jakarta Globe.
"We have compared the actor on the video with Anis' picture using digital forensic techniques and it turns out that the two pictures do not match."
Sulistyono added: "Even the size and the face of the actor on the video is different. It bore resemblance to him, but it is not him." The National Police was investigating a 45-second sex tape circulated in Twitter account by user "Fahri_Israel", which alleged that the male actor was Anis.
Anis, who is also the secretary general of the Prosperous Justice Party, had vehemently denied the allegation.
Ririn Radiawati Kusuma In a widely expected move, the House of Representatives approved a government proposal to indefinitely postpone a scheme to cut subsidized fuel usage.
Shelving the plan, which was to go into effect on April 1 after being pushed back three times this year, raised concerns about ballooning fuel subsidy bills amid rising global oil prices.
Teuku Rifky Harsya, chairman of House Commission VII, which oversees energy affairs, announced the decision on Monday after a seven-hour hearing between lawmakers and government officials, including Energy Minister Darwin Zahedy Saleh.
Under the plan, which was also delayed twice last year, the government intended to ban private cars from using subsidized low-octane Premium fuel as it tried to ease mounting fuel subsidy costs. Subsidized fuels were to be limited to public transportation vehicles and motorcycles.
However, the government reversed its position, citing mounting price pressures that may threaten economic stability.
"It's just not the right time to curb fuel subsidy use. If the subsidized fuel cut were implemented in April, it would cause inflation to accelerate," Darwin said. "Commodity and energy prices are the main factors keeping us from implementing the policy."
A study led by Gadjah Mada University (UGM) economist Anggito Abimanyu gave three alternatives to the policy: raise the price of Premium fuel but refund the difference to public transportation operators; go ahead with the ban but cap the price of unsubsidized Pertamax fuel; and ration subsidized fuel.
Darwin also reiterated his stance from last week that the government would not consider raising Premium prices. Pertamax sells for Rp 8,700 ($1) per liter, while Premium costs Rp 4,500 a liter.
Commission member Effendi Simbolon, from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said the decision to postpone the plan was driven more by political pressure than economic reasons.
"The government decided not to raise the Premium price because it is an unpopular decision," Effendi said.
Protests by PDI-P and Golkar Party lawmakers halted a March 9 hearing to announce the results of Anggito's study, leading to almost two weeks of delays.
The 2010 state budget allocation for fuel subsidies was Rp 88.9 trillion. This year, Rp 95.9 trillion was earmarked for subsidies based on an average oil price of $85 per barrel. Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo said last month that delaying the plan could increase subsidy costs as much as Rp 6 trillion.
UGM analyst Sri Adiningsih said the government could not keep sitting on its hands. "As crude oil prices keep increasing and the state budget keeps growing, the government should take the risk and increase the Premium price whether it likes it or not," she said.
Energy Ministry data showed Pertamax use fell to 1,810 kiloliters per day as of March 16 from 1,900 kiloliters per day in February. At the same time, Premium consumption rose 5.5 percent to 67,620 kiloliters per day. "The decline indicates there is a disproportionate move away from Pertamax," Darwin said.
Jakarta Members of the House of Representative's Commission XI overseeing finance and national development are planning visit the US and England to research an accounting bill.
"The Commission XI public accounting draft working committee will head for England and the US this Saturday. [The legislators] have been divided into two groups and will be there for six days," Commission XI deputy chairman Achsanul Qosasi said on Wednesday.
He added that the commission had chosen the two countries because both had exceptional public accounting regulations and had a vast array of credible public accountants.
"The US and UK are worthy examples," Achsanul said, as reported by tribunnews.com.
Ade Mardiyati It is a few minutes past eight in the evening on Jalan Blora in Central Jakarta and nightlife revelers are starting to trickle onto the street, still wet and muddy from the downpour earlier in the afternoon. A piercingly loud dangdut tune pours out of one of the street's shabby clubs, where women in tight, brightly colored outfits stand and strut by the front doors.
Just a few meters from the club, some 25 people wearing sarongs and peci, the traditional Muslim cap, sit on the floor inside a 3-meter by 10-meter vacant kiosk, chanting Islamic prayers led by a cleric. More than half are transvestites who make ends meet as sex workers in Taman Lawang, a nearby red-light district famous for its ladyboys.
On this night, the prayers are dedicated to Faisal Harahap, also known as Shakira, a transvestite who was shot to death by two unidentified men during a robbery gone awry in Taman Lawang on March 10.
Just outside the kiosk, 25-year-old Thalia Lopess sits on a wooden bench with some fellow ladyboys chatting and, at times, listening to the prayers. "I don't want to go in. Don't ask me why. I just don't want to," he says. Thalia was a roommate of Shakira 's and knew him well.
Thalia, who's birth name is Eko Chandra, has been working as a prostitute in Taman Lawang for four years. At the age of 13, the eldest of four left his hometown in Medan, North Sumatra, and has since lost touch with his family.
"I didn't want to see my family, especially my mother, get hurt by the fact that I am someone with this sexual orientation," he says. "I decided to cut off all communication because I love them. I don't want to be a burden for them."
With the help of a mama-san, or madam, Thalia got a job as a prostitute in Malaysia and worked there for six years.
"I loved working in Malaysia because people were less hypocritical than in Indonesia," says Thalia, whose adopted name was inspired by a famous Mexican actress. "Transvestites could be found 24 hours a day because there were always clients. Here, people wait until it gets dark to see us because they don't want to be seen by others."
Thalia says that, like most transvestites, his typical working day starts very late, often at midnight. When he finishes work around four hours later, he goes to bed and then wakes up for lunch at 3 p.m. before going back to sleep until it is time to get ready for work.
Thalia is also the Jakarta leader of Organisasi Perubahan Sosial Indonesia (Social Change Organization Indonesia), a local group that works to promote the protection and rights of sex workers in Indonesia. The organization, he says, is part of a large international network made up of similar groups. "I just got back from a meeting in Bangkok," he says.
As a sex worker, Thalia says he earns about Rp 500,000 ($57) on a busy night and about Rp 100,000 when it is quiet. "There are more clients on weekends and during school holidays," he says. "Some of my clients are high school kids and university students."
Thalia said his rates were based upon the "different types of the clients," meaning how affluent they appear. "Students pay the least because I know they are still financially supported by their parents. Meanwhile, people who ride motorbikes pay less than those who drive cars," he says. "For those with cars, I will charge more to a person driving a BMW or Volvo than somebody driving, say, an old Kijang van."
He says he charges foreigners three times higher than his base rate, simply because they earn a lot of money here.
"My English is very limited but I guess 'yes' and 'no' and 'enough' is enough," he says with a laugh. "I prefer bule clients because, apart from paying a lot more, they are more understanding. When they know I feel tired, they will stop and not be pissed off. And still be willing to pay."
Transvestite sex workers, Thalia says, face a lot of risks on the job. "We do risk getting sick from the cold weather, being the target of raids by public order officers, meeting jerks who refuse to pay after using our services, not to mention the discrimination we deal with from society," he says. "I realized that all along. But I never thought that any of us would get murdered out here.
"I feel sad and disappointed because people can be really cruel to us, like animals. While I believe that all citizens have equal rights, it seems to me that people like us have no place in this country."
The neighborhood where he and 14 other transvestites share a two-level house, Thalia says, is very tolerant. After the group members decided to be actively involved in the neighborhood's events, people in the area learned to accept the transvestites as a part of their community.
Shakira used to rent the room next to Thalia's in the house. "We blend in with the people here by involving ourselves in various events, such as during Independence Day celebrations. We also offer to help when a neighbor holds a wedding party or when someone dies," he says. "I think, wherever we live, whether or not we can be accepted by the community depends on how we interact with others."
With around 50 transvestites walking the streets around Taman Lawang, Thalia says competition surely does exist. "But it's a healthy competition. There is no such thing as rivals, let alone enemies, among us," he says. "We believe that our fortune has been written for us."
Thalia admits he devotes a large portion of his income to buying beauty products to stay attractive. "I tell you what transvestites spend a lot more money on beauty products than women do. We don't have the same hormones, but we're trying to get what women have," said Thalia, who underwent plastic surgery in Malaysia in order to get breasts.
His beauty products, he says, consist of everything from vitamins for his hair and nails to evening primrose oil for healthier skin. He also regularly pays someone to come to his home to cleanse his skin with brazil-nut scrubs.
"I can spend Rp 3 million on all this stuff," he says. "It's okay because it's an investment. I'd rather spend my money on body-care products than on clothes."
Although he said he is not sure when he will give up sex work, Thalia says he does have plans to retire one day. "I'd like to run a beauty salon business after I quit this job," he says. "I have learned the skills to become a hairdresser."
Thalia, surprisingly, said no when asked if he ever dreamed of being born again as a woman. "Even if I had the chance to be born again, I wouldn't want to be a woman. I never did," he says. "I am happy with what I am now. I think transvestites are awesome. It is two elements, a male body and female characteristics, in one being."
Having been away from home for 12 years, Thalia says he would love to see his family again. However, he says he would wait until all of his three siblings, especially his only sister, were already married before visiting them.
"I don't want their future husbands or wives and their families to change their mind to marry my siblings if they found out that they had a transvestite in the family," he says.
"I wasn't even there when my father died. I heard about it from a friend of mine who met my family when she went home to Medan several years ago," he says. "On Idul Fitri, I cry because I remember them. What I feel for them is no longer what you call 'longing.' It is way beyond that."
Andreas D. Arditya, Jakarta Traffic congestion cost the city up to Rp 46 trillion (US$5.2 billion) last year, the Jakarta Transportation Agency says.
"The losses come from, among others, the cost of wasted fuel, lost working hours and the expensive cost of vehicle maintenance," city transportation agency head Udar Pristono said in a discussion on Jakarta transportation infrastructure on Tuesday.
He said the data was compiled from a study conducted last year by the Jakarta Transportation Agency. Pristono, however, was unable to provide further details on the report. He only said that the congestion-related cost number increased from Rp 35 trillion in 2009.
A top Transportation Ministry official said last month that congestion in the capital cost the city at least Rp 28.1 trillion each year. The ministry recorded that most of the losses, amounting to Rp 10.7 trillion per year, were spent on wasted fuel.
The worsening traffic congestion also cost at least Rp 9.7 trillion in lost productivity, while losses from traffic-induced health problems reached Rp 5.8 trillion. Losses associated with traffic congestion cost public transportation operators in the city an estimated Rp 1.9 trillion.
Pristono said that with such an enormous amount of loss, it is urgent for the city administration to quickly tackle traffic problems. "To handle large problems we should also take serious measures," he told The Jakarta Post.
In an effort to deal with the congestion, the city administration has been focusing on developing mass public transportation, limiting private vehicle usage and increasing road capacity. The city is developing the TransJakarta bus rapid transit network and is preparing the city's first mass rapid transport (MRT) system. The city is at the same time widening roads and constructing additional elevated thoroughfares.
The city government started a project constructing two elevated roads in Central and South Jakarta with a total length of 7.1 kilometers. The project budget is expected to cost taxpayers Rp 2.2 trillion. Six additional inner-city toll roads to span a total of 67.74 kilometers are also being planned.
Institute of Transportation Studies (Instran) director Darmaningtyas said that the city could first take a stop-gap measure to handle the congestion. He suggested the city make more effective use of roads that are currently operating below their potential capacity.
"Thirty percent of the city streets are not used optimally. They are being used illegally by street vendors and for on-street parking, not to mention public transport vehicles using them to wait for passengers," Darmaningtyas said.
Slamming the government for being too slow in dealing with traffic problems, Darmaningtyas said that the city government should think about following these endeavors with more comprehensive solutions.
"If the government is serious about this, they should clean the roads from their illegal occupiers," he said, adding that the lack of solutions from the city government had prompted Jakartans to use private vehicles.
Camelia Pasandaran Constitutional Court Chief Justice Mahfud M.D. attempted to distance himself on Tuesday from the controversy surrounding the appointment of a replacement justice.
Mahfud said neither President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono nor himself were involved in the selection of the new justice.
"Up until now, I do not know the names," Mahfud told journalists after a meeting with Yudhoyono. "I heard it slightly, but I never remember who the candidates are and I prefer not to know."
There has been criticism of the lack of transparency involved in the selection process to replace Arsyad Sanusi, who resigned in the wake of a bribery case involving a family member.
Some organizations have asked the court to withdraw the names of the two candidates and begin the process over.
The Supreme Court perceived to be one of Indonesia's most corrupt institutions one of its senior officials, Anwar Usman, and Irfan Fachruddin, a judge sitting on the Jakarta Administrative Court, as candidates. Mahfud said the new justice would be named soon.
Apriadi Gunawan and Oyos Saroso H.N., Bandarlampung Constitutional Court chief Mahfud MD says that injustice in Indonesia is rife partly due to unprincipled implementation of the law.
"We created the state in search of justice. In fact, injustice is chronic," Mahfud said during the unveiling of the National Monument of Justice in Medan over the weekend.
Mahfud said that widespread injustice in Indonesia has left people vulnerable to harassment as the nation's laws have been imposed without conscience. "The law is prone to manipulation given the fact that its articles have a tendency to be twisted," he said.
Mahfud warned the crowd at the ceremony that the government's inability to impose justice might lead to anarchy.
"The state will be in danger of falling into chaos if justice cannot be upheld. It might trigger civil disobedience and disintegration," Mahfud said, appealing for the public's support in upholding justice.
"If next year injustice worsens we will gather again in this place to mobilize an anti-injustice movement," he said.
Mahfud was responding to local councilor Rahmat Shah's threat to dismantle the monument if the nation's injustice index failed yet to improve by 2012. Rahmat said continuing injustice inspired him to mobilize a movement to create the justice monument on Jl. S. Parman in Medan.
"Injustice and tyranny are gripping the country. The law is commercialized for personal interests. Officials are almost indistinguishable from crooks. That's extremely deplorable," he said.
Regional Representatives Council (DPD) speaker Irman Gusman hailed the monument as a visible reminder of the injustice still endured by the people. Irman said Indonesia was ranked the 32nd most just nation out of 35 countries rated by a recent survey.
Separately, a speaker at a recent seminar in Bandarlampung attributed the problem to a lack of national leadership as well as the amendment of the 1945 Constitution.
"It's very urgent now for the people of Indonesia to sit down together and reformulate a good state system that will conform to the ideals of the state ideology, Pancasila, and the 1945 Constitution," University of Indonesia rector Gumilar Rusliwa Somantri, a keynote speaker at the seminar, said.
Organized by the National Resilience Institute (Lemhanas) alumni association, the forum also featured noted Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University rector Komarudin Hidayat, presidential Advisory Council member Ryaas Rasyid, Gadjah Mada University public policy expert Sofian Effendi and former Lemhanas governor Muladi.
Sofian Effendi said that amending the Constitution had made the search for justice more complex.
Komarudin Hidayat highlighted the threat of disintegration, saying that Indonesia was in a dangerous situation due to increasing popular distrust, as reflected in the creation of bodies such as the Corruption Eradication Commission, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission and the Child Protection Commission.
Bagus BT Saragih Lawmakers have proposed delegating the supervision of Constitutional Court justices, along with other judges, to the Judicial Commission.
Benny Kabur Harman from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, the chairman of House of Representatives' law and human rights commission, said Friday the bill of the revision of the 2004 Judicial Commission Law did includ this proposal.
"In the future, all judges and justices at any court will be monitored by the Commission," Benny told The Jakarta Post. He added the Constitutional Court's honorary assembly, which played a role as an internal monitoring system, was not powerful enough to prevent justices from committing misconducts.
A member at the House's law and human rights commission member from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Eva Kusuma Sundari, echoed Benny's statement. "The Constitutional Court is not a super body. It requires external monitoring just as other law enforcement institutions," she said.
Constitutional Court justice Akil Mochtar said the Judicial Commission's planned authority was welcome as long as it did not intervene with Constitutional Court justices.
He cited a ruling by the Constitutional Court in 2006 that scrapped articles in the Judicial Commission law that gave the Commission the authority to closely watch Constitutional Court justices.
"I suggest that lawmakers read the ruling again, otherwise the new bill will face a judicial review again at the Constitutional Court," he said.
The Constitutional Court has come under fire after bribery and extortion allegations implicating two justices came to light, threatening its reputation as a relatively graft-free institution since it was established in 2003.
Akil and fellow justice Arsyad Sanusi were questioned by the court's honorary assembly over the matter. The assembly declared Arsyad guilty of violating a code of ethics while Akil was cleared of all allegations.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta The National Intelligence Agency (BIN) is planning to monitor accounts on social networking websites such as Twitter and Facebook that they deem suspicious.
"We will of course monitor those that endanger, those that are inclined toward terror and subversion. But we will forward the data to the Communications and Information Technology Ministry," BIN head Sutanto said Tuesday during a discussion about the draft of the intelligence bill with the House of Representatives' Commission I.
He said that the decision to determine what steps should be taken to monitor an account lay with the Communications and Information Technology Ministry. Sutanto added that "certain parties" could take advantage of social networking sites.
"We only provide early warnings to related institutions, for instance, with legal matters we hand them over to the police, smuggling to the customs and excise office. We want to strengthen the related departments," he said.
Social networking sites are thriving in Indonesia where millions of people are now connected to the Internet. Such sites have been used to organize several online movements to criticize the government.
During the hearing, Sutanto asserted that the BIN would never become a super body because its operation and coordinating function was subject to law and close supervision by the lawmakers.
"BIN will never abuse its power because the agency and other institutions with intelligence functions are 'confined' by the laws on human rights, state secrets and free-flowing information and their day-to-day operations are closely supervised by the House. It can no longer function as it did during the New Order era, but it has to make adjustments to fit with the current democratic situation."
He defended a much-criticized bill that would give the BIN the authority to plant bugs and carry out arrests, to bolster its effectiveness, but said that such operations would be conducted in compliance with the law and under close supervision of the House.
"BIN will not carry out arrests and interceptions arbitrarily because any arrest would be processed by law enforcers such as the police, attorneys and court judges and most interceptions will be conducted with approval from the court. In emergency cases, arresting may proceed without court approval," he said.
The bill has drawn strong opposition from pro-human rights nongovernmental organizations, who are concerned that the law lends the BIN significant powers and indirectly allows intelligence agents to go against the human rights law in conducting their operations.
In anticipation of any power abuses committed by intelligence agents in the field, the House's commission has proposed the establishment of a coordinating body so that all state institutions with an intelligence function cannot arbitrary abuse their power.
Ramadhan Pohan of the Democratic Party, Effendy Choirie, who was recently dismissed by the National Awakening Party (PKB) and Tri Tamtomo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said the bill had to define clearly the terms of dangers and threats because not all illegal activities could be interpreted as endangering the state and national interests.
Effendy asked that the bill's deliberation be open to the public and for the commission to remain open to any input from the public. "All journalists should be given access to information and be informed about controversial issues discussed by the commission and the government," he said.
Law and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar, who accompanied Sutanto at the bill's deliberation, said the proposed coordinating body was not needed because all intelligence functions would be integrated under the coordination of the BIN and it would likely slow down the BIN's operations.
"The integration will facilitate the BIN in conducting its operations and its coordinating function more effectively," he said, adding that the proposed establishment of a small supervisory team from the House commission also was not necessary because the House could summon the BIN chief any time it wanted.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Anita Rachman & Nivell Rayda Although the idea had previously been rejected by legislators, the government decided on Tuesday to revive the controversial plan to give the country's intelligence agency the authority to arrest suspected terrorists.
"The government wants the State Intelligence Agency [BIN] to be given the right to arrest terror suspects 24/7," said Ramadhan Pohan, a Democratic Party lawmaker from the House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees defense and foreign affairs.
The same commission is responsible for deliberating the intelligence bill and had previously discussed the proposed authority to arrest without evidence and decided against it, after sparking widespread controversy and criticism from human rights activists.
"The government is now insisting to give such authority to the intelligence agency, but only for terror-related cases. The government said the authority is needed to prevent acts of terror," Ramadhan said.
The bill was drawn up to reform the country's many institutional intelligence agencies that fall outside the auspices of the BIN and has been touted as a much-needed boost to the country's intelligence system.
Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said the authority to arrest falls under Article 6 of the proposed bill, which tackles how the intelligence agency will be given the authority to exercise investigative, security- related and mobilization functions against anything that could threaten the national interest.
"We have yet come to an agreement over the idea. But technical issues of the article, including the authority to arrest, will be further discussed with the government," Mahfudz said.
Although BIN head Sutanto said the agency recognizes that the police have the authority to arrest suspects, intelligence personnel should also be given such authority, especially when they detect terror threats in areas where it may be difficult to contact police, Sutanto said.
"For example, if intelligence personnel detect a terrorist threat in a border area from a separatist or subversive group, we must prevent it. We often find that it's not easy to contact police personnel to perform the arrest. So we must perform it ourselves and coordinate with police later," he said.
Sutanto acknowledged the human rights concerns, but gave his assurance that the authority would not be misused. "All personnel must be reminded of human rights principles so they won't perform arrests arbitrarily. I assure you that if we use this authority, it will be to enforce the law," Sutanto said.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), however, maintained that such powers cannot be given to intelligence agencies.
"This [power] should be limited to law-enforcement agencies like the police or the prosecutors office," Kontras chairman Haris Azhar told the Jakarta Globe.
"The principle of intelligence gathering is to preserve peace and enforce people's right to security. However, we have seen time and time again that in practice, intelligence is utilized as a political tool in favor of certain political elites," he said.
Mahfudz said that though the intelligence bill was high-priority legislation, lawmakers won't rush the deliberation process.
Ramadhan added that since the bill would likely spark public controversy, the deliberation process would likely take years to finish and the proposed changes may not be implemented. "I think most House factions still reject the idea of giving the authority [to arrest without evidence]. Almost all of us still hold by our previous agreement that intelligence cannot have direct contact with the object," Ramadhan said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Human rights groups are worried about the wiretapping provisions of the House of Representatives' draft bill to regulate the State Intelligence Agency (BIN).
"We appreciate that lawmakers have scrapped the controversial articles on arrest and investigations. However, other parts of the bill still contain threats to human rights, especially those related to wiretapping," Al Araf, program director of the human rights NGO Imparsial, said on Friday.
Authority to tap communications, though necessary, should be allowed only under strict circumstances, he said. "Otherwise, it might be abused and violate peoples privacy rights."
Under the draft bill, intelligence agencies would allowed to intercept the communications of anyone deemed a threat to the state without a court order, including their telephone calls, text messages, faxes, e-mails and other online messages.
"Given the wide range of communications, the proposed wiretapping [authority] would be a serious threat to every citizen's privacy," Al Araf said.
The BIN should be required to obtain permission from a district court before intercepting private communications to prevent potential abuses, he said.
Muhammad Najib, a member of the House of Representatives' Commission I overseeing defense, said that wiretapping had been the subject of protracted debate, particularly on the need for court authorization. "The debates were not only between lawmakers from different political parties, but also between the parliament and the government," he said.
Najib, a National Mandate Party (PAN) politician, said lawmakers understood the government's desire to avoiding the courts. "[The BIN] may have to be quick to respond to threats against the state which could appear suddenly and dangerously while the process to acquire court permission might take time," he said.
To bridge the gap, the draft bill proposed creating a oversight committee comprised of lawmakers from different parties who would monitor the BIN and receive public complaints, Najib said. "This team will help monitor the BIN's actions without disrupting the agency's work."
Legislators on such an oversight committee would be required to take an oath, he added.
The draft bill also proposed creating a State Intelligence Coordinating Agency (LKIN), which might wind up being more powerful than the BIN, Al Araf said. The LKIN's main duty would be to coordinate the activities of the BIN and the intelligence units of the Indonesian Military, the National Police and the Attorney General's Office, among others.
Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said LKIN's mission would resemble the BIN's. "The LKIN would be authorized to intercept communications as well as trace suspicious financial transactions," he said.
Al Araf said the LKIN's remit might overlap with other institutions. "Such an agency should be limited to a coordinating function," Al Araf said.
The government began deliberation on the draft last week after the House forwarded the bill in December. Protests from human rights activists led to the death of a previous intelligence bill that was drafted by the government and sent to the House of Representatives in 2005.
Other unfinished debates centered on the release of classified information, Najib said. "The government said certain intelligence information must not be publicized ever. Most lawmakers meanwhile think that all information needs a confidentiality period, but the length would vary depending on the potential effects to state security," he said.
Criminal justice & prison system
Candra Malik, Magelang, Central Java Nearly 7,000 minors face criminal trials in Indonesian courtrooms each year, and 90 percent of them end up behind bars either for the duration of the trials or as convicts, the Indonesian Commission for Child Protection said.
The commission, also known as the KPAI, said on Wednesday that about 6,300 minors ended up incarcerated alongside adult suspects, as there were no special holding cells for children.
Apong Herlina, a KPAI commissioner, said the data had been obtained from the Directorate General of Correctional Institutions at the Ministry of Justice as well as through research conducted in past years by the KPAI.
"Some of them are detained over minor offenses such as petty theft of food and clothing," Apong told reporters at a workshop on child delinquents and restorative justice on Wednesday. "They are delinquents. They need guidance and supervision at home, not undergoing trials in court and spending time in jail."
Apong said that even spending two or three months behind bars during a trial had a negative impact on mental and psychological development on minors. "It is intolerable for them."
Akbar Hadi, spokesman for the Directorate General of Correctional Institutions, said his office had never released figures to the KPAI and questioned the validity of the information.
"We will not speak outside of what we have on record. We have 16 correctional institutions across Indonesia," he said. "Up to January 2011, the number of minors incarcerated was 3,384. Not all of them are in these institutions for crimes. A small percentage of these children are those of parents who are unable to care for them and therefore hand them over to the state, through a court ruling."
On Feb. 24, the Constitutional Court partially revised a law governing how juvenile offenders should be tried in court. At issue in the judicial review, filed by the KPAI, were six articles on the indictment and incarceration of minors that the plaintiffs deemed unconstitutional.
However, the court only approved changes to two of the articles, effectively raising from 8 to 12 the minimum age at which a minor may face criminal charges. Chief Justice Mahfud M.D. said this reform was in line with international laws governing child rights and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Francezka Nangoy Beef may become increasingly scarce next month as the government rushes its efforts to reach self-sufficiency, the Indonesian Meat Importers Association said on Tuesday.
In February last year, the Agriculture Ministry instituted a program to make Indonesia self-sufficient in beef by 2014. As part of the effort, the government dramatically cut this year's quota for beef imports to 50,000 tons, after the country shipped in 120,000 tons in 2010.
Thomas Sembiring, chairman of the association, also known as Aspidi, said by cutting the import quota by almost 60 percent without first securing the domestic supply, the government seems to be rushing and forcing the self- sufficiency issue.
"It's just a political move. By reporting that the import quota was cut that much, they're trying to make it seem like the program is working already," Thomas told the Jakarta Globe. By his estimates, "If there are no more imports coming [this month], in April beef stocks will be empty."
One of the program's main objectives is to cut beef imports to 10.4 percent of the total by 2014.
Thomas said the Directorate General of Animal Husbandry had issued import licenses for 24,500 tons of beef in the first half of the year. According to the ministry's Quarantine Agency, 18,000 tons had arrived by the end of February, but Thomas said that would likely be sold out by the end of this month, creating scarcity.
"Even if some importers can get a license by April, it takes about three to five weeks to get the meat into Indonesia," he said.
Thomas also expressed doubts about the government's self-sufficiency program.
"The problem in Indonesia is it's so hard to find the actual data. The government can just say that the supply is sufficient, and we have to obey," he complained.
"The import trend is increasing. Today, imports make up about 45 to 50 percent of total meat consumption." During a seminar held by the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Hipmi) on Monday, Thomas said that in 2000, Indonesia imported about 20 percent of its total beef consumption. That increased to 25 percent in 2005, 35 percent in 2008 and 44 percent in 2010.
While imports soared, Directorate General of Animal Husbandry data showed beef production only increased 12.8 percent in five years, from 358,704 tons in 2005 to 404,518 tons in 2009.
The self-sufficiency program is based on the beef cattle population rising from 12.3 million in 2009 to 14.2 million by 2014.
Consumers should expect higher prices, Thomas said. "This will be reflected in the meat price at the market, then restaurant and food processing businesses."
In its March 14 issue, Tempo Weekly said the quota cut could result in unfair competition. It reported that four beef-importing firms owned by Basuki Hariman had more than the average import quota for similar companies.
The report also said 143 containers with 2,750 tons of meat were waiting in Tanjung Priok port.
According to the report, Basuki's close relationship with members of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), such as Tafakur Rozak Soedjo and Suripto, allowed him access to several top officials in the ministry, which is led by PKS member Suswono.
Prabowo Respatiyo Caturroso, director general of livestock at the Agriculture Ministry, did not return calls from the Jakarta Globe.
Pushing back plans to reduce subsidized fuel usage because of worries about rising inflation is risking the country's fiscal health, analysts say.
They are worried that placing politically popular actions ahead of difficult but necessary decisions will lead to ballooning budget deficits that will be hard to finance through the bond market.
Bambang Brodjonegoro, acting chief of the Fiscal Policy Office at the Finance Ministry, said on Tuesday that shelving plans to limit use of subsidized Premium fuel would increase fuel-subsidy spending by Rp 6 trillion ($690 million) this year. The government set aside Rp 95.8 trillion for fuel subsidies in its 2011 state budget and assumed crude oil prices of $80 per barrel.
Oil prices have topped $100 per barrel, though. According to Finance Ministry data, every $1 per barrel increase over oil price assumptions swells the budget deficit by Rp 800 billion.
Juniman, an economist from Bank International Indonesia, doubts the government can maintain a deficit of Rp 124.7 trillion, equal to 1.8 percent of the nation's gross domestic product. He also worries the bond market, in which the government does most of its deficit financing, may not absorb enough bonds.
"The deficit is definitely going to get bigger. If we estimate the average crude price is about $100 per barrel for the whole year, our deficit is going to soar by Rp 10 trillion," he said on Wednesday. The deficit could grow as large as 2 percent of GDP, he added.
Finance Minister Agus Martowardojo has played down deficit worries, saying a stronger rupiah would compensate for rising oil prices.
Even without soaring deficits, Juniman said, Indonesia still has cause for concern. According to the state budget, the government must issue Rp 200.6 trillion in bonds this year.
"Every week, we need to issue up to Rp 5 trillion in bonds. If we keep forcing high target issuance, it will send a signal the government needs money, but market sentiment is shaped by concerns over inflation. I'm afraid the market cannot absorb all the bonds we throw into the market," he said.
Overloading the bond market with Indonesian debt could force the government to offer higher yields, raising borrowing costs. "This is the cost for politically favorable decisions," Juniman said. (JG, Antara)
The Indonesian government has expressed an interest in investing in oil and mining infrastructure, among other industries, in East Timor.
"Economic cooperation is vital to developing infrastructure, trade and tourism in East Timor," said Teuku Faizasyah, the presidential staff for international relations, at a press conference after a meeting between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao at the Presidential Palace on Tuesday. "Indonesia is willing to invest in the oil and gas sectors," he said.
The Indonesian government was responding to a bid from the East Timor government to encourage Indonesian investment in the country. "The Indonesian government positively welcomes the invitation," Teuku said.
Indonesia on Tuesday also offered its neighbor export credit facilities to purchase military equipment. But Teuku could not confirm the value of the export credit, as it would be discussed in further bilateral meetings between the two heads of state. Yudhoyono and Xanana on Tuesday witnessed the signing a number of memorandums of understanding (MoU) by ministers from the two countries including MoU on education and training, tourism and trade, infrastructure development, technical cooperation to decentralize government sectors, marine and fisheries, and transportation.
Prime Minister Xanana is scheduled to remain in Indonesia until March 25. After his meeting with the president on Tuesday, Xanana was scheduled to give a public lecture at the University of Indonesia.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti If a nation as technologically advanced as Japan is struggling to contain a nuclear catastrophe, what chance does Indonesia given its poor regulatory climate, low level of technology and weak response to any disaster have of safely running a nuclear plant?
That was the question posed on Wednesday by experts, activists and politicians in response to officials' claims a day earlier that it was safe to build a nuclear power plant here.
Sony Keraf, a former environment minister and member of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said the unfolding nuclear crisis in Fukushima, Japan, was sufficient reason to end all talk of building a similar plant in Indonesia.
"This debate is over. I'm not talking about the scientific reasons but simply using common sense here," he said. "Developed countries like Germany and Russia, which are known for their high level of technology, have stated they will review their nuclear power plants, so why is the Indonesian government acting otherwise? It's strange."
Sony also cited Indonesia's poor safety culture of lack of discipline compared to Japan, particularly in regard to natural disaster mitigation, as further arguments against building a nuclear plant here.
Alvin Lie, a senior politician from the ruling coalition's National Mandate Party (PAN), echoed the sentiment. "Even Germany is rethinking its power plants," he said, "so why are we so eager to develop one here?"
He added that if the government was really keen to push ahead with the plan, the officials backing it should be made to live near the reactors. "If not, we should build the nuclear plant near the State Palace or the House of Representatives," Alvin said. "Would they go for that?"
The government has proposed two sites in Bangka-Belitung province to host nuclear power plants. It plans to build four reactors, each requiring an outlay of up to Rp 20 trillion ($2.3 billion), by 2025. The plants are expected to produce a combined 4,000 megawatts of electricity, or a quarter of Java's power demand.
The government also claims the reactors will be of the fourth-generation type a technology currently in the research phase and only expected to be commercially viable by 2030 at the earliest. Iwan Kurniawan, a nuclear expert, said the government's claim that it would build fourth-generation reactors made no sense.
"In addition, are there any safe sites in this country for a nuclear power plant?" he said. "[Bangka-Belitung] experiences frequent earthquakes of magnitude 4.9 and up, but the government claims it's safe. But given the potential of damage from an earthquake, it's still too risky."
Technology aside, Iwan added, Indonesia is just not yet prepared to deal with a potential radiation leak.
Nur Hidayati, from Greenpeace Southeast Asia, questioned the government's claims of compliance with regulations laid out by the International Atomic Energy Agency. "It has never been clear about the studies conducted by Batan for complying with the IAEA regulations," she said, referring to the National Atomic Energy Agency.
Indonesia said on Wednesday that it will press on with plans to build a nuclear plant close to a fault line, despite the atomic emergency in earthquake and tsunami-ravaged Japan.
"If we pick to build it on Bangka Island, it will be based on several considerations which are in line with international safety criteria," National Atomic Energy Agency (Batan) chief Hudi Hastowo said.
Bangka lies east of Sumatra island, where a 9.1-magnitude undersea earthquake triggered a tsunami in 2004 killing 220,000 people in countries around the Indian Ocean, including 168,000 in Indonesia.
"The site has a relatively stable record of seismic and volcanic activity," he said, adding that the agency will "certainly" adopt more sophisticated technology than Japan.
"It's too premature to discuss how the Japan crisis will directly affect our project," he said. "But in 2022 when we build the plant, we'll use a better technology system," he added.
The disaster that has befallen Japan's Fukushima plant has prompted some experts to cast a worried eye at nuclear plants in seismic zones.
Twenty percent of the 440 commercial reactors in operation around the globe are located in areas "of significant seismic activity," according to the World Nuclear Association (WNA), an industry group. Some of the 62 additional plants under construction are also in quake-prone zones, along with many of the nearly 500 units on order or proposed, especially in fast-developing countries, the group said.
Green groups including Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth urged Southeast Asian leaders to stop plans to build nuclear plants to meet energy needs and direct the funds towards green technology.
"We call on the heads of state to immediately cancel their plans to develop their nuclear projects," they said in an open letter to Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Philippine President Benigno Aquino and Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva.
Armando Siahaan President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will be remembered for a lot of things, but being a bastion of pluralism is definitely not one of them. Just look at the recent spate of religious violence chaos left nearly unchecked by the national government, which seems afraid to touch issues such as the Ahmadiyah with a 10-foot pole. It's enough to make me question if things have actually improved at all since the Suharto era.
Suharto's New Order regime severely curtailed religious freedoms, tearing apart the 1945 Constitution, which guaranteed citizens the freedom to adopt any religion, thus changing Indonesia into a country that recognizes just five official faiths. Then in 1978, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a directive obligating all Indonesians to disclose their religious affiliations on their identity cards and, bizarrely, forcing us to pick from one of five recognized religions.
But the real root of the country's religious intolerance is the 1965 Blasphemy Law, which was drafted under Sukarno, but adopted and enforced by Suharto.
The law prohibits any alternative interpretations of the official religions, giving the government the right to restrict and ban deviant sects, and imprison their followers for faith crimes. The Blasphemy Law effectively destroys the separation between church and state, which many argue is a necessary component to a functioning democracy.
Moreover, through totalitarianism and his draconian foot soldiers, Suharto made sure that religious groups, including Muslim hard-liners, were never given the chance to grow into influential forces in society.
Post-Suharto Indonesia has been praised by many foreign commentators as a poster child for democracy in Southeast Asia and the Muslim world. But as recent events suggest, religious freedom has been left in the dust on our glorious march to democracy. A truly democratic Indonesia would revoke the 1965 Blasphemy Law, but reality suggests institutional support for the law will not wane anytime soon.
In fact, instead of rescinding the law, the administration issued a 2008 joint ministerial decree on the Ahmadiyah, based on the law, which severely curbs the minority Islamic sect's rights.
A series of violent attacks against the Ahmadis followed the decree, and hard-liners felt the attacks were completely justified because of the law. Yudhoyono repeatedly condemned the attacks, but consistently defended the 2008 anti-Ahmadiyah decree.
In the latest development, dozens of Ahmadis in East and West Java converted to mainstream Islam, with widespread rumors that the military pressured the sect's followers into renouncing their faith. The government and the military denied this claim.
The conversions may represent a triumph for hard-liners, but they are certainly a massive blow to our country's democratic image. The corrosion of our religious freedoms has generated criticism both here and abroad. The United States and the European Union have conveyed concern over the escalation of religious tensions in light of the recent killings of three Ahmadis in Banten and the burning of churches in Central Java. Furthermore, a group of 27 US lawmakers last week sent a letter to Yudhoyono demanding that the government overturn the 2008 decree on the Ahmadiyah, as it "runs contrary to the principles of international human rights."
Suharto severely limited religious freedom, but also prevented religious extremists from harassing minority groups. Yudhoyono's administration has not only failed to repeal Suharto's discriminatory laws, but has also given unchecked freedom of speech to all major religious groups, giving hard- liners a megaphone to voice their hate speech and a free pass to act on it.
If Suharto's era was marked by out-and-out tyranny, it seems Yudhoyono's era will be remembered for allowing the tyranny of the majority. He still has three years left to make things better, but I'm not holding my breath.
Bruce Gale "We shall not ignore democratic values. There shouldn't be a monarchical system." To foreigners unfamiliar with Indonesia, this statement last December by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seems innocuous enough. In Indonesia, however, it has touched off a storm of criticism. The President was referring to Yogyakarta, where the position of provincial governor is held by hereditary ruler Sultan Hamengkubuwono X.
Thousands of demonstrators have rallied outside Yogyakarta's provincial council building in recent months, demanding the continuation of Sultan Hamengkubuwono's direct appointment as governor. The Yogyakarta legislature has also declared its full support for the automatic appointment of the sultan.
The unusual status of the Yogyakarta sultanate dates back to the independence struggle against the Dutch. In 1950, in recognition of his support for the nationalist movement, the current sultan's predecessor, Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, was declared governor for life of the newly created special administrative region of Yogyakarta.
Whether this arrangement was meant to be hereditary is the subject of some dispute. What is clear, however, is that while traditional sultanates in other parts of Indonesia were swept away by the nationalist tide, in Yogyakarta they were reinforced.
Successive governments in Jakarta have been reluctant to challenge the status quo, which remains popular among Yogyakartans, many of whom take great pride in the role their province played during the war of independence. The status of the Yogyakarta sultanate was further enhanced in 1998, when Sultan Hamengkubuwono X took a leading role in the movement to oust President Suharto.
Yudhoyono's statement late last year that he intended to change the arrangement therefore took many observers by surprise. Unlike many other parts of Indonesia, the province is generally acknowledged to be well run. There have been few reports of corruption, and even fewer attacks on churches or other religious minorities. In other words, there are far more urgent issues requiring the President's attention than the altruistic promotion of democratic ideals in Yogyakarta.
The announcement was also badly timed, coming not long after the sultan won kudos for his handling of humanitarian efforts in the wake of the devastating eruption of Mount Merapi in October.
Nico Harjanto, a political observer at Jakarta's Center for Strategic and International Studies, suggests that Yudhoyono may be trying to undermine the sultan because he regards him as a possible contender in the 2014 presidential elections. The sultan has tried to run before, only to be thwarted by the reluctance of the nation's major political parties to support him.
But this could change now that the sultan has joined media tycoon Surya Paloh's National Democrat movement. Many believe that this organization, which says it stands for good government, will eventually evolve into a political party. Harjanto points out that if the sultan was backed by the National Democrats, he could become a serious presidential contender in 2014.
Unlike other potential candidates such as controversial former general Prabowo Subianto (accused of human rights abuses), Abu Rizal Bakrie (linked to the Lapindo mudflow) and Yudhoyono's wife (nepotism allegations), the sultan does not have any crucial weakness for opponents to focus on.
If this really is the president's plan, it begs the question who he is doing it for. Unable to run himself in 2014, Yudhoyono could be preparing the way for his wife. Alternatively, he could be trying to help Bakrie, the President's financial backer and one of Indonesia's richest men. Meanwhile, the resignation of Gusti Bendoro Pangeran Haryo Prabukusumo, the younger brother of the sultan, from the Democratic Party has weakened the influence of the president's party in the province.
"I don't want to become an insurgent [against the sultan]," Prabukusumo was quoted as saying after resigning as chairman of the Democratic Party's provincial executive board in December.
The greatest beneficiary so far has been the opposition nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), which has been leading the demonstrations in Yogyakarta in support of the status quo.
Little wonder then that as early as the middle of last December, Yudhoyono had begun to backtrack, telling the media that he had been misunderstood. Yogyakarta's monarchy was not a problem, the President insisted, adding that the sultan's position was guaranteed by the Constitution.
Since then, Yudhoyono's Democratic Party has modified the proposed legislation slightly to accommodate the critics. A bill currently being considered by the national legislature provides for an elected governor and limits the powers of the sultan to cultural affairs and land matters.
Overall, however, it looks like the President has stumbled. Whether Parliament accepts the proposed legislation or not, in 2014, Yogyakarta voters are unlikely to forget the unwelcome interference in provincial affairs.
Socratez Sofyan Yoman, Jayapura The people of Indonesia outside Papua are clearly confused and keep asking: Why have indigenous Papuans never recognized and accepted the Act of Free Choice (Pepera) of 1969 but have consistently opposed the history of integration of West Papua into Indonesian territory? Do the people of West Papua of Melanesian ethnicity misunderstand Papua's integration into Indonesia?
These questions are not easy to answer as they involve a long struggle and journey. In the terminology of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), it is the Papua road map. The book published by LIPI, titled Papua Road Map: Negotiating the Past, Improving the Present and Securing the Future, contains findings of the root problems actually faced and questioned by the Papuan people so far.
This book has discovered and formulated four basic issues in Papua: (1) the history and political status of Papua; (2) state violence and human rights violations (3) marginalization of indigenous people; (4) discriminative development. This formulation offers room and opportunity to the Papuans and the central government to sit together for negotiation, mediation, communication and dialogue to propose options for a solution with elegance, dignity and equality.
However, in my view, the four problems found by the team of LIPI actually stem from a single root cause only: the history of Papuan integration into Indonesian territory through Pepera 1969, which was carried out in West Papua on the basis of the Indonesian system of consultation. This Indonesian method differed from the New York Agreement of Aug. 15, 1962 signed by the UN, the US, Holland and Indonesia that Pepera 1969 was to be realized through the international mechanism of one man one vote.
In the process of Papuan integration into Indonesia, the Indonesian military played a major and important role before, during and after Pepera 1969. An official telegram from Col. Soepomo, then the Tjenderawasih XVII Regional Military commander, dated Feb. 20, 1967, based on a radiogram of the Army Commander dated Feb. 7, 1967, said in anticipation of the 1969 referendum in West Irian (Papua): "Intensify all activities in relevant fields intensified by utilizing all material and personnel strengths of the Army as well as the other forces. Strictly follow the guideline provided. The 1969 referendum in West Irian must be won, must be won. Strategic and vital materials must be safeguarded. Minimize the loss of our troops by reducing static posts. This letter is an order to be executed. Make coordination in the best possible way."
Christofelt L. Korua, a retired police officer and eyewitness, said "the Papuans casting their votes in Pepera 1969 were determined by Indonesian officials and while the chosen people were in their rooms they were tightly guarded by Indonesian soldiers and policemen." (Interview by the writer in Jayapura, Dec. 11, 2002). "On July 14, 1969, Pepera started with 175 consultative council members for Merauke. On the occasion, a large troop of Indonesian soldiers attended..." (Official report of the UN: Annex 1, paragraphs 189-200).
Most members of Pepera 1969 were people coming from Menado, Toraja, Batak, Ambon/Maluku, and Buton. It was proven by the 59 pro-Indonesia statements in the present UN document. The US Ambassador to Indonesia in 1969 said "95 percent of indigenous Papuans wanted to have freedom" and Sudjarwo Tjondronegoro, the Indonesian team leader to the Act of Free Choice, acknowledged "many Papuans might not wish to stay with Indonesia".
Dr. Fernando Ortiz Sanz, the UN representative supervising the Pepera, in his official report at the UN General Assembly in1969 said "The majority of Papuan people indicated their desire to break away from Indonesia and support the idea of founding a Free Papua State." (UN Doc. Annex I, A/7723, paragraph, 243, p. 47).
What is clear and certain is that the outcome of Pepera has invited strong criticism and protests that continue today. Some noted historians like J.P. Drooglever and Hans Meijer have also discovered in their research that Pepera was steeped in orchestration so that Papuan people's free choice ended in falsehood while a group of voters under considerable duress apparently voted to absolutely support Indonesia.
US Congressman Eni F.H. Faleomavaega was among the initiators of an international movement demanding a review of Pepera in Papua. Along with fellow Congressman Donald Payne, Faleomavaega sent a letter to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon in February 2008, requesting a repeat referendum in Papua. Pressures and demands for an assessment of the political status of have also come from the parliaments of Britain, the European Union and Ireland.
Considering such root issues in the history of Papuan integration into Indonesia with all the orchestration and falsehood, it is a necessity to seek a settlement with the prospect of fostering peace, dignity and humanity between indigenous Papuans and the Indonesian government.
Therefore, the idea of a Jakarta-Papua dialogue between the Indonesian government and the indigenous people of Papua should be supported by all components of society. The dialogue of peace in this context should mean an unconditional talk mediated by a neutral third party like the Jakarta-Aceh dialogue that ended decades of rebellion in the western-most province in 2005.
The unconditional talk here should imply a dialogue without speaking of a free Papua and a unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. It means an honest dialogue on an equal footing that should apply a new framework toward straightening out the history of Papuan integration into Indonesia.
Without the new framework, this paradox will never find a comprehensive and dignified way of resolution. For this reason, the talk should deal with the Papuan problems with pure conscience and clear minds in order to arrive at a settlement that creates lasting peace for the future of Indonesia and indigenous Papuans. The dialogue is an initial step to negotiate the past, improve the present and secure the future of Papuan people.
[The writer is chairman of the Papuan Baptist Church Alliance.]
Greg Sheridan, Foreign Editor Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is a force working against corruption and poor governance in Indonesian society.
Despite the revelations from WikiLeaks, the net contribution of SBY to Indonesian life has been to reduce corruption and enhance the quality of governance.
The WikiLeaks cables allege that SBY's family is engaging in business in a fashion that seeks to take advantage of their proximity to the President, and that he exerted pressure to stop a prosecution and has used the state intelligence agency to gather political intelligence on other figures in Indonesian politics.
It also alleges that SBY's former vice-president, Yusuf Kalla, spent a lot of money to secure the chairmanship of the Golkar Party (not SBY's party).
It is important to note that SBY denies all the allegations and that none of them is proved.
Before he entered politics, SBY was a general in the Indonesian army, in which, above a certain rank, it is not uncommon for money to change hands in relation to promotions.
This hardly makes Indonesia unique. It is very similar to the situation in 18th-century Britain.
Similarly, the Indonesian army, even today, engages in a great many business activities. The senior officers involved generally make some money but they also use those funds to run their units. SBY's reputation within the army was as a cleanskin.
Indonesia is a country of 240 million people. Its politics are complex and sprawling. Like most democratic politics, they involve a great deal of money.
Senior politicians often need to raise and dispose of a great deal of money, perhaps indirectly, even if they are not profiting from it personally.
Indonesia is also still a poor country and corruption is widespread. A great deal of that is what you might call salary corruption, in which individuals try to get their pay up to a point where they can take care of their families.
There is absolutely no doubt that compared with former Asian leaders such as Suharto or Ferdinand Marcos, SBY is a pillar of propriety and good governance. Suharto and Marcos used their power to decree that significant sections of the economies of their nations would fall into their hands or those of their families. Nothing remotely like that goes on under SBY.
In some respects, SBY has disappointed his supporters since his re-election because the pace of reform has been very slow. But he is the creator and enabler of Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission, the KPK, which has put many corrupt Indonesians, at very senior levels, in jail.
By any reasonable standard, SBY must be judged to be a corruption buster and someone who has tried to improve the overall quality of governance.