International Women's Day 2011
International Women's Day 2011
Medan Protesters calling themselves the Women's Liberation Progressive Committee (KP3), which is an alliance of the North Sumatra Islamic University (UISU) Islamic Students Association Commissariat (HMI-KOM) faculty of agriculture, the UISU HMI-KOM faculty of literature, Free Women (Perempuan Mahardhika), the Political Union of the Poor (PPRM), the United Indonesian Labour Movement (PPBI), the Student Struggle Center for National Liberation, held a protest action in front of the North Sumatra Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) on Tuesday March 8.
The action was accompanied by the burning of an effigy resembling corpse symbolising the failure of the government system under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). "This is evidence of the failure of the SBY leadership system and his lackeys", said action coordinator Jumeida Hutauruk from the PPRM. Singing the song "Patriot's Blood", housewives who took part in the action raised their fists in the air.
Women should have reaped the benefits of prosperity since the proclamation of Indonesian independence, but what has happened has in fact been the opposite. "This is despite the fact that our country has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women", shouted Jumeida.
According to Jumeida, despite the signing the convention in 1984, discrimination against women continues to occur, from exploitation, violence in all kinds of forms to disparities in social rights, education, the economy, healthcare, culture and politics.
"Provide health insurance for women", said Jumeida, adding that the liberation of women is an absolute right in order that women are no longer exploited.
During the action, which involved around 50 people, they also read out a statement in front of DPRD representative Jamaluddin Harahap.
In the statement they called on the government to take serious action on violence against women, both mental and psychological, to provide the people with decent housing and drinking water, the broadest possible employment opportunities, quality, modern and free healthcare, and an end to all forms of discrimination and intimidation against women, and free education that is scientific, democratic and with a pro-people perspective.
They also called for decent education and protection for women migrant workers, the repeal of Law Number 1/1967 on Capital Investment, the annulment of Labour Law Number 13/2003 and its replacement with a pro-workers law.
The statement also offered several solutions for the government's consideration such as the nationalisation of foreign assents, the repudiation of the foreign debt, the development of a people's national industry and the expansion of job opportunities.
In his response, Jamaluddin Harahap said that he also supports the struggle for women's rights. "I am also part of this movement", he said. Harahap however said that actions in the name of women should not involve men so that the action is purely and clearly from women without contamination by the interests of other parties. "As if there are those making use of it", he said.
The National Mandate Party (PAN) politician, who is also the deputy speaker of the DPRD, said he was disappointed because many of the protesters' complaints were valid. "Moreover, to this day, in the law it states that the composition [of women] in the House of Representatives [should be] 30 percent. However the truth is that currently there are only around 11 people [women] in the North Sumatra DPRD", he said. Harahap added that their statement would be conveyed to the house leadership to be fought for.
After setting fire to the corpse, the protesters disbanded peacefully. (benny pasaribu/franzul sianturi)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Ronna Nirmala & Anita Rachman Tuesday may have been the 100th celebration of International Women's Day, but in Indonesia the struggle for gender equity still has a long way to go.
Women earn less than men, are poorly represented in government, suffer in greater numbers from sexual harassment and violence, risk death during pregnancy and childbirth due to poor health care services, and are targets of religious fundamentalists.
These were some of the issues laid out by activists from several nongovernmental organizations banded together as the Indonesian Women's Front, as they demonstrated in front of the State Palace and appealed to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to improve the welfare of the nation's women.
Illustrating some of the difficulties they faced, activist Effrina played the role of a pregnant woman dying because of pollution from the Mahakam River in a theatrical demonstration of women's struggles in East Kalimantan.
Also performing was Sari, who played the role of a woman running away from Shariah Police in Aceh because she wasn't wearing a veil.
"We've done research in Aceh and surprisingly not all the women in Aceh want to wear a veil, because wearing a veil isn't something that can be forced, it comes from one's faith," said Ibeth, a member of antidiscrimination group Gadis.
"Not only that, Shariah law in Aceh also bans women from having a voice in the political arena," she added.
Lack of female political representation isn't a problem limited to just Aceh, however. Melani Leimena Suharli, deputy speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), said there were only 109 female lawmakers in the House of Representatives, or around 18 percent of the 560-member body.
Women only account for 16 percent of the Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD), and the figure is even lower at the district and municipality level, where there are 1,587 women representatives, of 12 percent of 15,758 total seats.
The figures, Melani said, were a far cry from the 30 percent quota for female representatives mandated by national law. Nurhayati Ali Assegaf, a female lawmaker, said that although more women were entering politics, they should fight to fill the 30 percent quota.
"Not only in the legislative, but also in the executive area," the Democratic Party legislator said. Among the over 30 ministers in the president's cabinet, only four are women.
But other activists said that instead of waiting for the government to take action, all women should take responsibility for improving the conditions they lived with.
"Indonesian women must understand and know their basic rights well," said Masruchah, the deputy chairwoman of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan).
Masruchah said that many women in Indonesia were still laboring under the traditional mind-set that dictated that they should stay at home to take care of their families, and therefore had no need to pursue higher education.
"All women in Indonesia should know that they are equal before the law, they have the same right to get an education," she said. "Don't be afraid to speak or even fight for your rights."
Masruchah said empowering greater numbers of women would help reduce the cases of discrimination and violation of their rights.
"Of course, it needs good coordination between governments, related ministries, NGOs, public organizations, religious leaders, etc., to promote this to all women in Indonesia, especially in remote areas."
Andi Hajramurni and Apriadi Gunawan, Medan/Makassar Cities in Indonesia saw women voice various concerns from lax law enforcement to poverty afflicting women at International Women's Day commemorations on Tuesday.
Makassar saw two separate rallies on Tuesday noon while another event was slated for the evening on the 100th anniversary of the international day. Dozens of activists colored the streets in Makassar where demonstrators distributed flowers and bread while voicing their concerns.
"[Female Indonesian migrant workers] have contributed a lot of remittance to this country. But look, the government does not bear an adequate responsibility toward their fate," Bunga Rosi, coordinator of Barisan Perempuan Indonesia's rally, said.
A group of women staged a rally in front of the North Sumatra Council, demanding the government eradicate discrimination and enforce laws that were made to protect women. Jumaida, activist from Perempuan Mahardika said Indonesia had several laws protecting women but she said the laws were paper tigers without real implementation.
Women in Semarang voiced a rather particular concern on the heel of a rape case of a teenager in Jepara, Central Java. Evarisan, director of the Legal Resource Center for Gender Justice and Human Rights, said on Feb. 26, 2011, the court handed down a year and five months in jail for rape defendant LA, 17. Evarisa said LA was not detained.
The group also rallied in front of the High Prosecutors' Office and the High Court in Semarang to demand a more severe punishment for LA, Antara reported Tuesday.
In Jakarta, prominent women activists observed the day gathering to declare a "Community for a Just and Egalitarian Indonesia".
"A hundred years after the establishment of International Women's Day, there has not been much change. For the poor, the condition remains. We have seen the birth of Musdah Mulia, Sri Mulyani and stateswomen like Megawati [Soekarnoputri]," former lawmaker Nursjahbani Katjasungkana said as quoted by detik.com. "But it does not signify progress. Women are still oppressed and that's a sign that equality and discrimination eradication has yet to be achieved."
Riza Damanik of the People's Coalition for Fisheries Justice Indonesia, said many Indonesian women working in the fishery sector still lacked adequate protection, whereas they were the backbone of their families' economy amid sharp increases in food prices.
Citing an example, he said that women living in Tasikagung village, a fishing village in Rembang, Central Java, had contributed almost half to the total family income. The hard work was not translated into fair rewards, however, Riza said. "Many women living in almost 10,000 coastal villages across the country have limited or no access to education, health and empowerment activities," Riza said in a statement.
UN resident coordinator in Indonesia El-Mostafa Benlamlih said Tuesday that improved gender equality was key to sustainable development, including the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the aid effectiveness agenda.
"Women's empowerment, together with the protection of the rights of women and girls, is the cornerstone of the development agenda," he said in a statement sent to The Jakarta Post. He said countries that invested in women had greater returns on the development of their economies and societies.
The UN Country Team in Indonesia, he said, was strengthening its commitment to gender equality and human rights for women and girls. "We have just launched a groundbreaking joint program to combat violence against women and girls in Papua," said Benlamlih. (ebf)
Indonesian women remain susceptible to gender-based violence due to the state's protracted weakness and unwillingness in providing adequate protection for them, activists say.
National Commission on Violence against Women commissioner Yustina Rostiawati said many women who had been physically or psychologically abused refused to report their cases, not only because of deep trauma or shame, but also because of a lack of support from their closest friends and relatives. The condition had been worsened by poor access to women's crisis centers.
"We have seen an alarming decrease in the state's capacity in providing support and assistance for female victims of violence," Yustina said Monday on the sidelines of a discussion accompanying the launching of 2010 Annual Report on Violence Against Women to commemorate 100 years of International Women's Day, which falls every March 8.
Amid increasing economic problems and rising instances of violence, women were the most susceptible group to violence, suffering persistent physical, psychological, and social economic abuse, she said.
The study said reported instances of violence against women's reached 105,103 cases in 2010, decreasing from 143,586 cases in 2009. More than 96 percent of the 105,103 cases handled by 384 women crisis centers occurred in the private sphere, followed by 3,530 cases in public sphere and 445 cases involving the state.
Of a total 101,128 cases occurring in the private sphere, 98,577 cases were related to violence against wives, followed by 1,299 cases of violence involving dating couples and 600 cases of violence against girls.
Almost a half of the 3,530 cases in the public domain concerned sexual abuse, including rape, molestation and sexual harassment.
Commissioner Yuniyanti Chuzaifah said the lower number of reported cases of violence against women in 2010 did not necessarily indicate improvement. The lower number could be a factor of a decrease in the capacity of women's crisis centers, which are operated by the state, she said.
The annual report showed that violence against women involving the state reached 445 cases in 2010, eight times higher than 54 cases reported in 2009. The report shows that 395 cases from the 445 involved women living in slum areas who were badly affected by several evictions in Jakarta.
Ten reported cases of violence were carried out in the name of religion and morality, including women who became victims in several mosque arsons and attacks, the banning of religious activities, the imposition of the Pornography Law and human trafficking victims.
Ninik Rahayu of the national commission said the National Police had reduced their service for cases dealing with women. The National Police had abolished its special unit, called the Women and Children Service Unit, and merged it within the Women, Child and Adolescent Unit, she said.
Retno Adji Prasetiaju, deputy assistant for handling violence against women at the Women's Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry, said the government had decreased the budget for activities on preventing gender- based violence.
She said the government allocated Rp 3 billion (US$342,000) in 2011 for a registration and reporting system for women who were victims of violence in 28 regencies and municipalities.
"For activities other than the registration and reporting system, I must tell you that we have to cut this year's budgetary allocation by 10 percent. It is part of the government's efforts to save the state budget," she said. (ebf)
Arientha Primanita Sitting on the wooden plank next to the railroad tracks that has become her home, 55-year-old Kariyah offers an apology.
For years she has suffered from a large, foul-smelling tumor on her bottom. After her husband died and the medical bills began piling up, she was forced to move out of her low-cost apartment in Bendungan Hilir, Central Jakarta. With nowhere else to go, she cleared a spot for herself next to the tracks that run behind her old building.
Doctors at Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital (RSCM) have diagnosed her with anal cancer. Kariyah said she had expected the hospital to operate on her, but that she was still waiting for surgery.
"It hurts me to sit. The tumor has become so big in the past few months," she said. "I go to RSCM for temporary treatments, but I really need to be operated on. "I have to use tampons to stop the continuous bleeding, which is mixed with pus," she said. "I have to work, but I can't. I have to scavenge for a living."
Like thousands of poor patients across the country, Kariyah was referred to RSCM by a local clinic.
Her case is alarmingly common. Many poor patients do not receive emergency treatment because of the large backlog of cases at the state-run hospital.
The media has recently been critical of regional administrations and hospitals for failing to care for the poor particularly those covered by government health schemes. Many clinics refer non-emergency cases to RSCM, which ends up overwhelmed and unable to treat all the patients.
A recent editorial in Kompas daily said that 75 percent of the 2,000 patients who arrive each day at RSCM seeking care are from low-income families. The editorial also noted that regional administrations had yet to pay bills totalling Rp 24 billion ($2.7 million) at RSCM.
Savitri Handayana, head of the Bendungan Hilir Public Health Clinic, said Kariyah was eligible for government health insurance, but that she was unable to get the care she needed because of the severe backlog of cases at RSCM.
According to Savitri, Tarakan Hospital in Central Jakarta had referred Kariyah to RSCM last October. Doctors at Tarakan had determined that she was suffering from two-sided glandular enlargement as a result of anal cancer and required immediate surgery.
"But it requires further diagnosis to determine if the tumor is malignant or not," she said.
Savitri said the clinic did not know at what point Kariyah left RSCM. "We know that RSCM, as a national hospital, is overburdened because of it receives patients from all over the country," she said. "Maybe Kariyah did not want to wait so long at RSCM."
On Monday afternoon, following media coverage of Kariyah's plight, an ambulance arrived from the Bendungan Hilir urban ward and transferred her to Dharmais Cancer Hospital.
"She was taken to Dharmais for better treatment," Savitri said. "It will be entirely free under the SKTM health scheme because she is poor and she has no one to take care of her," she added, referring to a public health scheme for low-income residents.
Suharni, a former neighbor who helped Karsiyah organize the documents for her treatment, said that she had checked with the imaging department at RSCM, which was supposed to arrange a CT scan.
"Kasriyah did not stay at RSCM, she went back and forth, but she said she was tired of waiting," Suharni said. She added that she and another friend, Tuti, had accompanied Kariyah to the hospital and asked for donations from local residents to pay for her treatment.
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo has said that the city's health office will cooperate with RSCM, the medical school at the University of Indonesia and city-owned health centers to increase the quality of care and improve the patient referral system.
"A good referral system can help obtain a more balanced distribution of patients," he said.
He added that the majority of patients preferred referrals to RSCM even though other hospitals in the city could provide the same treatments and services. This, he said, pointed to a lack of trust in the health care system.
Kartono Muhammad, a public health expert, said a more comprehensive auditing of health care services was needed and that patients should be involved in assessing the quality of care they received.
He said the government should also provide more precise referrals specifying at which hospital patients must be treated. Under the current system, people can go to any hospital they want.
Jakarta The institutionalisation of discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion and beliefs is causing women, particularly those from minority groups, to progressively lose their sense of security. The terror that they face includes threats to life.
"Since 1999 up until early March 2011 there were 195 discriminatory policies found at the national, provincial and regency level", said Arimbi Heroeputri from the Monitoring Division of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) during the launch of Komnas Perempuan 2010 Annual Report in Jakarta on Monday March 7. This, the 10th annual report by Komnas Perempuan marks the 100th commemoration of International Women's Day on Tuesday March 8.
Quoting from the report titled "Terror and Violence against Women: The State has Lost Control", Arimbi added that there are only 46 policies that support the implementation the constitution's mandate to end violence and discrimination against women by November 2010.
The number of discriminative polices as of early March 2011 has risen from 154 (March 2009) and are spread across more than 100 regencies and 25 provinces. The six provinces that are most fond of issuing discriminative by-laws, including the banning of the Ahmadiyah religious sect, are the provinces of West Java, West Sumatra, South Kalimantan, Sulawesi Selatan, West Nusa Tenggara and East Java.
"In all the conflicts that smack of religion, women and children are the principle victims", said Komnas Perempuan Commissioner Ninik Rahayu.
The state has lost control and not yet prepared mechanisms to respond to these policies. "The state fails to act firmly against perpetrators, on the contrary it appears [the state] is permitting it, even though victims pay with their lives. This represents a violation of human rights", said Komnas Perempuan Chairperson Yunianti Chuzaifah.
The report recorded that 863 cases of violence against women in 2010 were committed by state officials and public figures. In particular it noted statements by five pubic officials and four officials in the education sector that violated public ethics by promoting hatred and discrimination.
Ninik underlined that there is a recurring pattern of human rights violations against migrant workers (TKI). I Wayan Paga from the National Agency for the Placement and Protection of Overseas Labor (BNP2TKI) commented that the according to the report, around 200 out of 1,000 migrant workers return home to Indonesia with problems.
In addition this, attacks based on sexual orientation and gender identity also continued throughout 201. "The enactment of Law Number 44/2008 on Pornography also discriminates against female victims", said Ninik.
The report notes that 105,103 cases of violence were handled by 384 service agencies in 2010, a drop of 27 percent on the previous year. According to Komnas Perempuan Commissioner Yustina Rostiawati however, this does not mean that the situation is improving, but is because of a decrease in the capacity of service provider agencies that are operated by the state.
"The recorded figure is only the tip of the iceberg", said Yustina. As a comparison, Poppy Retnoadji from the Ministry Women's Empowerment and Protection of Children said that in Erom, Papua, one village chief resolves five cases of violence against women per day. (MH/IND)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Iman Herdiana, Bandung International Women's Day (IWD) was marked by a protest action by hundreds of workers from the Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance (KASBI) in the city of Cimahi, West Java.
Wearing red T-shirts and taking up the theme "There is no women's liberation without the liberation of the people", the demonstrators besieged the Gedung Sate building government offices on Jl. Diponegoro demanding the liberation of women from all forms of oppression.
KASBI action coordinator Srinarti said that although women have commemorated IWD for 100 years, women still face discriminative labour laws, low wages, sexual harassment, they are not given menstrual or pregnancy leave, face physical and verbal violence and are prohibited from forming unions.
"For 100 years we have commemorated this day, are women now liberated from oppression?" asked Srinarti during the action on Tuesday March 8.
Srinarti explained that the oppression of women occurred because of the oppressive economic system, so they are demanding an end to arbitrary dismissals, contract labour (outsourcing), decent wages, menstrual and maternity leave, an end to violence and discrimination and free education.
"It's time for us to take the lead, SBY-Boediono [President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono] have failed to bring prosperity to the people", she asserted. (ton)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Ari Saputra, Jakarta Commemorating International Women's Day today, global capitalism became the target of sharp criticism. Muslim women from the Islamic organisation Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) said that capitalism promotes the destruction of the family institution, violence against woman and murder.
"Women's political representation in the face of modern democracy is always accompanied by the destruction of the family institution, divorces, pornography and murder", said one of the speakers, Iffah Rohmah during a break in the action at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta on Tuesday March 8.
During the protest, a huge banner was unfurled. The protesters also brought small posters explaining their criticisms of capitalism. "Capitalist democracy fails to honor women", shouted the demonstrators, "Gender equality = capitalistic empty jargon".
Satisfied after giving speeches for around 40 minutes, the women demonstrators, all of whom were wearing veils, disbursed peacefully. The scores of police standing guard only appeared to monitor the action from a distance and were more focused on a workers' demonstration at the same location. (Ari/nwk)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Andi Aisyah, Makassar Scores of women activists held an action commemorating the 100th International Women's Day (IWD) in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar today.
The protesters, who came from a number of different organisations under the banner of the Indonesian Women's Front (BPI), took to the streets calling for an end to the sale of human beings or human trafficking, particularly women. Demanding equal rights and obligations between men and women, they also handed out brochures to pedestrians.
In a speech action coordinator Bunga Rosi said that the exploitation of women is excessive and is taking place in various sectors and in both the public as well as the domestic domain. She added that this was happening because the government has failed to protect women or fulfill their rights.
"Women often become the targets of physical, psychological and sexual violence. This must end, President SBY [Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] as the leader of the country must accommodate this demand. SBY has failed to bring prosperity to women", said Bunga on Tuesday March 8.
During the demonstration that continued through to the afternoon, the protesters also brought banners with messages such as "Stop trafficking women laborers overseas", "Stop the exploitation of workers" and "Stop domestic violence".
IWD was also commemorated with a protest action at the Ratu Indah Mall organised by the South Sulawesi Indonesian Women's Coalition, the South Sulawesi Anging Mamiri Women's Solidarity and the Women's Issues Monitoring Forum (FPMP). The groups also collected funds for the empowerment of women. (ton)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Bagus Kurniawan, Yogyakarta Hundreds of woman activists in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta from the Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerpari) commemorated International Women's Day (IWD) with an action rejecting polygamy, unregistered marriages, contract marriages and underage marriages.
The action, which was joined by various different women's groups and organisation was held in the Malioboro area of Yogyakarta on Tuesday March 8 and ended at the central post office intersection.
During the action they called on Indonesian women to become active, organised and united. The also rejected the culture of patriarchy and neoliberalism, which they said harms women.
In a speech at the gates of the Yogyakarta Regional House of Representatives (DPRD), action coordinator Arsih Suharsih said that they rejected neoliberalism because it marginalises the position of women. An example of this is working women, who are not provided with pregnancy leave, menstrual leave or maternity leave.
"Women workers' wages are extremely low and they become objects to be milked by companies and many women workers who are sick do not receive healthcare allowances", she said.
According to Arsih, the oppression of women is worsened by a fertile culture of patriarchy in society. Because of this, they said they would continue to fight for gender equality and reasonable wages for women.
"We also demand that legislation and bylaws which discriminate against women such as the anti-pornography and porno action law be revoked", she said. (bgs/fay)
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Women should have greater opportunities in decision-making processes to ensure the effectiveness of policy programs designed to help the poor especially women and children activists say.
Aceh Indonesian Women Coalition (KPI) representative Safwani said that pro-women policies could only be administered if relevant stakeholders participate with government initiatives at all levels, including the local ones.
Citing an example, Safwani said that many women in Aceh could not take advantage of huge budget allocations provided by the government because they had not taken part in the planning process.
"We still lack room for engagement in decision-making processes, which is desperately needed to make sure that decisions resulting from the process will take sides with our [women's] interests," she told journalists in a discussion held by Oxfam.
Safwani is one of the women leaders who participated in "Raising Her Voice" a five-year global program that has been carried out in 17 countries by Oxfam GB since August 2008 with support from the UK Department for International Development (DFID).
The Raising Her Voice program aims to strengthen women's capacity in influencing developmental planning at village levels. The program is implemented in two regencies in Indonesia North Aceh regency in Aceh and Paniai regency in Papua.
Eight months after the tsunami disaster on Dec. 26, 2004, the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) signed a peace accord in Helsinki in August 2005, ending one of Asia's longest-running wars.
At least Rp 34 trillion (US$3.88 billion) in aid flew to Aceh, but led to no significant changes in local society, program activists said.
Central Statistics Agency (BPS) data from 2008 recorded that 959,700 people, or 23.05 percent of the total population of 4 million in Aceh, still live below the poverty line, making it among Indonesia's most impoverished provinces.
Studies in 23 regencies and municipalities in Aceh show that increased earnings do not always imply a decreasing number of poor families.
Aceh Development Fund (ADF) director Afrizal Tjoetra said that the overflow of money from budgetary allocations and donor agencies could not increase the people's prosperity because of an overall weak understanding in determining which resources would need to be allocated for poor people, women and children.
In spite of substantial budgetary increases, Afrizal said that many local administrations in Aceh fell short of their development goals because of insufficient participation from local people to help assist decision-making processes.
"They don't want to involve local people in deciding how best to use the funds," he told The Jakarta Post.
He said many local administrations in Aceh had still shown strong resistance against engaging stakeholders in budget deliberations despite persistent efforts to socialize the importance of public involvement. (ebf)
Hotli Simanjuntak, Pidie, Aceh Uncontrolled illegal logging has been blamed for a flash flood in Tangse district, Pidie regency, Aceh, on Thursday evening. The flood waters killed at least 12 people and displaced hundreds of families.
"It's undeniable that the disaster was caused by illegal logging and land clearing activities in the region," Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) Aceh branch executive director Teuku Muhammad Zulfikar said on Sunday.
Illegal logging activities became increasingly widespread in the region following the 2004 tsunami and the subsequent peace agreement between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). This reportedly led to the increase in the need for wood for reconstruction purposes.
Timber has been logged illegally from mountainous regions in Pidie, including Geumpang, Tangse and Mane districts. Police have frequently seized trucks transporting illegal logs, but others have avoided detection.
"This only shows that the forest rangers' surveillance activities in the regions are still weak," Zulfikar said.
The Tangse disaster management team has still been unable to assess the impacts in a number of isolated areas. "Mud and logs are still covering the primary access to those regions, although we have deployed heavy equipment to help clear the road," Pidie administration secretary Irawan said on Sunday.
Among the villages still isolated following the implications of the flood are Blang Pandak and Krueng Meriam, which are located some 16 kilometers from the Tangse capital and are sandwiched between remote hilly areas.
No information regarding the exact number of fatalities has been made available so far, although seven victims were initially reported. The number later increased to 12 as more bodies were found under debris.
"We cannot give the exact number of victims for the time being. We are still collecting data," Pidie Deputy Regent Nazir Adam said.
Search and rescue activities were still underway, involving military personnel, police, volunteers and the local community. The search activities have mostly focused on log piles, layers of mud, rubble and river systems.
Survivors are either taking shelter at relatives' houses or staying in refugee posts. Aceh Disaster Management Agency head Asmadi Syam reported that the flood had destroyed seven bridges, six irrigation facilities, 50 hectares of rice fields, 6 kilometers of regency road, two school buildings and two Islamic boarding schools buildings.
Nurdin Hasan & Antara, Pidie, Aceh At least 11 people were killed and more than 100 homes destroyed in a flash flood that struck Pidie district in Aceh on Thursday night.
The flood, caused by heavy rains that forced rivers to burst their banks, sent residents of eight villages in Tangse subdistrict fleeing for higher ground.
Suadi Sulaiman, a member of the Pidie district legislature, said on Friday that the latest death toll was 11, with five dead in Alue Jambee village all from the same family three in Blang Dalam village, two in Layan village and one in Peunalom Satu village.
"However, the death toll could still rise because several of the survivors have reported members of their families missing," he said.
As of Friday afternoon, six people were reported missing. Five others were being treated for serious injuries after being struck by logs swept downhill.
Suryani, a resident of Alue Jambee whose father, husband and three children were killed, said they had survived the initial surge of water by fleeing to the top of a nearby hill.
"Then all of a sudden a wall of water came crashing over the top of the hill," she said. "I managed to survive by clinging on to a log so I wouldn't drown."
Nazir Adam, the Pidie deputy district head, blamed the severity of the flooding on illegal logging activities in the hilly area.
He said that with the hillsides stripped of vegetation, there was nothing preventing the topsoil from being washed into the rivers during heavy rains and causing them to spill over.
"It's obvious from the amount of felled logs carried by the current," Nazir said.
He said thousands of residents had been forced to leave the area, while more than 100 homes had been destroyed, several stretches of road had been rendered impassable and bridges had been knocked down.
Public buildings such as schools and mosques were also heavily damaged, while hundreds of hectares of farmland were inundated.
Nazir also called on the provincial administration and the central government to help in the relief efforts.
"The Pidie administration can't deal with this disaster on its own," he said.
Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf visited the area on Friday afternoon to hand out food to the survivors of the disaster. Separately, an official from the Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) said volunteers were being mobilized to help in the relief efforts.
"The PMI is ready to mobilize volunteers from other regions to help the flash flood victims," Asep Iwan Sugiana, from the organization's Pidie branch, said on Friday.
He added the PMI's Aceh branch had already asked 23 of its offices at the district and municipal level to send volunteers to the stricken areas.
"Our volunteers have begun collecting data on the needs of the disaster victims," Asep said, adding they were already handing out relief supplies.
He also said the injured were being treated at community health centers, while temporary camps had been set up to house the evacuees.
Asep said the financial damage from Thursday's flash flood would likely be in the billions of rupiah (hundreds of thousands of dollars).
Eight nurses and midwives have been arrested in Jayapura for their involvement in a strike that resulting in a halt to services at the general hospital in Jayapura They face charges of inciting their colleagues to take part in a strike.
The eight persons are being held by the criminal investigation unit of the Papuan police command. The police claim that there is sufficient proof that the persons had acted in violation of the law, forcing others to engage in acts of violence and citing a number of articles in Indonesia's criminal code. Media attempts to contact the police for confirmation of the arrest were unsuccessful.
According to Anum Siregar, one of the lawyers acting for the eight, a group of fifty personnel from the security forces had gone to the homes of two of the persons and told them that they must report to police headquarters in Papua. The two women, Leni Ebe and Popi Mauri, then contacted the lawyer to inform her of what had happened. The two women then reported to the police as requested, in the company of the lawyer.
The two had earlier received notification from the police that they would be summoned as witnesses in connection with the strike action of the hospital personnel.
According to Anum Siregar, after being questioned for several hours by the police as witnesses, the police changed tack and indicated that they were being held as suspects. Soon after, the police took the six others into custody.
According to Bintang Papua, the eight detainees have been subjected to prolonged interrogations while other personnel from the hospital have rallied in support of their colleagues. Anum Siregar accused the police of acting in violation of the rule of law, saying that the medical personnel were only acting in defence of their legitimate rights. She also said that the action by the police would have a negative effect on the provision of services for patients at the general hospital.
"The impact will not be felt by officials in the province because they never go to the local hospital for treatment on occasions when they fall ill but fly to Jakarta or overseas for treatment."
She also said that the arrests had led to expressions of solidarity from members of the medical profession throughout the Land of Papua in protest against the actions of the police.
[Abridged in translation into English.]
Jason MacLeod Just as Indonesia's president Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono was being feted globally for being a democrat, the Indonesian government was entrenching Papua's reputation as Indonesia's last bastion of authoritarian military rule. Now Peace Brigades International has finally been forced out.
The latest casualty in the Indonesian Government's efforts to seal off West Papua from international scrutiny is Peace Brigades International (PBI). In January this year the international non-government organisation was finally forced out of Indonesia. Since 1981 at the invitation of local people, PBI has been providing unarmed protection to human rights defenders at risk in conflict zones around the world. International accompaniment is literally the embodiment of the international community's concern. The presence of internationals increases the cost of attacking human rights workers and expands the political space for local activists. All this is made possible by an elaborate communication network. PBI staff meet with local police and military personal as well as their superiors in regional and national capitals to let them know exactly who is being accompanied. This acts as a deterrent. The PBI volunteers are the eyes and ears of the international community, communicating the human rights situation on the ground to an international network of governments and civil society actors. It is a tried and tested approach that has worked in places as diverse as El Salvador, Guatemala, Colombia, Haiti, Sri Lanka and Nepal.
Members of the PBI Indonesia Project were invited by Acehenese activists to accompany them through the darkest days of martial law. Acehenese civil society organisations like Flower Aceh and Koalisi HAM (the Human Rights Coalition) were able to continue their work because of PBI protective accompaniment. It gave local workers a sense that the international community cared about their situation and sent a clear message to the Indonesian army that they were being watched. PBIs protective accompaniment helped expand the space for peace in Aceh in the lead up to the historic Helsinki Peace Agreement. But in West Papua, home to Indonesia's longest running separatist conflict, the world's oldest international nonviolence organisation has finally met its match. After years of harassment from the Indonesian security forces the PBI Indonesia Project was closed down.
My colleagues and I helped set up the PBI West Papua project in 2003. I left the organisation in 2004 but kept in close contact with many of the organisers and staff members. One of the reasons PBI responded to an invitation from Papuan human rights defenders was because for years the Indonesian government has closed off access to West Papua to humanitarian organisations, journalists and even diplomats. It is important that Papua is opened up to the international community if human rights are to be addressed. But while the rest of Indonesia moved towards greater democracy, Papua slid back into an authoritarian backwater ruled by the Indonesian security forces as if it was their own private fiefdom. Since PBI established a presence in West Papua Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Dutch NGO CordAid and even the Red Cross have all been denied access. This level of hostility by a State to international scrutiny of a human rights situation is unusual. Even during the height of apartheid, the South African government permitted the Red Cross access to political prisoners. Not so in West Papua.
Prior to being forced out of West Papua, PBI was the only international human rights organisation with a permanent presence in Indonesia's restive Pacific periphery. A group of long-term international volunteers based in Jayapura, the capital and in Wamena, in the troubled highlands, provided unarmed protection for Indonesian and Papuan human rights defenders and monitored the situation on the ground. PBI helped protect human rights defenders and lawyers trying to expose police brutality during the 'Bloody Abepura' trial in 2004. PBI also protected Papuan human rights defenders who were investigating the security forces after they cracked down on Papuans in the wake of the March 16 2006 blockade of the main road outside the University of Cendrawasih in Jayapura.
PBI is governed by a strict mandate. The organisation only supports unarmed actors, they do not take sides and they do not tell Papuans how they should run their struggle. Despite this the Indonesian government was petrified of PBI. I experienced this personally. When I was taken in for questioning in West Papua in 2007 after observing a demonstration in Papua, the very first question the Indonesian police intelligence agent asked me even before enquiring whether I was a journalist or spy was "Are you PBI?" By then I had left the organisation but it revealed the depth of the intelligence services concerns about PBI.
Almost from the moment PBI started work in West Papua the Indonesian government acted to restrict PBI's access and ability to work. In 2009 the organisation was pressured to close the Wamena office in West Papua's remote highlands, the scene of frequent human rights violations by the Indonesian military. PBI staff were refused permission to work as the police and intelligence services launched an official investigation into the organisation's status. National Indonesian staff started to receive threatening phone calls. They felt increasingly vulnerable.
By late 2009 all one-on-one protective accompaniment had ceased. In an effort to stay in Papua protective strategies were reduced to regular check-in calls with PBI clients who felt threatened by state security forces. Then on 30 July 2010 Ardiansyah Matra'is's naked, handcuffed body was found in the River Gudang Arang. His arm had been tied to a tree to prevent his body from floating downstream. Matra'is was a journalist working for Papua's only national independent paper, Jubi. Matra'is had been critical of illegal logging operations run by the Indonesian military in Merauke and had taken photos of their activities. Matra'is was also a PBI client. His murder was the first time in Indonesia that a current PBI client had been killed.
The writing was on the wall: PBI was no longer making space for peace in Papua. In fact the opposite was happening. The Indonesian government was closing space for peace in Papua, and PBI appeared powerless to halt the slide into greater military impunity. Just as Indonesia's president Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono was being feted globally for being a democrat, the Indonesian government was entrenching Papua's reputation as Indonesia's last bastion of authoritarian military rule.
But the Indonesian government's restriction of access to West Papua is not just confined to grassroots international nonviolence organisations. Jakarta is even willing to snub the US government. In late 2010 the US Ambassador, Scott Marciel asked the Indonesian government if staff from the Embassy could observe the trial of three soldiers involved in torturing Papuan civilians. The torture, which including burning a man's genitals with a stick, was filmed on a mobile phone camera and leaked to transnational human rights networks. When the footage was uploaded on to YouTube and featured on domestic and international news networks it generated massive moral outrage not just internationally but inside Indonesia as well. When the trial went ahead last month, Mr. Marciel was notified by the Indonesian government only 24 hours beforehand, not enough time to apply for a surat jalan, a letter of permission to travel to West Papua required by the Indonesian government. It was not an official denial from the Indonesian government but it may as well have been.
The Indonesian government is blocking access for all those who want to shine a light into West Papua. The problem for the Indonesian president, Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono is that he has allowed the Indonesian intelligence services to dominate decision-making processes in West Papua. The intelligence services determine who gets access into West Papua and who does not. They are the ones who assess the applications of foreign NGOs, journalists and even diplomats who want to travel to West Papua. Access to West Papua should be subjected to the rule of law and not to surveillance principles. If democracy and rule of law was present in West Papua, the surat jalan regime would be abolished altogether.
The Indonesian government cannot have it both ways. The human rights situation in West Papua cannot be fine while at the same time the Indonesian government and its intelligence and security forces insist the territory is off limits to foreigners. Either human rights are respected in West Papua or they are not. The closure of PBI in Indonesia only sharpens the international community's perception that the Indonesian government has something to hide in West Papua.
[Jason MacLeod worked for the PBI Indonesia Project from 2000 to 2004. He teaches civil resistance at the University of Queensland.]
The leaders of a number of churches in Papua have called on the central government to hold a dialogue with indigenous Papuans, stressing that it should be mediated by a neutral third party and held without conditions.
A press release issued by Rev. Benny Giay of the KINGMI Church, Rev Socratez Sofyan Yoman of the Alliance of Baptist Churches in Papua and the deputy chairman of the GKI Synod, Drs Elly D. Doirebo said:
We church leaders in Papua hereby announce to our congregations and to the general public that we have informed the central government about our rejection of OTSUS (Special Autonomy law) for two consecutive weeks (13-18 February and 28 Feb-3 March). We need to convey a number of important facts as follows:
First, the failure of OTSUS has been acknowledged not only by the Papuan people but also by the executive and legislature of the central government, as well as by foreign diplomats and civil society figures who we met in Indonesia who have been paying close attention to the development of the Papuan people.
A number of government functionaries who we met at the centre have blamed government leaders in the Land of Papua as being responsible for the failure of OTSUS.
We do not believe that this is true. The failure of OTSUS reflects the lack of political will and seriousness on the part of the central government to do anything to promote the development of the Papuan people. We made this clear in the Theological Declaration of Papuan Churches on 26 January 2011 when we said that the central government has failed to promote the development and welfare of the indigenous Papuan people.
Second, bearing in mind that all sides recognise that OTSUS has failed, we continue to urge the government at the centre as well as in the Land of Papua to immediately announce that the swearing in of a second-term MRP will be abandoned because it lacks aspiration and has no firm legal basis. We regard the efforts now being made by the central and regional governments to set up a second-term MRP as arrogant and as a move to force through their will which can only intensify the conflicts between the Papuan people and the Indonesian Government.
Third, we continue to be guided by the people of the Lord who continue to urge the Indonesian government to hold a dialogue with the Papuan people facilitated by a neutral third party, without conditions.
We are well aware that the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was successful in the dialogue it held with the Acehnese people and that the same can be achieved with the Papuan people.
Dialogue is the most dignified, peaceful and democratic way which has been widely accepted by the international community as the modal for the resolution of conflicts that have occurred in other parts of the country.
Fourth, we reject the creation of UP4B, the Unit for Accelerating Development in Papua and West Papua, as well as all talk about 'Constructive Communications', the aim of which is to conceal the failure of OTSUS and to obscure the Papuan people's demand for dialogue.
There should be prior consultation with the Papuan people about all measures taken by the state for Papua which should be the result of agreement between the government and the Papuan people.
Fifth, We reject all acts of intimidation and violence perpetrated by the state in order to silence freedom of expression and democracy in the Land of Papua, such as the stabbing of the journalist Banjir Ambarita.
We therefore urge the police to carry out a thorough investigation of that stabbing incident and to proceed with the case through legal channels, in order to give the victim as well as the community in general in the Land of Papua a sense of peace and justice.
The Student Executive Board of the Cenderawasih University Law Faculty has called on the Papuan branch of Komnas HAM, the National Human Rights Commission, to take firmer action regarding a number of human rights violations in Papua.
Chairman of the Board, Thomas CH Syufi, said that they felt that the Commission had not done enough to handle the cases and hoped that Komnas HAM would investigate a number of cases of violation. He mentioned in particular the murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay, chairman of the PDP, who was murdered in November, 2001. The case is still unsolved to this day.
Komnas HAM was also urged to collect more accurate data about a number of human rights violations in Papua because in many of these cases, the data is far from accurate.
He said that collecting data and documentation was very important because of the need to anticipate the failure of the State to handle the cases, in order to prepare for the possibility of submitting the cases to the International Court or the UN Security Council.
He stressed the need for Komnas HAM to take firm action to investigate every human rights violation that occurs in Papua.
Tom Allard Indonesia's Vice-President has flagged a drive for reconciliation with the troubled region of West Papua, revealing plans to create a agency to facilitate talks with disaffected Papuans.
"There is room for improvement. That's why the President asked me to look into what can be done in this area," said Dr Boediono, who arrives in Australia today for a visit to Perth and Canberra.
In an interview with The Age, the Vice-President conceded the central government needed to move beyond its usual preoccupation with economic development and develop policies for West Papua.
West Papua, a resource-rich region in eastern Indonesia, has an indigenous Melanesian population racked by poverty and increasingly swamped by migrants from others parts of Indonesia.
Separatist sentiment simmers amid a low-level insurgency by poorly equipped insurgents and frequent allegations of human rights abuses by security forces.
West Papuan groups, including its major churches and elected Papuan Peoples Assembly, want a formal dialogue "without condition" with the central government and a renegotiation of West Papua's special autonomy deal, introduced in 2001 but widely seen as a failure.
However, Dr Boediono rejected such a "bilateral" dialogue, saying that multiparty "communications" would be better facilitated by a newly introduced agency.
He said a proposal was being formulated for "some kind of institution that will be there on the spot, that will look at all the co-ordination and communication and implementation as well".
It is hoped that the agency would be created this year after a special decree by Indonesia's President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Representatives from Papuan civil society groups, local government and the central government would be embedded in the agency on an "ongoing" basis as it formulates policies and development programs.
International donors would be welcome to contribute aid money, but not to play a mediation role as happened in Aceh in 2005 when a peace accord was forged to end decades of separatist insurgency.
Several hundred people attended a demonstration in Jayapura on Tuesday 8 March, mostly from the Central Highlands Students Association, urging the provincial legislative assembly, the DPRP, to convene a special session to declare that OTSUS (the special autonomy law) has failed and that it should be sent back to the central government at the latest by 22 March this year.
The demo coordinator Selpius Bobii said that OTSUS had been a complete failure, it should be repealed and the MRP should be disbanded. The government should respond without delay to the eleven recommendations made last June and foreign countries should stop providing money to support OTSUS.
The churches should withdraw their members from the second-term MRP now being formed. He also called for a halt to all investments in Papua which are exploiting its national resources, including Freeport, MIFEE, the Degeweo mining company, Ilaga and PLTA construction works.
There was also a call to the Pope in the Vatican and the World Council of Churches in Geneva to pay attention to the serious problems in West Papua in order to save the people from annihilation.. The Papuan people and supporters abroad should organise large demonstrations from 22 to 24 March, calling on the executive and legislatures in Papua and West Papua to return OTSUS to Jakarta.
A spokesman for the National Committee of West Papua, KNPB, called on the younger generation of Papuans to show the world that they want freedom. 'Since Papua became part of Indonesia, there has only been bloodshed, oppression and killings everywhere in Papua,' he said. Other speakers spoke in the same vein.
Some members and leaders of the DPRP met representatives of the demonstrators afterwards.
The chairman of Commission A of the DPRP, Ruben Magai said that the blame for the failure of OTSUS rests with the executive and that the DPRP has no powers to take decisions to affect the situation.
The demonstrators also took their demands to the governor of the province.
Selpius Bobii also read out a statement saying that they would boycott the elections now under way for mayor and governor if the national parliament does not respond to these aspirations. They also threatened to occupy the office of the governor if these demands continue to be ignored. He said that they would wait till 4 April, at which time they would occupy the governor's office, a statement that was responded to very enthusiastically by the demonstrators.
[Abridged in translation.]
Banking and construction tycoon Tomy Winata has denied WikiLeaks allegations that he "relays funds" to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Tomy, the owner of Artha Graha Group, said his relationship with the president was no different to that of any citizen.
"If people say that I am close [to the president], this is true, constitutionally. [But] it's only a relationship between a citizen and a president. If I am summoned, I will obey. But it rarely happens," Tomy said in a statement published by news portals.
"I am trying to carry out my obligations as a child of the nation to develop my business. In accordance with President SBY's vision, I am trying to contribute to my country under the principles of pro-growth, pro-job, pro-poor and pro-environment," he said.
Tomy said that the WikiLeaks allegations originally published in Australian newspapers The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald were disturbing. "If the allegations were only about Tomy Winata and his family, it's not a problem. But this is about the nation," Tomy said.
The tycoon said he had decided to talk to the press on the issue because he feared the allegations would ruin his business and risk the livelihood of his employees.
"When there's a snowball of baseless news like this and our business partners delay or even cancel business deals, it's doomsday for the company," Tommy said, adding that he was willing to do anything to stop the rumors.
"I am asking you not to let the issue drag on. If I have to lick your shoes so that a million or so of my employees can still make a living, I will do it. To me, the interest of the nation is far more important than my pride and the pride of my family."
According to the reports, the leaked cables allege Agung Laksono, the coordinating minister for people's welfare, told US diplomats that TB Silalahi "functioned as a middleman, relaying funds from Winata to Yudhoyono, protecting the president from potential liabilities that could arise if Yudhoyono were to deal with Tomy directly."
Tomy said he had been friends with TB, who works as a consultant at Artha Graha, for 30 years, but "Pak TB is not a person who connects us with SBY and his family."
As to allegations that he is "an underworld figure and a member of a leading syndicate called the 'Gang of Nine' or 'Nine Dragons', Tomy said he had never heard of the sydnicate.
"I am confused with the term 'Nine Dragons.' I don't understand," he said. "These are irresponsible allegations. I was born in Indonesia and have lived here all my life. I will always do my best for the country."
Tom Allard, Jakarta A planned telephone conversation between US President Barack Obama and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was cancelled because US diplomats reported to Washington that the Indonesian leader and his family were implicated in corruption.
The conversation had been arranged before The Age revealed the allegations in the US cables, which were obtained from WikiLeaks. They have been vehemently denied by Dr Yudhoyono and people cited in the cables as sources.
Mr Obama was to have telephoned Dr Yudhoyono on Friday but "when the WikiLeaks thing broke, it didn't happen", said one source, adding the purpose of the call was to discuss the approaching East Asia Summit in Indonesia.
It is believed the US cancelled the call after discussions with officials from Dr Yudhoyono's palace.
Last night, speaking for the first time about the WikiLeaks cables, Dr Yudhoyono labelled the allegations untrue and a character assassination. "Believe me, I am accountable for what I do. I, God willing, will continue to maintain the integrity because that is my duty as leader of this country," he said.
There is little doubt that had the call proceeded, Mr Obama would have followed the example of his Jakarta envoy, Scot Marciel, and expressed his regret over the allegations.
Dr Yudhoyono's spokesman, Teuku Faizasyah, confirmed the lack of contact but played down its significance. "The scheduling for these kinds of calls is always fluid," he said.
But US-Indonesian relations have been strained by the cables and their reports Dr Yudhoyono blocked a corruption probe into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas, used intelligence services to spy on rivals and received funding from businessman Tomy Winata through a middleman.
The cables included allegations Dr Yohoyono's wife, Kristiani Herawati, mooted as his possible successor, used her position "to profit personally by acting as a broker or facilitator for business ventures".
An analyst with the political consultancy LSI Burhanudin Muhtadi said Dr Yudhoyono was angry about the cables. "SBY sees himself as an international darling," he said. "He is very upset that the US embassy in Indonesia was spying on him and reporting in such an improper and unhappy manner."
Before the WikiLeaks cables emerged, there were signs US-Indonesia relations were not optimal, despite Mr Obama having spent four years in Jakarta as a child. He twice postponed visits before spending fewer than 24 hours in Jakarta in November. He earned plaudits for his positive rhetoric and quips in the Indonesian language, but little of substance emerged from the visit.
Indonesian cabinet members and influential politicians have alleged "foreign attacks" may be behind the WikiLeaks releases, which coincided with Vice-President Boediono's Australian visit.
The Australian government confirmed it had received feedback from Indonesia. "Some Indonesians have raised the WikiLeaks reports informally with Australian officials in Jakarta. Most interest has been around the timing of the release," a Foreign Affairs spokeswoman said.
Camelia Pasandaran Indonesia's Presidential Palace on Tuesday denied reports that a "furious" President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had refused to take a conversation from United States President Barack Obama in the wake of the WikiLeaks allegations of abuse of power.
Presidential Spokesman Julian Pasha conceded that Friday's conversation was rescheduled but said such events were "normal and often happened." He said he could not say when the pair were next scheduled to talk, but "there is always contact between them."
Julian would not comment on suggestions in the Melbourne Age that its article that detailed leaked American diplomatic cables implicating Yudhoyono and his family in corruption and abuse of power had anything to do with the missed call.
The Age, quoting an anonymous source, said Obama was expected to call Yudhoyono on Friday, but "when the WikiLeaks thing broke, it didn't happen."
Julian also said that Yudhoyono was distancing himself from a $1 billion lawsuit lodged by an obscure group against the Age and Sydney Morning Herald on Tuesday.
The Federation of National Enterprise United Workers Union are suing over the article titled "Yudhoyono 'Abused Power,'" which made a host of allegations against Yudhoyono.
The plaintiffs accuse the newspaper of not following adequate checks and balances. They have called for both the owner of the newspapers, Fairfax Media, and the US Embassy to apologize to the Indonesian people and demanded the apology take up a full page in both newspapers over three consecutive days. The plaintiffs have also demanded that the newspapers pay $1 billion in damages.
Julian said Yudhoyono knew nothing abut the lawsuit, saying it was done with the request or consent of the president. He said the public would be able to judge that the claims were "not based on truth at all."
Indonesian Vice President Boediono has taken the opportunity of a visit to Australia to again deny allegations of corruption against his President. The allegations were published by Australian newspapers based on leaked US diplomatic cables released by Wikileaks. They allege President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono interfered in a corruption investigation, that his wife is profiting from her political connections, and that vote buying remains part of Indonesian politics.
Presenter: Karon Snowdon
Speaker: Boediono, Indonesian Vice President
Boediono: Well we consider this kind of document transmitted through Wikileaks as just raw information, unverified, therefore we don't think that we should really respond disproportionately with regards to this kind of thing. But it is regrettable that this kind of thing, this raw unverified information circulates widely without any other countervailing information.
Snowdon: What's the level of concern over the comments themselves, the fact that they are communicated from the embassy staff back to Washington apparently?
Boediono: We consider this kind of thing as diplomatic practice of some countries. We have no objection over that, and I would think that other countries may do the same thing.
Snowdon: But they cast quite serious allegations against the President?
Boediono: Also unverified and I think it is best if there should be any information, important information that should be really clarified.
Snowdon: Evidence you mean?
Boediono: Yes evidence and also transmitted to those who are concerned, before putting it public, because it is really damaging actually, if it turns to be it's not true, and the damage is done.
Snowdon: You're confident there's no truth to any of the allegations?
Boediono: Well I have full confidence in the President.
Snowdon: It raises once again the issue of corruption, broader corruption in Indonesia doesn't it? Is it possible to say that money politics for example no longer exists in Indonesia?
Boediono: No I can't answer that.
Snowdon: It still exists?
Boediono: It still exists yes.
Snowdon: Which is meaning that people can still buy their way into powerful political positions?
Boediono: I think money politics is still there, and this is exactly what we are trying to stop in terms of our programs and anti-corruption programs that affects many people in the government, both in the executive legislative and the judiciary. I think this program is the main answer for containing at least, money politics.
Snowdon: You think real progress is being made now?
Boediono: Yes I think so.
Snowdon: A personal question if I may... Will you be standing as a presidential candidate in 2014?
Boediono: No, I will not.
Snowdon: Definitely not?
Boediono: Definitely.
Snowdon: A question again on Indonesia's democracy, the killing of two members of the Ahmadiyah group last month by a crazed mob shocked Indonesians and the world. Yet senior police stood by and watched and didn't intervene, and further to that, district governors are now banning the Ahmadiyah belief, the group, against the constitutional right of freedom of religion in Indonesia. Now we don't have time really to go into all the disturbing aspects of that case, but does the rise of religious intolerance undermine Indonesia's hard fought for democracy?
Boediono: It's our strong commitment to consolidate our democracy. It is really the commitment of all people of Indonesia. So if there should be any division from the er... if there's a good basis for democracy, then we shall fight hard. And that particular case you mentioned, the government has actually taken very strong action toward including some members of the police force.
Snowdon: Very senior members?
Boediono: Yes.
Snowdon: Brigadier General, Police Commissioner?
Boediono: Yes, we do mean business yes.
Snowdon: They've been stood down, are they going to be charged or sacked from their posts?
Boediono: Well we'll let the police do the further investigations.
Snowdon: Are they being investigated the police chief?
Boediono: Well let's see.
Snowdon: So they're not being investigated yet, the police themselves?
Boediono: I don't know all the detail, but we'll leave it to the police at the moment.
Snowdon: I saw the video of the attack. Did you and the President watch that video?
Boediono: Yes.
Snowdon: And what was your feeling?
Boediono: Very, very sad.
Snowdon: It was very shocking.
Boediono: Yes.
Snowdon: Turning to relations with Australia, does the issue of asylum seekers represent the most difficult issue bilaterally still?
Boediono: That's one of the issues that I think we should together put a more effort into, because it has a deeper and broader root cause. Of course, you have the country of origin issue, and Indonesia is actually just the transit area, but we do have problems. The communities around this area think that we should look into how what we can actually do together to prevent it.
Snowdon: I'd like to use the remaining time we have to talk a little about Papua. You've been given the job I understand by President Yudhoyono of working on reconciliation with disaffected people in Papua. What we hear so often from Papuans is that the major problems are human rights abuses by security forces, and coupled with that, the inadequate response from Jakarta to those human rights abuses. Are you going to do something about that directly?
Boediono: The mandate given by the President to me is to make the program to accelerate the improvement in welfare of Papuans, be more effective than previous programs. That will cover not only economic and physical infrastructure, education and the rest, but it includes also the problem of communicating all these things with the stakeholders. So communication is very central in our new approach with regards to this acceleration of development in Papua.
Snowdon: How well does the issue of Papua sit with Indonesian democracy, which has made great strides in the last decade? But journalists are still excluded, civil rights are restricted in Papua?
Boediono: I don't agree with you that civil rights are restricted. There's no single law in Indonesia that has special restriction on our citizens. But with regard to the opening up of more journalists and so on, I think also this should be looked into by this new unit that we are..
Snowdon: Better access for journalists?
Boediono: Yes, that's part of the communication I mentioned.
Snowdon: When you say there's no civil liberties, problems in Papua, well of course the civil liberties groups would disagree with you. And there are 140 I understand or is claimed, there are 140 political prisoners in Papua, who are in jail for talking about increased autonomy, raising the Morning Star flag and such issues. So it's not very democratic in Papua I would put that to you?
Boediono: Yes, let me say this. There are laws applicable to all Indonesian citizens, laws that apply to anybody, not only to Papuans. So is there no such thing specific civilian rights restrictions for Papuans especially. None.
Snowdon: Thank you for speaking with us.
Boediono: Ok thank you.
Camelia Pasandaran, Bogor In his first public response to the WikiLeaks scandal that surfaced on Friday, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Monday said that he did not want to be "reactive and emotional" on the issue.
"You know my habit," he said prior to a limited cabinet meeting. "Until all is well and clearly understood and while carrying out my duty as the state and government head, I will use my right to justice the democratic way."
On Friday, The Age newspaper published a report based on a series of diplomatic cables released to it by WikiLeaks, revealing a US diplomats' view on various top Indonesian leaders. The cables allegedly included a note from the US Embassy in Jakarta that stated it had doubts about the integrity of Yudhoyono.
Ani Yudhoyono, the first lady, was accused of enriching herself through her position and referred to as the "Cabinet of One" in the cables, implying that Yudhoyono considered her views above those of his own administration.
According to the report, most of the damaging claims were made by former presidential adviser TB Silalahi.
Yudhoyono on Monday said that the people would find out sooner or later of who was democratic.
"For sure, it will be known who is truly being democratic and who is not through accusations, judging in mass media and diplomacy to cause someone to lose their good name," he said. "It could said that this is character assassination."
Although he said that he did not want to be reactive, the president was eager to put an end to the discourse. "I thank you for your comments, but I think it is enough," he told his ministers. "We don't need to continue the chaos about this matter as there are more important things that we need to do."
Yudhoyono said that he would solve the problem by prioritizing the national situation. "Trust me, I'm responsible for what I've done," he said. "God willing, I will maintain my integrity as it is my duty as the leader of the nation."
Anita Rachman & Farouk Arnaz The Presidential Palace will not issue any further comments on the WikiLeaks scandal, a spokesman for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Sunday.
Julian Aldrin Pasha said no further comment on the matter was necessary as the palace and the US Ambassador to Indonesia, Scot Marciel, had been given the right to respond to the allegations in Saturday's editions of Australian newspapers The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald.
He said the palace would not take any legal action against the newspapers since "both sides were covered," adding that it would be "too much."
"Both [newspapers] ran statements issued by the US Ambassador and gave space for us to clarify that the material was unsubstantiated, unverified and that all the material was very raw," Julian said. "Ambassador Scot Marciel has also conveyed deep regret on the part of the US government regarding the matter."
On Friday, The Age published a report based on a series of diplomatic cables released to it by WikiLeaks, revealing US diplomats' views on various top Indonesian leaders, including a note from the US Embassy in Jakarta that it had doubts about the integrity of Yudhoyono himself.
Ani Yudhoyono, the first lady, was accused of enriching herself through her position and referred to as the "Cabinet of One" in the cables, implying that Yudhoyono considered her views above those of his own administration.
Most of the damaging claims were, according to the US cables, made by former presidential adviser TB Silalahi.
Silalahi allegedly said that in 2004 Yudhoyono stopped former Deputy Attorney General Hendarman Supandji from pursuing a graft case against Taufik Kiemas, husband of former President Megawati Sukarnoputri.
In the wake of the scandal, political analysts and top legislators have called on the government to stop dismissing the reports and instead prove the allegations are false.
The palace disagreed. "We do not need to prove anything," Julian said. "What we want is for them [Australian newspapers] is to provide evidence [to back the claims they have printed]," he added. "Can that raw information [from the cables] be substantiated or accounted for by them?"
TB Silalahi also said the claims made in the US cables did not make sense as Hendarman was only named deputy attorney general for special crimes in April 2005.
"Marwan Effendi held that position in 2004, not Hendarman," Silalahi said. "Also, I rarely meet with US Embassy officials. We only meet during events like the US Independence Day gathering, and only for casual discussions.
"I shall not take any legal steps in this matter and will leave it up to the government. Personally I am bothered by these false claims," he added. "But, I do not feel threatened. There is so much work to be done, so why should I dance to somebody else's tune?"
Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum said the focus should now be on the US Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the accuracy and quality of its diplomatic cables.
Apologies for Wikileaks are not enough, a top Democratic Party leader says, after an Australian newspaper, citing a leaked cable, alleged that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono abused his power.
"The US government must evaluate how its diplomats work. Their information must be accurate and not based on gossip," Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum said as quoted by tribunnews.com on Sunday.
"Gossip and sensational news that had no factual basis were incorporated into diplomatic cables. This gossip should have been verified," he added.
Leading Australian newspaper alleged that Yudhoyono abused his authority when he instructed then attorney general Hendarman Supandji to drop a corruption investigation centered on Taufik Kiemas, husband of former president and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri.
Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Jakarta/Surabaya Another WikiLeaks document on Indonesia appeared in The Age on Saturday, revealing the reasons for the US Embassy in Indonesia's decision to turn down deputy defense minister Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin's application for a visa to the US.
In 2009, Sjafrie, a senior adviser to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at the time, was scheduled to accompany Yudhoyono to Pittsburgh to attend a G20 meeting. The US Embassy in Jakarta denied him the entry recommendation.
According to leaked embassy cables, the Jakarta embassy was about to issue a visa to Sjafrie but "advice" from the US Embassy in Dili, Timor Leste, led to the rejection.
The cables allege that Sjafrie, while serving as an Indonesian special forces commander in then East Timor, was responsible for directing the Santa Cruz cemetery massacre in 1991.
Sjafrie was also accused of being responsible for widespread violence committed by Indonesian troops in Dili after East Timor's vote for independence in 1999.
In its communique, the US embassy in Dili said Sjafrie was responsible for acts of violence in 1991 and 1999.
Indonesian Defense Ministry officials could not be reached for comment.
On Friday, Australian newspapers The Age and the Sydney Morning Herald published WikiLeaks documents hinting that Yudhoyono abused his power upon taking office in 2004. It also claimed First Lady Kristiani Herawati used her husband's influence by setting up several companies after Yudhoyono took office.
On Saturday, The Age also ran Yudhoyono's denial in a piece titled "President rejects corruption claim".
It also contained statement issued Friday by US Ambassador to Indonesia Scot Marciel, who said embassy reports to Washington were often "incomplete and unsubstantiated".
Yudhoyono said it was regrettable the newspapers published the allegations without seeking his side of the story first. The Indonesian government and Yudhoyono aides were quick to publicly dismiss the reports as untrue.
Some critics, however, remain unconvinced. Din Syamsudin the chairman of Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's second-largest Muslim organization, said Saturday that Yudhoyono had to clarify the allegations in the articles in reference to abuse of power.
"The President must speak up. It's not enough [to address the issue] through his spokespeople or aides because we know the President has spoken out on even small problems," he said.
Din dismissed speculation the reports were an act of foreign intervention to topple the Indonesian government. Foreign institutions have the freedom to publish data and facts, which the Indonesian government must counter through facts too, he added.
"If the President remains quiet by not providing clarification or filing a lawsuit, this incident will repeat itself, and it will send the message that the reports are true," he said.
Jakarta State Secretary Sudi Silalahi said that the reports of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's alleged abuse of power published by The Age and Sydney Morning Herald have injured national pride.
The two Australian dailies published the story in their Friday edition based on information sourced from leaked cables obtained on Wikileaks.
"It's all untrue. They [the articles] do not contain truth. This all carries elements of foreign attacks against us. We [must be] careful," Sudi said, as reported by kompas.com.
He also demanded the US Embassy in Indonesia apologize to the government for sending information that had yet to be clarified. "The news sent to Washington is trash... without analysis and [has been] made into news material for rumors. We deeply regret this," he said.
The Wikileaks documents quoted by the two dailies allegedly came from secret diplomatic cables from the US Embassy in Indonesia.
Yudhoyono allegedly abused his power by influencing judges and prosecutors to protect corrupt politicians and by using the state intelligence apparatus to spy on political rivals. Meanwhile, First Lady Ani Yudhoyono allegedly took advantage of the family's political connections to gain wealth for her close family members.
Tom Allard, Jakarta Indonesia demanded, and received, an expression of regret from the US ambassador in Jakarta yesterday as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emphatically denied allegations in US diplomatic cables that he and his family were implicated in corruption.
The allegations, revealed in The Age yesterday and based on cables obtained by WikiLeaks, created a media storm in Indonesia as the country's foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, hauled in US ambassador Scot Marciel to formally lodge a "strong protest".
At an extraordinary and, at times, awkward press conference after the meeting, Mr Marciel declined to confirm or deny the veracity of the cables or comment on the specific allegations they contained.
But he said, generally speaking, such cables contained "candid and often raw information" that was "often incomplete and unsubstantiated".
"We express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono and to the Indonesian people," he said, adding that the publication of the cables was "extremely irresponsible".
Mr Marciel abruptly left the press conference shortly afterwards, leaving Mr Natalegawa to answer questions alone.
Dr Yudhoyono, meanwhile, said The Age had breached the "universal journalism code of ethics" by publishing details of the cables without asking him for comment beforehand.
"The President is absolutely not happy with the false coverage, full of lies, run in The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age," according to a statement "sent on behalf of the President" by his senior spokesman, Daniel Sparingga. "The content is full of sensation and disrespect, full of nonsense."
The cables from the US embassy in Jakarta, sent between 2004 and 2010, contained a series of startling but unverified allegations about the conduct of Dr Yudhoyono, his wife and family. Among the allegations were that Dr Yudhoyono ordered a corruption investigation into political powerbroker Taufik Kiemas be dropped and that he received funds from controversial businessman Tomy Winata via a middleman.
Philip Dorling The US has blackballed one of the closest advisers to the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, for alleged involvement in East Timor war crimes, say leaked US diplomatic cables.
But Washington kept secret the reasons for denying a visa to the former Indonesian army general Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, and Dr Yudhoyono subsequently appointed his friend as deputy defence minister.
In September 2009 the US government withheld the issue of a visa that would allow Sjamsoeddin, a former army general then serving as a senior presidential adviser, to accompany Dr Yudhoyono who was about to attend the G20 leaders summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
Mr Sjamsoeddin was subject to a US Department of Homeland Security recommendation that he be denied entry owing to suspected involvement in "terror activities" and "extrajudicial killings".
The US embassy cables leaked to WikiLeaks and provided exclusively to the Herald show that the US embassy in Jakarta urged that Mr Sjamsoeddin still be allowed entry, lest the issue become an "irritant" in bilateral relations between Jakarta and Washington.
"We note that as a key adviser to the Indonesian president and possible cabinet appointee, Sjamsoeddin's travel to the United States would facilitate and strengthen US-Indonesian ties," the Jakarta embassy argued.
"Sjamsoeddin provides guidance and counsel to President Yudhoyono on a number of issues of importance to the US, such as mil[itary]-to-mil[itary] ties, which are a cornerstone of our efforts to ensure regional stability."
The allegations against Mr Sjamsoeddin included that while serving as an Indonesian Special Forces commander in East Timor, he was responsible for directing the Santa Cruz massacre that claimed the lives of more than 250 Timorese pro-independence demonstrators on November 12, 1991. It was further alleged that he was responsible for widespread violence committed by Indonesian troops in Dili in the aftermath of East Timor's August 30, 1999, independence ballot.
Mr Sjamsoeddin submitted a statement to the US embassy seeking to rebut the allegations, saying he had not been present at the Santa Cruz massacre and had instead been "rescuing Australian and American journalists from Timorese [Indonesian Army] officials who were angered that the journalists had accused them of being involved in clandestine activities".
He also claimed he had been cleared by Indonesia's National Human Rights Commission for any wrongdoing in relation to the violence that swept Dili in September 1999.
Mr Sjamsoeddin's denials were readily accepted by the US embassy in Jakarta, which argued that "circumstantial evidence" linking Mr Sjamsoeddin to human rights violations was insufficient to deny him a visa.
However, this advice drew a sharp critique from the US embassy in Dili, which drew on United Nations and Timorese human rights investigations to argue that Mr Sjamsoeddin repeatedly had command responsibility for Indonesian troops that committed atrocities.
"As commander of the Kopassus Intelligence Task Force in 1991 he was present for the November 12 Santa Cruz massacre... His claim that he was rescuing Western journalists during the massacre cannot be confirmed," the US embassy in Dili reported to Washington.
"Sjamsoeddin served in Timor-Leste again in 1999 at the time of the August 30 [independence ballot]. Multiple independent investigations declare him criminally responsible for the atrocities that occurred at that time, and put him near the top of the list of responsible parties."
With regard to Mr Sjamsoeddin's claim to have been saving Western journalists, the embassy observed that "Multiple Western journalists were present in Dili on November 12, [1991]... All have spoken publicly or written about their experiences. None of these journalists have ever mentioned a rescue scenario like the one Sjamsoeddin claims to have been involved in."
The US embassy in Dili concluded that on "Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin held senior positions of command responsibility in both 1991 and 1999, moments when atrocities undeniably occurred, and strongly indicate his personal culpability".
On November 9, 2009, the US embassy in Jakarta informed the Indonesian foreign ministry that if Mr Sjamsoeddin was to submit a new visa application "he would likely be found ineligible under a provision that requires congressional notification and for which there is no waiver"'.
A senior Indonesian foreign affairs official challenged the decision, insisting that "Sjamsoeddin is the President's man".
However, the US ambassador strongly recommended against Dr Yudhoyono raising the case with the US President, Barack Obama, adding that he would "request Washington officials to refrain from any public comment on the case".
Two months later, in January last year, Dr Yudhoyono promoted Mr Sjamsoeddin to the Deputy Defence Minister.
In this role he has regular dealings with Australian officials as Canberra and Jakarta implement closer defence relations including a 2009 bilateral agreement covering enhanced co-operation in counterterrorism, maritime security, intelligence, peacekeeping exercises and disaster relief.
Anita Rachman If senior political figures, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, plan to fight explosive allegations about them in US cables leaked on Friday, they had better find credible data to back them up, analysts have warned.
The Age, an Australian newspaper, on Friday published a report based on a series of secret cables released to it by WikiLeaks, revealing US diplomats' views on various figures and including a note from the US Embassy in Jakarta that it had doubts about the integrity of Yudhoyono himself.
J. Kristiadi, an analyst from the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the government was now in a duel with The Age. "They are competing to provide credible data," he said.
Kristiadi said he was unsure how much damage the leaks would do to the president and his government because the country's image was already not very clean, but he believed ties with Australia and the United States would not be affected.
He said the government should not panic, stop dismissing the reports and instead prove to the public that the allegations were false. Various officials, including some close to the president, have denied the allegations, but so far, no one has provided decisive supporting evidence.
Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political observer at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said Yudhoyono was a darling of Canberra and was unlikely to make a fuss to the Australian government about the report.
He said Yudhoyono's administration had been less truculent than past governments that had canceled ministerial visits and even closed access to shipping lanes in Indonesian waters because of critical media reports.
However, he said the president needed to provide a clarification, backed by credible facts. The reports, he added, "seem, to a certain degree, to be correct, because the information came from his aide. If he wants to be angry, the one he should go after is his aide, not The Age."
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, an analyst with the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), said it was unlikely Indonesia-US ties would be affected by the leaks, but that Yudhoyono might feel disappointed because he had been trying to foster better relations with the United States while its diplomats were busy spying on him.
"The president will also find problems concerning his good image, which he is known to have been carefully building," he said.
Burhanuddin also said the government's knee-jerk response to the leaks was only fueling speculation. State officials, he said, should have remained calm and simply dismissed the cables as "raw material."
Meanwhile, Airlangga Pribadi, a political analyst from Surabaya's Airlangga University, said both the State Palace and government should be transparent in their probe of the allegations.
Failure to do that, he said, would only strengthen people's distrust of Yudhoyono, eventually compromising his popularity and his policies.
Philip Dorling When Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won a surprise victory in Indonesia's 2004 presidential elections, the Unites States hailed it as "a remarkable triumph of a popular, articulate figure against a rival [incumbent president Megawati Sukarnoputri] with more power, money, and connections".
Even three years later US diplomats in Jakarta applauded Yudhoyono's administration for remaining "stalwart in its commitment to put terrorists behind bars".
Indeed, the former army general and security minister went on to win international accolades for strengthening governance, promoting economic reform, and his efforts to suppress the Islamic militant group Jemaah Islamiyah.
But Yudhoyono's record may have to be reviewed after secret US embassy cables, leaked to WikiLeaks and provided to The Age, reveal allegations of corruption and abuse of power that extend all the way to the presidential palace.
According to the diplomatic cables, Yudhoyono, widely known by his initials SBY, personally intervened to influence prosecutors and judges to protect corrupt political figures and put pressure on his adversaries. He reportedly also used the Indonesian intelligence service to spy on rivals and, on at least one occasion, a senior minister in his own government.
Yudhoyono's former vice-president reportedly paid out millions of dollars to buy control of Indonesia's largest political party, while the President's wife and her family have allegedly moved to enrich themselves on the basis of their political connections.
However, the embassy's political reporting, much of it classified "Secret/NoForn" meaning for American eyes only makes clear the continuing influence of money politics, which extends, despite the President's public commitment to combating corruption, to Yudhoyono himself.
The US embassy cables reveal that one of Yudhoyono's early presidential actions was to personally intervene in the case of Taufik Kiemas, the husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri. Taufik reportedly used his continuing control of his wife's Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P) to broker protection from prosecution for what the US diplomats described as "legendary corruption during his wife's tenure".
Taufik has been publicly accused, though without charges being laid against him, of improper dealings in massive infrastructure projects heavily tainted with corruption. He is believed to have profited from deals relating to the $2.3 billion Jakarta Outer Ring Road project, the $2.4 billion double-track railway project from Merak in West Java to Banyuwangi in East Java, the $2.3 billion trans-Kalimantan highway, and the $1.7 billion trans-Papua highway.
In December 2004, the US embassy in Jakarta reported to Washington that one of its most valued political informants, senior presidential adviser TB Silalahi, had advised that Indonesia's Assistant Attorney-General, Hendarman Supandji, who was then leading the new government's anti- corruption campaign, had gathered "sufficient evidence of the corruption of former first gentleman Taufik Kiemas to warrant Taufik's arrest".
However, Silalahi, one of Yudhoyono's closest political confidants, told the US embassy that the President "had personally instructed Hendarman not to pursue a case against Taufik".
No legal proceedings were brought against the former "first gentleman", who remains an influential political figure.
While Yudhoyono protected Taufik from prosecution, his then vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, allegedly paid what the US embassy described as "enormous bribes" to win the chairmanship of Golkar, Indonesia's largest political party, during a December 2004 party congress, US diplomats observed firsthand.
"According to multiple sources close to the major candidates, Kalla's team offered district boards at least 200,000,000 rupiah (over $US22,000) for their votes," the US embassy reported. "Provincial boards " which had the same voting right, but also could influence subordinate district boards " received 500,000,000 rupiah or more. According to one contact with prior experience in such matters, board officials received down payments... and would expect full payment from the winner, in cash, within hours of the vote."
US diplomats reported that, with 243 votes required to win a majority, the Golkar chairmanship would have cost more than $US6 million.
"One contact claimed that [then Indonesian House of Representatives chairman Agung Laksono] alone " not the wealthiest of Kalla's backers " had allocated (if not actually spent) 50 billion rupiah (over $US5.5 million) on the event."
The US embassy cables further allege that Yudhoyono had then cabinet secretary Sudi Silalahi "intimidate" at least one judge in a 2006 court case arising from a fight for control of former president Abdurahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB). According to the embassy's contacts, Sudi told the judge "if the court were to help [Wahid] it would be like helping to overthrow the government".
The intervention of "SBY's right-hand man" was not successful in a direct sense because, according to embassy sources with close ties to the PKB and lawyers involved in the case, Wahid's supporters paid the judges 3 billion rupiah (about US$322,000) in bribes for a verdict that awarded control of PKB to Wahid instead of a dissident faction.
However, Yudhoyono's strategic objective was achieved as external pressure on Wahid's "precarious position" forced the PKB to reposition itself to support the administration.
Other US embassy reports indicate that Yudhoyono has used the Indonesian State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy on both his political allies and opponents.
The President reportedly also got BIN to spy on rival presidential candidates. This practice appears to have begun while Yudhoyono was serving as co-ordinating minister of political and security affairs in former president Megawati's government. He directed the intelligence service to report on former army commander and Golkar presidential candidate Wiranto. Subsequently, at a meeting of Yudhoyono's cabinet, BIN chief Syamsir characterised Wiranto as a "terrorist mastermind".
Through his own military contacts Wiranto learnt that he was the subject of "derogatory" BIN reports, but when he complained he was told by presidential adviser TB Silalahi that no such reports existed.
The leaked US embassy cables are ambiguous on the question of whether Yudhoyono has been personally engaged in corruption. However, US diplomats reported that at a 2006 meeting with the chairman of his own Democratic Party, Yudhoyono "bemoaned his own failure to date to establish himself in business matters", apparently feeling "he needed to 'catch up'... [and] wanted to ensure he left a sizeable legacy for his children".
In the course of investigating the President's private, political and business interests, American diplomats noted alleged links between Yudhoyono and Chinese-Indonesian businessmen, most notably Tomy Winata, an alleged underworld figure and member of the "Gang of Nine" or "Nine Dragons," a leading gambling syndicate.
In 2006, Agung Laksono, now Yudhoyono's Co-ordinating Minister for People's Welfare, told US embassy officers that TB Silalahi "functioned as a middleman, relaying funds from Winata to Yudhoyono, protecting the president from the potential liabilities that could arise if Yudhoyono were to deal with Tomy directly".
Tomy Winata reportedly also used prominent entrepreneur Muhammad Lutfi as a channel of funding to Yudhoyono. Yudhoyono appointed Lutfi chairman of Indonesia's Investment Co-ordinating Board.
Senior State Intelligence Agency official Yahya Asagaf also told the US embassy Tomy Winata was trying to cultivate influence by using a senior presidential aide as his channel to first lady Kristiani Herawati.
Yudhoyono's wife and relatives also feature prominently in the US embassy's political reporting, with American diplomats highlighting the efforts of the president's family "particularly first lady Kristiani Herawati... to profit financially from its political position".
In June 2006, one presidential staff member told US embassy officers Kristiani's family members were "specifically targeting financial opportunities related to state-owned enterprises". The well-connected staffer portrayed the President as "witting of these efforts, which his closest operators (e.g. Sudi Silalahi) would advance, while Yudhoyono himself maintained sufficient distance that he could not be implicated".
Such is the first lady's behind-the-scenes influence that the US embassy described her as "a cabinet of one" and "the President's undisputed top adviser."
The embassy reported: "As presidential adviser TB Silalahi told [US political officers], members of the President's staff increasingly feel marginalised and powerless to provide counsel to the President."
Yahya Asagaf at the State Intelligence Agency privately declared the first lady's opinion to be "the only one that matters".
Significantly, the US embassy's contacts identified Kristiani as the primary influence behind Yudhoyono's decision to drop vice-president Kalla as his running mate in the 2009 presidential elections.
With Bank of Indonesia governor Boediono as his new vice-presidential running mate, Yudhoyono went on to an overwhelming victory. The President secured more than 60 per cent of the vote, defeating both former president Megawati, who had teamed up with former special forces commander Prabowo Subianto, and vice-president Kalla, who allied himself with Wiranto.
In January 2010 the US embassy observed: "Ten years of political and economic reform have made Indonesia democratic, stable, and increasingly confident about its leadership role in south-east Asia and the Muslim world. Indonesia has held successful, free and fair elections; has weathered the global financial crisis; and is tackling internal security threats."
However, America's diplomats also noted that a series of political scandals through late 2009 and into 2010 had seriously damaged Yudhoyono's political standing.
A protracted conflict between the Indonesian police and the national Corruption Eradication Commission had damaged the government's public anti-corruption credentials, while a parliamentary inquiry into the massive bailout of a major financial institution, Bank Century, called into question the Vice-President's performance as former central bank governor.
One prominent anti-corruption non-government organisation privately told the US embassy that it had "credible" information that funds from Bank Century had been used for financing Yudhoyono's re-election campaign.
Former vice-president Kalla strongly criticised the bailout, alleging that the Bank of Indonesia under Boediono had been negligent in supervising Bank Century and arguing that the bank should have been closed as its failure was due to fraud perpetrated by major shareholders. Against this background the US embassy reported that Yudhoyono was increasingly "paralysed" as his political popularity rapidly diminished.
"Unwilling to risk alienating segments of the parliament, media, bureaucracy and civil society, Yudhoyono has slowed reforms. He is also unwilling to cross any constituencies... Until he is satisfied that he has shored up his political position, Yudhoyono is unlikely to spend any political capital to move his reform agenda, or controversial aspects of US -Indonesia relations, forward."
Over the past 13 years Indonesian democracy has undoubtedly strengthened. The Suharto dictatorship has been replaced by a competitive political system characterised by robust debate and free media.
However, as the leaked US embassy's reports show, in a partial glimpse of the inside workings of President Yudhoyono's tenure, some of the secretive and corrupt habits of the Suharto years still linger in Indonesian presidential politics.
Camelia Pasandaran President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was said to have been shocked and unhappy, and the first lady, Ani Yudhoyono, in tears, following the publication of an article in The Age newspaper today accusing them of abusing their power.
The article titled "Yudhoyono 'Abused Power,'" which outlines a number of startling allegations against the president and other government officials, cites US embassy cables from Jakarta distributed by Wikileaks as its sole source.
"The president was very shocked and did not expect it," presidential spokesman Julian Pasha said. "Moreover, the article is not true, inaccurate and recklessly written. I don't know, they probably just picked these up somewhere and it turned out to be like this."
The article, also published by the online news portal Asia Sentinel, also wrote that: "Yudhoyono's wife and relatives also feature prominently in the US embassy's political reporting, with American diplomats highlighting the efforts of the president's family "particularly first lady Kristiani Herawati... to profit financially from its political position."
"Honestly, the first lady cried," Sudi Silalahi, State Secretary, said at the president palace. "She was really shocked because none of the allegations are true."
The article stated that in June 2006, one presidential staff member told US embassy officers that Kristiani's family members were "specifically targeting financial opportunities related to state-owned enterprises."
"The well-connected staffer portrayed the President as 'witting of these efforts, which his closest operators (e.g. Sudi Silalahi) would advance, while Yudhoyono himself maintained sufficient distance that he could not be implicated.'"
Sudi, who likewise denied allegations made against him in the article, said the activities of the first lady are transparent, focusing mainly on education, environment and other social welfare events.
Yudhoyono did not join Friday prayers at the palace. "He is not feeling well," Sudi said. "He had been very busy this week."
Daniel Sparingga, a presidential advisor, said the palace would exert all efforts needed to straighten out the truth that he claimed has been twisted by the media.
"The public has the right to get the real news, instead of getting this 'Thousand and One Nights' tale," Daniel said. "We feel sorry for The Age's recklessness and consider it to be embarrassingly scandalous news that the article's sources could not be validated as they hide behind their controversial secrecy. We are concerned but also upset with the Age for going against the universal journalistic code of conduct."
Daniel also advised TB Silalahi, a former presidential advisor who is mentioned several times in The Age article as one of the US embassy's most valued political informants, to clarify to the public his position regarding the article.
Julian said the government would announce its official response to the article soon. "But we haven't decided which option to use," he said. But Julian maintained that Wikileaks was not credible nor legally valid as a news source.
Camelia Pasandaran The Presidential Palace has strongly denounced as unsubstantiated gossip the allegations published on today's The Age that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has abused his power.
"As far as we can tell, the information isn't true. In fact, they're just gossip," said Teuku Faizasyah, the presidential staff for international relations,
The article, titled "Yudhoyono 'Abused Power,'" was published on the Australian paper's front page. Citing Wikileaks cables as its sole source, the article said that the US embassy in Jakarta had serious doubts about the Indonesian president's integrity
"According to the diplomatic cables, Yudhoyono, widely known by his initials SBY, personally intervened to influence prosecutors and judges to protect corrupt political figures and put pressure on his adversaries. He reportedly also used the Indonesian intelligence service to spy on rivals and, on at least one occasion, a senior minister in his own government," the article said.
Teuku said the government has communicated with the US embassy, which acknowledged that the information "needed to be verified."
Teuku had earlier also questioned The Age's editorial decision to run the story without a proper verification process.
"The fact is that the diplomatic cables were only raw data taken from shoddy meetings and sources. The information was raw, it was only rumors and twisted facts," he said, according to news portal Detik.com.
Meanwhile, Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto said Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa will question US Ambassador Scot Marciel.
"Minister Marty will summon the US Ambassador in Jakarta to protest the substance of the diplomatic cables," Djoko said, according to Tempointeraktif.com.
Voicing similar concerns as Teuku, Djoko said he questioned the credibility of the information. "It is very raw and unverified information. The US Ambassador must give immediate clarification to the public," Djoko said.
The Foreign Affairs Ministry is giving an official press conference at 10 a.m.
Former Vice President Jusuf Kalla admitted on Friday that there was some truth to an allegation, released by Wikileaks and published today in Australia's The Age newspaper, that he had "distributed" money to Golkar Party members when he was elected party chairman during Golkar's 2004 convention in Bali.
The claim, published today in The Age in an article titled "Yudhoyono 'Abused Power,'" accused Kalla of paying "enormous bribes" to win the chairmanship.
According to the article, a cable from the US embassy said multiple sources had revealed that Kalla's team had offered district boards at least Rp 200 million ($23,000) for their votes.
"Provincial boards which had the same voting right, but also could influence subordinate district boards received Rp 500 million or more. According to one contact with prior experience in such matters, board officials received down payments... and would expect full payment from the winner, in cash, within hours of the vote," the article claimed.
Jusuf Kalla said on Friday that the allegation was not altogether false. "Yes, [I spent] between Rp 2 billion to Rp 3 billion," Kalla told news portal tempointeraktif.com on Friday.
He said the money was used to pay for the plane tickets of 3,000 Golkar officials from all over Indonesia. He also paid for the hotel where the convention took place.
However, he said it was customary for the elected Golkar chairman to pay for the plane tickets and hotel. "Almost every political party does it. It's not a secret," he said. "I used my own money, not corruption money," he said.
Kalla is not the only Golkar official mentioned in the newly-revealed cables. They also claim that then Indonesian House of Representatives chairman Agung Laksono had allocated Rp 50 billion for the convention.
The Department of State does not comment on materials, including classified documents, which may have been leaked.
However, as the Secretary of State has said, the United States deeply regrets the disclosure of any information that was intended to be confidential, including private discussions between counterparts or our diplomats' personal assessments and observations.
Our official foreign policy is not set through these messages, but in Washington. Our policy is a matter of public record, as reflected in our statements and our actions around the world.
Any unauthorized disclosure of classified information by Wikileaks has harmful implications for the lives of identified individuals that are jeopardized, but also for global engagement among and between nations. Given its potential impact, we condemn such unauthorized disclosures and are taking every step to prevent future security breaches.
While we cannot speak to the authenticity of any documents provided to the press, we can speak to the diplomatic community's practice of cable writing. By its very nature, field reporting to Washington is candid and often raw information. It is preliminary, often incomplete and unsubstantiated. It is not an expression of policy, nor does it always shape final policy decisions. These documents should not be seen as having standing on their own or as representing US policy. This type of publication is extremely irresponsible and we express our deepest regrets to President Yudhoyono and the Indonesian people.
As President Obama has noted, the United States is fortunate to have a very strong partner in President Yudhoyono, Indonesia's first directly elected president, and a leader who has guided Indonesia through its journey into democracy. President Yudhoyono's leadership has been vital to promoting prosperity, expanding partnerships between our people, and deepening political and security cooperation.
As the President said in Jakarta during his visit in November 2010 to jointly launch with President Yudhoyono the Comprehensive Partnership, Indonesia and the United States are bound together by a web of historical, cultural, and economic ties that span the Pacific and by our shared values and aspirations, and our partnership is one of equals, grounded in mutual interests and mutual respect.
Yemris Fointuna, Kupang One person died and six others were injured when they were held captive by the 744 Infantry Battalion/Satya Yudha Bakti (SYB) Military Command in Atambua, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT).
The victim, identified as Charles Mali from Fatunenao, Belu regency, died after sustaining wounds across his body allegedly caused by torture.
The SYB military command, which was visited by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in a recent overland trip, monitors the border between Indonesia and Timor Leste.
Victims' relatives insisted the perpetrators must be brought to justice.
According to witnesses, the alleged incidents unfolded following a previous incident that occurred on March 5, during which seven intoxicated teenagers from Fatubenao, including at least one carrying a knife, threatened and attempted to extort a soldier.
Later that afternoon members from the SYB command came to Charles' house, but he and his six colleagues had already fled. The following day four TNI soldiers returned to the victim's house but were unable to find him because he apparently was still in hiding.
"At around 9 a.m. on March 8 two soldiers brought the victim's parents to the military headquarters. Both were required to report to the command in Tobir village, some 20 kilometers from Atambua.
"Charles's parents were required to report to the command until he gave himself up," said Charles' uncle Romo Leo Mali via text message on Monday. Charles and his brother Heri Mali were brought to the military command on March 12 by one of his siblings and mother Modesta Dau.
"Modesta decided to hand over her son because according to an agreement, the victim and six of his colleagues would be given counseling at the military command," said Romo Leo.
However, in reality, Charles was tortured until his death at the military command on March 13, Leo said. "To conceal the traces, Charles was forced to fight his elder brother Heri," said Leo.
"Heri is currently in serious condition at the hospital. Mother Modesta is suffering from severe distress as she feels guilty for sending her son to the military command where he was later tortured to death. She attempted suicide," Leo said.
When reached separately, SYB vice commander Capt. Nuryanto expressed regret and offered an apology over the incident. "We apologize to the victim's family and the community in Atambua over the incident. Those involved in the crime will be legally processed," he said.
When reached in Kupang, NTT legislature Commission A secretary Anton Landi strongly criticized the brutality that lead to civilian death.
According to Anton, his commission will summon the Wirasakti commander in Kupang for verification. Around 1,000 people staged a protest before the Belu regency council while carrying the remains of Charles on Monday.
As the coffin arrived at the regency council, protesters immediately placed it in the plenary hall. Rally coordinator Ande Bere Asa conveyed five demands to legislators, including, among others, that the TNI headquarters dissolve the SYB Military Command because "it has often resorted to anarchic acts against civilians".
They also urged the Military Police to mete out stiff sanctions against the perpetrators.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Today, 85-year-old Mbah Pujiati will do what she has done every Thursday since Jan. 19, 2006: Dress in black and stand in front of the State Palace for hours as a reminder to the government of its duty to protect its citizens.
Despite her age, the frail Pujiati has never missed a single Kamisan a weekly silent demonstration that scores of human rights victims and relatives of missing persons stage every Thursday at the same place.
Today, Pujiati and other activists will conduct their Kamisan for the 200th time and this, she said, will not be the last.
"I was imprisoned without trial for 14 years. I shall be tireless in pursing this goal. I won't quit until I see justice," she said when asked whether she was concerned about her health.
Pujiati, born in Purworejo, Central Java, was imprisoned by authorities for her role as a member of a labor union in Jakarta in 1965. She lives with other 1965 victims in a nursing house in Central Jakarta.
Kamisan, taken from Kamis, the Indonesian word for Thursday, has become a symbol of a relentless struggle to uphold human rights. The participants, who dress in black and hold black umbrellas, stand in front of the Palace from 4 p.m. until 5 p.m.
Together they hold large black banners with messages like, "Investigate the perpetrators of the 1998 incident!" "SBY, don't stay quiet", referring to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and "No peace without justice".
Unlike the usual rowdy and noisy street demonstrations typical of post- Soeharto Indonesia, these protesters are unerringly silent.
"Black represents the gloom of this country in terms of human rights. The umbrella carries the message that our right to stage this rally is protected by the Constitution," said Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence member Yati Andriani.
Another regular participant of the Kamisan rallies is Maria Catarina Sumarsih, mother of Bernardus Realino Norma "Wawan" Irmawan, who was killed in the 1998 Semanggi shooting incident. Another is Suciwati, the widow of murdered human rights activist Munir Said Thalib.
"We are quiet because we are not hooligans. But our silence carries a strong message to the President and everybody in this country that the state must fulfill its obligation and pledges to resolve human rights tragedies," Sumarsih said.
Victims and relatives of other kinds of injustice, including medical malpractice and evictions, have also taken part in Kamisan demonstrations.
"I joined this group a year ago. They have helped me a lot in seeking justice for my daughter. I am not sure if this will bring justice, though. At least I feel more comfortable being together with other victims," Darwis Lubis said.
His daughter is now paralyzed due to alleged malpractice while she was undergoing medical treatment in 1999, but his efforts to seek compensation were rejected by the Health Ministry and the Indonesian Doctors Association.
Although they stage their protests just meters away from the Palace, they claimed they had never seen President Yudhoyono's motorcade pass in front of them."They always change their route to use the side entrance every time the President wants to enter or exit the Palace with us still rallying," Yati said.
Will there be a 300th or even a 1,000th? "We strongly believe that one day in the future we will stop this action because this country will meet our demands. We don't know when but we will never stop until that time comes," Yati said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Members of House of Representatives' Commission III on legal affairs and laws, human rights and security opposed the proposal to endorse a bill that would grant protection to human rights activists.
"I have not seen any relevant incidents in recent time to support this idea. The protection of human rights defenders sounds a bit paternalistic, as everybody in this country deserves protection," Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) representative Bukhori Yusuf told a hearing with human rights activists who support the legislation.
The bill is among the House's top legislative priorities this year.
Activists grouped under the Coalition of Civil Society for Human Rights Defenders Protection attended the session, which only saw nine out of 51 legislators from the commission attend.
Among the NGOs participating in the session were the Imparsial, the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), academics and members of the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM).
Bukhori said it was not necessary to endorse the bill on the protection of human rights defenders in the near future. Instead, he suggested that the mechanism of protection for human rights defenders would be included in the revision of the 1999 Law on Human Rights.
"It could be also be included in the revision of the Criminal Code [KUHP] and the Criminal Procedures Code [KUHAP] instead of creating a separate law," he said.
House Commission III chairman Benny K. Harman, from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said Indonesia needed to expand Komnas HAM's authority to accommodate the mechanism to protect defenders of human rights.
Imparsial director Poengky Indarty said the bill was necessary because many perpetrators of violence and torture against activists and journalists had been left untouched. "In fact, many of the incidents were committed by law enforcers whose duty is actually to protect people's rights," she said.
Poengky cited a number of incidents of torture and even murder of journalists. "Journalists are also defenders of human rights. Along with activists, they have been targets of violence for years," she said.
She also cited the torture of ICW activist Tama S. Langkun last year. "President Yudhoyono visited Tama in the hospital and made a speech vowing to uncover the perpetrators and promote protection for activists. However, almost a year after the incident the police have still failed to name any suspects," she said.
Komnas HAM commissioner Jhony Nelson Simanjuntak said the commission had supported the NGOs in pushing the House to endorse the bill. "The government must take measures to ensure that all human rights defenders can work freely, independently and with full protection from state authorities," he said.
Nivell Rayda The Alliance of Independent Journalists has condemned the apparent terrorist attack on Liberal Islamic Network co-founder Ulil Abshar Abdalla, calling it "a brutal assault on the freedom of thinking and expression."
"Judging from the package sent, the perpetrator was clearly trying to silence Ulil by killing him," AJI chairman Nezar Patria said in a statement.
"The case has to be solved. An attack against an advocate of pluralism is a hard blow to our national ideals. Democracy in Indonesia is now in danger."
Rahmat & Ismira Lutfia, Makassar Journalists in Makassar and Jakarta demanded justice on Thursday for two colleagues killed in Maluku in separate incidents.
In Makassar, journalists protested Wednesday's acquittal of three defendants in the murder of Sun TV reporter Ridwan Salamun, who was killed last year while covering a communal conflict in Maluku's Tual district. "The verdict just doesn't make sense," said Abdul Haris, the protest's organizer and a member of the Alliance of Makassar Journalists.
He said the facts disclosed during the trial at the Tual District Court implicated the three defendants in Ridwan's murder. The verdict, he added, only reaffirmed the deterioration of the country's legal system.
"Ridwan Salamun has been further victimized by the country's poor and unprofessional legal system," he said.
Mardiana Rusli, who heads the local chapter of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said the verdict spelled bad news for press freedom. He also accused the government of failing to protect journalists, whose safety is guaranteed by the 1999 Press Law.
AJI said it would examine the verdict and urged the Judicial Commission to take over the case. The commission, Mardiana said, is "our last hope for justice in this country. The commission must probe the judges who handled Ridwan's case."
In Jakarta, colleagues of Alfrets Mirulewan, a journalist who was killed while reporting in Maluku, sought out the support of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).
Alfrets was found dead on a beach on Maluku's Kisar Island after he had tailed a truck allegedly transporting illegal gasoline, as part of an investigative report he had been working on.
Yeremias Mahuri, a journalist who works for Teropong Barat Daya, a tabloid in Maluku, said he had received information that the four suspects detained in connection with the murder had admitted their involvement in Alfret's death.
Jhony Simanjuntak, a Komnas HAM member, said the commission was deeply concerned over the safety of journalists. He urged the local police to find those responsible for the murder and determine the motive behind Alfret's death.
"We need to know if his death was really connected to the illegal gasoline trade, or if there was another motive," Jhony said.
He added that the police in Maluku should also investigate the cause of the gasoline shortage now affecting the southwestern islands of the province.
The commission, he said, has been gathering information that might indicate oversights and mistakes in the local police's investigation into the case. "Once we have all the facts, we will submit our report to the National Police and ask if they will take over the investigation," Jhony said.
Heru Andriyanto & Ismira Lutfia Three men were acquitted on Wednesday of the murder of a TV journalist in Maluku, prompting protests from media observers.
The Tual District Court ruled that Hasan Tamange, Ibrahim Raharusun and Sahar Renuat were not guilty of the murder of Sun TV's Ridwan Salamun, who was killed last August while covering a clash between residents of Fiditan village in Tual district.
Noor Rachmad, a spokesman for the Attorney General's Office, said prosecutors planned to lodge an appeal of the verdict with the Supreme Court within 14 days.
"We first need to examine the considerations made by the judges in delivering their not-guilty verdict and after that we can present our arguments to counter their considerations," he said.
He did not say whether prosecutors would submit documents and evidence gathered by the Press Council and the Maluku Media Center in their appeal.
Bekti Nugroho, a member of the Press Council, said the acquittal was disappointing and deeply regrettable. "If the defendants are acquitted, then who killed Ridwan?" he asked. "His death was obviously a murder. He didn't die because of an accident or natural causes."
Bekti added that the council would form a team to conduct its own probe into Ridwan's death.
Insany Syahbarwati, from the Maluku Media Center, also denounced the verdict, saying it had devastated the press community and Ridwan's family's sense of justice. "This is a controversial verdict and a bad precedent for legal conduct in Maluku," she said.
The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) said in a statement that the acquittal showed the safety of journalists in the country was under threat.
AJI chairman Nezar Patria said the acquittal proved that impunity applied for those who obstructed journalists in the course of their work. "We have seen that perpetrators of violence against journalists have been freed from all responsibility for their actions," he said.
Prosecutors in Ridwan's case previously came under fire from the media community for only seeking eight-month sentences for the three defendants, arguing that they killed him in apparent self-defense.
Police claimed the three had killed Ridwan in self-defense because he had been carrying a machete. However, this allegation was denied by the Press Council, saying Ridwan was simply doing his job and was unarmed.Media Decry Acquittals Over Journalist's Murder
Ina Parlina The acquittal of three suspects in the death of a journalist in Maluku is "shocking" and ignored eyewitness testimony, according to activists.
A panel of judges at the Tual District Court in Maluku on Wednesday said the trio was not guilty of collective violence that resulted in the death of Ridwan Salamun during a community clash in Fiditin village.
Prosecutors demanded that the court sentence the defendants to eight months in jail for their role in Ridwan's death.
Kabul Supriyadhi of the National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) said that lackluster prosecution of the case most likely resulted from poor investigation from police officers who disregarded reports from eyewitness.
The police claimed that Ridwan, a contributor for Jakarta-based Sun TV, was killed after he attacked the defendants with a machete during the violence. "[Ridwan] was not involved in the clash as a journalist but as a resident of one of the clashing neighborhoods," according to a police report.
Kabul said the commission studied the incident and discovered three witnesses who could counter the defendants' claims that Ridwan was a participant in the mayhem. "Three witnesses saw Ridwan was on the scene only to do his duty as journalist covering the incident.
Unlike the claim made by the defendants, Ridwan did not bring with him a machete," Kabul said on Wednesday. "They saw him carrying only a handycam [video recorder] with the power switched on."
Ridwan suffered fatal injuries from a spear wound and a cut to his head on the scene. His body was taken by aircraft to Ambon where Maluku Police chief Brig. Gen. Totoy Herawan Indra confirmed the journalist's death.
Kabul said the acquittal was dubious. "They have to process any facts on the scene."
The commission would study whether or not the court and the police had considered its findings, including statements it obtained from the three witnesses, Kabul said.
Members of Ridwan's family in the courtroom reportedly accepted the acquittal without complaint, while the suspects and their families expressed relief.
The Attorney General's Office said that it would appeal the verdict to the Supreme Court within 14 days.
Nezar Patria, chairman of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said that the acquittal was shocking.
"It might set a bad precedent and give further impetus to commit violence against journalists," Nezar said.
"The police and the court have ignored testimony from three witnesses who said that Ridwan was there only to cover the clash as journalist," Nezar said, adding that the AJI would study the verdict. "We will ask the police to review the investigation," he added.
According to Imparsial, the Indonesian human rights watchdog, there were 18 cases of violence directed against journalists throughout Indonesia in 2010.
Ridwan was murdered almost a month after the body of Merauke TV journalist Ardiansyah Matrais was found floating in the Maro River in Merauke, Papua.
Jubi magazine published several stories by Matrais before his death alleging illegal logging practices in Papua. Matrais reportedly received several threatening SMS text messages after the articles were published.
An autopsy indicated that Matrais was murdered and his body dumped in the river, according to the National Police.
Other journalists in Papua have reported that they have received threatening text messages and letters written in blood.
A Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker in the Gorontalo Legislative Council has been fired by the party following his arrest for illegal gambling.
The party moved to fire Darmawan Daning on March 10, announcing their decision on Monday.
"The PKS' disciplinary body has officially issued a letter to fire him [Darmawan] from party membership," a party official, Adnan Entengo, told news portal Detik.com.
Darmawan was arrested by the police at a house in Kota Tengah, Gorontalo, last month during a police gambling bust. The house owner and several guests, including Darmawan, were allegedly taking part in a "gambling night."
The police confiscated a set of domino cards and Rp 800,000 ($91.20) in cash. Darmawan claimed he was not gambling and was released after questioning.
However, PKS considers his mere presence at the house during the police bust could set a bad precedent for other public officials.
"He doesn't deserve to be a member of PKS," Adnan said. "Whether he gambled or not does not matter. The point is he was in a sinful place and was busted by the police. This will also be a lesson for other PKS members."
Jakarta The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) said any opportunity it had to join the ruling coalition was closed, for now.
Gerindra secretary-general Ahmad Muzani said Sunday that a statement by State Secretary Sudi Silalahi made it clear Gerindra was not entertaining any offers to join the ruling coalition any time soon.
Sudi had previously said there would not be a Cabinet reshuffle in the near future. There was widespread speculation Gerindra would be offered a place in the coalition after the party supported the stance of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party to reject a proposed tax graft inquiry committee at the House of Representatives.
Analysts predicted Gerindra would replace the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in the coalition. The PKS had supported calls to establish the inquiry committee to look into graft at the tax office.
Ahmad said he was not sure a Cabinet reshuffle would take place. "Maybe what [Sudi] meant by 'the near future' is from now to 2014," he was quoted as saying by news portal tempointeraktif.com.
He added that Gerindra chief patron Prabowo Subianto had not met with the President regarding the matter. "There have been no talks," he said.
Camelian Pasandaran & Anita Rachman Prospects for a cabinet reshuffle fizzled out on Wednesday with the State Palace denying there would be a shake-up anytime soon or that opposition parties had been offered seats.
State Secretary Sudi Silalahi stressed that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had never given a time frame for a reshuffle and only said it would happen "whenever it is needed."
"All people need to know is that to date, the president has never officially said he will reshuffle the cabinet in the near future, [nor has he] mentioned the ministers who could be replaced," Sudi said. He also called for an end to media speculation about which ministers were likely to lose their seats in a shake-up.
"This kind of speculation could affect the concentration of cabinet members and their performance at a time when they should be focusing on carrying out government programs to solve problems for the benefit of the nation," he said.
Talk of a reshuffle, which first emerged in September as Yudhoyono marked the first year of his second term in office, was revived last month when the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) backed an ultimately failed bid to launch a probe into corruption at the tax office.
The two parties, both members of the ruling coalition, have frequently broken ranks with Yudhoyono's Democratic Party on key issues, leading to calls from senior Democrats for the president to kick them out of the coalition and their ministers out of the cabinet.
After holding talks with Yudhoyono, Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie said on Tuesday that his party would remain in the coalition.
The president has also called closed-door meetings with all the other coalition partners, with the notable exception of the PKS.
Reports that Yudhoyono was courting the opposition Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) were dismissed on Wednesday by Daniel Sparingga, a presidential adviser.
"We appreciate the PDI-P's position as an opposition party," he said, although he stressed that a "rearrangement" of the coalition was still needed.
"When the president decides to announce this publicly, he will ensure that the most important thing is to make an effective government," Daniel said. "A strengthening and rearrangement of the coalition and communication between parties will be essential to bring all the components closer."
Hanta Yuda, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute, said there was still a 50-50 chance a cabinet reshuffle would take place. Should it happen, he added, the makeup of the coalition would likely remain the same, with Gerindra still on the outside.
"It's been reported that Gerindra is eyeing key cabinet posts that Golkar currently holds, so maybe they won't reach a deal," he said.
However, Hanta said the president was probably still weighing the benefits of dropping the PKS in favor of Gerindra. If there was to be a reshuffle, he said, it should be carried out before next week at the latest. "Any later and it's better to not shake up the cabinet at all," he said.
Fadli Zon, Gerindra's deputy chairman, meanwhile, denied that the party had been looking for cabinet seats. "It's not true that we're asking for positions," he said.
Bagus BT Saragih and Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta Amid the escalating tension in the ruling coalition, Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie confirmed his party would remain part of the coalition.
"I am happy to say we have reached an agreement to use the coalition not only for maintaining power, but also to speed up policies needed to develop the country," Aburizal said after meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudho-yono at the Presidential Palace on Tuesday to discuss the party's future in the coalition.
Aburizal did not elaborate on the deal reached, but said Yudhoyono had approved Golkar's suggestion to review the structure of the coalition to allow for coalition members to express criticism of the government.
"I asked the President to outline clear channels in the new agreement so the different stances of coalition members would be allowed," he said.
Aburizal said he did not discuss a possible Cabinet reshuffle with the President.
Golkar and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) came under pressure following Yudhoyono's statement last week that certain members of the coalition violated coalition agreements and should be punished.
Yudhoyono said he would communicate with all coalition parties before making any decision on the future of the coalition.
Yudhoyono was widely believed to have been hinting at the two parties as both sided with opposition parties in a recent bid at the House of Representatives to establish a legislative inquiry into corruption at the tax office.
Observers say the PKS was likely to be ousted while Golkar would remain in the coalition as it was too big to be kicked out.
Aburizal met with the President Tuesday after he concluded a Golkar meeting to discuss its stance on the heels of the failed inquiry bid.
Many leaders from Golkar's regional branches continued to support calls to end Golkar's role in the ruling coalition, but gave Aburizal the mandate to make the final decision after meeting with Yudhoyono.
"If Yudhoyono feels uncomfortable with Golkar's presence in the coalition, we will leave the government and join the opposition," Golkar politician Bambang Soesatyo said after the meeting.
As of Tuesday night, the PKS remains the only coalition party not to have been summoned by the Pre-sident.
The President has not met with the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), which are rumored to be possible new additions to the coalition.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said the President may communicate with parties outside the coalition in the near future.
A source at the presidential office told The Jakarta Post the President was likely to invite Gerindra to replace the PKS in the coalition. But the source said it would be difficult to invite the PDI-P to join the coalition as long as it was chaired by former president Megawati Soe-karnoputri.
PKS executive member Nasir Djamil said he was certain Yudhoyono would not expel the PKS from the coalition. "This coalition is based on three principles: development, democracy and justice. We have never violated any of those principles," he said.
Nasir said Yudhoyono would meet with PKS chief patron Hilmi Aminuddin to discuss the party's position in the coalition by Wednesday.
The National Awakening Party (PKB) is targeting 100 seats in the 2014 legislative election and is counting on religious leaders (kiai) to help them reach their target.
"We will form an assembly of kiai from the villages to expand the party's network," PKB's Helmy Faisal Zani said Sunday in Jakarta, as quoted by Tempointeraktif.com. He said that the party is currently recruiting kiai in the villages.
The Party is preparing for its national meeting to be held next Tuesday and Wednesday. As many as 1,202 delegates, including a number of kiai, are expected to attend the event.
The meeting's organizing committee chairman Hanif Dakhiri said that the target was viewed as challenging, but achievable, for providing the party's political machine to function as it should. PKB secured 28 seats in the previous national legislative election in 2009.
Jakarta No parties have registered for the 2014 elections since the Law and Human Rights Ministry opened its doors for the verification process more than six weeks ago, an official says.
Central Java National Unity and Community Protection Agency chief Agus Tusono told a discussion in Semarang on Sunday that the Political Parties Law stipulated that parties wishing to stand in the 2014 general elections must register at the ministry between Jan. 17 and Aug. 22, as reported by kompas.com.
The verification of a party might take up to 45 days, and would entail verification that a party was a legal entity and a participant in the general elections. After verification, another 15 days would be needed to issue an official letter authorizing the party to run in the election, Agus said.
Palembang Different from the national education minister's statement, the Indonesian Teachers Association (PGRI) has conceded that many regions in Indonesia still suffer a teacher shortage.
The minister recently said that Indonesia experienced a surplus in the number of teachers while PGRI chairman Sulistyo said over the weekend in Palembang that the insufficiency in teachers remained the main problem in education for rural and remote areas.
"It's inaccurate for the government to claim a surplus by 20 percent. It may be true for urban areas, but for rural areas, many schools in villages struggle to find teachers, particularly for certain subjects," he said.
He said the condition had prompted the schools to begin using casual teachers. He added that when a teacher cannot attend school, there are no staff replacements.
The PGRI urged the government to raise teachers' welfare by increasing their wages.
National Education Minister Muhammad Nuh said last week that many casual teachers had yet to gain permanent employment because of a 20 percent surplus, or 500,000, of teachers.
Semarang Central Java Governor Bibit Waluyo said he failed to understand schools in the province that refused to follow his instruction that every school should play patriotic songs every day.
"How hard it is for the schools to play patriotic songs before class every day?" he said in a discussion on improving nationalism lessons in schools.
He said the provincial administration had provided the schools with cassettes containing the songs, so they could just ask the school attendant to turn on tapes.
"If we make this a habit, it could instill a spirit of nationalism in students," Bibit said. "I just want to instill that spirit early on so we can have national figures or leaders who have a strong nationalism spirit."
Sexual orientation & gender identity
Ulma Haryanto Legal aid foundations on Friday condemned the fatal shooting of Shakira, a transvestite, and demanded that the police launch a comprehensive investigation.
"Many cases concerning the abuse of transvestites have gone unresolved and left in the dark. We hope that won't happen with this one," said Widodo Budidarmo, coordinator of Arus Pelangi, a lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights group.
Shakira, a paralegal whose real name was Faisal Harahap, was shot and killed in an apparent attempted robbery at Taman Lawang in Menteng, Central Jakarta, a well-known gathering spot for transvestites.
The 28-year-old was one of the transvestites who had taken classes with the People's Legal Aid Institution (LBH Masyarakat) so that he could advise other transvestites on their problems with the law.
"Last year he also helped us when several transvestites were caught in raids by public order officers and the police," said Alex Argo Hernowo, from LBH Masyarakat. "It is sad that his life had to end like this."
The shooting is being investigated by a joint team from the Menteng Police, the Central Jakarta Police and Jakarta Police headquarters.
Two other transvestites, identified as 19-year-old Agus Juliawan, who is also known as Venus, and 24-year-old Tantan Setia, who goes by the name Astrid, were wounded in the shooting.
Venus was critically injured and underwent emergency surgery, while Tantan suffered gunshot wounds to the abdomen and upper arm. Shakira died from a gunshot wound to the chest.
Edy Halomoan Gurning, from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said he hoped police would treat the case seriously.
"Bullet fragments from the three victims have already been recovered by the police as evidence," he said. "And we are waiting for the key witness, Venus, to recover so that he can testify."
Edy said it was possible that one witness knew the perpetrators. Agus Karsa Abadi Hutahuruk, 27, was allegedly having sex with Venus when two men arrived at the park on a motorcycle. One of the men reportedly said to Agus: "You embarrass me."
The two men reportedly demanded Agus's wallet and the keys to his motorcycle. When the men then attempted to take the motorcycle, a number of transvestites surrounded them.
It was at that point, according to witness statements to the police, that one of the men drew a handgun and fired numerous shots, killing Shakira and wounding Venus and Tantan
"It is strange that Agus was not shot at all," Edy said. "He even claimed that he then rode on one of the men's motorcycles until they dropped him in Manggarai, East Jakarta." It was unclear where Edy had heard that information.
Widodo, from Arus Pelangi, said none of the transvestites who frequented the area had seen Agus before.
Thursday's shooting was just the latest fatal incident involving transvestites in the city.
According to Widodo, in 2002 three transvestites were arrested near Taman Anggrek in West Jakarta after a man complained that one of them had stolen his mobile phone. The following day, the bodies of all three were found in the same location with gunshot wounds to their heads.
Rights groups petitioned the police to investigate the killings, but the case was never solved after the police said there was a lack of evidence, Widodo said.
He added that legal rights organizations and Arus Pelangi had jointly signed a letter requesting that Shakira's body be released from the morgue for burial. The funeral, he said, was scheduled for Friday.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The country's antigraft body has been named one of the most accountable state bodies in 2010, the year in which activists said it worked incredibly slow in the fight against endemic corruption.
According to an evaluation conducted by the Administrative Reforms Ministry, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), followed by the National Education Ministry and the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry, were named the top three state institutions with the most "accountable" performances for 2010. Seventy-nine ministries and state institutions were included in the evaluation, according to a press statement released on Monday.
The commission, however, is still failing to impress antigraft activists, who accused it of being "too cautious" in combating corruption an approach they say has hindered its performance.
"KPK has not been resourceful in using the 2001 Anti-Corruption Law. They were too cautious," Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) advocate Tama S. Langkun said Monday during a launching of an assessment on the KPK's 2010 performance. The watchdog called on the commission to be more sophisticated in prosecuting corrupt officials.
According to ICW, the KPK used articles on bribery 188 times in their prosecutions in 2010. In comparison, the commission used articles on embezzlement and misuse of state funds only 44 times during the same year. Articles on trickery and conflict of interest were never used, ICW added.
It also lamented the fact that the KPK frequently used an article on bribery stipulating that someone can be charged with bribery even if the commission had not yet found the players behind the payment of the bribe. "It is a challenge for KPK to find the bribe payer in cases such as the Bank Indonesia vote buying scandal," he said.
The KPK is still failing to name the bribe payers in a high-profile bribery case that has implicated at least 25 former and current legislators, even though it has recently sentenced four more individuals for their electoral support of Miranda S. Goeltom as central bank's senior deputy governor in 2004.
The commission was also lambasted for being slow in completing graft probes it had already begun. The ICW found at least three corruption cases in which the culprits had already been named suspects for years, but continue to remain free.
A corruption case centered on at least three former heads at the Riau Forestry Agency for illegally granting permits to use forests and land in Siak and Pelalawan regencies, Riau, between 2001 and 2006, has only put some perpetrators in jail, while the rest remain free.
Syuhada Tasman, who led the office from 2003-2004 and Burhanuddin Husein (2005-2006), have been suspects in the issuances of illegal permits over the course of three years, but as of now have never been arrested.
As of today, KPK has not yet arrested Siak regent Arwin, even after naming him a suspect in September 2009 for allegedly violating regulations in issuing permits for forest land usage in Riau between 2001 and 2003.
Another case implicated businessman Anggoro Widjojo, the brother of high- profile suspect Anggodo Widjojo, who is still missing after he was named a suspect in 2009 for allegedly bribing several high-ranking officials at the Forestry Ministry in order to win an integrated radio communication system tender in 2007. KPK officials were not available for comment on Monday.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta In a sign of animosity toward the nation's antigraft body, lawmakers have refused to acknowledge a decision by the Attorney General's Office (AGO) to clear two Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) leaders of bribery charges.
House lawmakers said the two KPK commissioners would continue to be regarded as graft suspects.
During a hearing with AGO officials on Monday, members of the House of Representatives' Commission III overseeing law and human rights criticized Attorney General Basrief Arief's decision to issue a deponeering, dropping charges against Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah.
A deponeering is a local legal principle used to halt prosecution for the sake of public interest.
"Despite [Basrief's] explanation, I still believe that the deponeering did not clear Bibit and Chandra's suspect status. Please, I hope an attorney general does not disrupt our legal system," Ahmad Yani of the United Development Party (PPP) said at the hearing.
At the hearing Basrief discussed with the lawmakers the details of the deponeering principle as stipulated under the 2004 Law on the AGO. The concept was adopted from a Dutch legal principle. "Any suspect to whose prosecution the Attorney General applies deponeering is no longer a suspect," he said.
Commission III chair Benny Kabur Harman of the Democratic Party said Basrief had failed to provide a reasonable legal basis for the decision, which could be perceived as an abuse of power.
"A deponeering is at my discretion. It's my prerogative. If you say my decision was subjective, yes that is true. But I want to reiterate one more time, the decision did not involve any intervention from any party. We have a team specially tasked to study it before the decision was made," Basrief said.
Yani said the deponeering was inappropriate because former National Police chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri had vowed to lawmakers that the investigation of Bibit and Chandra's case had been done properly without any orchestration or intervention.
Commission III lawmakers rejected Bibit and Chandra's attendance at a hearing with KPK officials last month, citing "ethical issues in meeting with graft suspects".
The commission also voted to bar Bibit and Chandra from attending any of its hearings. Commission members from the Democratic Party, the People's Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) rejected the motion to bar Bibit and Chandra from hearings, but lost out to those from the six other parties.
Activist Tama S. Langkun from Indonesia Corruption Watch said the lawmakers' controversial move was likely a "counter-attack" against the KPK's decision to detain 24 politicians in a high profile bribery case.
Those detained were 13 politicians from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), nine from the Golkar Party and two from the PPP. One of the suspects was Panda Nababan, a senior PDI-P politician who was also an active member of the House's Commission III.
While still a suspect and until he was detained by the KPK in January, Panda attended numerous meetings with the commission's counterparts without any lawmakers voicing their disagreement.
Forty current and former lawmakers have been named graft suspects by the KPK since the body was established in 2003.
Elisabeth Oktofani Although the nation's antigraft agency has arrested more corruption suspects in 2010 than in the previous year, it has been unable or unwilling to pursue cases involving police or prosecutors, a graft watchdog said on Monday.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has shown a "significant" improvement in 2010 over the previous year, arresting 69 suspects and handling 23 cases that caused state losses totaling Rp 619.13 billion ($70.5 million), Indonesia Corruption Watch said.
In 2009, the KPK arrested 42 suspects linked to 23 cases estimated to have cost the state Rp 420 billion, according to the ICW.
The corruption watchdog lauded the higher 2010 totals as evidence that the KPK was aggressively pursuing allegations of graft at all levels of government.
"In term of the quality, the KPK has improved their performance because instead of just handling corruption cases in the central government they have also handled corruption at the regional level." ICW researcher Tama Satrya Langkun said.
However, the ICW pointed out that the KPK's record when it came to investigating members of the National Police or the Attorney General's Office was lacking.
"Other than still having 10 unsolved corruption cases, including the Bank Century bailout case during 2010, the KPK has not been able to handle corruption cases involving officers of the National Police or prosecutors," Tama said.
Tackling such cases, he said, was urgent "so it can help accelerate the reform at the law enforcement level."
Tama himself was hospitalized last year after being beaten by unknown assailants. The attack is believed by many to have been in retaliation for his investigation into the suspiciously large bank accounts of high-ranking National Police officers.
ICW deputy coordinator Adnan Topan Husodo conjectured that the KPK was reluctant to pursue law enforcement officials due to the likelihood of bad blood building between the agencies the antigraft body often works with the National Police and the AGO on its cases.
Adnan said the KPK was already drawing heat from the House of Representatives after alleging 51 former and sitting lawmakers were linked to the Miranda Goeltom bribery scandal.
"Although the KPK has improved their performance by arresting members of the House and former state officials who committed corruption, they have to be careful with the possibility of the backlash from the House of Representatives," Adnan warned.
He said the House could potentially hobble the KPK by cutting its funding or reducing its authority.
"Therefore, the KPK has to keep improving their performance so that they will not lose the public trust in their handling of corruption cases. It they do, some actors will try to use the opportunity to destroy the KPK for their own purpose, including House members."
He pointed to the ongoing conflict between House Commission III and the KPK involving KPK deputies Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah. The two men were named suspects in late 2009 in an extortion case widely believed to have been fabricated.
In January, they were barred from appearing at House hearings just days after 19 lawmakers were arrested in connection with the Miranda bribery scandal, leading some critics to allege the ban was politically motivated.
The case against the KPK officials has been dropped, but lawmakers have continued to object to their presence at hearings.
A bomb exploded at the office of a moderate Islamic group in the Indonesian capital Jakarta on Tuesday, injuring four people including a policeman, police and a witness said.
The device was in a package sent to the office of the Liberal Islam Network, a grouping of religious intellectuals, in East Jakarta, national police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar told reporters.
"We suspected that it was a bomb. Our officers were trying to tame it when it went off," he said, adding that the police are investigating the motive.
A witness told local television station MetroTV that the package was addressed to the group's former director and liberal Muslim scholar Ulil Abshar Abdalla.
"Our office received a suspicious package containing cables with a strong smell. We called the police," Fia Anwar said. "As the police were checking the package, it exploded. Four people were injured, including a policeman and our security guards," she added.
"I saw clearly that a policeman's hand was cut off and our security guards had shrapnel wounds," she said.
Religion has been under the spotlight in recent weeks in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, after some provincial administrations issued a local decree which banned members of the Islamic Ahmadiyah sect from showing signs identifying their mosques and schools.
The provincial regulations came after Islamist fanatics brutally murdered last month three Ahmadiyah adherents. Two days later another mob of enraged Muslims rampaged through the streets and set fire to churches.
"Recent violence against minority communities and new local regulations restricting religious freedom are damaging Indonesia's international reputation as a democracy with a tradition of tolerance," a US embassy statement said earlier this month.
"As a friend of Indonesia, and as a partner in the G20 and other international organisations, we support the overwhelming majority of Indonesians who abhor religious violence and support tolerance," it said. "Laws should protect citizens from violence rather than restrict their rights."
Human rights activists say President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has repeatedly failed to tackle sources of intolerance in the country of 240 million people, 80 percent of whom are Muslims.
Indonesia's constitution guarantees freedom of religion but rights groups say violence against minorities including Christians and Ahmadis has been escalating since 2008.
Heru Andriyanto Controversial cleric Abu Bakar Bashir stormed out of his court hearing after his lawyer on Monday was expelled for contempt of court.
"I will not follow the hearing without my lawyer," Bashir told presiding judge Herri Swantoro, who had earlier ordered guards to escort lawyer Mahdi Rahman out of the South Jakarta District Court.
Madhi had slammed a book down on the table in protest to the use of video conferencing to obtain the testimonies of 16 witnesses.
"I am asking that you to get a replacement for that lawyer," replied Herri, adding that as the chairman of the district court he had the authority to expel attendants for disrupting behavior.
"What kind of rules [are these]? You cannot force me," said the angry cleric. "I, as a faithful man, have the right to defend myself against the prosecutors' accusations of terrorism in Aceh which are not true."
The presiding judge interrupted Bashir to ask him if he would like continue with the hearing or not, leading the cleric to become incresingly angry.
"Is Islam allowed in Indonesia? I ask the panel to be more flexible," Bashir said. "Because prosecutors are in opposition to i'dad [preparations for armed conflict], this is a panel of infidels. It is haram [not permitted under Islam] for me to attend a court that makes joke of verses from Allah," he said.
As Bashir left the court, prosecutors asked the court to press ahead with the witness testimonies via video link.
Heru Andriyanto A militant known as a close aide to firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir was sentenced to four and a half years in jail on Friday for raising funds to finance paramilitary training in Aceh.
Abdul Haris, the Jakarta branch head of Bashir's Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid, was found guilty of collecting at least Rp 350 million from donors for the Aceh camp.
"The crime is against the government's anti-terrorism program," presiding judge Didiek Setyo Handono told the South Jakarta District Court.
The sentence was half of what the prosecution recommended. "The defendant has been polite and honest during the trial, he has never been convicted of a crime before and he's the breadwinner for his family."
The defendant accompanied Bashir in separate meetings with two donors Dr. Syarif Usman in Banten and businessman Haryadi Usman in Bekasi. He played video footage of the paramilitary activities in the mountains in Aceh to convince the donors, the judge said.
Syarif and Haryadi handed Abdul Rp 200 million and Rp 150 million respectively to be used for a jihad training program, the judge said.
The Aceh camp, who calls itself Takjim Al Qaeda Serambi Mekah (the Al Qaeda of the Veranda of Mecca) is aimed at expelling America and its allies from the country, said the panel.
"I don't think what I did was wrong," Abdul told reporters after the hearing. He said he had not yet decided whether to appeal the decision.
Syarif's verdict was slated to be delivered later on Friday.
Heru Andriyanto Two men accused of channeling funds to firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir to set up a paramilitary camp in Aceh firmly maintained their innocence in two separate hearings at the South Jakarta District Court on Tuesday.
Defendant Abdul Haris, aka Haris Amir Falah, the leader of the Jakarta branch of Jemaah Anshorut Tauhid, an Islamic organization founded by Bashir, and Dr. Syarif Usman, who joined JAT last year, said they had simply made donations to a good cause.
Abdul told the court that he found himself faced with a dilemma. "If I move forward and follow the orders of Allah, I will be charged under the Anti- Terror Law. But if I turn back on His orders, then I have to face His wrath."
He is facing nine years in jail for allegedly collecting money from donors and channeling it to Bashir.
"When we have to choose between the regulations and laws of Allah, and those that are man-made, any good Muslim will choose the laws as written out by Allah," he said.
At a separate hearing, Syarif, whom prosecutors have accused of providing Rp 200 million ($22,740) for the Aceh camp, also presented his defense, insisting that his donation was based on Shariah law, and therefore, criminal charges should not be laid upon him.
"Who owns the land of Indonesia? We acknowledge that Allah has created the sky, the earth and all its contents," said Syarif, who is also facing a nine-year sentence.
"As for this trial, it can deliver any verdict it wants, because my donation is meant to seek rewards from Allah."
In their handwritten defense, containing mainly verses from the Koran, neither of the men mentioned Bashir.
Asludin Hatjani, a lawyer representing both defendants, said the terrorism charges were groundless because the prosecution failed to prove that the money had been channeled to the Aceh camp, which was raided by police in February last year.
In the indictment prepared by prosecutors, the two are accused of collecting the funds after Bashir allegedly told them: "We are launching a program of major jihadi activities. If you have extra money, you can donate to us and the biggest returns will come from God."
The panel of judges on the case have said they will deliver their verdict on Friday.
A third suspect, Hariadi Usman, is also on trial in South Jakarta on similar charges.
Heru Andriyanto Firebrand cleric Abu Bakar Bashir told a court on Monday that the government's actions against him and the paramilitary training in Aceh were tantamount to banning Islam in Indonesia,.
"This is a trial by the thagut," Bashir told the South Jakarta District Court, referring to the term in the Koran for those who worship as God anything other than Allah. "I'm being tried for defending Islam."
The 72-year-old faces terror charges for funding the training of a paramilitary force in Aceh that police believe aimed to launch attacks on state leaders and foreigners.
Bashir has admitted to setting up the training camp "to follow orders from Allah that Muslims perform I'dad [prepare for armed conflict] to cause fear among the enemies of Islam, so they don't disturb Muslims."
On Monday, he said the paramilitary training was the implementation of the Islamic teachings, or Shariah, and any attempt to challenge it would mean the government had outlawed the nation's most widespread religion.
"The paramilitary training is recognized by Shariah, and I say the religious teachings should not be violated," Bashir said in response to the prosecution's statements. "If the implementation of Sharia was banned, it would be that the government had banned Islam in Indonesia."
Monday's hearing was held to allow the prosecution to defend its indictment against Bashir, who could face the death penalty if found guilty.
In the same court on March 3, the hard-line preacher lashed out at the United States and its allies for their "relentless attempts" to convict him of terrorism.
"We shall not respond to the defendant's arguments linking his indictment to foreign countries," prosecutor Andi Muhammad Taufik said on Monday. "The indictment is concerned with the crime of terrorism. It doesn't have any political motives."
Achmad Michdan, a lawyer for the cleric, said after the hearing that the terror trial was groundless because there was no law that banned paramilitary training in Indonesia. "There is no law on civilians who conduct paramilitary training, so I don't see the crime in it," he said.
Munarman, a lawyer for Bashir, who is better known as the spokesman for the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), turned emotional on Monday after the prosecution described him as impolite and disrespectful following a statement he made last week about Dulmatin, a notorious bomb maker wanted for the 2002 Bali bombings.
Last week, Munarman questioned how the prosecutors could conclude Bashir and the late Dulmatin once discussed the Aceh camp when no one else was said to have been present during the conversation.
"Did the police and prosecutors interrogate Dulmatin from inside the grave?" he said during last week's hearing.
After the hearing, Munarman approached the prosecution's desk and got involved in a heated exchange with a prosecutor. The hearing was adjourned until Thursday.
Jakarta Human rights activists urged Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Tuesday to sack his religious affairs minister and to lift a ban on a minority Islamic group practising in public.
Some provincial administrations in the world's most populous Muslim country have issued local decrees prohibiting members of the Ahmadiyah sect from displaying signs identifying their mosques and schools.
The provincial regulations came into force after Islamist fanatics brutally murdered three Ahmadiyah adherents in early February. Two days later another mob of enraged Muslims rampaged through the streets and set fire to churches.
"Repeated calls by religious affairs minister Suryadharma Ali to ban the Ahmadiyah fan the flames of violence against the group," Human Rights Watch deputy Asia director Phil Robertson said in a statement.
"President Yudhoyono should signal that such discrimination has no place in a society that promotes religious tolerance and remove Suryadharma Ali from his post," he added.
A shocking video of one of the attacks shows hundreds of Muslim fanatics armed with machetes, sticks and rocks screaming 'Allahu Akbar' (God is Greater) as they set upon their victims in a wild frenzy.
Jakarta Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law and Security Djoko Suyanto said that he was unaware of the involvement of the military in activities aimed at converting Ahmadis to mainstream Islam.
"What operation? Ask them. I did not go to the field," he said Tuesday, as quoted by Tempointeraktif.com.
Human Rights Working Group has accused the TNI the Indonesian military of 56 violations and acts of intimidation towards Ahmadis in West Java.
A program called "Operasi Sajadah" (Prayer-mat operation) was recently launched in the area. Under the program, Muslims are encouraged to hold Friday prayers at Ahmadiyah mosques.
Djoko said that he did not see any form of intimidation in the West Java program and that the government has no right to forbid a citizen's faith. "It's firm... that is the government's position," he said.
Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali said that what the military is doing might be a persuasive approach to encouraging Ahmadis to convert. He said that TNI involvement might be part of an effort to prevent conflict.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The House of Representatives has demanded the military answer to allegations that a West Java military unit launched an operation to intimidate Ahmadiyah followers.
The House said on Tuesday that such operations were outside their authority and possibly violated Indonesian law.
The deputy chairman of the House Commission I overseeing military and foreign affairs, Tubagus Hasanuddin, on Tuesday said that the commission had received 56 reports of the military intimidating Ahmadis.
Siliwangi Army Command soldiers allegedly intimidated Ahmadiyah followers, forcing them to reveal their identities, resign from the community and to have their services lead by local Indonesian Ulema Council's officials.
He said that while the Military Law No. 34/2004 gave the military the authority to perform some non-war operations, the actions of the West Java unit fell outside the law. Under the law, non-war operations include disaster relief, maintaining the security of the president and vice present, and securing border ares.
"I am not saying that the Ahmadiyah teachings are true. I want to criticize the military as it has no authority to do what it did in West Java," said Tubagus, who is a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"We do need to settle the Ahmadiyah matter. But military personnel cannot be deployed for problems related to religions that could spark hatred and unrest."
Tubagus said Commission I had summoned Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro and Military Chief Admiral Agus Suhartono to explain the matter. There must be a clear explanation of who ordered the Siliwangi Army Command to intimidate Ahmadiyah followers under "Sajadah Operation," Tubagus said.
"It's important to know what officials actually issued the order whether it was the president, the military chief or just the Siliwangi Military Command," he said.
"If the operation was initiated by the military command, then it must have been ordered by the commander. Did the military commander know about it and just acted as if he knew nothing about it?" Tubagus asked. "Those responsible for it must be punished."
Meanwhile, the Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), Taufik Kiemas, said the West Java military operation was not necessarily a human rights violation.
"Before jumping to such conclusions, we should first investigate the link between the military and the incident," Taufik said. "Please remain calm and let the investigation process take place."
Previously, Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), said he had received reports from Ahmadis across West Java that police and military officers had been visiting their homes and asking them to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.
As the House called for the military to answer the allegations on Tuesday, a group of 40 demonstrators broke into an Ahmadiyah mosque in Cipeuyeum, West Java, burning the group's religious books.
"Police were there. The mob did not destroy the mosque or clash with the Ahmadis," said Asep Isamudin, head of the JAI in Cianjur district.
Ulma Haryanto & Elisabeth Oktofani Police and military officers in West Java have coerced Ahmadiyah members into renounce their faith through bribery and intimidation, two groups said on Sunday.
Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), said he had received reports from Ahmadis across West Java that police and military officers had been visiting their homes, asking them to sign sworn statements renouncing their faith.
The allegation comes on the same day that a group of 40 demonstrators broke into an Ahmadiyah mosque in Cipeuyeum, West Java, and burned the group's religious books.
"Police were there. The mob did not destroy the mosque or clash with the Ahmadis," said Asep Isamudin, head of the JAI in Cianjur district.
"They burned the books and the Korans because they believe Ahmadiyah is in violation of the joint ministerial decree and the recently issued gubernatorial decree banning the activities of the sect in West Java," he said.
Firdaus said at least seven Ahmadis previously residing in the village of Leuwisadeng, located some six kilometers from Ciaruteun Udik, the scene of an attack on Friday that damaged houses owned by Ahmadis, had relocated to Bogor.
"They were intimidated into signing a statement," he said. "They feared for their lives.
"The village administration head also informed them that if they insisted on remaining Ahmadis, it would be difficult for them to get their ID cards processed, and to get their children an education.
"The Ahmadi villagers were also offered up to Rp 150,000 [$14)] to renounce their beliefs."
Safwan Adnan, head of the West Java branch of the JAI, said that similar tactics were occurring in Majalengka and Tasikmalaya, both in the province.
He said that on Friday, 40 police and military officers from Bandung, accompanied by members of the West Java branch of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), arrived at Ahmadiyah's Mubarak Mosque in Bandung.
"They said they wanted to lead the Friday prayers," he said. The Ahmadis, he added, rebuked the group. "They were showing off, trying to prove that they had managed to convert followers of Ahmadiyah," he said.
Muhammad Isnur, from the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation, said that Ahmadis in Ciareteun and Leuwisadeng were rounded up on Saturday.
"They were briefed by the Bogor Police, officers from the regional military command and the village's ulema, among others, on the contents of the new gubernatorial decree," he said.
Even though the decree itself is unconstitutional, he said, the Ahmadis were advised to obey. "The Ahmadis can move out if they don't feel safe," he said. "The preaching at mosques has gotten worse there are calls to kill, attack and hang the Ahmadis."
Bogor Police Chief Dadang Rahardja said "the good news" is that seven of the Ahmadi villagers who were attacked on Friday "will declare themselves Muslim, and they decided this by their own will."
He denied that police officers had intimidated Ahmadis. "It was only socialization. We will not force them because faith is about human rights."
Nivell Rayda The small Al Khasanah Mosque in East Jakarta was half-full when Farid Okbah took to the podium to deliver his sermon.
Fifteen minutes into his fiery speech, the place of worship was packed with around 150 people eager to hear the firebrand cleric lash out against what he called deviant beliefs.
Minority sects "are thorns in our flesh," he told his followers. "They are far more dangerous than the infidels. They weaken Islam from within, spinning Islamic verses to suit their own political agendas."
He cited the Ahmadis, the Sufis and moderate Sunni Muslims. But whatever criticism he had for these groups was eclipsed by the sheer vitriol targeted toward the Shiites. One Shiite in Indonesia is one Shiite too many, the cleric said.
Though Farid preaches in a small mosque, his sermons are picked up by groups like the Ikhwanul Jannah Foundation and the As Salafi Foundation and circulated on the Internet.
Audio clips of his teachings and those of other anti-Shia clerics like Salim Al Muhdor and Salim Yahya Qibas are available online for download.
Farid is a Salafi, a follower of the ultra-orthodox interpretation of Islam that holds that only the version of the religion as espoused by the Prophet Muhammad and his companions and the two generations after them is valid.
For Farid, now in his 60s, alternative or moderate interpretations of the Koran or the Prophet's teachings constitute a form of deviancy.
The practice common among many Muslims in Indonesia of making pilgrimages to the tombs of Islamic missionaries and clerics is for Farid a "sinful modification of Islam." Likewise, he deems the high regard in which Ahmadiyah founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is held by his followers "heretical."
But he pays special attention to Shiites, having spent much time collecting books about the branch to find "evidence" of their heresy.
In an interview with the Jakarta Globe, Farid brought out four books that he said proved the Shia interpretation of Islam made the Shiite community "more dangerous than Ahmadiyah."
"Their ideals are so deviant that their teachings need to be exterminated," he said.
The main difference between the Shia and Sunni branches of Islam is that Shiites regard Ali, Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, as the divinely appointed successor to the Prophet.
Shiites also only accept the hadith, or teachings, credited to Muhammad's close family and associates, while Sunnis only accept those credited to his companions.
Like the Ahmadis, Shiites are a minority in Indonesia. But unlike the Ahmadis, they have been defended by top religious figures in the country, including Habib Rizieq, chairman of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). However, at the grassroots level, Shiites say they are starting to feel the heat.
"Although I don't agree with Ahmadiyah, the persecution of Ahmadiyah members has left us worried," Fahrurozi Shadiq, a Shiite, told the Globe. "Some of my friends have discussed the possibility that we may be the next target [of hard-liner attacks]." He said he used to pray according to the Shia tradition at the mosque at his predominantly Sunni university campus in South Jakarta.
"I used to think, 'Why should I be afraid?' Yes, there are people who are curious about the way I pray. But that was usually it," he said. "Now they're growing intolerant. Last month, I was told not to pray there anymore. 'Take your sect elsewhere,' they said. Can you imagine? Intolerance at a campus filled with scholars and educated people?"
Musa Kazhim Al Habsy, another Shiite, said many followers were uncomfortable about displaying their faith in public, even in multicultural Jakarta. "Some people have lost their jobs because of their faith. Entrepreneurs have lost business deals after their clients discovered they were Shiites," he told the Globe.
But while Shiites in big cities like Jakarta endure discrimination and verbal abuse, those living in small towns and villages face physical assault and vandalism of their property, he said.
"My late father was a Shia cleric in Bangil [in East Java]. When I was little, people would throw garbage in our front yard or write 'infidel' on our doors and walls," Musa said. "But in the past five years it's become more violent. Some of our pupils have been harassed and our boarding school vandalized."
Azyumardi Azra, a professor of Islamic history at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) in Jakarta, said the Shia community in Indonesia dated back to the arrival of Islam here, but grew rapidly after the Iranian revolution in 1979.
"Around the same period, Saudi Arabia tried to spread Wahhabism," he said, referring to the hard-line form of Salafism adopted by the ruling Saud family of that country. "At the time, Saudi Arabia was a rising oil giant and trying to spread Wahhabism, including to Indonesia."
Tensions between the Wahhabis and Salafis on one side and Shiites on the other escalated during the Iran-Iraq war, but later died down, Musa said.
"I guess tensions arose again after the fall of Saddam Hussein and the rise of the Shiites in Iraq," he said. "With the Middle East in turmoil once again, the scale of the problem will only grow larger."
The Islamic Cultural Center in Jakarta, deemed the center of Shia propagation in Indonesia, says it is hard to estimate the number of Shiites in the country because many choose to practice their faith in secret. There are around 150 Shia foundations, mostly under the name Ahlulbayt, or Lovers of the Prophet's Household.
Tensions between Sunnis and Shiites erupted most recently on Feb. 16, when dozens of demonstrators hurled rocks at the Alma'hadul Islam boarding school in Kenep village in Pasuruan, East Java. Four Shiite students were severely injured in the attack.
A source told the Globe the attackers were Sunni Muslims, but police and government officials called it a "student brawl" unrelated to any religious issue.
Dedy Prihambudi, former head of the Surabaya Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), said that the attack took place after a prayer meeting in Pasuruan. "It's not clear what was said at the meeting, but shortly afterward they headed to the school in a convoy and attacked it," he said.
He added that confrontations between Sunnis and Shiites last occurred in 2006 and 2007 in Pasuruan, but none reached this level of violence.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat, a leading Shia figure, said the situation in Pasuruan had been resolved through dialogue. However, local media reported that anti-Shia organizations have objected to several points in an agreement drawn up by the local administration, such as not calling Shia a deviant sect or seeking its disbandment.
"It looks like centuries of feuding between Shiites and Sunnis in the Middle East has found a new battleground in Indonesia," Musa said.
Buoyed by the weak response from the authorities to the recent attacks against Ahmadiyah communities, firebrand clerics like Farid are ratcheting up their rhetoric against Shiites.
"I never suggested violence, but if the people are growing restless because of the Shia movement and if they take the law into their own hands, then who's to blame?" he asked. "Of course it's the Shia's fault."
Musa said that in his hometown of Bangil, Salafi-affiliated groups have grown more vocal about shutting down Shia boarding schools in the area. "They hold rallies where they say it's halal to spill the blood of the Shiites," he said.
The Ahmadiyah community knows the significance of such calls all too well. In the period leading up to the bloody attack on an Ahmadiyah community in Cikeusik subdistrict in Banten, clerics made similar justifications about killing members of the sect.
The attack in February saw three Ahmadiyah members killed, but the local administration blamed the sect for proselytizing.
"Differences between Muslim sects have always been and will always be irreconcilable," said Azra, the UIN professor. "We have to address the root causes of these acts of violence. Unfortunately, the government has no vision [for addressing the issue]. Instead, it turns a blind eye to the problem.
"The government is supposed to protect all citizens regardless of their faith, but now we see them blaming the victims. People will now think that violence committed by large crowds will never be prosecuted."
Vento Saudale Authorities in Bogor barred members of the GKI Yasmin congregation from entering their own church on Sunday in their latest brazen violation of a Supreme Court order.
The church on Jalan KH Abdullah bin Nuh was padlocked on Saturday night and barricaded on Sunday morning by police, mobile brigade (Brimob) and public order (Satpol PP) officers.
Bona Sigalingging, a spokesman for the congregation, said the officials had informed them the Bogor administration had decided on March 4 to revoke the building permit for the church, flouting a Supreme Court ruling.
"They then ordered us to leave, but we remained there on the sidewalk," he said, adding that the congregation was then forcibly dispersed by fully armed Brimob officers.
Muslim residents have accused the GKI of violating a 2006 joint ministerial decree on houses of worship, claiming they had forged some of the required 60 signatures of support from residents before building the church, prompting the Bogor administration to seal it off and rescind its building permit.
However, the Supreme Court ruled in January against the revocation of the permit and ordered the church reopened.
The administration has refused to comply, citing a ruling days later by the Bogor District Court that the church had falsified residents' signatures in order to get the building permit.
On Sunday, city secretary Bambang Gunawan said Mayor Diani Budiarto would issue a formal announcement today on the revocation of the permit in light of the lower court's decision.
"We've abided by the Supreme Court's decision, but because there was criminal conduct in falsifying signatures to get the building permit, the mayor will issue a statement on why the permit had to be revoked," he said. "We ask everyone to respect the legal process."
He added that the mayor's decision on the building permit would be the final word on the issue, the Supreme Court ruling notwithstanding.
For the past decade, the congregation had to face down protests from hard- line Muslims and officials in order to build its church there.
It was forced to hold its services on the sidewalk in front of the half- constructed building for much of last year after the Bogor administration first revoked its building permit in March 2010.
In June 2010, the church won a court appeal filed against the revocation, with the State Administrative Court ordering Bogor municipal authorities to put an end to the closure of the church site.
The administration appealed the ruling to the Supreme Court, but the appeal was rejected.
Yuli Tri Suwarni West Java officials are bearing down on the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect to open their mosques to the public on Thursday, while in Tasikmalaya, six Ahmadis reportedly left the faith to revert to "true" Islam.
"We want the gubernatorial decree to be obeyed willingly," Governor Ahmad Heryawan said in Bandung on Thursday.
West Java is one of the increasing number of provinces that has issued a ban on Ahmadiyah, which hardliners say deviated from orthodox Islam. "It is important that the conversion of Ahmadis to true Islam works," Ahmad said.
He called on Ahmadis to assimilate into other Muslim groups by opening their mosques to others, especially for Friday prayers. The governor defended his latest call by saying it was stipulated in a gubernatorial regulation banning Ahmadiyah.
The regulation, which was issued on March 2, bans Ahmadiyah from spreading their faith. It also warns people against resorting to acts of violence against Ahmadis as well as facilitates the government to convert Ahmadis.
Ahmad said the gubernatorial regulation was aimed at protecting Ahmadis so they would not face the wrath of Muslim hardliners. "We want them to revert to orthodox Islam," he said.
The West Java Religious Affairs Agency announced a Gerakan Sajadah (prayer mat campaign), during which Muslims would be encouraged to hold Friday prayers at Ahmadiyah mosques. "We have preachers appointed by local clerics for tomorrow's [Friday] prayer," agency head Jabar Saerodji said.
The campaign, he said, would be conducted out in several regencies in the province with large Ahmadiyah populations: Tasikmalaya, Kuningan, Cianjur, Garut and Bogor. Ahmadiyah spokesman Rafiq Ahmad Sumadi Gandakusuma said Ahmadis would reject a non-Ahmadi preacher and appealed to the governor, Religious Affairs Agency and Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) to respect their religious rights.
He said Ahmadiyah had its own preachers and would welcome anyone to join Friday prayers at their mosques. "We should respect each other because there is no compulsion in practicing religious teachings," Rafiq said.
In Tasikmalaya, six Ahmadis reportedly repented and reverted to orthodox Islam. Udin, Rohidin, Empu, Asih, Ade Nengsih, and Tuti acknowledged Muhammad as the last prophet one of the five pillars of Islam at Tanjungmulang village, Tawang district, under the guidance of local clerics.
"I was not forced to convert. I just want to repent and return to the path of true Islam," Udin said.
The escalating persection of Ahmadiyah hit headlines recently following the brutal murder of three Ahmadis in Cikeusik, Banten, following an attack on the minority sect.
Some provinces and regencies have moved to ban Ahmadiyah from practicing their faith publicly, officially because of fears of inciting violence by hard-line Muslims.
Elisabeth Oktofani, Zaky Pawas & Ulma Haryanto, Bogor Members of the beleaguered Ahmadiyah sect came under attack again on Friday when a mob vandalized four of their homes, prompting warnings by rights groups that the persecution of the group was worsening.
The attack on the houses in Ciaruteun Udik village, Cibungbulang subdistrict, took place after Friday noon prayers.
Bogor Police Chief Sr. Comr. Dadang Rahardjo said the incident occurred when a group of seven Ahmadis, two of them women, were conducting noon prayers at the home of an Ahmadi elder, Dayat.
He said other residents grew suspicious of the activity and, soon after noon prayers at the mosque, began gathering outside the house and hurling rocks at it.
"There were about 50 to 75 people, presumably locals," Dadang said. "They destroyed parts of the roofs and windows of four houses." He added no one was injured in the incident and police deployed 160 personnel to restore order. However, no arrests were made.
Dadang refused to call the incident an attack, insisting it was merely a case of "rock throwing."
"There was no attack, it was just some villagers throwing stones at the houses of Ahmadiyah followers," he said. "Not so many Ahmadis lived there, maybe around 10 people," he added.
However, Firdaus Mubarik, an Ahmadiyah activist, said he had received a report that the local mosque had issued a call for residents to "damage the Ahmadis."
"And it wasn't limited to throwing rocks at the houses," he said. "Some people reported they were chased by the attackers."
Firdaus said the Ahmadiyah mosque in Ciaruteun Udik had previously been destroyed by locals in 2005, forcing the members of the minority Islamic sect to worship at home. "The houses of Ahmadis that are located near the main road are also often pelted with rocks," he said.
Ciaruteun Udik is located two kilometers from Cisalada village in Ciampea subdistrict, where the homes and mosque of a community of 600 Ahmadis were attacked last October.
Ismail Hasani, a researcher from the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said it was regrettable the police had refused to recognize the attack as yet another incident of persecution against Ahmadiyah.
"Rock throwing is an attack and should not be ignored," he said. "During the Cisalada incident, the police also called it a clash." He said the Ciaruteun Udik incident was a consequence of the anti-Ahmadiyah bylaws implemented in West Java. "We fear this is going to get worse," he said.
Nurkholis Hidayat, executive director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), also lambasted the attack.
"People will interpret such bylaws as a prohibition of any Ahmadiyah activity," he said. "This is an invitation to attack the Ahmadis, whatever they do."
Last week an unidentified group of people exhumed the body of an Ahmadi in Bandung and left it abandoned in the graveyard shortly after his burial.
West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan this month announced he had issued a decree banning the activities of the sect in the province, following a similar move by the authorities in East Java to ban Ahmadiyah from openly displaying its attributes or spreading its faith.
Jakarta Following in the footsteps of East Java, West Java and South Sulawesi, Depok Mayor Nurmahmudi Ismail issued on Wednesday a ban forbidding the Ahmadiyah religious sect from practicing their religion in public.
Nurmahmudi said the ban was a follow-up to a 2006 joint ministerial decree and West Java gubernatorial decree, both of which ban the sect from practicing their religion publicly.
"This ruling is made to uphold security and order in society and to stop the spread of any errant teaching," the Prosperous Justice Party members said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com on Wednesday.
Nurmahmudi said his administration would assign a special team led by the Depok city secretary to enforce the ruling and monitor the activities of the sect.
"The objective [of the team] is to monitor the activities of Ahmadiyah members from spreading their interpretation of the religion, which is against Islamic teachings. It will become an implementation of the joint ministerial decree as well as West Java gubernatorial decree," Nurmahmudi said.
Slamet Susanto and Arya Dipa, Yogyakarta/Bandung Yogyakarta Governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X stance against banning Ahmadiyah has received pros and cons.
On Wednesday, masses from the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) staged a rally at the gubernatorial office, demanding the governor disband Ahmadiyah. The FPI threatened to withdraw its support on Yogyakarta's special status now being disputed by the central government, if Sultan did not meet the demand.
As the governor was outside town, the protesters were received staffer Murprih Antoro Nugoro. After the dialog, Murprih said that he would pass the message to the governor although he was sure that the governor would retract his stance.
Several provinces, regencies/municipalities have issued a ban on Ahmadiyah, which is believed to be heretical to Islam. However, the Sultan said he would not follow suit "because Yogyakarta is safe and the people are full of tolerance".
"We don't need to issue a decree on the ban in Yogyakarta, which might only worsen the condition," the governor said last week.
The governor's stance received a positive response from pluralism proponents, such as Aji Damai from the Society Alliance for Justice (AMUK) and Yogyakarta Women's Network (JPY). They gathered Wednesday to pledge and appeal support to the Sultan's stance.
"This is a form of moral support for the Sultan for not issuing the decree to ban Ahmadiyah," Subkhi Ridhlo, coordinator of AJI Damai, said. "Minorities are guaranteed by the Constitution," he said.
In Bandung, following the issuance of the West Java governor regulation on Ahmadiyah, the Muslim Community Ulema Forum (FUUI) said it would discuss the proposal to ban the Indonesian Islamic Preaching Institution (LDII) and Syiah groups.
FUUI deemed the two as Islamic sects spreading defiant Islamic teachings and that deserved to be banned. He expressed hope that the governor would soon restrict and narrow the movements of both sects.
"We will have a meeting before the end of this week to discuss the proposal to the governor," Deddy said in Bandung's City Hall on Tuesday.
Deddy also said that the governor actually did not necessarily need to issue the regulation on the ban of Ahmadiyah's teachings if everyone applied what had been stipulated in the joint ministerial decree on the matter between the religious affairs minister, home minister and the Attorney General.
"Ahmadiyah also has to be consistent with the agreed 12 points. If they obey there will be no problem," Deddy said.
The same criticism was also expressed by West Java councilor Didin Supriadin of the Democratic Party, saying that the governor's regulation was hastily made without a comprehensive study. "It was made just to follow other regions that have conducted the same ban," Didin said.
He said a comprehensive study regarding the existence of the Ahmadiyah community in the province should have been conducted prior to the issuance of the regulation. This was necessary especially because the Ahmadiyah population in the province was the highest Ahmadiyah population in Indonesia.
"Only after that will we know whether a regulation is integral to issue," he said. The regulation, he said, also did not come with technical directions on implementation. This is feared to create different perceptions among different people.
"Don't enact it just for popular approval. We also want a harmonious West Java but things have to be dealt with wisely and carefully and not in a rush. It surprises and confuses all parties," he said.
Camelia Pasandaran None of the regional bylaws banning the activities of Ahmadiyah followers contravene the Constitution or law, a Home Affairs Ministry official said on Wednesday.
"The ministry has evaluated, and will continue to evaluate, the bylaws," Reydonnyzar Moenek, the ministry spokesperson, told the Jakarta Globe.
"Initial results of the evaluations show that none of the bylaws contradict the Constitution, law or the joint ministerial decree," he said, referring to a 2008 decree that prohibits Ahmadis from practicing their faith in public and spreading their beliefs.
The West Java and East Java provincial governments recently issued regulations to ban the activities of Ahmadiyah followers. Depok Mayor Nur Mahmudi has also announced plans to issue a similar ban.
On Monday, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo backed away from comments suggesting he was also considering banning the minority Islamic sect.
He said he would instead follow the instructions issued by Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, who stated that no gubernatorial decree or regulation should violate the Constitution.
Reydonnyzar said the ministry had met with West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan, who said that the province was not banning Ahmadiyah completely, but rather the regulation was issued to improve the security of the group.
"It is just about anticipating possible security threats," Reydonnyzar said. He added that none of the decrees banned the Ahmadiyah community from practicing their faith, they only banned members from spreading their beliefs. "The decree is not unconstitutional, we would never restrict someone from worshiping," he said.
Following President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's calls last week for a review of discriminatory bylaws, the Home Affairs Ministry insisted that although religion was the authority of the central government, the responsibility could be handed over to the provincial, district or municipal governments.
The ministry has met several Islamic organizations from the Islamic People's Forum (FUI), the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah.
"Some of them advised Ahmadiyah to stop its exclusive behavior," Reydonnyzar said. "They should not be closed to outsiders, [as they are] marrying only among their own members and being intolerant of clerics outside Ahmadiyah."
Feedback from the discussions will be used to improve the joint ministerial decree that might be upgraded into law, he said. The government, however, has not planned to conduct the same dialogue with the Ahmadiyah community.
Firdaus Mubarik, a spokesman for the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Congregation (JAI), said that Ahmadiyah never planned to be exclusive. "The exclusive image came after the joint ministerial decree was issued and after mob attacks," he said. "Our mosques are open to anyone."
Firdaus said it was normal to refuse clerics from outside Ahmadiyah, as clerics were similar to the owners of the mosque. "When the West Java government want to send government clerics to Ahmadiyah mosques, it is as though the government wants to take over the mosques."
Nana Rukmana, Cirebon A ban imposed by several provincial administrations outlawing the Ahmadiyah religious sect has been described by a prominent human rights activist as a failure of the state to protect its citizens.
The ban also represents a major separation of the law from the 1945 State Constitution, the inter-religious activist said.
"The ban on Ahmadiyah in a number of provinces shows how weak the government is at protecting its citizens," KH Maman, a West Java Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) member and a leader of the Bhinneka Tunggal Ika National Alliance, said in a recent interview.
He said the state had failed to uphold the Constitution because the ban forbode citizens from practicing their faith. "The ban has showed that the state has become involved in judging a faith," he said.
Several provinces and regencies/municipalities have issued bylaws banning Ahmadiyah. They include East Java, West Java and Banten, including Samarinda city in East Kalimantan. Pontianak municipality has said it will also enact a ban on the religious sect.
Maman said the criminalization of Ahmadiyah could be interpreted as a justification of the authorities' misinterpretation of the Constitution.
"They should understand that freedom of religion and practicing the faith is protected by the 1945 Constitution. The ban is definitely against the Constitution," Maman said.
Besides the ban, the state has also failed to protect Ahmadiyah followers as citizens from various acts of violence, including those killed in Cikeusik, Pandeglang, Banten, last month. "The government is not able to stop the various acts of violence against Ahmadis. It was absent when its citizens needed protection," he added.
Maman said the ban might encourage further violence against Ahmadis. "In terms of religion, I differ from Ahmadiyah, but I cannot tolerate the various acts of violence against them for any reason," he said.
He also criticized clerics and religious leaders who had failed to promote peace among their followers.
"The presence of various groups claiming to be Muslims who have instead often resorted to violence is proof that clerics have failed to play their role. Many of them are more interested in politics for the sake of their interest, rather than guiding people," he said.
Maman reasserted the importance of dialogue as a peaceful and dignified solution in addressing various differences, including the Ahmadiyah issue. "The state and clerics should organize a dialogue, as this is the most dignified option to deal with the issue," Maman said.
Separately, members of the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Congregation in Manis Lor village, Jalaksana district, Kuningan, West Java, deplored the ban.
The Ahmadi settlement in Manis Lor village, which lies 40 kilometers to the south of Cirebon, is one of the biggest in Indonesia, home to around 4,350 Ahmadis.
"Religious issues are the business of the central government. Provincial administrations have no right to issue the ban," Kulman Tisnaprawira, an Ahmadi elder in Manis Lor, said.
The Ahmadiyah religious sect has been growing in Manis Lor since 1954.
The Ahmadiyah group in Kuningan has been the target of several violent attacks, the most recent of which occurred in July last year when a crowd of people claiming to be affiliated with a number of Muslim organizations attacked the Ahmadi settlement.
Several people were injured and a number of homes were damaged in the incident.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta Several interfaith leaders who criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration have rebuffed Cabinet secretary Dipo Alam's accusation that they politicized recent incidents of religious intolerance.
Dipo accused the religious leaders of politicizing incidents of religious persecution, including recent attacks on the Ahmadiyah sect, saying their remarks had inflamed religious intolerance.
He labeled them "black crows" because they were religious leaders who had taken political stances in criticizing Yudhoyono's leadership.
Some of the interfaith leaders had recently made separate comments about the attacks on Ahmadiyah.
Earlier in January, nine prominent interfaith leaders on several occasions voiced a statement accusing the government of lying to the public about 18 different issues. The lies included a failure to uphold justice in human rights violation cases, protect migrant workers and protect the environment.
One of their accusations was that the government had manipulated statistics on poverty. They claimed the government misled the nation by making false claims that it had achieved success in reducing poverty. The Yudhoyono administration defended its statistics, saying that they had quoted legitimate data from the National Statistics Agency.
Four leaders from the Indonesian Bishops' Council (KWI), Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI) gathered at the Maarif Institute for Culture and Humanity on Tuesday to respond to Dipo's statement. Prominent NU leader Salahuddin Wahid said the group consisted of interfaith leaders who merely wished to point out what was good and bad according to their religions.
"This is not political. Our capacity as religious leaders is sufficient to criticize the government that had failed to ensure religious tolerance in the country," he told a press conference.
KWI executive secretary Benny Susetyo, a Catholic priest, said he regretted Dipo's statement. "It's ironic that such a public official is actually triggering a conflict," Benny said, referring to Dipo.
Dipo reportedly said that Benny's comments about the Ahmadiyah issues were inappropriate because he should not have commented about a religion other than his own. Benny denied the allegation, saying he had not been solely addressing the Ahmadiyah case.
Franz Magnis-Suseno, a Catholic professor said the government must protect its citizens and all groups, including Ahmadiyah, from violence.
PGI secretary-general Gomar Gultom defended Benny, saying that they had never spoken about Ahmadiyah. "Dipo needs to correct his statement because we never discussed the Ahmadiyah incidents," he said.
Maarif Institute executive director Fajar Riza Ul Haq said Ahmadiyah was not the entire issue. "Any violation against a minority must be addressed seriously by the government. This is our criticism of them," Fajar said.
Dessy Sagita Christian leaders recently lambasted by Cabinet Secretary Dipo Alam for "politicizing" violence against the Ahmadiyah have defended their position as proponents of diversity.
Benny Susetyo, from the Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI) said at a press conference on Tuesday that he had done nothing wrong in calling for all religious groups to be protected against violence.
"I've been victimized here, I haven't once said anything about the theology of Ahmadiyah or Islam," he said. "I merely stated that the government should protect everyone, including minority groups, regardless of their beliefs."
Dipo warned on Sunday against "politicizing" the violence targeted at the minority Islamic sect because of the potential to "create communal conflicts."
He also said religious leaders needed to help maintain peace and tolerance in society, and accused Benny, whom he labeled an Ahmadiyah supporter, of interfering in Islamic affairs.
Gomar Gultom, secretary general of the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI), also said the country's leading religious scholars had never discussed their stance toward the Ahmadiyah, let alone issued a public statement on the matter.
"We just want to remind [the public] that the country is a constitutional republic and should not bow down to any pressure from majority groups or religions," Gomar said.
Salahuddin Wahid from Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest Islamic organization, said that from an Islamic perspective, Ahmadiyah's beliefs were wrong.
However, he said disbanding the sect simply because of public pressure would only set an unhealthy precedent for the country's developing democracy.
"If any organization insists the Ahmadiyah are deviant, it should take the problem to the courts to decide whether the sect really is blaspheming against Islam," Salahuddin said.
Franz Magnis Suseno, a Catholic priest and theologian, said he had advised Dipo to take a break to prevent him making controversial statements that could create a rift in Indonesian society.
"I understand that Dipo feels it's important to defend President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, but it doesn't have to be said in such a counter- productive way," he said.
Jakarta The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has urged the government to place a ban on Ahmadiyah to prevent further problems from flaring up.
"If [the Ahmadiyah congregation] is not banned, then [religious] fanatics will keep on harassing them," MUI chairman Umar Shihab said on Tuesday.
He added that the ban placed by certain administrations on the Ahmadiyah congregation would make the Ahmadis conscious that they have diverged from Islam.
The government, he further said, must follow suit with the action taken by certain administrations which have imposed bans on the Ahmadiyah congregation.
"That's why the government needs to ban [the Ahmadiyah congregation]... similar to the MUI which has banned the teachings [of the Ahmadiyah] which have deviated from the teachings of Islam," he said, as quoted from Antara news service.
Yuli Krisna & Dofa Fasila, Bandung A military commander in West Java has warned against using brute force against the Ahmadiyah, saying there were more "elegant" methods to suppress the group.
Maj. Gen. Moeldoko, chief of the Siliwangi Regional Command, said on Monday that the use of violence against the minority Muslim sect would attract unwanted attention from international human rights groups.
"We should be handling [the Ahmadiyah] with gloved hands, and not with violence," he said. "Through the preaching of Islamic teachings, let their faith be weakened. [We must] guide them to follow the right path."
"I believe this is a far more elegant and respectful way, even in the eyes of the world. We already have the tools to implement this plan," he added.
Moeldoko was speaking after he met with West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan, the provincial police chief and other officials on Monday to discuss implementing a ban on the sect's activities. Ahmad had issued a gubernatorial regulation on Friday barring Ahmadis from practicing their faith in the province.
The ban, adopted by at least 10 other regional governments, was based on a 2008 joint ministerial decree declaring the Ahmadiyah a deviant sect for its divergent view on Islamic prophets. The decree prohibits Ahmadis from spreading their beliefs.
In a tactic he dubbed "an attack of prayer rugs," Moeldoko suggested converting the sect to Islam by opening their mosques to mainstream Muslims.
"I ask all of you [Muslims] to sit inside their mosques, which are exclusive for the Ahmadis," he said. "Let us fill their mosques with Islamic activities and the correct teachings of Islam."
Similarly, the West Java governor said the sect's mosques should be accessible to all mainstream believers. "All mosques believed to belong to the Ahmadiyah can be used by anybody and everybody," he said. "A mosque, after all, should not belong to a certain community. It is open to each and every Muslim."
The governor also said the sect's members should be invited to join other Muslims during Friday afternoon prayers. "Let us put all of our prayer mats side by side. Islam after all, does not teach exclusivity. It does not teach us to close ourselves up," he said.
The Ahmadiyah, founded in India in 1889, has been targeted by hard-liners in a series of bloody riots and clashes across the archipelago in recent months.
In the latest sign of simmering religious tensions, a group of people in Bandung were forced to dig up the body of an Ahmadi from a tomb on Thursday and abandon it in a graveyard. The Ahmadiyah said the incident was "troubling" and constituted an attack on the sect.
"If this matter had been communicated to us, or if the body had been buried on land belonging to the Ahmadiyah, we wouldn't have this problem," Ahmad said on Monday.
Over the past few weeks, Islamic organizations have demanded that the government disband the sect, triggering heated public debate on religious rights in Indonesia.
Contrary to his peers in other regions, however, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo vowed not to ban Ahmadis from practicing their faith. He said Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, had warned officials against enforcing such prohibitions.
"His instructions were clear. There should not be a gubernatorial decree or any kind of regulation issued in this country that would violate the Constitution," Fauzi said on Monday. He said the 2008 ministerial decree listed "everything needed to ensure security, order and harmony" in the capital.
Earlier, Fauzi had suggested following East and West Java's lead in issuing regulations to ban Ahmadiyah activities. However, Fauzi backtracked on Monday after his proposal earned widespread public criticism.
A provincial branch of the Indonesian Council of Ulema has issued a fatwa banning females from running for the positions of mayor.
The decree from the Riau branch of the council, also known as MUI, comes just ahead of elections for the mayoralty of the regional capital, Pekanbaru.
Muhammadun, a senior member of the council, was quoted by state news agency Antara as saying that female mayors were not in line with Islamic teachings. "It is haram for females to run for mayor as long as there are male candidates," Muhammadun.
Antara gave no explanation for Muhammadun's comments.
Mayoral candidate Septina Primawati, who has the backing of the Golkar Party, National Mandate Party (PAN), United Development Party (PPP), National Awakening Party (PKB), and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), was quoted in local media as saying she was disappointed with the fatwa. The election is in May.
The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) condemned the move, saying it violated the Constitution.
Commission deputy chairwoman Masruchah said the Constitution stated that "every citizen, both male and female, had the rights to participate in politics." "MUI Riau should uphold the Constitution and not discriminate women in the name of religion."
Amir Tejo, Surabaya Heads up the morality police have their eye on you. Or at least they will if you happen to be in Surabaya's Bungkul Park.
City officials announced on Thursday that they would be setting up four CCTV cameras in the park, following complaints from local clerics about couples engaging in indecent behavior there.
The complaints also prompted police to carry out a raid at the park on Wednesday night. Chalid Buchari, head of the city's communications office, said the cameras, one at each corner of the park, would be set up by next week at the latest.
"Each camera will be able to zoom into a spot 75 meters away and still retain a clear image," he said.
However, he denied that the move was solely in response to the clerics' complaints, saying the cameras would also serve to improve security at the park.
"We're installing these cameras to give parkgoers a sense of safety; letting them know that we're watching out for lascivious behavior is one of the ways to do that," Chalid said. "Besides, how can you stop people dating at the park?"
The announcement on the installation of the CCTV system follows from Saturday's meeting of hundreds of clerics from Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's biggest Islamic organization, who complained about the "improper behavior" by young people visiting the park and the various entertainment activities on offer there.
Syaiful Chalim, head of the Surabaya chapter of NU, said the "people dating, music concerts and buskers" frequently disrupted religious activities at the nearby tomb of the Muslim missionary Mbah Bungkul, which draws hordes of pilgrims daily.
He added that the entire park should be turned into a religious theme park.
Surabaya Police responded to the call by conducting a raid at the park on Wednesday night.
Police Chief Sr. Comr. Coki Manurung said the raid was aimed at "getting park visitors to mind their conduct in public. "It's not acceptable for people to carry out improper acts," he added.
However, Witanto, a Surabaya resident and frequent visitor to the park, said there were no couples commonly engaged in public displays of intimacy at the park, such as kissing.
"How could anyone do that here? It's out in the open, everyone would see," he said. "Plus, they've got really bright lights out here."
The 900-square-meter Bungkul Park was established in 2007, during the administration of Mayor Bambang Dwi Hartono. It features a children's playground, fountain, skateboard arena and BMX track.
Jakarta The government said Monday that the transfer of all businesses linked to the Indonesian Military (TNI) was complete, leaving only the settlement of state assets being used by cooperatives, foundations and military units.
"The state assets include land and buildings that are being used by TNI- linked cooperatives, foundations and units that need permission from the Finance Ministry," the ministry's director general of defense, Rear Adm. Moch. Jurianto, said.
"We have sent a letter to the Finance Ministry to extend Finance Ministerial Regulation No. 23/2011 until the end of this year so we can completely manage the use of state assets in the TNI."
Jurianto said all units using state assets were to return part of the proceeds to state coffers as non-taxed state revenue.
"Some activities are exempted from the obligation to return proceeds such as foundations providing welfare, religious and education services for soldiers and their family members," he said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The prolonged transfer of Indonesian Military (TNI) businesses to the government is proof of the TNI's lack of transparency and poor willingness to reform, an NGO said on Friday.
The 2004 TNI Law mandates the force to complete the handover of the businesses worth a total Rp 3.2 trillion (US$364.8 million) to the government by 2009.
"The deadline passed almost two years ago, but the TNI has not announced the handover progress," Al Araf, the program director of Imparsial, said at a press conference. The government also seemed reluctant to enforce the law by pushing the TNI to fulfill its obligations, he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired army general, was afraid of losing political support from the armed forces, he said.
"The TNI is still a significant power in Indonesian politics. The President might not want to exacerbate the political situation given the current tensions among members of the ruling coalition," Al Araf said.
The decision to end military businesses was made in October 2004 when the House of Representatives passed the TNI law. Critics claim military businesses were a vehicle for members of the military to amass personal wealth.
Human rights groups and military analysts have long voiced concerns over the military's business activities, which they say were at the root of many of human rights abuse and corruption cases.
In early 2009, then defense minister Juwono Sudarsono pledged the processes would be completed by the deadline set by the law, which was October 2009.
However, the government failed to do this, forcing the minister to form a national team on military business takeovers comprising officials from the TNI and the Defense Ministry as well as representatives from the Finance Ministry, Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Ministry, State- Owned Enterprises Ministry and Law and Human Rights Ministry.
Businessman Silmy Karim, who was appointed to head the team, claimed the transfer process was complete. He insisted the government had carried out the mandates stipulated by regulations.
Salim said Imparsial may have overlooked some regulations ruling that cooperatives and foundations were excluded from the process.
"Everything was done by the end of 2009. We cannot take over cooperatives because they are no longer included in the TNI organizational structure as regulated by a 2010 presidential regulation," he told The Jakarta Post.
Foundations were also no longer subject to the TNI law because they were not businesses, Silmy argued.
Most military businesses, set up in the New Order era, are cooperatives or foundations. The team said there were 1,321 cooperatives, 53 firms and 23 foundations run by the TNI as well as 1,175 other subsidiaries leasing state property for commercial purposes.
Official data shows these businesses generate an average annual profit of a paltry Rp 268 billion.
This figure, however, has decreased steadily, triggering suspicions the TNI may have manipulated the legal status of some business units to exempt them from being targeted by the law.
Al Araf cited a 2006 statement by the TNI claiming that all of the business were worth only Rp 1.5 trillion, far below the initial estimate of Rp 3.2 trillion.
"In fact, an independent study in 2004 valued the assets of all TNI businesses at Rp 5 trillion," he said. Al Araf said Silmy's claims must be backed up by a transparent disclosure of the whole transfer process, including details of all of the business units handed over.
"The TNI must disclose the value of each business unit and their assets," he said.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta In September 2008, Indonesia's judicial system was ranked the worst in Asia by a Hong Kong-based consulting firm that dubbed the country's judiciary as one of "the weakest and most controversial institutions".
Not only is it perceived as entangled in corruption, the lack of competent justices has made it difficult for the highest judicial authority in the country to give its best performance.
Court chief justice Harifin Tumpa, who replaced Bagir Manan in 2009, was aware of such criticism and said he planned to take a few major reform steps this year to improve the court's image.
Harifin said Thursday that by the end of the year he would limit the number of cases on appeal that would be handled by the court and implement what he called a "chamber system" in which justices with a certain expertise would adjudicate cases they were most familiar with.
He argued that with only 51 justices in office, the court was overwhelmed by the surging number of cases on appeal; and, currently, each justice handled all kinds of cases, regardless of their expertise.
The result is at best a sluggish adjudication process and at worst poor quality verdicts, he said. The court is known for its sluggish work. The widow of slain activist Munir Said Thalib, for instance, had to wait for two years to receive a verdict on her appeal against flag carrier Garuda Indonesia, which she accused of negligence that led the murder of her husband.
The ruling on the case, which was filed by Garuda in 2008, was issued in January 2010, but Suciwati only knew about in February this year. The court rejected Garuda's appeal and ordered the company to Munir's widow Rp 3,8 billion (US$433,200) in compensation.
The chamber system, along with other measures, will hopefully solve the problem, Harifin said.
"This means that each justice will only handle cases in accordance to their background knowledge and experience," he said, adding that the target was that each case was handled by the right person with the right level of competency.
Imposing the system will also reduce disparity in the quality of rulings issued by the court. "This will definitely improve the quality of our verdicts, as well as facilitate monitoring of those verdicts."
Harifin believed the system would improve justices' expertise. He added that there was a possibility to also include the subchamber system, especially to the handling of specific offenses that require specific tribunals. "Such specific offenses or specific tribunals, including corruption tribunals and human rights tribunals, need a certain skill; not all justices have it."
However, he reminded that, "The surging number of cases of appeals will always be a problem."
He said that a case that only saw a one-year imprisonment sentence or less would not be handled by the Supreme Court. Case review requests are to later be handled by lower courts in each region.
The chief justice said not all cases were significant enough to be taken to cassation level. "Divorce cases, inheritance and wills disputes can be solved adequately in an appeal; don't bring them to a cassation appeal," he said.
Court data shows that there were 22,315 cases to be solved by the court in 2010. The court managed to cast its rulings for only 13,885 cases and left the remaining 8,424 to be processed this year. Those cases include the handling of case reviews, leniency requests, judicial reviews and cassation appeals.
As a comparison, in 2009, the court managed to solve 11,985 cases from a total of 21,375 cases.
Legal expert lauded Harifin's reform measures. "This is a good plan to boost the quality of the court," Former Constitutional Court chief Jimly Asshiddiqie told The Jakarta Post.
"An ideal number of chambers is five: the criminal, civil, religion, administration and military chambers," he said.
He lamented that the current system, which recognized a panel of three justices, failed to assign each justice to practice their respective expertise. "A justice with expertise in criminal cases handles a civic case. It's ridiculous. I wonder what the quality of the verdict will be."
Heru Andriyanto If all goes according to plan, prosecutors suspected of corruption will not simply face disciplinary sanctions but could end up on the wrong side of the courtroom as defendants.
In an unprecedented move, the Attorney General's Office said that prosecutors could now face criminal charges because internal sanctions had failed to combat graft in their ranks.
Marwan Effendy, deputy attorney general for internal supervision, said on Wednesday that the number of prosecutors receiving disciplinary sanctions had increased sharply in 2010 from the year before. The AGO believes the phenomenon has been triggered by the soft nature of the punishments and their failure to act as deterrents.
The "light" sanctions, such as written reprimands and delayed promotions, were not effective, Marwan said, but hopefully dishonorable dismissals and criminal trials would deter prosecutors from committing offenses.
"In the future, we shall handle graft cases involving prosecutors ourselves," Marwan said.
He explained that last year, for example, 288 prosecutors had received sanctions over suspicions of having committed a host of crimes, including possession and use of narcotics, extortion and fraud.
"This is in comparison to 192 prosecutors disciplined in 2009. That is a sharp increase," he said. He added that at least 32 prosecutors and administrative staff members had recently been fired for various offenses.
"We shall shift our approach to one that shall carry heavier sanctions," Marwan said. "If we find criminal evidence, we will work for the case to be brought to court. The case shall either be handed to the police or to the round building [the office of the AGO's special crimes unit that handles corruption cases]."
"This is what I mean, we cannot take this matter lightly because we need to change the mind-set and behavior [of prosecutors] and because people are increasingly losing confidence in law enforcement," he added.
Marwan said the new get-tough strategy was already creating unease among AGO personnel, with an unnamed individual writing to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to complain that Marwan was "adopting an approach normally taken by thugs."
The AGO has been embarrassed by a number of recent scandals involving prosecutors.
In Bojonegoro, East Java, district prosecutors were accused of lax oversight after it was revealed in January that a female convict had paid another woman Rp 10 million ($1,110) to serve a seven-month prison sentence in her place. The city's chief prosecutor, Wahyudi, was transferred to a desk job in Jakarta.
Last month, an official with the Tangerang Prosecutor's Office was apprehended by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly taking a Rp 50 million bribe from a bank employee in exchange for dropping a fraud case against the banker's colleague.
The AGO initially maintained that the arrest by the rival agency was a clear case of entrapment, but later backed down, saying the official would have to face the consequences of his actions.
Rendi A. Witular A few months into the first term of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in late 2004, his predecessor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, complained to several top officials in the Yudhoyono Cabinet that her telephone conversations were being tapped, and that she was being followed by a group of unknown men.
Former law and human rights minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra, who served a term in Megawati's administration and half a term in Yudhoyono's, also recently shared a similar experience.
Yusril was responding to Friday's article by Australian media outlet The Age over the allegation that Yudhoyono had instructed the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy on him during his trip to meet Chinese businessmen in Singapore. The Age's sources were based on a leak in US diplomatic cables distributed by WikiLeaks.
"I'm not surprised to hear the report as I felt I was followed," said Yusril, the founder of the now-defunct Crescent Star Party (PBB). "I called [then BIN chief] Syamsir Siregar straight after reading the article for confirmation. He laughed, but refused to confirm or deny the allegation," he said in a press statement.
Critics have said the reform era of 1998 has failed to transform intelligence agencies, coordinated by BIN, into politically neutral institutions that work primarily for the sake of the country's security and stability.
Aside from allegation of political maneuvering, BIN is also plagued with protracted problems ranging from an absence of legal basis to operate, weak leadership and poor human resource capability. But the most contentious issues of all is suspicion that BIN remains a tool used by the ruling regime to corner political rivals to maintain power.
"Every time we hold a hearing with BIN officials, there's an indication they're spending most of their resources on political issues," said legislator Effendi Choirie of the House of Representatives' Commission I for defense, intelligence and information. "They always talk about detecting threats toward any efforts to topple the President."
Effendi, who has been serving with the commission since 2000, believes BIN's emphasis on politics has contributed to a string of failures in providing an early warning system to detect riots, sectarian conflicts and terrorism.
A glimpse into BIN's budget can reveal the focus of the agency. Based on an audit by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) of BIN's 2009 expenditures, made available to the public in September 2010, the agency spent around Rp 800 billion (US$91 million) on intelligence operations.
However, the agency only spent 3 percent, or Rp 29.75 billion, on security intelligence, while the largest chunk, more than half, could not be verified by the BPK.
An obvious consequence to the low resources for security is six separate bloody terrorist attacks, killing more than 210 people during both the Megawati and the Yudhoyono administrations. Four of the attacks occurred at the same spot; the Bali bombings I and II, the JW Marriott Hotel bombing I and II plus the Ritz-Carlton bombing.
"Since BIN has no law of its own, there are no barriers prohibiting it from being used by the ruling regime for political purposes," said University of Indonesia intelligence observer Andi Widjajanto. "A draft bill on intelligence also contains no stipulation requiring the intelligence apparatus to be politically neutral," he added.
Another contentious problem plaguing the agency is poor human resources and technology capacity. The common knowledge that intelligence personnel regularly reveal their identity to their targeted sources while on undercover tasks cannot be overlooked. "Don't tell anyone, I'm with intelligence," is a common statement made by undercover agents to journalists.
More than often, agents are known to help journalists pinpoint coordinators of a street rally or leaders of terrorist supporters, as well as provide their home addresses. A BIN source said these agents were usually from the police or military, but not limited to the agency itself.
A visit by Commission I to several BIN provincial offices late last year revealed a striking story on their quality. Commission member T.B. Hasanuddin said BIN representatives in East Nusa Tenggara could not provide analyses of their intelligence operation area, dubbed technically as "DOI reports".
"They don't know how to make a DOI report. This is actually a basic skill intelligence should have. They then cannot map places, which can be prone to conflicts. In another case, they told us that the Tan Malaka theatrical performance should be banned because it contained communism teachings that might disrupt stability," he said.
A BIN provincial office is headed by an officer either from the police force or the military (TNI) with a rank of brigadier general. Each office consists of four to 10 agents. The poor quality of the provincial offices is primarily because the assigned personnel are those who are about to retire, and have no time to roll out a basic intelligence program.
"BIN always requests officers from the police and the TNI to be stationed in provinces. However, more often than not they assign unqualified officers who we have no choice but to accept," said a source at BIN.
However, BIN agents that joined the agency from the lowest level have a better quality than those "borrowed" from other institutions. Since 2009, the agency received the best breed of manpower from its wholly managed State Intelligence Institute (STIN). BIN receives around 30 graduates annually to be employed as agents and analysts.
"BIN agents are best known for their capability to infiltrate and build up strong networks. However, they're lacking in technology," said Andi. "This contrasts with the CIA, whose agents have superior technology but limited capability to infiltrate and build local networks."
BIN only spent Rp 100 billion in capital annually from 2008 until 2010, mostly for state-of-the-art technology, including telecommunication and intercept devices, according to the BPK.
Aside from technology handicaps, BIN has also been plagued with leadership problems since late 2009 under its chief, Gen. (ret) Sutanto, a former National Police chief and regular Yudhoyono golfing buddy. A source at the agency said most of the senior agents looked down at Sutanto as, unlike his predecessors, he had no prior background in intelligence services.
The situation worsened mid last year when BIN deputy chief As'ad Said Ali retired. As'ad was considered the most senior and influential spy at the agency, and he is a civilian. At around the same time, Sutanto was preoccupied with personal matters as his wife, Henny, suffered from health complications, but is now recovering.
His new deputy chief, Maj. Gen. Hariyanto Rachman, suffered a stroke and is slowly recovering. "Last year, the agency was lost. But things are getting better now as long as Sutanto does not rock the boat," said the source.
Strategic posts at the agency, including the deputy for internal affairs, deputy for counterintelligence and deputy for economic affairs, are former officials of the counterintelligence division headed by Maj. Gen. (ret) Muchdi Purwopranjono between 2001 and 2005. Muchdi was once implicated in the murder of human rights activist Munir. However, all charges against him were rejected by the court in 2008.
Sutanto refused to comment over the issues. "Sutanto seems to have less control of the agency. He's a new guy and he's from the police. But I know he's trying hard to gain respect and trust from the senior agents," said Effendi.
"If he manages to pass the much-needed intelligence bill so that BIN operations are legitimate, I think he will earn that respect, and eventually take full control to pass his programs."
Rendy A. Witular, Jakarta After the nation's intelligence agencies have been operating without a firm legal or political legitimation for more than three decades, hopes abound for the latest proposed intelligence bill.
Eight controversial years in the drafting, a proposed intelligence bill was submitted by the House of Representatives to the government for joint deliberation on Dec. 23, 2010
A copy of the draft obtained by The Jakarta Post revealed that aside from establishing a firm legal basis for intelligence operations, the bill has eliminated much-debated provisions authorizing intelligence officials to arrest and forcefully interrogate suspects.
The bill would reinforce the role of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) as the coordinator of all government intelligence agencies and as the lead agency for intelligence operations. However the draft contains numerous loopholes that might potentially negate its good intentions.
There is no language explicitly prohibiting intelligence personnel from supporting political parties, nor from being involved in politics. The draft also excludes stipulations that would ban intelligence agencies from conducting operations to support politicians in power or to act against their political opponents.
"A willingness to prevent the politicization of intelligence is nowhere to be seen in the bill," University of Indonesia intelligence observer Andi Widjajanto said. "There should be straightforward clauses that ensure the neutrality of intelligence personnel in the political realm," he said.
The intelligence community has been deeply engaged in domestic politics since the time of Soeharto, when it actively supported the strongman's authoritarian regime. Such behavior has continued in the reform era although to a lesser degree and without igniting public fears.
In 2004, then BIN chief AM Hendropriyono was reportedly involved in a campaign for incumbent president Megawati Soekarnoputri, getting out the vote for her and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) during the elections.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono named Syamsir Siregar to lead the BIN from 2004 and 2009, in a nod to Syamsir's support while on the campaign trail.
Former National Police chief Gen. (ret) Sutanto, a friend of the President since their days as cadets at the Armed Forces Academy, replaced Syamsir at the BIN after he supported Yudhoyono's re-election campaign in 2009.
"Since their bosses are engaged in politics, there's no doubt that intelligence officials will bow to any request to spying on or cornering their political opponents," said TB Hassanuddin, a legislator with the House's Commission I overseeing defense, intelligence, and information.
Another contentious issue in the draft is the absence of a stipulation requiring the nation's intelligence agencies to uphold human rights and democracy, nor are there clauses levying penalties for their violations.
The need for such protections became evident after BIN allegedly assassinated human rights activist Munir in 2004 onboard a Garuda Indonesia flight heading to Amsterdam.
While the agency denied responsibility for the incident, former Garuda Indonesia off-duty pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, who had linked to the agency top officials, was convicted of Munir's murder in 2008 and sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment.
The draft also fails to establish multiple independent layers of supervision at the BIN a common practice for intelligence agencies in other democracies.
The BIN would be supervised by an honorary intelligence council whose members would be selected by the agency and whose remit would be limited to managing ethics violations inquiries that are forwarded by the agency, under the draft.
While the House of Representatives has authority to supervise national intelligence policies, activities and funding, further stipulations in draft remains sketchy.
The draft also provides no penalties for intelligence officials who work as double agents for other countries.
BIN chief Sutanto said more work would be needed when the draft bill was deliberated, as its primary aim was to ensure that intelligence activities had a legitimate legal and political foundation, something lacking under existing regulations.
"Unlike other institutions, the BIN and other intelligence agencies lack a legal basis to operate," Sutanto said on the sidelines of a Cabinet meeting at the Bogor Presidential Palace in West Java in February. "Since our existence has not been recognized by law, we cannot fully perform our duties," he said.
The BIN and the nation's other intelligence agencies operate under Presidential Decree No. 103/2001 on the authority and administrative of non-ministerial agencies, and Presidential Instruction No. 5/2002 on intelligence coordination.
Institutions such as the Indonesian Military (TNI), the National Police and the Attorney General's Office were all given statutory and political legitimacy through the enactment of specific laws by the House after Soeharto's downfall.
"Due to the legal limits, a person who is under surveillance by BIN agents can actually file criminal charges against them for annoying behavior," Andi said.
Realizing the fragility of the legal basis buttressing their operation, the BIN and other agencies have been drafting an intelligence bill since 2003.
The House has never deliberated previously versions of the bills, citing the presence of controversial articles granting the intelligence community powers that might lead to human rights violations, such as detaining and interrogating suspects without court approval or without informing suspects' families.
Human rights activists have opposed granting such powers, saying it evoked Soeharto's New Order regime, which regularly used intelligence agencies to detain and murder its domestic political opponents and Islamic radicals.
However, the BIN may be backing down since Sutanto took over the agency in 2009. The agency has since intensively lobbied the House to take the initiative in drafting the intelligence bill to limit controversy.
Sutanto is upbeat that the government would agree to the House's version and expected the bill would be passed by the end of this year. However, President Yudhoyono has yet to designate a ministry or agency to review the bill.
Legislator Hasanuddin, who also worked in military intelligence for 12 years, voiced stark suspicions on why the start of deliberations were delayed. "The President himself is benefiting from the status quo, where the intelligence community remains as his political pet."
Rendy A. Witular, Jakarta A relatively secluded 5-hectare compound located in South Sentul district, Bogor, West Java, houses the country's high-profile State Intelligence Institute (STIN).
While no signs identify the compound, locals ranging from ojek (motorcycle taxi) drivers to shopkeepers are familiar with the compound, which they dub the "BIN school".
Upon entering the compound, warning signs reading "taking photos are prohibited" can be seen in several corners.
Established in 2004 during the term of then National Intelligence Body (BIN) chief AM Hendropriyono, STIN graduates have an equivalent four-year university degree, and are contracted as civil servants and future BIN officials.
The agency spends at least Rp 5 billion (US$568,000) annually on the school, which has complete facilities from a tennis court to a gym.
Every year, BIN officials scout 30 to 40 top-notch students from the country's most prestigious high schools, particularly from Taruna Nusantara school in Magelang, Central Java, to enter the program.
At STIN, the students are sworn to secrecy, live in an exclusive boarding house and learn to become spies from masters of the profession. The students are also believed to master several foreign languages as well as an international perspective.
"You are seeing the best breed of male and female spies. They are tall and in good shape, they are smart and have an exceptional manner. In the real world you'd be surprised to discover that they are spies," said an STIN instructor, who refused to be named over fear of his safety. "However, their analysis capabilities need more sharpening. And their handbooks need to be renewed because they're using an obsolete version," he said.
There is currently a plan to adopt the latest handbooks used by high- profile British spy agency MI5.
It remains unclear as to how BIN handles the mental fragility of students, as most students at their age usually enjoy more social freedom.
It is also unclear whether the families of the students understand the importance of confidentiality and the consequences the students will face if this is breached. The school's first and second batch graduate ceremony was held in 2009, with each batch producing around 30 graduates from two programs: for agents and for analysts.
However, secrecy on the identity of graduates was poor. Upon graduation, the students' parents, siblings and grandparents were invited to attend the graduation ceremony at the school's compound.
Several photos of the graduates with their parents, however, can easily be found on the Internet through Google search engine, exposing the future agents' identities to the public.
Every year, BIN recruits around 50 full-time agents, around 30 of which are sourced from STIN while the remaining are recruited from universities, the State Code Institute (STSN) or the military and police force. The STSN was set up in 2002, mostly for BIN's supporting staff.
The new recruits undergo a management traineeship like that conducted in the private sector.
The full-time agents are stationed in various ministries, state companies and other sectors. Some are even tasked to infiltrate political parties and radical Islamic groups becoming their members for more than 10 years.
They are also tasked to recruit informants and second-layer agents in various sectors including journalists, activists, foreign emissaries and businesspeople. While stationed overseas, the personnel usually claim to be businessmen.
[Additional reporting by Jerry Adiguna.]
Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta Under the bill on intelligence, recently drafted by legislators for the government to jointly deliberate, the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) is granted special powers in carrying out its work.
Aside from establishing a firm legal basis for the nation's intelligence agencies, the bill eliminates much-debated provisions giving intelligence officials the authority to arrest and interrogate suspects.
"Since our existence has not been recognized by law, we cannot fully perform our duties," said BIN chief Gen. (ret.) Sutanto.
Because BIN has no specific law of its own, its intelligence operations, including communication interception and other methods of data gathering, are deemed illegal by legislators and analysts.
Under the latest bill, BIN will have authority to intercept communications and track the flow of funds related to terrorism, separatism and other forms of threat that may harm the country's sovereignty.
Communication interceptions include telephone and fax tapping, as well as opening email and postal articles. Under the bill, BIN will need no prior court approval for such undertakings.
The agency will also have the authority to request information and data from the central bank, the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK), non-banking institutions and money transfer institutions.
However, the bill lacks stipulations that would ban intelligence agencies from conducting operations to support politicians in power or to act against their political opponents.
The draft also fails to establish multiple independent layers of supervision at BIN a common practice for intelligence agencies in other democracies.
Rendy A. Witular The highly secretive State Intelligence Agency (BIN) spent more than half of its budget on intelligence operations related to domestic affairs, according to an audit by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).
An audit of the BIN's 2009 financial account, made public by the BPK in September 2010, revealed that the agency spent more than 78 percent of its Rp 982 billion (US$112 million) budget on operations and the remainder on wages and administrative affairs.
The account revealed several expenses for specific operations, including counter-intelligence measures, security and public order operations, counter separatism, trans-national crimes and anti-counterfeiting and strategic intelligence operations.
However, questions arose over the Rp 481 billion in spending under a post merely labeled "intelligence operation".
The BPK could not clarify the details, but according to legislator Effendi Choirie of the House of Representatives' Commission I for defense, intelligence and information, the spending may be for safeguarding activities related to the general election.
"We've heard that for the past couple of years, the BIN spent most of its resources on dealing with general and local elections," said Effendi, who has been with the Commission since 1999.
The most recent legislative and presidential elections, held every five years, was in 2009.
However, the BIN's 2008 accounts also consisted of similar nebulous spending amounting to Rp 356 billion.
Despite a lack of transparency in the spending, the BPK has granted an "unqualified opinion" on the BIN's 2008 and 2009 accounts, meaning the budget management has complied with existing regulations.
According to a source at the BIN, the agency cannot expose the details of the spending as it could jeopardize the confidentiality of its operations.
"For sure, the funds are used, among other things, to buy information or to pay for our local and overseas informants, as well as for entertaining high-level resources, officials, politicians and other VIPs," the source said.
"The allocated budget is just never enough. We usually seek help from certain businessmen to finance our operations in exchange for protection and information about their rival businessmen."
The source said other high-dollar expenses included establishing cover-up companies locally and overseas, as well as additional benefits for the welfare of intelligence personnel.
BIN's 1,800 intelligence officials, excluding administrative staff, receive a relatively higher take-home pay due to numerous benefits compared with civil servants at other agencies.
The BIN chief, who is the same level as a minister, receives a monthly salary of around Rp 35 million, while a freshly-graduated agent receives at least around Rp 3.5 million, excluding additional facilities if tasked to certain operations.
However, it has become public knowledge that BIN agents usually have side businesses to help cater to their lifestyles.
Most of the BIN top officials have sent their children to study overseas, financed either by their side business or by their business colleagues. BIN chief Gen. (ret.) Sutanto refused to comment further on the issue.
Rendi A. Witular Aside from a string of failures to detect terrorism threats and sectarian conflicts, recent cases of intelligence breakdown may provide a revealing glimpse at the quality of the country's intelligence.
On Jan. 28, 2010, the National Police intelligence division overestimated the scale of a street rally protest marking President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's first 100 days of his second term.
The police's estimation of 20,000 protesters, a number confirmed by the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), prompted the police and the Indonesian military to deploy more than 5,000 personnel and a dozen tanks and armed vehicles to ensure the rally did not turn violent. On the day of the rally, less than 1,000 protesters showed up.
"They [intelligence] can no longer estimate the number of protesters accurately," said a legislator with the House of Representatives' Commission I for defense, intelligence and information. "This is actually an easy task for intelligence. How can we expect them to do a harder task if they failed at this one," he said.
Another humiliating incident revolved around an assassination threat against the President by terrorist groups in May 2010.
In a press conference, National Police intelligence chief Ins. Gen. Saleh Saaf exposed several recent photos of terrorists aiming firearms at a photo of the President at a militant training camp in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. The photos turned out to have been taken two years earlier, not in Aceh but at a terrorist training camp in Poso, Central Sulawesi.
Another controversial story of an intelligence operation centered on a report from the US-based Center for Public Integrity, which disclosed in 2005 that BIN had used a foundation belonging to former president Abdurrahman Wahid to hire Washington lobbying firm Richard L. Collins & Co. to persuade the US Congress to lift its military embargo.
According to the contract documents, the foundation paid the company US$30,000 monthly from May to July 2005. BIN picked up the contract directly in September 2005 and continued it until November 2005, when the US lifted restrictions on defense exports to Indonesia. The revelation sparked protests from Indonesian human rights groups.
Previous to the incident, public attention had already been drawn to BIN when then BIN chief Syamsir Siregar reported several of his agents at the agency's anti-counterfeiting division for printing billions of rupiah worth of counterfeited banknotes in Malang, East Java.
The head of the division, Brig. Gen. Zyaeri, and several of his officials were sentenced to between one and four years in prison in 2006. Speculation was rife at the time that the case had been ignited by business disputes between a company with the backing of Syamsir and those under the protection of Zyaeri. Both have denied the speculations.
Criminal justice & prison system
The head of the Nusakambangan narcotics detention center has been detained for allegedly receiving money from drug transactions.
The National Narcotics Agency (BNN) arrived at the prison on Tuesday afternoon and raided the office of Marwan Adli, who was then taken into detention.
"We are taking him to Jakarta this afternoon," BNN's spokesman Sumirat told news portal Detik.com, adding that the agency was still investigating the exact amount of money Marwan had received.
BNN also detained inmate Hartoni, who is alleged to be one of the players in a narcotics ring operated from the island prison off Cilacap district, Central Java.
Hartoni allegedly ordered up to 3 kilograms of methamphetamine from Jakarta each month. The meth was later distributed to several places in Indonesia.
From behind bars, Hartoni was believed to have made about Rp 4 billion ($455,000) from the drugs each month, using other people's bank accounts for the transactions.
Marwan allegedly knew about the illegal transactions, but was given hush money to keep quiet. "We have been investigating the allegation since November 2010 and we are still trying to find out what other officials are involved in this case," he said.
Meanwhile, the Justice and Human Rights Ministry said they had not yet received an official report about the detainment. "I have read in the news, but so far I haven't received any official reports. I am on the way to Nusakambangan to check," said Mayun Mataram, a ministry official.
It is not the first time that Nusakambangan prison officials have been involved in the drug business.
Dasep Suryana, the chief warden of Besi Penitentiary on Nusakambangan Island, and six of his subordinates were fired on March 2 after an inspection uncovered a drug ring that had smuggled at least 29 tons of methamphetamine over eight years, an official said on Wednesday.
Indonesia said on Wednesday it was scaling back plans to float several state-owned companies on the stock market, and would carry out just one initial public offering in 2011.
"This year we will launch only one state-owned company in an IPO," said Pandu Djajanto, deputy minister for state-owned enterprises.
The government had previously said it would float up to 10 state firms this year in addition to airline Garuda Indonesia, which made its debut on the Jakarta bourse in February. "We want to be more selective and take more time for preparation. We want to be more cautious," Djajanto said.
The move follows a disappointing debut by Garuda. Shares in the airline plunged 17.3 percent after its listing, as analysts deemed the offering price of Rp 750 rupiah too expensive.
But Djajanto said the scaling back of IPO plans was unrelated to Garuda's plunge, adding that the government would still float the Semen Baturaja cement company on the stock market this year.
Indonesia, southeast Asia's largest economy, had a good year in 2010 as its main stock index rose 46 percent, while its local currency, the rupiah, gained more than 4.0 percent against the dollar.
Indonesia received huge inflows of foreign money during the year as traders looked to emerging economies in Asia, which is leading the global recovery, in place of slow-growth areas such as the United States or Europe.
Rangga D. Fadillah, Jakarta Indonesia's footwear exports may top US$3.2 billion (Rp 28 trillion) in 2011, up 52 percent from $2.13 billion in 2010, thanks to the recovering global economy, according to the Indonesian Footwear Association (Aprisindo).
Such an increase would further improve the nation's reputation as a leading shoe producer, Eddy Widjanarko, the association's chairman, said in Jakarta on Wednesday Indonesia is the world's third largest footwear producer, behind China and Thailand.
"Other than the recovering global economy, a strong flow of foreign investment into our nation also contributed to the predicted growth in exports," Eddy said.
Five large foreign footwear makers currently run factories in Indonesia, he said, adding that each had invested between $60 and $70 million in Indonesia.
"Each company employs around 10,000 workers. We're optimistic that this year the business prospects will be very bright," he said as quoted by detikfinance.com news portal.
Eddy said Indonesia could boost production from around 300 million pairs of footwear in 2010 to 400 million in 2011.
The Indonesian footwear industry is centered in several large cities in Java, such as Tangerang, Banten; Bandung, Bekasi, Karawang and Sukabumi in West Java; and Jombang, East Java. The Industry Ministry said recently that investors from China, South Korea and Taiwan would build 22 footwear factories in Indonesia in 2011 that would create around 60,000 jobs.
South Korea-based Chang Shin launched its $25 million, recently completed footwear factory in Karawang in January. The factory was estimated to employee around 5,000 people.
Eddy was upbeat that Indonesia's footwear exports would top $5 billion in the next three years.
According to Industry Ministry, the Indonesian footwear industry operated at about 67 percent capacity in 2010 and produced $3.27 billion in products. Indonesia's 388 footwear companies currently employed 454,359 people.
Eddy said that as the third largest footwear exporter in the world, Indonesians should be proud of local shoe products.
"Our people should be more proud of our own products. We can already produce world-class shoes. The world has acknowledged the quality of our products, so our exports can continuously increase," he said.
The Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) previously said that nothing could stop Indonesia from leapfrogging China to become the world's second biggest footwear exporter within two years.
Separately, the BKPM recommended that the government accelerate development of primary infrastructure such as power plants and roads to boost investor confidence in conducting business in Indonesia.
Poor infrastructure has long been a major reason why investors cancel investment plans in the nation.
Armando Siahaan President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should consider himself a lucky man. Just as an article filled with serious accusations about his alleged abuse of power started to engross the nation, a devastating earthquake and tsunami struck Japan, deflecting attention away from what may turn out to be one of the biggest political scandals ever to hit the country.
Please note that it is not my intention to play down the catastrophe in Japan. But it is imperative that we do not turn a blind eye to a political disaster on our own soil involving the country's number one man.
On Friday morning, the nation woke up to an article published by Australian newspaper The Age titled, "Yudhoyono 'abused power,' " which was quickly picked up by media outlets here.
Citing cables from the US Embassy in Jakarta released by WikiLeaks as its main source, the article in The Age listed a number of alleged abuses involving Yudhoyono and several other prominent government officials.
The alleged wrongdoings ranged from Yudhoyono and his family trying to "profit financially from its political position," to the president's intervention in the case of Taufik Kiemas, husband of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri and the chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), to prevent Taufik from being prosecuted for "legendary corruption during his wife's tenure."
Yudhoyono was also accused of meddling in legal proceedings involving a rift within former President Gus Dur's National Awakening Party (PKB), as well as exploiting the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to spy on his political rivals and at least one senior minister.
These are such serious allegations that if there is a kernel of truth to any of them, a premature ending to Yudhoyono's second term is not a far- fetched scenario.
It would be wrong to immediately conclude that all of the information revealed in the article is true. It is raw, unsubstantiated information that requires further verification by a courageous third party willing to pursue the truth behind the claims.
Will the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), for example, take any interest in investigating the Yudhoyono-Taufik Kiemas allegation?
Conversely, there is also a possibility that the claims are completely bogus. If that is the case, the State Palace needs to counter the allegations comprehensively, with facts and evidence instead of bluster and wall-to-wall denials.
The administration's response up to this point lambasting the article as "not true, inaccurate and recklessly written," sending a message of protest to the US government and writing a response to The Age is simply not enough.
Their furious denials sound hollow without any information to back them up, and the public can hardly be blamed for not giving the government the benefit of the doubt when it comes to accusations of corruption.
Considering the grave magnitude of these accusations, a failure to deal with them properly could very well lead to a credibility crisis for Yudhoyono.
It should be noted that his administration had already been struggling to cope with several recent political blows that have hurt his legitimacy.
There was the movement launched by a band of religious leaders, including Din Syamsuddin, Benny Susetyo and Andreas Yewangoe, that publicly denounced Yudhoyono's administration for telling "lies" to the people regarding poverty levels, as well as the government's failure to resolve high-profile corruption cases including the Bank Century scandal and the Gayus Tambunan debacle, and the rampant discrimination against religious minority groups.
The president also faced hostility from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which publicly declared its readiness to take down the government in response to Yudhoyono's speech that implied the possibility of disbanding violent organizations such as their group.
On top of that, Yudhoyono has had to do some serious damage control to deal with his crumbling ruling coalition after two of his supposed coalition partners the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) both supported a House of Representatives' probe into corruption at the tax office, leading to the current reshuffle kerfuffle.
But while the president is already treading water politically, this WikiLeaks imbroglio could have much more serious consequences for him, politically as well as legally. Proven or not, the allegations have certainly tarnished the president's credibility in front of his people.
President Yudhoyono must prove to the public, with concrete and credible evidence, that none of the accusations are true. An independent investigation is one option, albeit a near impossible one.
Still, Yudhoyono needs to come up with some way to show us that he is indeed trustworthy, or risk endangering his entire political legacy. Whatever happens, the story should not end at this point.
[Armando Siahaan is a reporter at the Jakarta Globe and writes a weekly column about current events. Follow @jakartajourno on Twitter or e-mail him at armando.siahaan@thejakartaglobe.com.]
Wimar Witoelar, Jakarta The brouhaha surrounding the trouble in the ruling coalition between the Democratic Party, the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) might seem complicated and confusing to the average observer.
It is made even more confusing by the media and political commentators who seem to make a living from making political issues even more complicated than they should be.
The simple fact is Golkar and the PKS have opposed the government on several key issues, including on calls for separate probes into the Bank Century bailout and graft at the tax office. The main protagonists in the contest are President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a complicated man because he always tries to please all sides, and Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie, a practical man who uses a wide range of tools to expand his influence. We need to cut through the fog and offer a framework to reduce the issue to the bare essentials.
First, the coalition is neither a legal entity nor a political convention. This is the first time that an Indonesian president has lent such importance to the concept, because for most of our history the government has been designed as a presidential system. It is even truer with the majority that SBY won in the 2009 presidential election, which at 60 plus percent easily classified him as a landslide winner, burying two rivals in the remaining 40 percent votes.
President Yudhoyono was confronted by a small inconvenience when it turned out his political party had won a smaller percentage of the House than he had votes in the presidential election, leaving them in a minority position. His strategy was then to form a coalition with parties that together would round up enough parliamentary votes to gain a majority to support the government. This was achieved by getting Golkar on board in addition to several smaller parties.
The decision to enter the coalition was rewarded by handing out Cabinet seats to cooperative parties such as Golkar, the PKS, the United Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Notably absent in the coalition was the party of Megawati Soekarnoputri, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI- P).
The arrangement was for the coalition to control parliament, and for the coalition partners to enjoy Cabinet seats. This leaves out the people, who were rapidly becoming a neglected majority.
The marriage of convenience fell apart when Golkar and the PKS went against the President in trying to force through a motion to form an inquiry committee which would become a distraction to a special investigation into tax corruption allegedly involving companies owned by the Bakrie Group. The motion came not long after Golkar had defied the government by spearheading a cabal against Vice President Boediono and former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati in a bold bluff in the House and by a news TV station owned by the Bakrie Group.
This time Priyo Budi Santoso, deputy chairman of Golkar, admitted that the inquiry would clear the name of his chairman. Many opposed the inquiry committee, saying it endangered government stability. Ultimately the attempt was defeated in a plenary session by a single vote. A narrow margin but enough to tip the political balance against Golkar and the PKS. This was the last straw for SBY, who immediately responded by calling for a reevaluation of coalition loyalty and a reshuffle of the Cabinet.
Unfortunately the strong initial response by SBY was followed by a loss of momentum as the President fumbled. Backroom maneuvering has left SBY at an embarrassing crossroads. Needing the PDI-P and Gerindra to fill the coalition vacuum, their reluctance has given Golkar confidence as the chairman openly mocked SBY by saying that his party was ready to become an opposition party, and that leadership was not for the fainthearted. Golkar has thus called out the President, but SBY may yet win to survive another day.
The situation will weaken the President unless he goes for a long pass. Common sense dictates that the coalition issue and the Cabinet issue should be kept separate. The coalition affects House's effectiveness while Cabinet's quality gives the President credibility.
Ministers should be selected on the basis of competence, not politics. The poor performance of the Cabinet has been public knowledge for more than a year, since the President's problem solving team led by UKP4 chief Kuntoro Mangkusubroto submitted a performance evaluation that gave red marks to several ministries for poor performance.
From the public viewpoint some of the most glaring weak links are the religious affairs minister, who has resisted the President's call for tolerance and pluralism, and the communications and information technology minister who largely misunderstands the function of expanding IT infrastructure, and instead chooses to involve himself emotionally in moralistic issues like pornography.
This has alienated him from progressive elements in society including young professionals.
Replacements for these ministers would be facilitated by the fact that both represent political parties that have betrayed the coalition. The question facing SBY is whether the House support would weaken if he were to irritate the PKS and the PPP whose party leaders would be disgraced. That is an unnecessary worry, because there is no majority public opinion supporting these ministers. In a broader sense, parliamentary support is at a nadir; things cannot get much worse.
The hope is that if SBY stands firm against disruptive politicians, members of parliament will be encouraged to stand up to the self-serving political party leaders. Currently there is no distinction between the interests of Golkar and their chairman, but cracks will surely appear if Bakrie's leadership is not sanctioned by the President.
So the simple recipe is to replace incompetent Cabinet ministers, ignore the coalition and govern by policy and performance and regain voter confidence by stepping up campaigns against corruption and tax evasion.
This is hardly a secret recipe; it is so simple everybody knows it must be done. But the President may have secret reasons not to follow it.
[The writer is a public relations consultant with InterMatrix Communications.]
Joe Cochrane I see nothing wrong with people changing their minds about an important issue. Nobody's perfect and a bit of self-reflection and calm, cool reasoning is healthy. So in that spirit, I'd like to announce that I have changed my mind and am ready to be an enthusiastic supporter of Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring's antipornography campaign.
However, I do have one condition: Tifatul must stop trying to filter Internet pornography coming into Indonesia, and instead block the pornographic movies and pictures starring Indonesian lawmakers and their mistresses that are being exported into cyberspace. Indonesia isn't being attacked by evil Western pornographic movie producers. No sir. Indonesia is producing evil pornography and exporting it to the world via the Internet, burning the retinas of school children as far away as Peru and turning the normally law-abiding citizens of Malta into violent sex maniacs.
The latest addition to the "DPR: House of Porn" series allegedly stars Anis Matta, deputy speaker of the House of Representatives and secretary general of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). You remember them, right? The ultra- moral, conservative Muslim political party that once campaigned to turn Indonesia into an Islamic state under Shariah law?
The PKS was a staunch supporter of the 2008 Anti-Pornography Law and 2008 Information and Electronic Transaction Law (ITE). Interestingly, Anis could be prosecuted under both if a sex video of a couple that was posted on Twitter on Feb. 28 turns out to be him. Oh, the irony.
In case you've forgotten, the PKS supported a clause in an early draft of the antipornography bill that would imprison Indonesians for up to 10 years for kissing in public. How much time do you think Anis would get if it's proven that it was him on the video tape groping an unknown woman in a bathtub?
In all fairness, Anis has categorically denied that it was him in the video, and he claims its posting was part of a conspiracy by a Twitter user against the PKS. On the other hand, if it is indeed Anis, then the Twitter user is doing no more than highlighting a possible criminal act, not to mention the stunning hypocrisy of lawmakers within the House.
Let us not forget former Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker Max Moein, who took semi-nude photos of himself with his young secretary, which later circulated on the Internet. Max is now in jail awaiting trial for corruption. Then there was former Golkar Party lawmaker Yahya Zaini, who chaired the religious affairs committee no less, resigning in 2006 after appearing on a sex tape with a dangdut singer.
Only a state institution as brazenly corrupt as the DPR could simultaneously attempt to be Indonesia's morality police.
And speaking of the police, what's the status of the investigation into Anis and the sex video, anyway? The National Police have been pretty quiet since announcing last week they would launch an investigation. Why aren't they acting with the same vigor displayed against pop star Nazril "Ariel" Irham, including threatening to toss his girlfriend, Luna Maya, into jail and breaking out a forgotten 60-year-old emergency law just to get a case? Are they also going to investigate Anis for polygamy, given that he reportedly has three wives, to make sure the unions are legal?
Where is President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono? Why hasn't he expressed public outrage about how the sex video made Indonesia look bad internationally? Why hasn't he personally ordered the police to go after Anis, as he did in the case of Ariel, saying at that time: "The law must be upheld"? And what about Tifatul, who also publicly supported prosecuting Ariel? Is he using his position as information minister to protect one of his party bosses from prosecution, or is he just too busy preparing for his next verbal tirade against homosexuals and AIDS victims?
And speaking of hypocrisy, where in the world is the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)? The boys in white had spent months protesting, lobbying, rallying and finally threatening to burn down a courthouse in Bandung unless Ariel was put away. Today they're neither in front of the House complex, demanding Anis's head, nor blocking the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, burning Anis in effigy. Why haven't they filed a criminal complaint against with the National Police, like they did against Playboy Indonesia magazine?
I have my theories, which began when then-Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Indonesia in 2007. The Russian Army had killed tens of thousands of Muslims in Chechnya, but there wasn't a single FPI protestor on the street when Putin arrived.
I called up FPI headquarters to ask why, given that they were out in full force when then US President George W. Bush visited Indonesia the year before. After first demanding money for an interview, an FPI spokesman on the line said they didn't protest Putin because he didn't draw enough international media coverage.
So the FPI is ready to defend Islam to the death only when the cameras are rolling? And is it OK for other "believers" to violate the Anti-Pornography Law as long as they support turning Indonesia into an Islamic state?
Actually, I wish it were as simple as that. The fact that the group is openly supporting terrorist suspect Abu Bakar Bashir during his ongoing trial, and one senior FPI official is part of his defense team, is extremely disturbing. Registered hard-line radical groups such as Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid, which is Bashir's outfit, have members engaging in terrorist activities against the Indonesian state, according to police.
There is now a blurred line between what is a terrorist group, such as Jemaah Islamiyah, and what is a registered legal religious group, like FPI and JAT. It's certainly no secret that the FPI wants to replace Indonesia's constitutional government with an Islamic state, and last month they even threatened to violently overthrow Yudhoyono's government. Their members have been implicated in bloody religious attacks against the Ahmadiyah sect in West Java last month in which three people were brutally killed.
To date, the Yudhoyono administration and the National Police have done nothing to stop the FPI. They did, however, do a lot to prosecute and imprison Ariel over his sex tape scandal. If the president and National Police want to continue to ignore the grave and growing threat of FPI, that is their call.
But if they also fail to thoroughly and impartially investigate Anis's alleged appearance in the Twitter sex video, then they have completely lost the plot.
During an appearance on Tuesday with visiting Philippines President Benigno Aquino III, Yudhoyono asserted that Southeast Asia "must not become a safe haven for terrorism." The question remains whether Indonesia's violent religious groups, not to mention its publicly elected porno stars, will keep their respective safe havens.
[Joe Cochrane is a contributing editor of the Jakarta Globe. His writings appear at www.datelinejakarta.com.]
Johannes Nugroho In spite of the state's stated efforts to combat corruption, Indonesia's record on clean governance is invariably dismal. At the heart of the matter is a civil service governed by a system of patronage and outdated regulations that undermine attempts at reform from within.
Indonesian civil service is one of the most archaically feudal in the world. Instead of being a meritocracy, it is based on bribery, collusion and political whim.
The problem is pervasive. Abdullah Hehamahua, adviser to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), claimed that 95 percent of all civil servants practiced some form of corruption.
Promotion for civil servants is often based on good relations with superiors, and perhaps more importantly on bribes.
Personal favors between seniors and juniors determine who fills important posts. It usually comes down to connections whoever can pull the most strings for the boss will get the job or promotion.
As such, most government employees are not immune to the political fortunes of their respective patrons.
This is especially obvious at regional government level where sudden transfers of civil servants for political purposes are very common.
The central government recently passed a bill that prohibits outgoing regional executives from making structural changes to the civil service.
Because the patronage system is so pervasive, any ambitious junior official would be wise to comply with his or her superiors, even in cases of blatant rule breaking.
Such behavior is indirectly encouraged by senior government officials who seek to prevent jealousy among their staff by making sure that everyone gets a slice of the pie.
Under such a collusive system of public service, professional competitiveness is an afterthought. Hard work and diligence hardly pay off.
The civil service is perhaps the only sector of the government so far untouched by Reformasi. Its legal foundation is a piece of legislation adopted under Suharto in 1974. This outdated law is patrician in content as well as spirit, a far cry from the ideals of any democratic system.
Among its articles is the dubious and ambivalent passage stating that "under no circumstances is a civil servant allowed to divulge state secrets unless authorized to do so by his or her superiors or by the authority of the law."
The injunction may sound harmless enough, but it is this article that has been used for decades against potential whistle-blowers. It is an open secret that any wayward civil servant who tries to expose corruption is immediately threatened with the article to ensure silence.
More importantly, the state secret injunction has also been used to keep corruption scandals from seeing the light of day. Uncovered cases of graft are usually hushed up, with the offender being transferred to another department to prevent "loss of face."
This thoroughly Indonesian remedy is often said to be based on compassion because it gives the offender a second chance but is it really compassion, or does it arise out of the desire to contain the fallout?
After all, any scandal is bound to involve many officials. If "exposed" offenders were disciplined rigorously, they might want to make waves in revenge or turn on their conspirators in exchange for judicial leniency. This piece of anachronistic legislation must be reformed, and, surprisingly, the task is straightforward enough.
The same law stipulates that the president has the power make changes to the structure of the civil service.
Unfortunately, though, no president of the reform era has had either opportunity or guts enough to address the issue. Given President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's excessive tact and indecision, the current problem seems to be a lack of political will.
Why is graft so pervasive in Indonesia? KPK adviser Abdullah has cited low salaries as one of the primary causes of graft.
But I would argue that government officials practice corruption simply because there are loopholes within the system that make it easy. Poor salaries may be a contributing factor in the equation, but not the decisive one.
A professional and meritocratic system, free of political meddling, should be the foundation upon which our reformed civil service is built.
Whether the government likes it or not, the civil service is the body that turns the wheel of the state. As such, it holds a key role in ensuring that all executive, legislative and judicial decisions are carried out in an efficient and thorough manner.
Reforming the system requires qualities of leadership that include strong will, tenacity and endurance enough to weather the storm that will certainly come with any attempt to change the status quo. The current form of the civil service will not go quietly into the night.
The question remains: Is SBY and his administration up to the task?
[Johannes Nugroho is a writer based in Surabaya.]