Camelia Pasandaran, Bogor, West Java Attempts to develop Indonesia have "failed" because of five "illnesses" that plague the nation, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Monday.
Yudhoyono, speaking during the signing of a master plan for the Acceleration and Extension of Indonesian Economic Development at the Bogor Palace, said he had evaluated his six years in office and concluded there were "illnesses and factors that have caused development to fail at the national and regional levels."
He singled out Indonesia's inefficient bureaucracy, which was resistant to implementing decisions. Yudhoyono said that when the president and a minister had arrived at a decision, lower-level officials often disagreed and argued against its implementation.
"Once it has been decided, there should not be any more discourse at the lower levels," he said. "It causes us losses."
The president pointed at the regional governments as being the second illness hampering development.
"For example, a district may have a very good plan agreed to by the governor," he said. "Later, [the implementation] is hampered because of a disagreement with a district head or mayor. It might be accepted if they have a good reason, but if they do not, it hampers investment that could create jobs that could reduce unemployment and drive the local economy."
Yudhoyono has often complained about disharmony between the central and regional governments. Although Yudhoyono's Democratic Party comfortably secured the most votes at the national level, the majority of regional heads come from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party in Struggle (PDI-P) and the loosely aligned Golkar Party.
The third illness was potential investors who had failed to carry through with their pledged commitments, he said.
Fourth, was a flawed legal framework, both at the national and regional levels, he said, adding that this needed to be addressed.
The fifth illness, Yudhoyono said, were unhealthy political interests, again at the national and regional levels.
"Politics should be the solution and should not be translated into limited interests...," Yudhoyono said. "The ones that get nothing are our people."
Agus Maryono The Banyumas Religious Court in Central Java has announced a significant increase in the number of divorce cases in the region, the majority of which stemmed from economic problems.
Junior clerk Muhammad Farid of the Purwokerto (capital of Banyumas) religious court said that his office had recorded a 70 percent increase of divorce cases compared to last year.
The court has handled 250 divorce cases a month on average so far this year, he said. Last year the average number was 150 cases a month. In 2008, he added, his office received 1,377 divorce cases. That increased to 1,505 the following year and to 1,894 cases last year.
"It was too many for us to handle as in the same year we had 500 leftover cases from the year before," Farid told The Jakarta Post at his office, Friday.
He said most of the divorce requests were filed by wives. "Some said they [sought divorce] because their husbands could no longer support their families economically either because they were unemployed or because they had lost their jobs," Farid said.
Of the 1,894 divorce cases last year, he added, 1,466 stated economic difficulties as the reason for divorce. In 694 of those cases the husbands were said to have been incapable of financially supporting their families, and in the other 872 cases the husbands were reported to have not had steady income, which led to quarrelling with their wives.
Other reasons stated for divorce included moral issues and domestic violence, Banyumas said.
Nurvita Indarini, Jakarta Dita Indah Sari and labour are two things that are inseparable. But over the last three months, she has chosen to work within bureaucratic circles. And in those 3 months, her weight has dropped by 3kg. Duh!
Since late 2010, Dita has been a trusted expert staff member as well as the spokesperson for Labour and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin (Imin) Iskandar. Getting close to the inner circle of policy makers has resulted in her being super-busy.
"I dropped 3kg, Mbak (sister). A drop of 3kg in three months", Dita said with a laugh when speaking with Detik.com on Wednesday February 16.
Nevertheless, she claims to enjoy her job and the work that piles is a challenge for her. She is happy to be able to contribute ideas and energy within Labour Ministry policy making circles.
"Usually I get home at 8 or 9pm. Sometimes if it's a Saturday or Sunday I'm out of town because there's work. This is all part of the challenge", added the mother of Tito Karno Adisuryo.
Although busy with her activities, Dita does not however want to abandon her morning ritual with her beloved son. Almost every morning she is there to bath, hand feed and take her son to school.
"If I have to go into the office very early because there is a meeting, for example, if possible I don't miss out on the 'ritual'", continued Dita.
The woman born in the North Sumatra provincial capital of Medan 38 years ago related how she initially became associated with bureaucratic circles. Several months ago, she received an offer from Iskandar to join the Department of Labour. After thinking it over, Dita finally agreed.
"Up until now I have always been outside the system, always been the opposition. But I also thought about how I could contribute ideas more effectively. Cak (elder brother) Imin himself is a person who is open to new ideas and wanted to make a breakthrough on certain problems, so I was willing", she said.
Dita claims not to have been close to Iskandar prior to this. They were just both admirers of former President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid. Based on this and Iskandar's character, Dita accepted the challenge he handed her.
"There are some who supported me, but others also who lamented my decision. Those that supported me said it would be sad if the experience I have is not utilised. Meanwhile those that didn't support me deplored the fact that I had joined the government, which they believe has made many mistakes", explained the University of Indonesia Faculty of Law dropout.
Many were worried that Dita would be caught up in the system such that it would change her character and she would no longer be the Dita of old, no longer be the Dita who is pro-worker. Dita however insists that she has not changed. Eighteen years as a labour activist is no short time and her character has been steeled the different incidents she has experienced.
Dita was once arrested when leading an action in the Tandes area of Surabaya, East Java, in June 1996. Dita her colleagues were later sentenced to eight years in jail because the Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle (PPBI), an organisation that Dita was part of, was deemed to be a banned organisation.
"Those 18 to 20 years were a long time to shape my character. I have been an activist for 20 years, and that is not a short time", she said.
It is as if the things Dita experienced when she was an activist were an incredibly tough test so new influences cannot be accepted just like that. Dita is confident that she will not betray the things that she has fought for.
"If there are those that are sceptical, okay just wait and see. I'm confident I have enough experience, and I will prove it", added the woman who was once the general chairperson of the Party of United Popular Opposition (Poor).
Dita is grateful that in her current activities she still has many friends and that her network has in fact grown. Sometimes her friends from when she was an activist come to her to ask for help. For example there was a friend from a trade union that want wanted to report a case, so Dita was able to take part in helping facilitate.
"I rarely meet with [old] friends (activists). At most I communicate by SMS, Facebook or e-mail. Sometimes they come here, because [they] want to report a case so once in a while we can swap news", said the woman whose hobby is playing piano. (vit/nrl)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Fitri R. & Antara Forget saying it with flowers and candy. Instead, how about a wedding in jail or a late-night gay pride party?
Those were just some of the more unusual ways Indonesians chose to celebrate Valentine's Day in a Muslim-majority country where the tradition is widely frowned upon.
In West Lombok district, West Nusa Tenggara, a woman in jail for allegedly abandoning her newborn baby used the occasion to marry the baby's father. Intan, 25, from Sukadana village in West Lombok, married her boyfriend, Supardi, 27, at a simple ceremony at the district police headquarters.
Intan is currently in custody as a suspect for leaving her baby girl to die in an empty field near her village earlier this month. The baby was discovered alive by other villagers and is reportedly in good health.
Supardi has not been charged in the case but was ordered by village elders to marry Intan and pay a fine of one cow or buffalo, two sheets of traditional cloth, two spears and 344 antique coins.
In Ambon, Maluku, the local branch of the Indonesian Gay, Lesbian and Transsexual Network (GWL-INA) held a party on Monday night to raise support for the usually marginalized members of society, group head Mochtar Ambon said.
"We just want to show the public that we're the same as them," he said. "Transsexuals, gays and lesbians are people, too, with the same rights as everyone else."
He added that while transsexuals were largely tolerated by Indonesian society, the same was not true of gays and lesbians, which prevented them from being more open about their sexuality.
Richard Louhenapessy, an Ambon city councilor from the Golkar Party, said he attended the function in a show of support for the community.
"A lot of people refuse to accept gays and lesbians as part of society, but the fact is they live among us," he said. "As long as they contribute positively to society, we should support them."
Others were not feeling the love. In Lebak district, Banten, an association of high school students said Valentine's Day went against Indonesian customs and Islamic teaching.
The high school students also claimed that observing the tradition could encourage sexual promiscuity "because in other countries Valentine's Day is characterized by consumption of alcohol and parties."
Young people in Bogor reportedly also called the celebration hedonistic and said it encouraged sexual promiscuity.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Rizal Adi Syaputra says he is a proud punk, but still prefers to hide his dyed red hair under a cap.
The 20-year-old is a member of one of the Aceh capital's five punk communities that have become the latest target of the province's Wilayatul Hisbah, or Shariah Police, and Public Order Agency (Satpol PP).
He spent 10 days in detention after being picked up by the Shariah Police, until his parents were able to secure his release.
"I was released recently," Rizal said. "The officers did not shave my head because my mother told them she would cut my hair off herself. This is why my hair is still intact and not shaven off like my friends.
"There are punks whose heads have been shaved clean by these officers, possibly with the consent of their parents."
Rizal said his parents were forced to sign a contract with the Shariah Police promising not to repeat his offense. But he said he still had no idea why he had been detained.
Marzuki, who is the head of investigations at Satpol PP and the Shariah Police in Aceh, told the Jakarta Globe that the raids on punks in Banda Aceh were in accordance with existing regulations in the province
"These raids have been verbally sanctioned by the Aceh governor and police chief, and we have received permission through writing from the Banda Aceh mayor," he said, adding that young punk communities were a public nuisance.
"The presence of punks bothers the general public," he said. "They are involved in theft, brawls, attacks and assaults in Banda Aceh and Aceh Besar. They are criminals. Their actions are against Acehnese culture and violate Islamic Shariah law."
At least five punks are currently being "rehabilitated" at the Satpol PP offices through religious studies, Marzuki said.
"They will only be released if their parents pick them up and sign a contract promising that they will not continue what they are doing now," he said.
"Parents have thanked us because they have been unable to knock sense into their kids who have been influenced by this punk culture. "If we catch someone three times after having undergone rehabilitation with us, we will hand them over to the police. We only arrest those who have committed crimes."
Rizal told the Jakarta Globe that he and five friends from the Museum Street Punks community were arrested while they were hanging out at the Blang Padang field near the city center one Saturday night.
He said he joined the punk community in 2009 because he wanted more personal freedom and an outlet to create art. "We asked the Satpol PP officers why we were being arrested; we were just sitting there," Rizal said.
He was speaking on the side of a demonstration on Thursday protesting the Shariah Police's targeting of punks. "We asked them why we were being arrested, but the Satpol PP officers stayed silent. They did not tell us anything," he said.
"We, as members of the Museum Street Punks, have never committed any of the acts they have accused us of. We are only involved in social activities," Rizal said, adding that he and his punk friends had even raised money for the survivors of last year's Mentawai tsunami.
At the demonstration on Thursday, members of the five punk communities sat together and sang in protest. The demonstration's coordinator, 19-year-old Juanda Syahfitrah, said they were angry about the accusations by the Satpol PP and the Shariah Police that punk communities were criminal groups.
"Punk kids are not criminals. We detest the stigma that has been laid on us," he said, adding that Banda Aceh was home to more than 100 members of different punk communities.
"We have been here forever. Why are they [the Satpol PP] only now arresting us through no fault of our own? We are just young people who want to create art, but not for money. We have every right to organize and express ourselves."
The chairman of DAP, the Papuan Traditional Council, has called on the Indonesian government to be more judicious about plans to send yet more transmigrants to Papua.
Forkorus Yaboisembut said that plans by the Transmigration Department to move more transmigrants into Papua was a matter of great concern.
'I very much hope that Papua will not yet again be the target for more transmigrants because this is turning the Papuan people into a minority in their own homeland.'
He went on to say that sending more transmigrants in Papua was creating many more problems. In addition to turning local communities into minorities, it is also fostering feelings of jealousy because the majority of people who run businesses and own plenty of capital are those who have come from other parts of Indonesia.
Transmigration is also resulting in local Papuan cultures being swamped by cultures from outside.
The government has announced that it has allocated Rp 600 billion to cover the cost of bringing more transmigrants to Papua from other parts of the country. The new transmigration programme is scheduled to continue until 2014.
Hamdhoon Rashad, Washington, D.C. The Amnesty group called on the Indonesian government to release the man they call a prisoner of conscience. Karma, 51, who was jailed for his role in a peaceful flag- raising protest in the Papua Province of Indonesia in December 2004.
"We hold this rally every month to remind the Indonesian government that we are not going to give up on Filep," Claudia Vandermade, special focus case coordinator at Amnesty International USA, said.
Some 200 people participated in a non-violent ceremony outside Abepura in Papua Province on Dec.1, 2004, when the Morning Star flag, a symbol of Papuan independence, was raised in commemoration of the declaration of Papuan independence in 1962.
Protesters carry banners reading, "Indonesia Shame On You" and "Honk for Human Rights in Indonesia" as they demand the immediate and unconditional release of activist Filep Karam, who was arrested in December 2004.
Indonesian police intervened and forced an end to the ceremony. They arrested Karma and charged him with treason for betraying Indonesia by flying the outlawed Papua flag.
Amnesty International held a rally near the White House in October to call on the US government to use its influence with the Indonesian government to demand the release of Karma and the other prisoners.
"The Obama administration has recently extended military funding to Indonesia. Where's the message in that?" Vandermade said. "This is a clear sign that the US government is not putting human rights ahead of national security."
Karma is serving a 15-year sentence and was first imprisoned in the Abepura prison in the Papua capital of Jayapura.
Karma and several other prisoners were transferred to Papua police headquarters in Jayapura last year. A prison riot broke out, and authorities accused Karma and another activist, Buchtar Tabuni, of provoking the riot.
"Since we held our last rally, we have been more worried about Filep than ever. Things have worsened for Filep," Vandermade said.
Last year, the Indonesian government released Yusak Pakage, 31, one of the prisoners of conscience jailed along with Karma on what the Amnesty International tagged as a "conditional release" after he admitted to some wrongdoing.
"Filep is a leader, a hero among the prisoners arrested during the 2004 flag-raising," Vandermade said. She said Karma would not admit to wrongdoing just to get released.
"We wouldn't be here if we have no hope. We believe in human rights, people's rights to freedom of speech, freedom of expression," Vandermade said. "I am sure sooner or later someone in Indonesia is going to see and hopefully acknowledge what we are doing and why we are doing it."
An official at the Indonesian Embassy said the case has already been brought to justice, and the rallies are Amnesty International's way of expressing it members freedom of speech.
Peneas Lokbere, the chairman of SKPHP HAM Papua (Solidarity for the Victims of Human Rights Violations in Papua) has declared that they will continue to press for medical treatment for Ferdinand Pakage, a political prisoner, who is suffering from a badly damaged eye which has blinded him in one eye.
'We will continue to fight for treatment after he was struck in the eye by an official of the Abepura Prison. This caused his eye to bleed and he is now not able to see any more with this eye.'
Lokbere said that what he really needs is a new eye but since this is not at present realistic, he must immediately get medical treatment to cure his current condition. In fact, Pakage's family want him to have an eye transplant.
At present SKPHP is working closely with his family for the prison authorities to speed up medical attention to his condition. He said that they have been pressing for this since last year, when they sought permission for him to go to Jakarta, but the director of the prison, Liberti Sitinjak, said he would not allow the prisoner to leave Jayapura.
'In 2010, Ferdinand heard a doctor at the General Hospital in Dok II say that he needs to have an operation in Jakarta. The doctor said that his eye was badly damaged and that even if he does get medication in Jakarta, he will continue to be blind.'
Ferdinand Pakage is a victom of the bloody UNCEN case which occurred on 16 March 2006. Actually, he knew nothing about what happened during that incident. When the incident was over, he left his house whereupon he was arrested and handcuffed by the police. He was accused of being involved in the killing of several members of Brimob when they were surrounded by a number of people.
After he was transferred to Abepura, he was tortured and struck by three prison warders: Alberth Toam, Victor Apono and Gustaf Rumaikewi. It was Alberth Toam who hit him in the face with a key. This struck him in the right eye which began to bleed. He is currently being held with narcotics prisoners in the district of Jayapura.
A lawyer in Jayapura, Gustaf Kawer, has called on the police to be transparent and explain what happened to Miron Wetipo, who was being held in the Abepura Prison. He was shot dead by the police/TNI and Densus 88 during a sweeping operation and searches being undertaken by BTN Puskopad (an army unit).
'The police must be transparent and explain publicly what happened to Miron Wetipo. All the more so since Miron was not the person who was behind the shooting in Nafri. The police should tell his family and the general public what happened,' said Gustaf Kawer. He also said that it was important for the name of the peron responsible for the shooting to be made public so as not to cast suspicion on the whole of the police force.
'They must have the courage to say who it was in the security forces who shot Wetipo. They cannot ignore this case because it involves a violation of human rights that must be resolved,' he said.
Miron Wetipo was shot dead by forces of the police/TNI and Densus 88 while they were on sweeping operations and were searching the home in the location of BTN, Puskopad, in the district of Abepura, Jayapura, Papua. He was also thought to be a leader of the OPM and was involved in the shooting that occurred inNafri Kampung on Sunday, 27 November 2010.
Responding to a report that the government plans to send more transmigrants to Papua, the chairman of DAP, Dewan Adat Papua, Forkorus Yoboisembut said this was a serious matter because it would turn the Papuan people into a minority, as well as triggering conflict.
'As the representative of the adat (traditional) people in Papua, I reject the transmigration programme which fails to safeguard the position of the local people,' he said.
It is reported that the government has allocated Rp 600 billion to pay for the transmigration of people from Indonesia to a number of places in Indonesia regarded as being 'under-populated', including Papua.
'I hope the central government will consider this matter carefully because the transmigration programme to Papua has already resulted in the marginalisation of the indigenous people at a time when a lot of development work is going on.'
Forkorus said that the location of transmigrants in many places in Papua has made it difficult for the local communities to preserve their own culture and lifestyles. Development of more luxurious lifestyles intensifies the marginalisation of the little folk. In addition, with the government's attention being focused on the transmigrants, feelings of envy emerge because the local people do not get the same degree of attention.
He also said that the transmigration programme under way in Papua undermines Papuans' sense of being masters in their own homeland because the vast majority of those now running the economy are non-Papuans.
Papuans are not yet able to compete with the newcomers in economic affairs and this is something the government needs to give serious attention to.
Biak The traditional Papuan community in Biak reported the current social and political situation in Papua to the first secretary for political affairs at the US embassy, Melanie Higgins, when she visited the office of DAP (Dewan Adat Papua) in Biak.
Their representatives drew attention in particular to the human rights situation and the deteriorating welfare since the enactment of the Special Autonomy Law (OTSUS) which had led to the failure of OTSUS.
The issue that came to the fore was that for the Papuan people the solution was merdeka independence. 'This poured forth from the hearts of the indigenous people during their meeting with the US diplomat on Wednesday. They said that this would be the best solution for the accumulation of problems in Papua,' said Yan Pieter Yarangga, chairman of DAP in Biak- Supiori, following his meeting with Higgins.
He said that the visit by Melanie Higgins was consistence with the US decision to evaluate OTSUS in Papua. She was able to hear how OTSUS had been implemented in the ten years since its enactment.
Besides talking about the failure of OTSUS, they raised some specific cases, such as the beating of a civilian by a member of the security forces (TNI) over a land dispute regarding land being held by the Air Force.
They also talked about such matters as history, the development process and the growing number of poor Papuans. Women who were present spoke about the growing number of HIV/AIDS victims in Biak and everywhere in Papua.
'We talked about many serious problems which were an indication of genocide. 'But we very much regret the fact that according to the US there is no genocide in Papua,' said the chairman of the local DAP.
He said that the indigenous people of Papua nevertheless warmly appreciated the visit by Melanie Higgins and the present position of the US, and understood their US support for NKRI (Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.).
'But they should realise that we will not retreat and will continue to struggle until we reach a solution for the political status for the people of Papua and hope that Melanie Higgins will pass on the views of the indigenous Papuan people to the US government, in so that they would be passed on to the central government in Jakarta for them to take steps in favour of a comprehensive solution of the Papuan problem.'
'Actually, there were many problems to raise with her but time was short, so we came to the conclusion that we should raise a number of basic indicators about problems of a very substantial nature.'
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Leaders of three major churches in Papua object to the ongoing selection of new members of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), which they say fails to represent the interests of Papuans.
The church leaders are currently visiting Jakarta to meet legislators and members of the Regional Representatives Council, among other organizations, to voice the objection.
Benny Giay, the leader of Papua's KINGMI synod, said Wednesday, during a meeting with The Jakarta Post, that the Papua administration was not seriously selecting candidates who would properly represent the voice of Papuans for the 75 MRP seats, some of which are allocated to West Papua.
GKI synod deputy chairman Elly D. Doirebo, meanwhile, said the MRP was merely a tool of the central government, with the voice of its members barely heard. The MRP, he said, could only approve decisions that had already been made by the government.
"We have representatives at the MRP, but Jakarta never listens to them. So what is their presence there for then?" said Socratez Sofyan Yoman, the head of the service board of Papua's Baptis churches synod.
The three synods said they comprised a following of more than 1.3 million members combined, most of whom were native Papuans, and that they represented the voices of their members.
According to 2010 figures, Papua has a total population of around 2.85 million people. The new MRP members must have been selected by Feb. 28, and will serve until 2016.
Camelia Pasandaran The government has announced that it would issue new guidelines next month on boosting development in the restive provinces of Papua and West Papua.
The implementation of the guidelines, to be issued in a presidential decree, will be coordinated by the new Government Unit to Accelerate Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B), the vice president's office said on Monday.
Yopie Hidayat, a spokesman for Vice President Boediono, said the new policy was expected to "gain optimum results through centralized planning."
The decree will call for, among other things, affirmative action for Papuans in certain sectors, integrating central and regional government planning and considering social and political factors in development programs.
Of Indonesia's 33 provinces, Papua and West Papua receive the most money from the budget.
While the government allocated Rp 30 trillion ($3.3 billion) on developing the region last year, local activists claim much of that money was lost through corruption within the local administration.
Yopie said that under the new decree, graft would be eliminated by getting the Papua and West Papua governors directly involved in policy formulation. "They'll serve as checks on one another," he said. "The spending will also be better prioritized to provide greater benefits for Papuans."
Beside managing the budget, the UP4B will also work to address other challenges, Yopie said.
"It will take social and political problems in each region into account when formulating development policy," he said. "So it won't just be about business or project distribution, but also addressing development on a regional basis."
The decree will also call for affirmative action for native Papuans, who have long complained about the favorable treatment afforded to migrants from other parts of the country.
However, the decree will not call for an end to transmigration, as demanded by activists.
Despite being resource-rich and receiving the biggest allocation of all provinces from the state budget, the region remains largely underdeveloped.
Many Papuans accuse the government of unfairly distributing the revenue from resources mined there, while a low-level insurgency has persisted for decades, fueled in part by the torture and ill-treatment of Papuans by security forces.
Banjir Ambarita Hundreds of candidates who failed to gain government jobs took the streets of Manokwari, West Papua, on Wednesday.
The demonstrators blocked access to the city at 7:30 a.m. after toppling trees and electricity poles on the main streets leading to the city. The disruption caused a traffic jam that stretched two kilometers in some areas.
During the rally, protesters demanded the West Papua municipal government be fair and honest in the recruitment test.
Warmere Police Chief First Insp. Christian told the Jakarta Globe that he had tried to negotiate with the protestors but to no avail.
"The crowd demanded the West Papua municipal government explain why they were not accommodated in the civil officer candidate recruitment test. They won't rest until their demands are met," Christian said.
It was not the first such rally in Manokwari. In December 2008, a rally took place in front of the district head's office to protest the municipal government's then regulation that did not allow senior high school graduates to apply for the test. The demonstration is ongoing.
Speaking on behalf of the United Baptist Churches in Papua, the Rev. Socrates Sofyan Yoman said since it is clear that OTSUS (Special Autonomy) in Papua is a failure, they will be pressing for a dialogue between the Papuan people and the central government, mediated by an international party. 'A dialogue is the dignified way forward for the two sides,' he said.
He said that the implementation of the OTSUS law had only resulted in oppression and discrimination of the indigenous Papuan people while promoting the interests of the political elite in their efforts to press forward with their mission to strengthen the Indonesian state in the pursuance of its claim that Papua is an integral part of Indonesia.
'We have repeatedly said that we reject OTSUS and will not compromise on this, unless the government is willing to enter into dialogue, mediated by a neutral body,' he said.
'We cannot sleep at night for thinking about the ever-worsening sufferings of the Papuan people and we will continue to struggle for this with our last drop of blood.'
He said that he was currently visiting Jakarta to undertake diplomatic efforts in favour of dialogue. 'We are pressing for dialogue as the way to solve the root of the Papuan problem and so as to ensure that the conflict with the Indonesian state does not continue endlessly, as well as for our mutual benefit,' he said.
Nivell Rayda & Farouk Arnaz The Indonesian police's abysmal human rights record took yet another hit on Monday with the revelation that almost a quarter of all human rights complaints made last year were because of alleged police brutality.
The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) said that throughout 2010 it received more than 5,600 public complaints, 1,300 of which accused the police of some sort of rights abuse.
"The majority of complaints directed at the police were linked to the right to access to justice, the right to security and to live free from fear," said Ifdhal Kasim, the commission chairman.
Among the more high-profile human rights cases Komnas HAM is probing is the attack earlier this month by a mob on a small Ahmadiyah community in Pandeglang district, Banten, which left three of the sect's members dead.
The police are widely accused of failing to protect the victims despite having advance knowledge of the attack.
Human rights activists say the police look set to top the Komnas HAM list for most rights abuses by the end of this year, thanks in large part to a regulation issued by the National Police allowing officers to fire live ammunition to keep riots under control.
The regulation was put into use this year when police shot six unarmed farmers in Jambi province. Police claimed the farmers were trespassing on a privately owned oil palm plantation and suspected they might be thieves.
The Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial) said the police should refrain from firing live ammunition at rioters, calling instead for the government to enact the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.
The principles, adopted by a UN congress in 1990, stipulate the need for non-lethal weapons to counter riots and brawls and for the government to ensure that abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense.
Imparsial has recorded at least 135 cases of excessive use of force by the police since 2005.
Surprisingly, the military, which has a long history of rights violations, including a video that appeared on the Internet of soldiers torturing Papuan civilians last year, finished only eighth in the Komnas HAM list with 203 complaints last year.
"The low number of complaints doesn't reflect the seriousness of the violations, nor does it reflect changes and reform within the military, because the victims have not received full justice," Ifdhal said.
Three of six soldiers implicated in the torture video were eventually court-martialed and sentenced to between eight and 10 months in prison, angering human rights activists in Indonesia and abroad.
"The military still enjoys impunity," said Mugiyanto Sipin, from the group Solidarity for Missing Persons. "The number of people affected by rights violation involving the military may be low, but the culture is still the same as during the Suharto era."
National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Bachrul Alam declined to comment on the Komnas HAM data, saying he had not yet studied it.
Jakarta Indonesia's Judicial Commission has urged national flag carrier PT Garuda Indonesia to comply with a Supreme Court verdict ordering the payment of compensation to Suciwati, the widow of slain human rights activist Munir Said Thalib.
"If Garuda complies with the court's order, not only it will abide by the law, it will also strengthen the public's trust," the commission's deputy chairman Iman Anshori Saleh said, as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
The Supreme Court rejected an appeal filed by Garuda over the case surrounding the murder of Munir. In its verdict, issued on Jan. 28, 2010, Garuda was ordered to pay Suciwati a sum of money much higher than the Rp 600 million (US$67,800) ruled by a lower court. The actual amount stated by the Court has not been disclosed.
Munir died from arsenic poisoning onboard a Garuda flight to Amsterdam in 2004. Suciwati filed a civil case two years later against the airline and several of its officials. The Central Jakarta District Court ruled in July 2007 that Garuda's former president director Indra Setiawan and the flight captain Pantun Matondang were negligent for failing to perform an emergency landing when Munir required medical attention.
The court ordered Garuda, along with other defendants, to pay Rp 600 million in compensation. The decision was upheld by the Jakarta High Court in December 2007.
Ulma Haryanto The Supreme Court has rejected an appeal filed by flag carrier Garuda Indonesia and upheld an earlier ruling ordering the airline to pay damages to the widow of slain rights activist Munir Said Thalib, lawyers said on Friday.
Munir died of arsenic poisoning on board a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam in 2004. The poison was administered by off-duty pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison in 2008 for the murder.
In 2006, Suciwati, Munir's widow, sued Garuda's management, former executive director Indra Setiawan, vice president of corporate security Ramelgia Anwar, flight operator support officer Rohainil Aini, Pollycarpus and five members of the cabin crew on board the flight.
The Central Jakarta District Court ruled in her favor and ordered Garuda and the other respondents to pay Rp 3.5 billion ($396,000) in damages.
Nurkholis Hidayat, director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) and a lawyer for Suciwati, said this effectively meant Garuda and the others had to pay up "for the losses caused by Munir's death."
"And because Garuda lost its appeal to the Supreme Court, even though it may file for an extraordinary remedy against the ruling, that will not stop Suciwati from claiming what is hers."
Nurkholis said the ruling could be considered partial justice for Munir and his family, "even though during the criminal trial, the courts never touched the mastermind [behind the murder]."
One of the key suspects in the case, former intelligence chief Muchdi Purwopranjono, was acquitted of the murder.
A former commander of the army's Special Forces unit (Kopassus), Muchdi was forced to step down after Munir, who founded the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), shed light on the elite unit's involvement in kidnapping dissenters.
Choirul Anam, a lawyer for Suciwati who is also deputy chairman of the Human Rights Work Group and coordinator of the Committee of Solidarity Action for Munir (Kasum), said he had been notified about the ruling on Thursday.
He said the Supreme Court's ruling should inspire more victims and wronged consumers to file civil suits.
"Especially those who were aggrieved by the aviation industry in Indonesia, which is still far from perfect," he said, adding the court's decision "marks a success for consumers in demanding compensation."
"We hope that Garuda, which has been trying to polish its image, will cooperate with us and obey the verdict without making it more complicated," Choirul said.
Garuda spokesman Pudjobroto declined to comment on the case, telling the Jakarta Globe the company had not yet received official notification of the verdict.
The Supreme Court has rejected national flagship carrier PT Garuda Airlines' appeal in the case of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib's murder.
The airline was ordered to pay Rp 664,209,000 (US$75,000) to the activist's wife.
Choirul Anam from the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum) said Suciwati, Munir's wife, was pleased to hear the news. "She hopes that this can be an inspiration for future activism for victims," he said.
Munir was poisoned with arsenic during a flight to Amsterdam in 2004. Suciwati filed charges against Garuda two years later. She requested that Garuda apologize and pay Rp 3.38 billion in compensation.
The Central Jakarta District Court determined that Garuda's former president director Indra Setiawan and the plane's captain Pantun Matondang were negligent for failing to perform an emergency landing when Munir required medical attention.
The Supreme Court made its decision on Jan. 28, 2010. Choirul said he just received the news on Thursday.
Hasyim Widhiarto Political rifts within President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's coalition camp have taken yet another uneasy turn after legislators recently agreed to a proposal asking for an inquiry into tax corruption. The Jakarta Post's Hasyim Widhiarto explores the issue.
Some have said the only thing that has recently distinguished the Golkar Party and the Muslim-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is their commitment to tormenting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at every turn.
Both parties, the second and the third largest members of Yudhoyono's Democratic Party-led ruling coalition, garnered support from other politicians to agree on a proposal for a tax corruption inquiry during a House of Representatives plenary session on Wednesday.
If the proposal is eventually passed, Yudhoyono and his ministers are likely to face further controversy, perhaps repeating a similar circumstance that occurred in late 2009 when politicians launched the Bank Century bailout inquiry committee, initiated by, among others, Golkar and PKS.
An inquiry committee would necessitate more than six months of intense questioning and investigation. The results of the investigation could potentially hold the President accountable and possibly lead to calls for his removal.
Many believed the Bank Century bailout inquiry was merely a bargaining chip to unseat reform-minded former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati in exchange for support of keeping Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono in place until their term ends in 2014.
The ruling coalition accounts for around 75 percent of seats in the House. Golkar and PKS jointly account for 29 percent.
But a pledge by the two parties to maintain stability within the coalition after the Century bailout inquiry now seems to be in question as politicians drum up support for the tax corruption inquiry. Legislators are slated to vote for the passing of the inquiry later this week.
"We are fighting for the inquiry in response to the allegations launched by the [President's] Judicial Mafia Taskforce saying that companies linked to the Bakrie family have tax issues," said Golkar cadre, deputy House speaker Priyo Budi Santoso, on Friday. Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie is the chief patron of the Bakrie family conglomerate.
The Judicial Mafia Taskforce has advocated investigation of Bakrie-linked companies for alleged tax evasion. The Bakrie group had been mentioned by graft-convict Gayus H. Tambunan, a former low-ranking tax officer who was found with suspicious bank accounts totaling almost Rp 100 billion (US$11.2 million). He was convicted of corruption and sentenced to 7.5 years in prison in January.
"We're not backing down on this one. The inquiry will also help clear my name and the Bakrie family from all the allegations of tax evasion," Aburizal said on Friday.
Legislators from House Commission III for justice, legal affairs and human rights, have repeatedly demanded Yudhoyono dissolve the Taskforce but to no avail.
Suspiciously, it was Commission III that initiated the petition for the tax inquiry on Feb. 2, signed by 114 legislators, including members of the coalition camp. They believed such a committee was necessary to help uncover the suspected tax mafia ring behind Gayus.
Commission III also demanded to be involved in supervising a law enforcement probe of 151 companies, mostly foreign entities, whose tax filings had once been handled by Gayus.
House Commission XI for financial affairs joined the hype surrounding the inquiry as a follow up to their 11-month work plan that revealed a long list of violations committed by tax officials, including extortion of taxpayers during tax audits. Commission XI highlighted the deliberate reluctance of tax officials to process the payment of legitimate tax returns unless taxpayers offered kickbacks.
Commission XI legislator Melchias Markus Mekeng of Golkar blamed such violations for contributing to the government's inability to expand the country's tax ratio, which remained at 14.1 percent against gross domestic product (GDP) in 2009. The ratio is lower than neighboring countries Malaysia and Thailand, where the tax-to-GDP ratio stands at 15.5 and 17 percent respectively.
"If corruption continues at the tax office, how can we ensure the sustainability of our state budget?" Melchias asked.
Melchias said the proposed inquiry was also justified by an audit from the Supreme Audit Agency concluded on Dec. 10, 2010.
The audit covers tax collection and tax office valuation procedures for companies registering disputes with the office. The companies include PT Permata Hijau Sawit (PHS), Asian Agri Group, PT Wilmar Nabati Indonesia, PT Alfa Kurnia, PT ING International and Emma Hospital in Mojokerto, East Java.
"Many have blamed the six companies of committing tax crimes, but the BPK audit has shown otherwise. It's the internal system within the tax office that must be reformed," he said.
However, a copy of the BPK audit obtained by The Jakarta Post revealed that violations committed by the tax office during the process of evaluating the taxes of the six companies mostly revolve around the office's inability to follow minor administrative procedures.
For example, the tax office alleged that PHS engaged in fictitious transactions in order to secure tax returns. The tax office's allegation was based on the premise that, during a field inspection, the office officials could not find the declared address of PHS's apparent business partners, for whom the transactions were made.
However, the BPK audit said the results of the field inspection were not sufficient to conclude that PHS had engaged in fictitious business, unless there was confirmation from the relevant district office that the address of the business partner was indeed falsified.
PHS, which came under fire over allegations of a fraudulent tax return during the last days of Sri Mulyani term as finance minister, has repeatedly denied the accusations.
The BPK audit concluding that the tax office had committed serious errors in accusing the six companies of tax evasion was used by Finance Minister Agus Martowardjojo to justify the replacement of tax chief M. Tjiptardjo on Jan. 21.
There is considerable speculation, however, that the move was merely a gesture to help ease political tension between the executive and the legislature. Speculation is also rife that the unfavorable BPK audit had something to do with the strained relationship between Tjiptardjo and BPK chairman Hadi Poernomo, Tjiptardjo's former boss.
Commission XI member Kemal Azis Stamboel of PKS insisted the inquiry was a straightforward attempt to reform the tax office.
"Our party believes there is nothing political about the request [to establish the inquiry committee]," he said.
"The public must see the request as our attempt to push reform within the tax institution, as well as scrapping tax mafia practices so that we can boost our tax revenue in the near future," he added.
Charta Politika Indonesia political analyst Yunarto Wijaya, however, believes the establishment of the inquiry committee would not result in any significance for the public or the tax office.
"The factions which support the inquiry committee would only use this issue to increase their political bargaining position with the President, especially prior to a Cabinet reshuffle," he said. "I don't believe they will be serious in pursuing this," he added.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Great Indonesia Movement Party's ongoing plan to merge with smaller parties may be a ploy to win more votes in 2014, but a political observer has warned it could invite a voter backlash.
Yunarto Widjaja, an analyst from Charta Politika, said on Sunday that the party, also known as Gerindra, was merely making a grab at power with its merger with the Reform Star Party (PBR) on Friday, the latest in a series of behind-the-scene deals struck by political parties recently.
Yunarto said he believed PBR, which is not represented in the House of Representatives or cabinet, finally agreed to join Gerindra because it saw the party's founder, Prabowo Subianto, an ex-special forces commander, as having a good chance of winning the next presidential election.
"It's a picture of our election in 2014, that it no longer concerns ideological coalitions all of it will be about pragmatism," he said. "The small parties know that Prabowo has a big chance of becoming the next president and they hope to be taken along as part of the next government."
Gerindra is said to be proceeding with plans to create an alliance of 10 smaller political parties as part of a bid to win at least 13 percent of the total votes in the 2014 general elections.
PBR is the seventh party to join Gerindra so far. Six other parties have already signed similar agreements with Gerindra, including the Indonesian United Ummah Party (PPNUI), Indonesian National Party of Marhaenisme (PNI Marhaenisme), Labor Party and Indonesian Unity Party (PSI).
Gerindra is reportedly also courting three other parties, including the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) and Indonesian Workers and Employers Party (PPPI).
The rash of mergers has swelled Gerindra's ranks and the party now boasts more than 1,400 legislators at the local and national level. However, Yunarto said the mergers did not mean people who voted for the smaller parties in 2009 would automatically vote for Gerindra in the 2014 polls.
"The main message of these mergers is that Gerindra is a big party that has the ability and resources to co-opt other smaller parties," he said. "It has a big psychological effect on voters that Gerindra is domineering."
Ahmad Muzani, Gerindra's secretary general, confirmed that the party's recent moves were related to Prabowo's campaign for the presidency in 2014. "We are now confident in facing the next election," he said.
Another senior Gerindra executive, Martin Hutabarat, said Prabowo, who ran as the vice presidential candidate to Megawati Sukarnoputri in 2009, stood a good chance to win in 2014.
"The people are now in need of a political figure who can make firm decisions and Prabowo can fulfill that," Martin said without explaining.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Recently increased electoral requirements have led several small parties without seats in the legislature to form larger parties or merge with existing parties to field candidates in the 2014 general elections.
Eleven of 29 political parties that failed to meet the parliamentary threshold in the 2009 elections have been gearing up to form a larger party.
"Talks between the parties have been intensifying," Didi Supriyanto of the Democratic Renewal Party (PDP), one of the 11 parties, told The Jakarta Post.
Among the other parties mulling a merger are the Regional Unity Party (PPD), the Patriot Party, the Pioneer Party, the Indonesian Democratic Vanguard Party (PPDI) and the National Sun Party (PMB).
Smaller parties have complained that recently enacted Law on Political Parties has established difficult requirements to field candidates.
The law obliges political parties to have offices in all 33 provinces, in 75 percent of the cities and regencies in each province, and in 50 percent of the districts in cities and regencies before it can run candidates.
Didi, who also chairs the National Union Forum (FPN), a group of 17 non- parliamentary parties, said the law had been deliberately designed to "kill" smaller parties.
"It's a violation of the people's constitutional right to establish political parties," he said. By joining forces, the parties hoped to pool resources to develop the infrastructure needed to meet the law's requirements.
Seven other small parties recently merged with the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party, including the Reform Star Party (PBR), the Freedom Party, the Labor Party, the Indonesian Nahdlatul Ulama Community Party (PPNUI), the Marhaenism Indonesian National Party, the Sovereignty Party and the Indonesian Union Party (PSI).
"There are three more parties that are currently engaged in merger talks with Gerindra," the party's chief patron, Prabowo Subianto, said on Sunday during Gerindra's third anniversary celebration in Surabaya, East Java.
Gerindra, an opposition party, is thought to have better financial and structural resources that will make it easier for the party to meet verification requirements. In its first round at the polls in 2009, Gerindra garnered 4.5 percent of the vote and 26 seats in the House of Representatives.
Prabowo, who previously led the Indonesian Army's Special Forces and unsuccessfully ran for vice president under Megawati Soekarnoputri in 2009, said he was optimistic that Gerindra would gain 10 to 12 percent of the vote in 2014 by courting more small parties.
"We have had seven parties merge with us. I am optimistic that this will increase our votes," Prabowo said.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences political observer Lili Romli said parties seeking to merge or join forces should share similar political platforms so their unions would endure.
The FPN and two other non-parliamentary parties have contested the Law on Political Parties at the Constitutional Court, asking the court to annul the law or void an article that strips the parties that failed to meet the parliamentary threshold in 2009 of automatic eligibility to run candidates in 2014.
The first hearing in the parties' judicial review is scheduled for Thursday. Didi said the review would continue despite merger plans. "We are seeking justice at the court, while at the same time preparing for the worst," he said.
Several smaller parties have also asked the Law and Human Rights Ministry to delay the verification process' registration deadline.
The law stipulates that verification must end two-and-a-half years before the next election, meaning parties must fulfill requirements by July or face exclusion from the 2014 election. Smaller parties contend that there is not enough time to meet the requirements.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Great Indonesia Movement Party on Friday added another political party to its alliance, proceeding with its plan of merging with 10 smaller parties as part of a bid to win at least 13 percent of the total national votes in the 2014 election.
In a ceremony held at the Hotel Sahid Jakarta, the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) signed the merger agreement with the Reform Star Party (PBR), which will become a subsidiary organization under Gerindra's wing.
The merger agreement was signed by PBR general chairman Bursah Zarnubi, Gerindra general chairman Suhardi and its advisory board chairman Prabowo Subianto.
Prabowo said he was optimistic about Gerindra's ability to marshal smaller parties to work toward common goals. "To face the 2014 election, PBR will join Gerindra. PBR will become a mass organization, a wing organization of ours called the Farmer and Labor Reform Organization," Prabowo said.
Under the merger, Bursah and two other PBR officials would be appointed to Gerindra's advisory board.
According to Prabowo, PBR is the seventh political party to join Gerindra so far. Six other parties have already signed similar agreements with Gerindra, including the Indonesian United Ummah Party (PPNUI), the Indonesian National Party of Marhaenisme (PNI Marhaenisme), the Labor Party and the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI).
Gerindra is courting four other parties, including the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS) and the Indonesian Workers and Employers Party (PPPI).
In his speech on Friday, Prabowo expressed confidence that once completed, the planned mergers would win Gerindra around 13 percent of the total national votes In the 2009 election, Gerindra garnered just 4.46 percent of the total national votes.
The seven mergers so far have swelled Gerindra's ranks and Prabowo said the party boasted more than 1,400 legislators now at the local and national level.
Bursah said his party was cooperating with Gerindra in the hopes of providing a realistic alternative for voters.
"We decided to join Gerindra because we trust Prabowo as an alternative national leader for Indonesia," Bursah said. He added that PBR saw many similarities between Prabowo and the first president, Sukarno.
"I hope all PBR members throughout the country will follow this decision. No one is allowed to be out of the party's [decision]. Now we are a part of Gerindra," he said.
PBR had previously tried to merge with the Golkar Party, the second-largest political party in the country and part of the government coalition. Bursah declined to say why the agreement with Golkar failed to materialize.
Priyo Budi Santoso, Golkar's senior official for political relations affairs, congratulated Gerindra on merging with PBR. Priyo said that all political parties had the right to strengthen their organizations in preparation for the 2014 election.
"The next election will be tougher than the previous one as the parliamentary threshold will likely be increased," he said.
Some of the larger parties are proposing an amendment to the election law that would double the legislative threshold to 5 percent. The threshold is the minimum percent of votes a party must receive in legislative elections in order to win seats in the House of Representatives.
Wahyudi Soeriaatmadja Talk of a Cabinet reshuffle to replace underperforming Indonesian ministers is heating up, as the government fends off criticisms that it is faltering in its fight against graft and rising religious intolerance.
A senior official of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party told local media Wednesday that the president has already made a decision about the new line-up.
Ahmad Mubarok, a vocal member of the Democratic Party's advisory board, did not give the Koran Tempo daily more details, but said: "He has already decided. Now he just needs to hit the gavel."
Two Democratic Party officials approached by The Straits Times declined to confirm if a reshuffle would take place.
Democratic Party spokesman Solon Sihombing, said that Cabinet ministers must show skills and have ample capacity related to their work portfolio. Cabinet Secretary Sudi Silalahi, a close aide to Yudhoyono, said last month it was "not impossible" that the ministers who had performed poorly would be "replaced."
At least two evaluations of ministerial performance have been undertaken by a work unit tasked to speed up reforms and remove bottlenecks. The unit gave four to five ministers red marks, which meant they had failed to hit their targets.
Popular speculation has zoomed in on ministers who got their jobs because of their political party links.
Yudhoyono's Democratic Party has the most number of seats in the 560-member House. Its coalition with the Golkar Party, Prosperous Justice Party and other smaller parties to control 76 per cent of the seats.
A Cabinet reshuffle could help the government snatch back the initiative in its fight against spreading views that it is losing the battle against graft and extremist Muslim groups.
Among the possible names mentioned by the local media was Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali, from the United Development Party. He could be replaced by a leader from the National Awakening Party.
Another is Mustafa Abubakar, Minister of State-Owned Enterprises from Golkar. He might be replaced by Investment Coordinating Board chairman Gita Wirjawan.
An unpopular minister who has made several gaffes concerning religion is Minister of Communications and Information Tifatul Sembiring. He might be replaced by state electricity company chief Dahlan Iskan.
An added twist to the reshuffle talk is speculation that Yudhoyono might bring the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle into the ruling coalition, and kick out Golkar.
And there are other permutations.
Dodi Ambardi, an analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute, said Yudhoyono could bring in non-partisan professionals to raise the standard of policymaking, but he would then have to deal with a lack of support in Parliament. "It is this dilemma that has kept a reshuffle from happening for so long," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Anita Rachman Recent attacks on religious minorities in Temanggung, Central Java, and Banten should be reason enough for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to fire Minister of Religious Affairs Suryadharma Ali, a rival Islamic party in the ruling coalition claims.
Fresh calls to fire Suryadharma, who chairs the United Development Party (PPP), have been made by the National Awakening Party (PKB), with a party official saying one of its top cadres, Manpower Minister Muhaimin Iskandar, was ready to replace Suryadharma.
The two Islam-based parties have been staunch rivals in each election since the fall of Suharto's New Order regime in 1998.
Suryadharma has repeatedly condemned the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect and called for it to be banned. Its members were brutally attacked recently in Pandeglang, Banten. The onslaught, by some 1,500 demonstrators, occurred as police looked on and left three Ahmadis dead.
The Pandeglang attack was followed by religious rioting in Temanggung that saw churches vandalized and severe damage inflicted on other public and private property.
PKB lawmaker Ali Maschan Moesa said the attacks in Pandeglang and Temanggung were proof of Suryadharma's failure to implement Yudhoyono's instructions to keep order among the nation's various religions.
Ali argued that Suryadharma preferred to use informal approaches to religious disputes while clear-cut and definite solutions were necessary to resolve incidents of violence in the name of religion.
"Under Suryadharma's leadership, the Religious Affairs Ministry has become one of the weakest parts of the government. It would be best if the president conducts a re-evaluation of Suryadharma as religious minister," Ali said.
The PKB was founded by former President Abdurrahman Wahid, known popularly as Gus Dur, a former leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia. Last month however, Suryadharma gathered hundreds of religious leaders in East Java the main support base of the NU where they pledged their support for the PPP in the upcoming election.
PKB lawmaker Abdul Kadir Karding said on Sunday that the budget of the Religious Affairs Ministry should be re-evaluated after he accused Suryadharma of using state funds to woo clerics to join his party. The statement came on the same day the PPP announced that 23 clerics from Brebes, Central Java, had pledged to join the party following a meeting between the minister and about 3,000 clerics at an Islamic boarding school.
Meanwhile, PKB lawmaker Anna Muawanah acknowledged on Monday that Manpower Minister Muhaimin wants to replace Suryadharma should Yudhoyono decide to reshuffle his cabinet. "We leave the final decision to the president, but we are trying [to get the position]," Anna said.
The Manpower Ministry, in PKB hands, has a lower annual budget than the PPP-controlled Religious Affairs Ministry.
PPP deputy secretary general Arwani Thomafi declined comment on whether the call from the PKB had anything to do with recent moves taken by clerics to join the PPP. However, he said it was time for all political parties to start acting maturely.
"Everything should go and has gone fairly. I don't think anyone should just badmouth others and discredit them," he said. "What we should start doing is to stop calling for people to be replaced. Let's talk about solutions," he added.
Arwani also claimed Suryadharma had performed well, doing what the president asked him to do. He urged all members of the coalition to support one another and not attack a particular party merely to acquire one or two positions in the government.
Hendardi, from the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said the president should not appoint a religious affairs minister from a political party. "Someone from a political party would never be objective in taking care of religious affairs because of all the political interests," Hendardi said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The government has been told to improve the management of voter lists for the 2014 general elections if it hopes to avoid a repeat of the controversy that plagued the 2009 polls.
Inaccurate voter lists and people being listed multiple times proved a major headache for the organizers of the 2009 elections, with protests and complaints dogging the process almost up to voting day.
Fernita Darwis, from the Movement for the Empowerment of the Women's Voice (GPSP), said on Wednesday that the problems in 2009 stemmed from the failure of the 2008 Elections Law to clearly regulate the process for compiling the lists.
She said the lists of potential voters were drawn up by the Home Affairs Ministry and then submitted to the General Elections Commission (KPU), which from the beginning complained that they were incomplete.
"So this issue of the voter lists needs to be one of the main issues that gets serious attention from the government and legislators in the drafting of a new elections bill," she said.
She suggested the bill include provisions for an independent body to manage the lists. "The new bill must also provide a legal avenue of redress for citizens who are omitted from the lists."
Fernita, who served as a liaison officer for the United Development Party (PPP) on the KPU during the last elections, was speaking at the launch of her book, "Speculative Election: Revealing the Hidden Facts of the 2009 Election."
The book offers a blow by blow look at the elections, including the protests over alleged polling violations and "intrigues between and among political parties."
Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi, who spoke at the launch, said the government and legislators were intensifying discussions of the elections bill.
He said Indonesia was still in the transitional phase toward becoming a full-fledged democracy, so there was much scope for improving the electoral system. "I hope any suggestions raised by this book can be used as a reference in the drafting of the bill."
Nurhidayat Sardini, former chairman of the Elections Supervisory Board (Bawaslu), said the book highlighted just how poorly organized the 2009 elections had been. "The electoral system must be reformed," he said.
Suryadharma Ali, the PPP chairman, said the 2014 polls would be more dynamic because of greater competition among parties. He warned, however, against using the heightened competition as justification for including "dirty tricks" into the elections bill.
"We hope that come 2014, there will be no more dirty tricks in use," he said, but declined to elaborate on what these tricks were.
Anita Rachman The government has proposed barring relatives of outgoing regional officials from running for the same post in elections, but legislators warn that the policy may violate basic rights.
The Ministry of Home Affairs said on Tuesday that it was considering the policy's inclusion in a 2004 Regional Governance Law draft amendment to prevent political dynasties from forming.
Djohermansyah Djohan, director general of local autonomy at the ministry, said "loose regulations" governing regional polls had encouraged political clans.
"The government is trying to find a solution," he said. "This is clearly the practice of clan politics, because the fact is that most of these relatives don't have the competency or quality to lead."
He said he had seen wives, husbands, children and cousins running for the posts their relatives were vacating but many of these candidates lacked the necessary skills or qualifications.
As a result, Djohermansyah said, constituents ended up suffering from poor leadership. "While it's true they have a right to run for office, the people also have a right to the best possible leadership," he said.
In its proposal, the government seeks to bar a politician's immediate family from running for a seat in the same province, district or city for at least one term after the incumbent steps down. Djohermansyah said the policy was not meant to ban relatives from contesting posts, but to ensure a break period between a government official's term and that of his elected kin.
The regulation would also prevent incumbents from using their political clout and resources to help relatives win the polls. "We've noticed that incumbents are very prone to [abusing] their authority to help their relatives contest regional elections while they are still in power," Djohermansyah said.
However, several lawmakers raised concerns about the plan, saying it would violate a person's right to run for public office.
"Let's think of some better solution," said Chairuman Harahap, chairman of House of Representatives Commission II, which oversees home affairs. "This phenomenon of political dynasties forming at the regional level is indeed worrying, but the government can't just strip someone of their political rights."
Chairuman, a Golkar Party lawmaker, suggested stringent rules to prevent the abuse of power by regional officials.
"Commission II will respond to this. We'll try to find the best solution," he said on Tuesday. "I hope that such a solution will be applicable not just at the regional level, but also at the national level, [especially in] presidential elections," he added.
Arif Wibowo, a legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said the proposed ban would "violate basic human rights" and would be rejected by the Constitutional Court if challenged.
Arif said it would be "pointless in the first place" for officials to include the proposal in the draft amendment.
The task of screening the best possible candidates for elections, he said, should be left to political parties, which "would emphasize the candidate's quality over any other aspect."
"Recruitment should be the political parties' responsibility because they can select who is really qualified [and] who isn't," Arif said. "Some relatives of outgoing district heads may prove to be qualified and some may not."
He also said a candidate's leadership abilities should be based not only on their education but also on their political track record. "Don't judge them only by their college certificates, but see whether they have political experience or not," Arif said.
Yunarto Wijaya, an analyst with Charta Politika, a consultancy group, welcomed the ministry's proposal, saying it would curb the trend of spawning regional dynasties.
But he said there should be a better solution that would not infringe on people's rights. He suggested requiring candidates to reveal their campaign finance records, so the public could see which individuals or companies had backed their bid.
"Let's be honest, our voters aren't rational, which is a consequence of going through this transitional period of democracy," Yunarto said.
"Most voters are still trapped in a 'cult democracy' mind-set that will invariably give rise to dynasties," he said, adding that it was up to political parties to change these attitudes.
Imung Yuniardi, Semarang A lack of regulation has been blamed for the rampant exploitation of domestic workers in Central Java, where over 40 percent of recruits are teenage girls, a non-governmental organization (NGO) says.
Siti Nyutiani of Perisai, an NGO providing assistance to domestic workers in Semarang, said the fact that there was no official data on the number of people working in the sector domestically and internationally was proof that workers were not protected by the state.
"The fact that no single government institution has the job description to protect domestic workers further proves this," Siti told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
In fact, domestic workers face various problems ranging from low wages, being forced to work overtime and threats of violence and harassment by their employers.
Perisai data shows many workers in the domestic sector were recruited at 14 years of age and had only graduated from either elementary or junior high school.
Data also showed the lowest wage a domestic worker received was Rp 50,000 (US$5.60) per month in 2005 and Rp 250,000 presently for working eight to nine hours a day. "The lack of regulation has made all the involved parties feel that nothing is wrong," she said.
Nur Hasanah, 20, who works as a domestic worker in Ngaliyan district, Semarang, said the first time she was recruited she was 16 years old and had just graduated from junior high. She said she currently received Rp 500,000 a month plus meals and worked an average of 16 hours a day.
"Don't ask if a contract was signed for this job. As far as I know, none of us, including me, has one. Everything is based on oral agreements," she said.
Jakarta More domestic workers in the country will suffer mistreatment unless the government and the House of Representatives counterparts pass a law on domestic workers protection, activists say.
Many female domestic workers, including women and girls, were living and working under poor conditions, where they were being exploited economically and suffering physical, psychological and sexual violence routinely, said Lita Anggraini, Coordinator of the National Network on Domestic Workers Advocacy (Jala PRT), on Tuesday.
"They haven't benefitted from the same rights and protections that other workers receive," she said. The Indonesian government had not shown adequate response to the abuse and mistreatment the workers endured, she added.
According to Jala PRT, Indonesia has 10 million domestic workers at home and 6 million abroad, ranking it among the highest number of domestic workers worldwide. Instead of better working conditions, more domestic workers are facing abuse and mistreatment.
Citing the latest data, Lita said abuse and mistreatment of Indonesian domestic workers reached 726 cases in the last five years, including 536 cases of unpaid salary, of which 348 cases affected children domestic workers. Of the 726 cases, 617 involved torture and isolation of the workers at home, making them more vulnerable to mistreatment.
Many domestic workers suffered serious wounds and even died from regular mistreatment. Many cases affecting domestic workers were reported by neighbors. Apart from torture, domestic workers face other violations of their rights as workers.
Jumiyem, an activist of Serikat PRT Tunas Mulia in Yogyakarta, said many domestic workers were living a far from reasonably comfortable life. "They face living conditions as if they are slaves. Many of them are underpaid or not receiving wages," she told The Jakarta Post over the telephone.
Moreover, many workers are facing excessive workloads, unclear job responsibilities, and excessive working hours, reaching between 12 to 16 hours per day, which might negatively affect their health.
Such a strong dichotomy between domestic workers and labor in other sectors has meant unfair and discriminative policies towards domestic workers. Furthermore, they are unable to get legal protection at local, national and international levels.
Amnesty International (AI) said Indonesian domestic workers, which are mostly women and children, are susceptible to exploitation and mistreatment unless the government and its counterparts in the legislature pass a Law on Domestic Workers Protection.
AI's Asia Pacific Director, Sam Zarifi, said on Tuesday that about 2.6 million Indonesian domestic workers lacked access to legal protection.
"Up to now, domestic workers in Indonesia have not received strong legal protection compared to workers in other sectors," he said, as quoted by Antara news portal.
He believes the 2003 Law on Manpower has discriminated against domestic workers. This law has not provided equal treatment for domestic workers and workers from other sectors, in terms of working hours and vacation.
Nova Riyanti Yusuf, a member of Commission IX overseeing health, labor, and social issues at the House, said the legislature was prioritizing the draft law on domestic worker protection to be debated this year. "We face no substantive objections on this draft law," she said. (ebf)
Environment & natural disasters
Sleman, Yogyakarta Although three months have passed since the recent devastating eruptions of Indonesia's Mount Merapi, most of the temporary shelters the government promised to build for displaced victims are not yet ready for occupation, according to a local official.
"Many of the shelters that have been built cannot yet be occupied due to problems related to the supporting infrastructure," Sleman District Chief Sri Purnomo told reporters when he accompanied Yogyakarta Governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubowono X on a visit to shelters at Banjarsari, Glagaharjo and Cangkringan, on Saturday.
Through Feb. 15, the official said, 1,651 shelter units had been built, or 65 percent of the total of 2,613 units to be built. Only 657 shelters are occupied.
Purnomo said that the problems with the shelters include lack of electricity and clean water facilities. The electric grid has not reached the areas where the shelters are built due to a lack of power lines, he said.
In addition, many shelters do not have clean water because they are at a high elevation, making the digging of deep wells problematic. They are also far from existing water supplies.
Sanitation facilities and drainage pipes also have not yet been constructed and rain water floods many areas where the shelters are located.
Besides those technical problems, Purnomo said, there has been resistance from some villagers who only want to move with their neighbors from destroyed villages.
Mount Merapi, among the world's most active volcanoes, erupted violently from Oct. 26 through mid November 2010, killing 354 people and displacing hundreds of thousands from the slopes of the mountain.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti The Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force announced on Friday it had studied a report implicating up to 12 public officials in a major illegal logging case and would now work with law enforcement agencies to take action.
The report, submitted by a coalition of antigraft and environmental activists, alleged that officials including a governor, four district heads, two police officers and a Forestry Ministry official were involved in illegal logging in Riau province.
The allegations stem from the Riau Police's issuance in 2008 of a letter known as an SP3 to halt an investigation into 13 companies suspected of involvement in illegal logging.
In 2009, they issued an SP3 for a 14th company, effectively ending the two-year investigation. However, the coalition of activists accused the authorities of conspiring with the legal mafia in issuing the SP3s.
Mas Achmad Santosa, a member of the task force, said they had finalized their report on the SP3s and would work with four institutions to get to the bottom of why the letters were issued.
"The KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission] will look into the graft angle, while we'll speak with the police chief who issued the SP3s, the attorney general and the Forestry Ministry," he said.
Febridiansyah, the legal coordinator for Indonesia Corruption Watch, said his organization was part of the coalition that submitted the report to the task force shortly after the latter was formed with the mandate to go after the legal mafia operating in the forestry sector.
"It's been 10 months, so we're here now to collect on that promise," he said. "We're not just looking for the SP3s to be revoked, we want all the companies involved to be investigated by the KPK in light of the corruption revealed by the case of Tengku Azmun Djaafar."
Azmun, the former head of Pelalawan district in Riau province, was sentenced to 11 years in prison for issuing logging permits to 15 underqualified companies, including six fictitious businesses that he created himself.
He then sold the fake companies, along with their permits, to logging giants Riau Andalan Pulp and Paper and Indah Kiat.
The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) estimated the state losses and environmental damage as a result of Tengku's actions at Rp 1.2 trillion ($136 million).
Two of the 14 companies initially investigated by the Riau Police were implicated in the Pelalawan case, while the others were implicated in similar scams in other districts in the province.
"Azmun's case should be used by KPK to get to any other suspects because [the process] was similar and the precedent has been set," Febri said.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti Activists have warned that an 86,450-hectare orangutan sanctuary in East Kalimantan is open to illegal logging, thus leaving the endangered apes vulnerable to the same threats that drove them out of their original habitats.
The previously logged area was designated a sanctuary in August and awarded to Restorasi Habitat Orangutan Indonesia, a subsidiary of the Borneo Orangutan Survival Foundation, for a fee of Rp 13 billion ($1.5 million) over 60 years.
However, the foundation only received permission to begin releasing orangutans into the wild there last month and plans to release its first batch in May.
On Thursday, Hardi Baktiantoro, principal of the Center for Orangutan Protection, an NGO focusing on rescuing the apes, said the sanctuary in Muara Wahau district, a five-hour drive from the East Kalimantan capital Samarinda, was still rife with illegal activities.
"There are still forest crimes there, from illegal logging to oil palm plantations," he said. "When we went down the Muara Wahau River, we found plenty of illegal sawmills, and orangutans being kept as pets."
He added the COP had managed to rescue four orangutans from locals and shooed at least 10 of the apes out of oil palm plantations on the periphery of the sanctuary.
"Almost all oil palm plantations or mining concessions in this country are heavily guarded by the military or police, so the same should apply to orangutan concessions because orangutans are state assets," Hardi said.
"If there isn't tight security, the whole cycle will be repeated where we have to rescue the orangutans, rehabilitate them and reintroduce them into the wild." He added it would cost at least $3,500 per year to rehabilitate an orangutan, and six to seven years to prepare them for release into the wild.
Togu Manurung, chairman of the BOS Foundation, agreed that protecting the orangutan sanctuary was the government's job, but said the generally poor state of law enforcement made it unlikely to happen.
"It's already widely known that no [forest] area in this country is safe from illegal logging," he said. "We'll conduct our own monitoring, do our own patrols and work with local people to guard the areas."
Darori, director general of forest protection and natural conservation at the Forestry Ministry, said there was no need to increase security in orangutan release areas. "If those areas are rampant with illegal logging or plantations, then we'll need to find other, safer areas," he said.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti Green activists said on Wednesday that the government's much-hyped plan for a moratorium on new logging concessions would only apply to forests that were already protected in the first place.
The two-year moratorium on new concessions in peatland and primary forests is part of a bilateral agreement with Norway, in exchange for which Indonesia will receive $1 billion in funding for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD-plus) activities.
In order for the moratorium to be legally binding from its Jan. 1 start date, it must be backed by a presidential decree, which has yet to be issued.
The Civil Society Organization Common Platform, comprising the groups Greenpeace Southeast Asia, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), the Indonesian Center for Environmental Law and Sawit Watch, a palm oil industry watchdog, said even if enforced, the government's claim that the moratorium would protect more forested areas was blatantly false.
"The government lied about the moratorium, because based on a map [of the affected forest areas], only 41 million hectares will be protected, but these are already categorized as conservation and protected areas," said Teguh Surya, head of international liaison and climate justice at Walhi.
"[The moratorium] will be useless, because even without it, [those forests] are automatically protected anyway."
There are two versions of the draft presidential decree, one submitted by the Forestry Ministry and the other by the presidentially appointed REDD task force.
The ministry's version states the moratorium should apply only to primary forests and peatlands, while the task force's version says secondary forests in peat areas should also be included.
The CSO's newly released "Indicative Indonesian Moratorium Map" shows there are 32.9 million hectares of primary forest, 6.5 million hectares of non- forest peatland and 2.4 million hectares of secondary peat forest, all protected under prevailing regulations.
Kiki Taufik, a geographic information specialist with Greenpeace Southeast Asia, said both versions offered the same thing, though their wording differed.
"It's just a name game between the two drafts," he said. "The ministry wants to save primary forests and peatland, but doesn't specify what type of peatland. Meanwhile, the task force states it wants to protect primary forests, secondary forests and peatland, but the secondary forests it wants covered are only those in peat areas, so there's no difference."
He said the CSO wanted the moratorium to extend to all secondary forests, which account for the remaining 95 million hectares of the country's forests. Abetnego Tarigan, director of Sawit Watch, said almost all forested areas in the country were logging areas and categorized as secondary forests.
"The government doesn't take into consideration a forest's ability to recover on its own, so there are plenty of areas that have recovered but are still considered secondary forests," he said. "This is also why logging permits can be issued for these areas, because they're still secondary forests even though they've recovered."
Abetnego said incorporating secondary forests into the plan would not paralyze the industry. "Those protesting about including secondary forests in the moratorium are from the extractive industries, such as mining and monoculture [plantations] because they need to cut down all the trees," he said.
He also said businesses should fully support a moratorium because it would provide an opportunity to fix the complicated system for issuing concessions. "It costs them a lot to get permits now, where you have several regulations overlapping one another," Abetnego said.
"It's completely wrong to say that we'd lose trillions as a result of the moratorium, because the truth is natural resources aren't a creative industry but a basic industry. It's not like software, which needs to be put into use as soon as possible. If we don't use our natural resources, we can hold on to them for the future."
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The amount of money inefficiently spent by regional administrations to conduct local elections has led to cuts in spending for education and health services, a budget watchdog says.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), which studied the financial management of 14 different local governments in conducting their latest local elections, found that budget allocations for public services had been cut significantly to carry out local elections.
"More importantly, the allocations for education and health services were among sectors with the largest budget decreases. The two sectors are among the most vital needed by the people, particularly those in remote areas," Yuna Farhan, secretary general of Fitra's National Secretariat, told a seminar on Thursday.
The NGO conducted their research in the provinces of West Sumatra, Central Kalimantan and North Sulawesi. They also gathered data in the cities of Medan in North Sumatra, Solok in West Sumatra, Manado in North Sulawesi and Surabaya in East Java.
Fitra also looked at seven regencies: Kebumen in Central Java, Bandung in West Java, Sidoarjo in East Java, Lombok Utara in West Nusa Tenggara, East Sumba in East Nusa Tenggara, Bengkalis in Riau and Ogan Ilir in South Sumatra.
According to Fitra, a local election at the city or regency level could cost anywhere between Rp 5 billion (US$565,000) and Rp 28 billion, while a provincial election costs from Rp 60 billion to Rp 78 billion.
"We have found that all of the administrations we studied have been inefficient in organizing elections. Double procurements and wasteful projects were common," Yuna said.
The East Sumba regency administration, for example, which conducted its latest regency election in June last year, has drastically reduced its education budget by 62.9 percent, from Rp 65 billion in 2009 to Rp 24.2 billion in 2010.
Fitra claimed the deficit was to support the regency's 2010 election, which had cost Rp 141 billion. "Ironically, the budgets for conducting elections were also misused. We found that many funds which were supposed to finance elections were secretly used for projects that benefited incumbent candidates," Yuna said.
Another study by Fitra also found that Rp 765 billion of social aid funds allocated to the budgets of 19 local administrations in 2009 were allegedly misused by leaders, legislators and politicians.
Local election organizers should take a lesson from the Bandung regency administration, which did not cut health and education spending to organize elections, the watchdog said.
"The [Bandung] administration had began preparing the funds for elections three years earlier," Yuna said, adding that budget allocations for the education sector in the regency doubled when it held the election.
Fitra recommended that funds for local elections across the country should be taken from the State Budget. "If the financial source for local elections is centralized, we could standardize any type of costs, which would reduce the chance of budget abuse," Yuna said.
Home Ministry spokesman Reydonnyzar Moenek said he welcomed Fitra's suggestion. "But it needs an amendment of the 2004 Local Administration Law," he said.
He acknowledged it was not uncommon that local budgets had been used for political purposes. "Our ministry has issued a number of regulations to prevent local budgets from being misused. But they always bend the rules," Reydonnyzar said.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) coordinator Danang Widoyoko suggested that political parties change the way they collect money.
"Political parties should collectively finance themselves from membership fees or donations. That would prevent winning candidates from committing corruption in order to pay back their 'sponsors'," Danang said.
Centre for Strategic International Studies (CSIS) political analyst J. Kristiadi said it was common that local budgets were misused to finance political campaigns and buy votes.
"Local budgets, which mostly come from taxpayers, are treated like political commodities. Politicians and leaders use taxpayer money to conduct political transactions. People's money is used as compensation for political parties," he said.
Dessy Sagita & Antara The Health Ministry revealed on Thursday that a proposed ban on tobacco advertising would only be imposed in stages, as agreed upon by drafters of the decree.
Health Minister Endang Rahayu Sedyaningsih said it was unclear when the draft would be finished, but officials definitely wanted phased implementation.
"In discussions about the decree to implement the tobacco clause of the [2009] Health Law, it has been agreed that we will not immediately impose a total ban," Endang said.
The ministry, she added, would likely start banning cigarette ads and sponsorships at schools, concerts and events geared toward students.
The policy would also require tobacco companies to include health warnings on packets, with pictures of the effects of smoking-related diseases.
Tjandra Yoga Aditama, the ministry's chief of disease control and environmental health, said he hoped the decree could be enforced soon.
"The decision is very new. Please wait for details," he said. "I can only say that the ministry is hoping the decree will be imposed as soon as possible."
Tjandra said officials agreed to the "gradual" implementation of the ban after stakeholders including cigarette companies, farmers and factory workers said the public should be informed about the decree first.
"Besides that, we need to prepare many things, so it's going to take time," he said.
Southeast Asian countries that imposed bans on tobacco advertising had done so gradually but transparently, according to Hakim Sorimuda Pohan, a former lawmaker who helped draft the 2009 Health Law. "They had clear timetables, mostly within six months," he said.
For instance, it took Singapore half a year to impose a total ban because it had to deal with contract issues. "Six months is quite reasonable to resolve disputes about unfinished contracts with TV or other media," Hakim said.
He said companies should be prohibited from renewing or initiating new contracts for tobacco advertising or sponsorships.
The proposed ban on cigarette ads comes amid intense debate about the hazards of smoking and sanctions that should be included in the Health Law. In one controversial case, Bambang Sukarno, a legislator from the tobacco- growing hub of Temanggung in Central Java, asked the Constitutional Court to scrap Article 113 of the Health Law, which deemed tobacco an addictive substance.
Hakim, now a lobbyist for an anti-tobacco group, said if the court decided to strike out the clause, it would be ignoring hard, scientific facts.
"Discussion should have ended when the plaintiff admitted that nicotine is addictive, which he has. Other arguments become unimportant," he said.
The lack of a court ruling on the matter, he said, made it impossible to impose a tobacco ad ban, since the draft decree would be based on the Health Law.
Zaky Pawas Police have questioned four security guards from a Bogor hospital after they allegedly dumped a mentally ill man in a field near the North Bogor Police subprecinct station.
Adj. Comr. Ilot Djuanda of the North Bogor Police confirmed on Thursday that the victim, identified as Angga Nugraha, was now being treated at Marzuki Mahdi psychiatric hospital in Bogor.
Ilot said that when police discovered the victim, they rushed him to a 24- hour clinic, which sent him on to Salak Hospital for further evaluation. Angga needed psychiatric care, so he was then transferred to Marzuki Mahdi Hospital.
"We received a complaint from a resident who I shall only identify as Suratman," Ilot said. "Suratman told our officers that he saw four security guards from Azra Hospital carrying the man, Angga, and dumping him in a field nearby. So, we checked and yes, we found him."
Ilot said Angga was discovered curled up in an empty field not far from the North Bogor Police station. He said residents who came across Angga initially feared he was dead because he was so still.
"When police arrived, we found him sleeping and in a very poor condition," Ilot added. "He was wearing shorts and a white T-shirt. He was walking by the time we got to Salak Hospital, but was limping. The limp looks like it is from an old injury," he said.
Ilot added that police had questioned the four security guards from Azra Hospital and said they admitted to taking Angga, who was not a patient there, to the field. According to Ilot, the security guards said Angga, a resident of Darmaraja district in Sumedang, West Java, was causing a disturbance in the hospital parking lot.
When Angga wouldn't leave, the guards decided to carry him to the field, Ilot said, adding that the security guards had suspected he was suffering from mental illness.
"Whatever the reason, what they did was inhumane," Ilot said. "Why didn't they just bring him to us at the station?"
North Bogor Police subprecinct chief Comr. R. Lubis said the security guards had just been questioned and no formal charges had been laid.
"We regret their actions," he said. "Our subprecinct office is so close to the hospital. Why didn't they call us?"
Meanwhile, Suwignyo, human resources manager at Azra Hospital, denied that the security guards had "dumped" the sick man in the field, saying that they had just "moved" him to another location.
"Our security guards tried to get rid of him, but he refused to leave," he said. "And then he ended up sleeping near the security guard's post, so they had to move him. It was just across the road, nobody dumped him. "The security guards thought he was just a stressed out sick man who lived nearby."
When asked why the hospital did not contact police about this man, Suwignyo said, "the guards said he looked clean and had clean skin. We did not want to alarm anybody."
Mentally ill people often fail to receive proper treatment in Indonesia. According to a 2007 Health Ministry survey, 4.6 percent of the population suffers from serious mental disorders, including schizophrenia.
Dessy Sagita While a proposal to install condom dispensers in Malang's red-light districts to help prevent the spread of HIV is laudable, it simply won't work in Indonesia, activists and experts said on Tuesday.
Malang district head Rendra Krisna on Monday said that since the repeated issuance of decrees ordering the closure of brothels had not worked, the only way to minimize the spread of the virus in the East Java city was to urge brothel clients to use condoms supplied by the province's AIDS Prevention Commission (KPA) and the local health office.
"The idea is not to legalize prostitution but merely to prevent HIV/AIDS," Rendra said, according to state news agency Antara.
Prostitution in Malang is widespread and not confined to any one neighborhood. Official data from the city showed that there are brothels in each of the town's 33 subdistricts.
In China, Thailand, India and elsewhere in Asia, machines that provide condoms free or for a nominal fee in red-light areas are increasingly common. But in Indonesia, the concept isn't applicable, experts said, mostly because of opposition from fundamentalists.
In fact, the government installed condom vending machines in 2006, according to Sudibyo Alimoeso, the main secretary of the National Family Planning Coordinating Board (BKKBN).
"But the opposition was too strong," he said, adding that BKKBN's office in West Nusa Tenggara was even attacked at one point by people who rejected the idea. "So in 2008, we decided to stop the project. There were too many controversies, we needed to cool down a bit."
Mar'uf Amin, chairman of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), summed up its stance by saying condom dispensers would only make prostitution spread even faster.
"Providing condom dispensers is like declaring that prostitution is legal," he said. "It will only make more people think that prostitution is okay because they are now safe and protected."
Mar'uf said that the best solution to prevent HIV/AIDS was by restricting or even totally prohibiting prostitution in Indonesia.
Aditya Wardhana, program manager at the Stigma Foundation, an organization that advocates for the rights of drug users, said while condom dispensers were not the solution, the proposal at least was an indication that the government was willing to go against the conservative mind-set.
"We have been conducting various method to fight HIV/AIDS spread since 1994, but we are not making great progress, so unless we do something like this, we are not going to be able to achieve the target of Millennium Development Goals," he said.
Hartoyo, general secretary of Ourvoice, a Jakarta-based gay rights group, said it would be wiser if the government just distributed free condoms at private places inside the red-light districts.
"Just put the boxes of condom in the rooms, to minimize the controversy," he said. "Given the circumstances, I don't think many people will have the courage to withdraw the condom from the dispenser, certainly not in public places," he said.
Nurfika Osman Bowing to intense criticism and pressure from activists and academics, the government has finally decided to recall a series of 10 books on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono circulating in junior high schools in Central Java.
"The books have created so much controversy across the country that we have spent so much energy on this issue and we are now exhausted," Edy Pramono, head of the Youth and Sports Affairs Office in Tegal district, told the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday. "Therefore, we are recalling the books. The pressure was extraordinary."
Edy said the recall was decided after a meeting with an alliance of students concerned about education in the district and at the behest of the district legislative council.
The recall, he said, was already under way and district authorities were cooperating with the books' publisher and local education groups. "We are going to send the books to the central library of Tegal district so that everyone can read the books, not only junior high school students," he added.
Replacing the books on school library bookshelves will be texts like "Cultivation of Orchids," "Cultivation of Catfish" and other titles aimed at helping boost students' entrepreneurial skills.
The books on the president, produced using money from the state budget's Special Allotment Fund (DAK), had been distributed to 87 junior high schools in Tegal in December.
The books have titles such as "Getting Closer to SBY: Arranging Words, Composing Notes," "SBY: Long Journey to the Palace," "SBY: Window to the Heart" and "SBY: The Beauty of a Violence-Free Country."
Activists have said the books were obsequious and insensitive because Yudhoyono is still in power, but the Ministry of National Education has brushed aside suggestions political motives were behind their distribution.
Tegal's Youth and Sports Affairs Office stressed it had also circulated books on other important figures like the country's first president and vice president, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, and women's rights activist Raden Ajeng Kartini.
Fasli Djalal, the deputy education minister, had previously said the books would not be recalled because they had been reviewed by an independent panel of education experts and had met all the requirements for school texts.
Diah Haryanti, the Education Ministry's head of curriculum, however, has said the review panel that approved the books will be re-evaluated to prevent a repeat of the embarrassing episode.
Working mothers need longer maternity leave, allowing them to exclusively breast-feed their newborn babies for first six months, activists say.
Indonesian Breast-feeding Mothers' Association (IBMA) chairwoman Mia Sutanto said breast-feeding rates in Indonesia were still quite low due to inadequate support, both in terms of regulation and infrastructure desperately needed by working moms to provide exclusive breast-feeding for their newborns.
"We still have low breast-feeding rates compared to other countries, a result not only from lack of information on the importance of breast- feeding, but also poor working regulations and infrastructure which would allow mothers to exclusively breast-feed their babies," she told The Jakarta Post.
Citing an example, she said that many working moms failed to breast-feed their children due to short maternity leaves, a certain period in which female workers take leave from work for child birth and nursing.
Under the 2003 Law on manpower, the government provides a three-month- maternity leave for pregnant workers, hopefully allowing them time to fully recover from the physical effects of giving birth.
According to a ministerial regulation, maternal leave should be used 1.5 months before and after giving birth.
"It's obviously not enough for them to exclusively breast-feed their babies," she said, adding that breast-feeding was an important issue as female workers had reached 40 million people.
In a report titled "The State of Breast-feeding in 33 Countries, 2010" recently published by the International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) Asia, Indonesia ranks at the 30th among 33 countries, followed only by Mozambique, Bangladesh and Afghanistan.
According to an Indonesia Health and Demographic Survey (SDKI) report in 2007, only 32 percent of children under the age of six had exclusive breast-feeding from their mothers, decreasing by six points compared to the same survey in 2003.
"Indonesian children who were breast-fed during their first two months reached only 48 percent in 2007, decreasing sharply from 64 percent in 2003," Mia said, adding that in 2007 about 65 percent of newborns had received supplemental food, including formula milk, during their first three days of life. "It is worsening," said Mia.
Many scientific research reports say that infant and young children might suffer from malnutrition and other health problems caused by lack of breast-feeding.
"Breast milk is not only the best, but also the only food for the baby," Mia said, adding that it contains vitamins and nutrition needed by infants in the first six months of life, both to protect them from illness and boost their intelligence.
It is surely not easy for working moms to exclusively breast-feed their babies. Zanuba Arifah Chafsoh (35), a prominent politician, said that it should not be an excuse for working moms refusing to breast-feed their babies.
Citing an example, she said that advanced technologies, such as breast pumps and portable milk coolers, had made it easier for a working mom to make sure that she could still breast-feed her baby amid her tight schedule of activities.
"Still, it is more difficult for a working mom to breast-feed her baby. Breast-feeding takes a lot of effort. Therefore, we should provide more support for breast-feeding moms," said Zanuba, also often called "Yenny Wahid", who still breast-feeds her only daughter, Malika Aurora Madhura.
Many factors contribute to the poor performance of exclusive breast-feeding rates in Indonesia including inadequate knowledge of the importance of breast-feeding, as well as unethical promotion of formula milk at hospitals, community health clinics and midwives' maternity centers.
Maternity leave may be one proper measure to enable a working mom to breast-feed her baby. It has long been implemented in many countries. Bangladesh recently expanded its maternal leave to six months.
Many developed countries provide "parental leave"; providing paid or unpaid time off work for female workers and their spouse to care for their children.
Unfortunately, maternal leave in Indonesia has not been well-implemented and is still fraught with loopholes. For example, the 2003 Manpower Law only regulates maternal leave for workers in the formal sector.
"How about people who are working in the informal sector? They must breast-feed for six months, but they don't even have the right to maternity leave other workers receive," Mia said. The 2003 Manpower Law is one of several laws to be revised this year. It has been put in the National Legislation Program (Prolegnas). (ebf)
Suzanne Woo Indonesian women are splashing out on treatments at spas aimed at meeting Islamic values, including paying for special headscarf styling, as affluence rises in the world's most populous Muslim nation.
Around 90 percent of Indonesians are Muslim, though the country is officially secular. The majority are traditionally moderate, but some pressure groups are pushing for more adherence to Islamic values and more women are now wearing headscarves.
Eka Shanty, a marketing executive and mother of three in the capital, Jakarta, says she often goes to Salon Muslimah, an exclusive spa designed especially for Muslim women's needs, to pamper herself.
"I can get two benefits rational and emotional," Shanty said. "There's also a unique ritual before the treatment... tears were falling from my eyes when I went there for the first time."
Salon Muslimah, or Salon "Muslim Women," appears little different from others around Jakarta. The stark red and black colors and minimalist style of the hairdressing salon contrast with pink curtains and floral wallpaper in the spa area.
But the salon, off limits to men, is shielded from prying eyes by one-way mirrors. Customers can also use a women-only gym on the premises or be led in prayers by a therapist.
Besides styling and ordinary treatments such as massages, customers at Salon Muslimah get halal cosmetics, or products that are completely free of any hint of pork such as the glycerine, keratin, collagen or tallow that are often used.
Many still contain alcohol, though, the basis for most perfumes. In another difference from many global spas, Brazilian waxing is seen as unhealthy and not allowed, partly because waxing goes against the teachings of Islam.
Growing demand for stylish but still modest fashions is helping power efforts to bring Islamic fashion into the modern age, with innovative designers bringing fun prints and delicate lace to the catwalk at a recent fashion festival in Jakarta.
Fashions designers say creating styles that cater to the local Muslim population is big business, and investors are watching for signs that growing Islamization could change demand for goods or make Indonesia less tolerant.
US first lady Michelle Obama donned a headscarf on a visit to the capital's largest mosque last year. But wearing the headscarf is not mandatory and clothing is fairly liberal save for Indonesia's West Aceh district, which is the only province to have implemented Shariah or Islamic law.
Another common service at salons involves the headscarf, which stylists will fold into intricate patterns for under $10, cheap enough to attract the rapidly-growing middle class in Southeast Asia's biggest economy.
Though headscarf styling has traditionally been only for special occasions such as weddings or festivals, more women are heading to salons ahead of a night out. Stylists will fold a headscarf into intricate rose designs, or perhaps use different textiles to create a contrast.
"Clients will bring their own clothes and headscarves for us to customise make-up and to create a suitable style for them," said stylist Surayya at Salon Naura in Jakarta.
Jakarta The Golkar Party said the antigraft body's plan to question opposition leader Megawati Soekarnoputri as a witness in a high-profile graft case implicating senior politicians from her party was irrelevant and politically motivated.
Golkar Party lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo said Sunday that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) should have placed more focus on Miranda S. Goeltom, the woman at the center of the bribery case, instead of questioning Megawati.
The politicians implicated in the case are accused of receiving bribes from a third party to support Miranda's successful bid to become Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor in 2004, when Megawati was president.
"It's reasonable for Megawati to ignore the KPK summons. Why should they summon her?" he told The Jakarta Post via telephone.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said Megawati, its chairwoman, would ignore the KPK summons until it received a clear explanation why her testimony was needed in the case, arguing that the former president would respond to the summons only for the right reason.
The party said the move, which the public saw as evasive, would not tarnish her image.
Bambang said the KPK's plan to question Megawati was politically charged. "It is part of efforts to boost the ruling [Democratic Party's] bargaining position ahead of a plenary meeting Tuesday to form an inquiry committee to investigate corruption at the tax office."
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) deputy secretary-general Mahfudz Siddiq also slammed the KPK for summoning Megawati, saying the public would see it as a publicity stunt.
The summons was made at the request of two suspects, Max Moein and Poltak Sitorus, both of whom are PDI-P members. KPK spokesman Johan Budi said the antigraft body would not question Megawati's decision to ignore its summons. "It is her right to decide whether she appears before the KPK," he said.
The Democratic Party said Megawati had no obligations to appear before the antigraft body since the summons was not based on its request.
"She will be a de charge witness as requested by Max. It is not compulsory for her to comply with the request," Didi Irawadi Syamsuddin, the party's central committee chairman for corruption eradication, said.
"She is not a witness for the KPK. She was summoned at the request of Max, who expects she can help the case against him," he added.
Petrus Selestinus, the two suspects' lawyer, said the resolution of the 2004 bribery case would benefit the Indonesian people and not his clients. "Her explanations would reveal why PDI-P legislators voted for Miranda, that's all. Her testimony would not benefit my clients at all. They will still suffer for their involvement in the case," Petrus said Sunday.
He claimed that apart from Max, other suspects from the PDI-P also hinted at Megawati during the investigation when questioned by the KPK.
Petrus said PDI-P lawmakers in the House of Representatives' Commission IX overseeing finance and banking affairs at the time were instructed by PDI-P faction leader Tjahjo Kumolo to vote for Miranda.
"All decision made by the PDI-P faction were carried out under the central committee's approval [which was chaired by Megawati at the time]. If Tjahjo took another decision without the party's approval, he could be fired," he said.
He said he hoped Megawati would comply with the summons to reveal the truth behind the case. (ebf)
Nivell Rayda & Markus Junianto Sihaloho Former Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri won't honor a summons from the Corruption Eradication Commission to testify next week in connection with the Rp 24 billion ($2.7 million) bribery scandal linked to the appointment of Miranda Goeltom as a senior deputy central bank governor in 2004.
Johan Budi, a spokesman for the commission known as the KPK, said on Friday that seven of 26 lawmakers charged with accepting bribes in the Goeltom affair had asked the antigraft body to summon the former president.
"Mega would be quizzed as a witness based on the request of several suspects," Johan said. "The KPK has no [vested] interest whatsoever [in Megawati's questioning], which is scheduled for next Monday."
The body said it could not compel the former president to testify in a case that has consistently raised more questions than answers about the source of the alleged bribe money, the reason bribes would be paid to get Miranda into the Bank Indonesia post, why Miranda has not been named a suspect and why it took several years for many of the suspects to be formally named.
Political insiders say the current prosecution has infuriated lawmakers who thought they had an understanding with the KPK that the case was not a priority.
Petrus Selestinus, a lawyer for the seven suspects, all of whom are from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), first raised the call to question her last month.
But party chairwoman Megawati won't appear, PDI-P's legal affairs head said on Friday, confirming that the summons had been received. Trimedya Panjaitan said it was the party's position that Megawati had nothing to do with the case and had nothing to tell the KPK.
The decision, he said, was made after the party's board met with Megawati to discuss the summons. "Ibu Megawati has no relevance to the appointment of Miranda as the central bank's deputy governor," Trimedya said.
The argument would be explained to the KPK in a letter, he said, adding that the party would urge the body not to be used for political purposes.
Petrus said earlier that his clients also wanted to summon Megawati's husband, Taufik Kiemas, and several other top figures inside the party.
The senior PDI-P politicians, Petrus said, could clarify the nature of the alleged bribe money, which the lawyer claimed was made as a campaign contribution, principally for Megawati's failed 2004 re-election bid.
Megawati, the eldest daughter of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, lost the 2004 presidential election to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"As far as we are concerned, information solicited from Mega is not important," KPK spokesman Johan said. "The summons was requested by the suspects. We are fulfilling their rights based on the law. It is up to Mega basically if she wants to cooperate."
In September, the KPK named 26 former and current members of the House of Representatives as suspects but took no action to detain them until recently. The politicians are accused of receiving up to Rp 1.45 billion each to vote for Miranda during the selection process.
The list includes Golkar Party politician Paskah Suzetta, senior United Development Party (PPP) politician Daniel Tandjung and senior PDI-P member Max Moein. Golkar's Hamka Yandhu, Makmun Murod of the PDI-P, PPP's Endin Soefihara and Udju Djuhaeri, from the now defunct police and military faction, have already been jailed in the case.
The Anti-Corruption Court ruled that the four had channeled a total of Rp 24 billion in traveler's checks from businesswoman Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun, the wife of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) politician Adang Daradjatun, to the other lawmakers.
The KPK is still investigating Nunun's role, as well as that of First Mujur Plantation, a palm oil company that bought the checks. Nunun is supposedly in Singapore and has ignored repeated summonses from the KPK, claiming she is suffering from a mysterious illness that causes memory loss.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta The Attorney General's Office (AGO) has accused the nation's antigraft body of facilitating what it claimed to be the alleged entrapment of a prosecutor who was recently arrested for alleged extortion.
Junior attorney for internal monitoring Marwan Effendi told The Jakarta Post on Friday that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) should have prevented Tangerang prosecutor Dwi Seno Wijanarko from carrying-out the extortion when it received a tip-off on the case. "[Seno] was framed. He was not caught red-handed," he said.
Seno was caught accepting money from an unidentified man said to be working for state lender bank Bank Rakyat Indonesia in Bintaro, Tangerang regency, Banten province, last week. The KPK confiscated a brown envelope containing the alleged bribe money.
Marwan said that the AGO's internal investigation found a number of irregularities in the case, including a mismatch with regard to the amount of money received by Seno. The KPK claimed he received Rp 50 million (about US$5650), but Marwan said he heard the amount was lower. "The KPK should be transparent about this," he said.
Seno's arrest served as another blow to the AGO, which has long been mired by graft scandals and perceived by many as corrupt.
He was not the first prosecutor to be arrested by the anti-graft body for breaking the law. In September 2008, the Corruption Court sentenced state prosecutor Urip Tri Gunawan to 20 years in prison for accepting bribes from businesswoman Artalyta Suryani in exchange for dropping an investigation into tycoon Sjamsul Nursalim's involvement in the high-profile graft case surrounding alleged embezzlement of the Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI).
A number of prosecutors, including Cirus Sinaga, are allegedly involved in another high-profile bribery case centered on Gayus Tambunan, who claims he paid prosecutors billions of rupiah to water down charges leveled against him before he was acquitted by a Tangerang court in 2009.
Marwan said the new antigraft chief Busyro Muqoddas must evaluate the methods used by the KPK to arrest suspects. The commission, he added, could be considered as being complicit in the crime as stipulated by the Criminal Code.
"Such a charge would give the KPK a lesson that law enforcers should not enforce the law by breaking it," he said.
KPK deputy chairman M. Jasin dismissed Marwan's statement. "The allegation is not true because the KPK tried to prevent the extortion from happening. We have the evidence," he told the Post. He declined to elaborate further.
The anti-graft body's no-nonsense approach in bringing corrupt officials, including several law enforcers, to court had allegedly strained relations between the agency and other law enforcing institutions, including the National Police and the AGO.
Though they have publicly vowed to join hands in fighting corruption, the antagonism between the KPK and other institutions is visible. In 2009, the Constitutional Court played a tape that showed an alleged attempt by the AGO and the National Police to incriminate KPK deputy chairmen Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra Hamzah, which drew protests from the public.
Last month, the AGO dropped the case against the two KPK officials for the sake of public interest, but it denied that the cases against the pair had been fabricated.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Two former Bank Century officials facing up to 10 years in prison for improper approval of loans claimed on Wednesday that they were being made to take the fall for crimes they did not commit.
Arga Tirta Kirana, former head of the bank's legal division, and Linda Wangsadinata, the former manager of its Senayan branch office, are on trial for the disbursement of credit to shady companies without going through the proper procedures.
Speaking at a hearing before a House of Representatives committee monitoring the criminal probe into the Century bailout, lawyers for the two claimed the case against them was unfair.
Sugianto Sulaiman, the lawyer representing Linda, said he had been told by police officers that there was "a price they must pay for the prosecution."
He said that was likely why the two women faced stiffer punishment that their superiors in the same case or the recipients of the loans.
Sugianto pointed out that Tariq Khan, a Pakistani businessman and owner of four companies that received a combined Rp 360 billion ($40 million) in loans, was sentenced to only eight months in prison.
"Now Tarik has left our beloved country," he said. "And who was the lawyer for his companies? Haposan Hutagalung."
Haposan is the former lawyer of disgraced taxman Gayus Tambunan. He was sentenced last month to seven years in prison for bribing police officers and a judge to help Gayus beat an embezzlement charge.
Haposan was convicted of bribing Susno Duadji, the National Police's chief of detectives at the time, with Rp 500 million to secure preferential treatment for another client, the owner of a fish farm in Riau.
Linda said during Wednesday's House hearing that she and Arga had been forced by Robert Tantular, Bank Century's former owner, and Hermanus Hasan Muslim, its director, to approve all loans.
She added that she had told the court and prosecutors about it, but was ignored. "The prosecutors kept their eyes and ears shut on it," Linda said.
Robert was also personally involved in approving most of the loans valued at more than Rp 3 billion, she continued. "We were only forced to approve it. We never knew who the applicants were and we never met them," she said.
Fahri Hamzah, a member of the House's monitoring team from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said the House recommendation on the bank bailout should be retuned so that low-ranking officials who had committed violations without intending to would not be charged.
"If we don't revise it, we're going to see more mothers like these probed, while the high-ranking officials enjoy protection through this diversion," he said.
Sylviana Hamdani The sheer audacity with which disgraced former taxman Gayus Tambunan made trips abroad using a fake passport may have shocked many Indonesians. But the reality is that the practice is more common than most people think.
There are lots of people willing to pay huge sums of money to enter foreign lands illegally if it means having a better life or, in the case of the tax official, getting a break from jail.
Gayus, who last month was sentenced to seven years in jail for bribery, reportedly paid Rp 900 million ($100,000) for a fake passport under the name Sony Laksono. That is a princely sum compared with your standard legal Indonesian passport, which costs Rp 270,000 to process.
With the forged travel document now mysteriously missing Gayus was able to travel to Macau, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore between September and October last year while he was supposed to be detained in Depok while on trial.
But he is certainly not the only one to break the rules. Hidayat (not his real name), a former car salesman, said he paid Rp 50 million for a fake passport and visa to the United States in 2005.
At the time, he was 44 years old and had been unemployed for two years. "I'm only a high school graduate and I'm not young," he said. "Who would hire me?" Hidayat and his wife, a schoolteacher, were barely making ends meet here and he was desperate for a job in the United States.
"America is the land of opportunity," he said. "My neighbor worked there for seven years and brought home Rp 2 billion. In addition, he also bought a car and a house for his wife and children."
His visa application was turned down three times by the US Embassy in Jakarta, so a friend suggested he contact Budi, a fixer at the immigration office. "Budi took care of everything," Hidayat said.
For Rp 50 million, Hidayat got a passport under a fake name, already stamped with a six-month tourist visa to the United States, as well as a plane ticket and a guaranteed job once he arrived.
"My first job washing dishes in a Chinese restaurant in Los Angeles," Hidayat said. "I made $1,700 per month. I could have never made that much at home."
Though it was backbreaking work six days a week he would work from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m. the money made all the toil worth it.
Most of his pay went to his wife and children back home. He saved on rent and meals because he stayed at his employer's home with six other migrant workers from China, Mexico and Indonesia.
After a couple of months in Los Angeles, Hidayat went further and had a fixer help him obtain a fake work permit in the United States. "It cost me about $500, but it was well worth it," he said.
Middleman magic
The Jakarta Globe contacted Budi to learn more about how the fixer operated and what kind of services he offered. Speaking by telephone, Budi said he could provide a visa and a forged passport for Rp 65 million.
Faking the passport is a cinch, he said, since he can just paste the client's photo on his sister's passport, which has already been stamped with the required visa to the United States.
"All you have to do is to send me your current picture burned on a CD," Budi said. "We'll put your picture on my sister's passport and then you're good to go."
The fixer said he worked with an immigration official to switch pictures on "special passports." Budi requires a down payment of Rp 30 million to process the travel documents.
"It's not negotiable. Our costs in providing you these services are very high," he said. "We don't pay the immigration officer a mere Rp 1 million or Rp 2 million, you know."
Budi said the immigration officer would also give his clients a free pass at the immigration counter at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport. "He will smooth things out for you," the fixer said.
Once the forged passport is ready, the client needs to pay another Rp 30 million. But Budi's services do not stop there. "I'll arrange a return plane ticket, hotel and tour vouchers for you," he said, adding that he would arrange these online.
These additional travel papers, he said, would make immigration officers less suspicious. "You should get in with no problem at all," he said.
The fixer said a middleman in the United States picked his clients up at the airport. This man is paid Rp 5 million.
"That's the cost of your temporary lodging and job placement in the country," Budi said. "I can guarantee you will get a job within two or three days. As long as you can speak English and are willing to work hard, there should be no problem even on a tourist visa."
But travel documents only go so far, and it is up to the clients to allay any suspicion. A good memory and a confident manner are necessary to maintain the disguise, according to Budi.
"Memorize everything in your new passport, such as the spelling of your name, the place and date of birth and home address," he said. "You should also remember the name of your hotel and the places of interest that you're supposed to visit during the tour."
"It's much easier for women because the immigration officers usually don't suspect them of coming to their country to find work [illegally]," he added.
The entire process is risky, but Budi estimated that 90 percent of his clients were able to enter the United States without any major hitches.
The government has made efforts to curb these kinds of illegal activities, including the launch of an e-passport that officials have said cannot be faked.
"This is to prevent forgery," Justice Minister Patrialis Akbar told reporters in January. "The e-passport is very sophisticated and is very difficult to be forged because there is a special chip in it."
The new passports, introduced on a trial basis, however, cost much more than regular passports. A 48-page e-passport costs Rp 655,000 and is only available at immigration offices in Central Jakarta, West Jakarta and at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport.
Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand are among the countries in Southeast Asia that have already adopted e-passport systems.
But Martua Batubara, a spokesman for the Justice and Human Rights Ministry in Jakarta, said it was hard to stop the forgery of travel documents since there were plenty of dishonest immigration officers.
"Currently, Bareskrim [the National Police's Criminal Investigation Department] and our ministry are working closely to investigate these kinds of cases," Martua said. "We have zero tolerance for these officers."
Still, putting an end to the racket will be a difficult, if not impossible, task because fixers always seem to find a way to circumvent even the strictest of rules.
Wati (not her real name) also specializes in helping Indonesians get into America. The 55-year-old works for an international volunteer organization that invites delegates to a convention in one of its US offices once a year.
Not all Indonesian delegates choose to attend the convention, so Wati and her friend sell these slots to those hoping to work in the United States.
For Rp 60 million a seat, the buyer gets a membership card and a formal letter of invitation to the conference one of the requirements for an entry visa.
"Then we'll go as a group for the visa interview. We won't have any problems obtaining the visa," Wati said.
Over the past three years, Wati and her colleague have used the system to send more than 30 Indonesians to the United States. As a bonus, the fee the pair charges includes job placement services.
"After the convention, you're free to go wherever you like in the United States," she said. "My contact will help you find a good job in whatever city you prefer."
Wati said the illegal nature of the setup did not hinder her clients from finding jobs once they arrived abroad. "But, if you want to be on the safe side, I can help," she said.
She claimed her network of fixers included several high-profile lawyers based in the United States who could help an illegal worker obtain a permanent residence permit. This costs $2,000, payable in installments.
"It'll take many years to get that permit," Wati said. "But as long as you have the registration form attached to your passport, you'll be safe."
From the time they purchase forged passports to the moment they become illegal workers, people need to understand that they may pay a steep price for violating immigration laws.
The American dream ended abruptly for Hidayat in February 2007, when police arrested him for overstaying his visa.
Hidayat and his friend had gotten into a brawl in a Texas bar and were arrested. During questioning, he was found to have been working in the United States illegally and was sent to a county jail. "It was sheer bad luck," Hidayat said.
His brother bailed him out four months later. "It could have taken me years waiting for deportation," he said. "I couldn't stand it. I couldn't bear living in that prison."
After almost two years of earning big, Hidayat is now deep in debt. He owes his brother $6,000 for bail and $1,700 for the plane ticket back to Indonesia. "I'm practically broke now," he said. "But my friend introduced me to a man who can help me go to the Netherlands," Hidayat said, with a hopeful smile.
Heru Andriyanto & Mohd Adhe Bhakti Prosecutors in the terrorism trial of Abu Bakar Bashir say they are preparing more than 130 witnesses whose testimonies they hope will help to finally put away the firebrand cleric who has beaten serious charges in previous trials.
Most of the witnesses are co-defendants in the case related to the paramilitary camp busted in Aceh last year, as well as followers of Bashir, who is scheduled to enter a plea on Thursday.
The 72-year-old faces three counts of funding terrorist activities; two counts of illegal firearm possession; a charge of mobilizing and inciting people to commit acts of terrorism; and a charge of using violence with intent to inflict human casualties.
He faces the death penalty if convicted. Prosecutors introduced Bashir as the co-founder and leader of Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid, a fundamentalist group whose aim was to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia.
Founded on Sept. 17, 2008, JAT acknowledges a single leadership, in this case Bashir, whose orders should be interpreted as the word of God and his prophet, the indictment says.
Seemingly afraid to again lose the case against Bashir, prosecutors linked him to the murder of police officers and a deadly bank heist in Medan, along with the main charge of financing the Aceh camp and mobilizing militants. These are some of the key witnesses:
In police custody after a major manhunt following the discovery of the Aceh camp and the deadly bank heist in Medan allegedly carried out by his group. He is also linked to several attacks on police officers.
Abu's case was notorious for highlighting the failure of the government's deradicalization program for terror convicts.
In July 2004, he was convicted of illegal possession of arms and making bombs for terror attacks and sentenced to seven years in prison. However, he was released on parole in 2007.
Prosecutors in the current case allege he was appointed by Bashir to lead the Aceh camp together with the late Dulmatin.
Together with Bashir, he founded the fundamentalist group Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid, which aims to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. He also acted as a treasurer, collecting and distributing funds for the Aceh training camp.
Prosecutors are seeking a 15-year prison sentence for him in his trial at the West Jakarta District Court.
He was appointed by Bashir to chair the JAT's Jakarta branch in 2009. His role in the Aceh camp was to hook potential donors by showing them videos of the activities in Aceh and deliver a message from Bashir about the need to financially support paramilitary training.
The JAT Jakarta office was raided by police in the middle of last year, and from the documents seized police were able to arrest Bashir in West Java last August.
A native of Rangkas Bitung in Banten, Syarif is accused of providing at least Rp 200 million ($23,000) for the Aceh camp. He is alleged to have done so after meeting Bashir.
In his statement to police, Syarif says the cleric stayed overnight at his home last February and told him, "I'm running a jihad program that needs funding."
The doctor and Haris are currently standing trial at the South Jakarta District Court.
He has been introduced by prosecutors as a businessman with a degree in economics.
Prosecutors allege he was an admirer of Bashir for years until he decided to meet the cleric in person at Bashir's Islamic boarding school in Ngruki, Central Java, in September 2008.
He donated Rp 150 million to Bashir for the Aceh camp, raised in part from the sale of his car. Hariyadi is being tried at the West Jakarta District Court.
An Indonesian court sentenced two Islamic extremists to 10 years in prison on Monday for their involvement in a terror cell known as Al Qaeda in Aceh.
Police say the group was training to carry out Mumbai-style attacks involving squads of suicide gunmen targeting Westerners, political leaders and police in Indonesia.
One of the extremists, Qomarudin, alias Mustaqim, 37, stood up and shouted "Allahu akbar" (God is greatest) when his sentence was read out.
Chief judge Mutarto told West Jakarta district court Qomarudin had provided training in map reading and firearms at a militant camp discovered by police in Aceh province in February last year.
A second militant, Luthfi Haidaroh alias Ubaid, 32, was convicted of raising funds for firearms and supplies. "The defendant used training video footage to raise money from supporters," the judge said.
Prosecutors had sought sentences of 15 years imprisonment for each of the defendants.
Hundreds of suspected militants have been arrested or killed in connection with the Aceh network, including its alleged operations leader Dulmatin, a notorious bomb maker wanted for the 2002 Bali attacks which killed 202 people.
Dulmatin, previously a leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah network blamed for the Bali bombings, was shot dead by police in March last year.
Al Qaeda in Aceh's alleged spiritual leader and chief financier, radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, is on trial for his suspected role. He denies the allegations.
Heru Andriyanto & Mohd Adhe Bhakti The third criminal trial of radical cleric Abu Bakar Bashir paints a portrait of the cleric as a man bent on turning Indonesia into an Islamic state by any means necessary, in particular through the use of a radical organization and a paramilitary training camp in Aceh.
"The purpose of the terror is to spread panic and to divide the people and the ruling government, thus paving the way for a takeover," prosecutor Muhammad Taufik told the court at the opening of the trial on Monday.
Seemingly afraid to again lose the case against Bashir, prosecutors linked him to the murder of police officers and a deadly bank heist in Medan, along with the main charge of financing the Aceh camp and mobilizing militants.
"I don't know what they're talking about," Bashir said after the indictment was read.
The 72-year-old cleric is facing three counts of funding terrorist activities; two counts of illegal possession of firearms; a charge of mobilizing and inciting people to commit acts of terrorism; and a charge of using violence with intent to inflict human casualties. He could face the death penalty if convicted.
"The indictment has been designed to function like a trawl net," said Achmad Michdan, an attorney for the cleric. "Prosecutors put all they could into their indictment so as to not allow any loopholes for my client."
Sidney Jones, a security analyst from International Crisis Group, said charges against Bashir were much stronger than in two previous trials in which he narrowly avoided lengthy jail terms. "The authorities have a wide range of evidence to prove that Bashir raised funds for the Aceh paramilitary training camp and the money was used to buy weapons," Jones said.
Prosecutors introduced Bashir as the co-founder and leader of Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid, a fundamentalist group whose aim was to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. Founded on Sept. 17, 2008, JAT acknowledges a single leadership, in this case Bashir, whose orders should be interpreted as the word of God and his prophet, the indictment says.
Sometime in July 2009, Bashir told his followers that "before waging jihad, we must first occupy a territory, albeit small, and gain full control of it," Taufik told the South Jakarta District Court.
The accused was said to have provided the rationale for robbery and murder as necessary in order to fund jihad, calling it fa'i (spoils of war).
"The defendant said... fa'i is directed against infidels and the governments who observe Islam but do not apply Islamic Shariah laws," Taufik said. To establish an Islamic state, Bashir recommended terrorist attacks using automatic weapons and bombs, he added.
Prosecutors said Bashir was approached by Dulmatin, a terrorist suspect who has since been killed by police, to set up a base in Aceh for paramilitary training. Bashir appointed Abu Tholut, now in police detention, to take charge of the Aceh camp while Dulmatin acted as field coordinator.
After the camp was established, Bashir began collecting funds from donors assisted by Ubaid, aka Luthfi Haidaroh, a former member of JAT who is currently being tried separately.
Bashir told the backers, "We have a jihad program that needs lots of money. If you have extra revenue, please donate to us," according to prosecutors.
The pair allegedly collected Rp 1 billion ($112,000) from various donors and the money was used to buy weapons and ammunition and to finance the running of the Aceh camp. Ubaid was believed to be responsible for managing the funds (see graphic).
Although he never visited the Aceh camp himself, Bashir was regularly updated with video recordings of the paramilitary activities and was given reports on the number of participants and the need for more donations, the indictment said.
From Aceh, Dulmatin allegedly sent Bashir a message about a plan to establish a larger group called Tandzim Al Qaeda Serambi Makkah, which was to be led by the cleric. "The defendant agreed with the plan," prosecutors said.
Police had said earlier that the Aceh camp was to be used for a Mumbai- style attack on the president during Independence Day ceremonies at the State Palace in August, but the indictment did not mention that allegation.
Tip-offs from local residents in the forests of Aceh Besar alerted police to the camp, which was raided in February last year.
The trainees and their commanders were scattered by the raid and, while on the run, they killed police officers and robbed a bank in Medan. In shootouts with police in March, 25 members of the group killed three policemen and injured 11 others.
A smaller group of fugitives robbed the Newnet Internet cafe in Medan and wounded three people. In August, another robbed a CIMB Bank branch in the city, killing a policeman, wounding two guards and getting away with Rp 340 million, the indictment said.
Hundreds of Bashir supporters, who faced off against 1,500 police officers and armored vehicles outside the courthouse, complained that the security provided for his trial was excessive. Bashir said the tight security was only for show and "to portray me as a big terrorist."
So will the charges stick or can the Teflon cleric escape punishment a third time? ICG's Jones says the key is for prosecutors to prove Bashir collected funds for the training camp.
Bashir's camp was given 10 days to prepare its defense. The trial will resume on Feb. 24.
Karlis Salna, Jakarta The Indonesian Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir yesterday denied being the leader of a terrorist network found training in Aceh, and said a string of fresh charges against him had been fabricated and that he was simply defending Islam.
The trial of the 73-year-old resumed amid heavy security in the South Jakarta District Court when prosecutors read out a 93-page indictment detailing seven charges against him.
Hundreds of vocal supporters were at the court, but were outnumbered by heavily armed police. Police said 2000 officers had been deployed to the area.
Commenting from his cell before the hearing, Bashir rejected the allegations, saying they were "all made up". "I did nothing. I was only defending Islam," he said.
The most serious charges include planning and/or inciting a terrorist act, and trafficking in weapons and explosives for the purpose of conducting terrorism, both of which carry a maximum penalty of death.
However, it is the charge of supplying funds for terrorism, which carries a jail term of between three and 15 years, for which it appears the prosecution has the strongest evidence, including statements from a number of Bashir's associates from Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT).
It is through JAT, described by the International Crisis Group as an above-ground organisation with ties to fugitive extremists, that Bashir is alleged to have raised money for the training camp and to fund the new terrorist network.
The crisis group has said that JAT has also welcomed many members of the now defunct Jemaah Islamiah, co-founded by Bashir, and which was responsible for the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people, including 88 Australians.
Authorities plan to present evidence from eight witnesses, including statements from Hariyadi Usman and Dr Syarif Usman, that they gave 150 million rupiah and 100 million rupiah respectively at the request of Bashir. It's alleged a total 1.2 billion rupiah ($131,000) was raised through JAT, some of which was also used to buy weapons which were discovered at the training camp in Aceh last year.
The prosecution was forced to read portions of the indictment a second time after the judges agreed to a demand from Bashir that they explain the allegations he established and funded the Aceh camp.
"I understand in principle that I am being accused of being the leader of a militant group in Aceh. Such allegations have been engineered and are just empty talk," he told the court.
He later said that the charges were the result of pressure from the United States. "It's wrong, it's what America wants. I am feared by America. I am considered as al-Qaeda here," he said while being escorted back to his cell at police headquarters in Jakarta.
Prosecutors allege the Aceh terrorist network planned to assassinate President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as well as attack foreign interests, specifically US citizens and Jews.
The trial was adjourned to February 24, when the defence will be heard.
Camelia Pasandaran, Mamuju, West Sulawesi In response to concerns over attacks on minority religious groups, the government is drafting a law that will make it easier to disband violent mass organizations, according to Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi.
"We're revising the law, and this year it will be part of the national legislation program," Gamawan told the Jakarta Globe on Saturday. "The new law is expected to be more strict and to shorten the time it takes to disband an organization."
Under the current Mass Organization Law, there is a lengthy process required of collecting evidence of illegal behavior, followed by freezing the organization before disbanding it.
In increasingly harsh language, groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) have issued ultimatums to the government demanding the disbanding of the minority Ahmadiyah sect and a halt to the building of Christian churches in many areas. Critics have said the FPI and others incite their followers to violence.
On Friday, FPI chairman Habib Riziq sadi in his weekly sermon that "Ahmadiyah must not exist in Indonesia." He warned that unless the president forces Ahmadiyah out of existence there would be "revolution."
Gamawan said that under the current law the government cannot not easily disband an organization, including ones like the FPI that plan to oust the president. "It needs evidence, because if we did it without evidence, the government would be blamed for violating the law," Gamawan said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recently called for the disbanding of violent organization following the deadly Feb. 6 attack on Ahmadiyah in West Java and a mob attack two days later in Central Java that burned churches.
Gamawan said the new law would give the government more authority to disband violent organizations quickly.
Adianto P. Simamora and Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Despite President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's call for action to stop violent groups, government agencies on Wednesday spoke with hard-liners to address the issue of acts of violence against minorities.
Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi met leaders of two hard-line Islamic organizations the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) and the Islamic People's Forum (FUI) to hear their suggestions on what to do about the Islamic minority sect Ahmadiyah.
In a meeting he described as "warm and friendly" at his office, Gamawan said he was committed to maintaining communication to find the best solution for the country.
When asked after the meeting by reporters about the President's instruction to disband violent mass organizations, Gamawan shrugged it off saying, "Later, later, that's a different topic."
Violence against religious minorities have increased in the past two years, with Muslim hard-liners, including the FPI and FUI, taking the law into their own hands and attacking anything they considered going against orthodox Islamic doctrine.
The most recent cases involved a fatal attack on Ahmadis in Cikeusik village, Banten, and attack on churches in Temanggung, Central Java. However, there is no conclusive evidence tying both cases to certain extremist groups.
The National Police, long criticized for siding with hard-liners and allowing them to rampage with impunity, have still not identified the culprits behind the two incidents.
National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo met with the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in an attempt to seek advice on the case.
The head of the National Commission for Human Rights, Ifdhal Kasim, said the government's soft approach toward the cases would lead to more acts of violence.
"The serious problem is the government's lack of tough measures in resolving the cases while keeping extremists at bay by engaging them in discourse," he told The Jakarta Post.
The government has avoided taking action against violent hard-line groups in the country, arguing that their rights were protected by law and the Constitution.
Yudhoyono last week issued a call to disband such mass organizations, but his words were bereft of deeds.
On Tuesday, a mob of 100 people riding motorcycles attacked an Islamic boarding school in Pasuruan, East Java.
Ifdhal said the President's order was too vague, causing confusion among his subordinates. "It is not enough for the President to order the police or urge [ministers] to study regulations without clear direction. It confuses them," he said.
The director of the Wahid Institute, Yenny Zannuba Wahid, demanded the President give stern instructions and clear direction to address the series of acts of violence. "[Police chief] Timur and his subordinates should arrest and investigate the perpetrators and the mass organizations," she said in a statement.
Presidential spokesperson Julian Aldrin Pasha and the President's aide on political affairs, Daniel Sparringa, denied accusations that the President's stance lacked clear direction in resolving the issue.
Julian said the President had ordered police to take stern measures in response to the incidents, including in Pasuruan. "Police have begun investigating the incidents in Cikeusik and Temanggung," he told the Post.
Daniel said the President had given clear directions to prevent further outbreaks of religious violence in the country. "Some provincial police chiefs promised to shoot perpetrators on sight," he said.
Daniel said the Home Ministry was drafting a regulation to review the law on mass organizations that would allow the government to ban violent organizations but still ensure freedom of expression for the public while maintaining public safety.
Ulma Haryanto Former Indonesian Constitutional Court chairman Jimly Assidique said on Tuesday that an imperfect legal foundation should not stop the country's leaders from taking firm action against mass organizations deemed to have disrupted public order.
The 1985 Law on Mass Organizations has been criticized by human rights watchdogs for containing articles that are incompatible with the Constitution, while law enforcers generally dismiss the regulation for being frustratingly convoluted, giving any organization in question plenty of legal leeway to avoid being disbanded.
Under the law, the state is required to issue warnings to the leaders of an organization and summon them for clarification before any steps can to be taken to freeze the organization.
It is only possible to freeze an organization following a recommendation to do so by the Supreme Court.
Once a freeze is in place, the organization faces two options. It must either conform to recommendations made by the government or risk being disbanded and officially outlawed.
Jimly, a professor of law at the University of Indonesia and former presidential adviser, said that although the law was imperfect, that should not dissuade the government from taking the appropriate legal steps against organizations that flaunt the country's laws.
"The government has to act. The 1985 Law gives law enforcers strong authority to act against organizations that use violence. Prompt reactions from the state will discourage repeated violations and stop the public from undermining the law. The state also has the power to take an organization to court," Jimly said.
"My point is this there is no such thing as a perfect regulation. In any case, an imperfect regulation should not mean that the state ends up sitting back and doing nothing."
However, another constitutional law expert, Irman Putra Sidin, has said the 1985 Law should be applied with caution as the impact of invoking such a law could have serious consequences.
"The law is valid, but some of its articles are not compatible with the Constitution. It was also drafted during the New Order [regime under former President Suharto]," Irman said.
He added that implementing the law would require following the technical procedures laid out in a separate government regulation in 1986.
The technical procedures, Irman pointed out, included "undermining authority and/or discrediting the Indonesian government" as a act of disrupting public order.
"So if we want to use this law to disband one organization, we have to be careful about the possible impact for other organizations," Irman said.
Human rights activist Asfinawati suggested that the implementation of the 1985 law should refer to the 2005 Law on the Ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
"Because of the potential human rights violations within the 1985 law, it is legally logical for it to be succeeded by a newer regulation," she said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has instructed legal authorities to disband any organization that urges its members to resort to violence, following recent attacks against minority groups in Pandeglang, Banten and Temanggung, Central Java.
Three members of the Ahmadiyah sect in Cikeusik, Banten, for instance, were murdered during an attack involving more than 1,500 demonstrators fueled by anti-Ahmadi sentiment. Asfinawati added that the police and the prosecutor's office should work harder to ensure the intellectual actors behind such violent incidents are jailed.
"Disbanding an organization is one approach, but the same people may form a new organization under a different name later on. However, if we take on the leaders, it would set a precedent for the public," she explained.
In cases of extreme hard-line organizations, such as cleric Abu Bakar Bashir's Jamaah AnshorutTauhid, Asfinawati said that once the leader is convicted, the organization that person founded could subsequently end up being outlawed.
Dessy Sagita & Camelia Pasandaran Two weeks after a deadly attack on Ahmadiyah followers in Banten, the Indonesian Council of Ulema has called on the government to investigate cases of religious violence.
The group, known as the MUI, also defended itself against critics who say its edict denouncing Ahmadiyah has contributed to the violence against the minority sect.
"There's not one religion in this world that teaches violence," Amidhan, chairman of the MUI, said on Sunday. He said many people had misunderstood the council's 2005 fatwa labeling Ahmadiyah a deviant Muslim sect and its followers as apostates.
"Indeed, point No. 1 of that edict calls for a ban on Ahmadiyah," he said, "but point No. 3 clearly states that any violence against Ahmadiyah followers is strictly prohibited."
He said the misinterpretation had damaged the MUI's reputation, making it a target for critics who claim the organization has incited hatred and encouraged attacks on the sect.
"No belief, whether it is heretical or not, deserves to be treated violently, and we are fully aware of that fact," he said. "Therefore, I don't understand why the MUI is linked to these violent acts."
On Friday, hard-line Muslim groups rallied in Jakarta to demand the government disband Ahmadiyah. The chairman of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), Habib Riziq, said that "Ahmadiyah must not exist in Indonesia" and should be dismantled at all costs.
He warned of a revolution if the president failed to disband the sect, going as far as to call for the government to be toppled.
Amidhan dismissed such threats and said the Feb. 6 attack in Banten, which left three Ahmadis dead, and the government's response, had led some groups to believe they were above the law. He urged the government to punish those responsible.
"The government and the police need to act fast to find the real culprits and provocateurs behind the incident. They must investigate both the attackers and the Ahmadiyah members who were at the scene," he said, adding that the only way to properly resolve the issue was through the courts.
Meanwhile, in response to an outpouring of criticism over its slow response to a spate of attacks on minority groups, the government plans to revise the Law on Mass Organizations to make it easier to disband groups that advocate violence.
Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi said the revision would be part of this year's national legislative program. "The new law is expected to be more strict and shorten the time it takes to disband an organization," he told the Jakarta Globe in Mamuju, West Sulawesi, on Saturday.
The law currently requires a lengthy process of collecting evidence of illegal behavior, followed by a freezing of the organization, before it can be disbanded.
Gamawan said the law made it difficult to disband organizations, even ones like the FPI that have openly called for revolution. "We need evidence, because if we did it without evidence, the government would be accused of breaking the law," he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Feb. 9, three days after the Banten attack, called for organizations that advocate violence to be shut down.
Ulma Haryanto The Constitutional Court should now consider the consequences of upholding the 1965 Blasphemy Law, a top human rights watchdog has said, arguing that it should go, based on the recent evidence of the law's complete failure to protect social harmony.
The Human Rights Working Group pointed out that recent nationwide displays of religious intolerance in the form of attacks and demonstrations since the start of the year alone were enough to once again review whether or not the Blasphemy Law was actually serving its purpose of keeping peace among Indonesians.
Last year, the Constitutional Court rejected a motion to revise or annul the 1965 law, saying the request had "no legal basis." The ruling was made by the nine-member panel of judges with one dissenting opinion.
The demand for a judicial review was filed by several human rights organizations, who had argued that the state should not restrict people's right to freedom of worship.
Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali had publicly opposed the petitioners at the time, and warned that the law was needed to "maintain social harmony and prevent an explosion of new religions."
The law was used in 2008 to force followers of the Islamic Ahmadiyah sect to go underground and has regularly been cited by minority groups as a justification for discrimination and intimidation.
"We want to appeal to the consciences of the Constitutional Court judges, who at one time said in their ruling that the law was necessary to keep the peace," HRWG deputy chairperson Choirul Anam told the Jakarta Globe. "Look what's happened. Attacks on religious minorities have instead increased, and continue to rise."
Under the Constitution, six religions are officially recognized and protected by the state Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Catholicism, Protestantism and Confucianism. The 1965 Blasphemy Law makes it illegal to "publicize, recommend or organize public support" for unorthodox versions of those six religions or other faiths.
Almost a year after the court's ruling, representatives from a number of human rights organizations on Friday invited the public to discuss the impact of the ruling and the future of Indonesia's struggle to express religious freedom.
Speaking alongside Choirul were Islamic scholar Azyumardi Azra, Rumadi from the Wahid Institute, Mansyur Zaini from the Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society (Bakor Pakem) and Zainal Abidin of the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam).
"It's difficult to have unbiased public officers serving the public for the nation's interests, and not their own religious beliefs, Choirul said.
"Even the Constitutional Court judges could not remain impartial during the hearing. Some judges referred to Koranic verses and hadiths [words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad] at the time, which should not have been allowed since it was a discourse in the Constitutional Court, not [a recital of] religious scriptures," Choirul said.
There have been a number of attacks against religious minorities in recent weeks. Most notably the killing of three Ahmadiyah followers in Banten, West Java, and attacks on churches in the Temanggung area of Central Java.
Azyumardi pointed to a recent dialog held between leaders of the Ahmadiyah community with House of Representatives VIII, which oversees religious affairs.
"I could see that a lot of political party members who claim to be secular turned out to be religiously biased," Azyumardi said, adding that through those sessions alone he could see that not just major bodies like the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) had been infiltrated by hard-liners but also political parties.
Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation director Nurkholis Hidayat told of when he was attacked in March by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), following one of the Constitutional Court hearings. "We were chased off. They asked us what our religion was. Even though I am a Muslim, they kept on shouting that we were infidels," he said.
The gloomy outlook however, would not stop the organizations from advocating religious freedom at various levels, Choirul said. "The next step will be to push the government and the legislative to draft a law on religious freedom, not religious harmony as has been discussed until now," he said.
Farouk Arnaz The National Police on Friday backtracked on earlier comments that a member of the Ahmadiyah sect had been named a suspect for his alleged role in the religious violence in Banten.
Brig. Gen. Agung Sabar Santoso, the National Police's director of general crimes, has previously stated that Deden Sujana, an Ahmadi left critically injured in the bloody attack that left three other sect members dead, had been named a suspect.
Deden is allegedly seen in a video circulating on the Internet of the attack, where 1,500 villagers descend on a house in Cikeusik subdistrict, asking a police officer to let the assault take place.
Speaking on Friday, however, National Police spokesman Chief Comr. Boy Rafly Amar said that no Ahmadiyah follower had been named a suspect in relation to the deadly assault.
Rahmat & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Makassar The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) is threatening to disband Ahmadiyah, regardless of the risks, if the government does not take action against the Islamic sect.
Speaking in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on Friday, FPI leader Habib Riziq said that Ahmadiyah was deviant and "must be disbanded."
"On that basis, the government must know which one is freedom of religion and which one is desecration [of religion]. In the name of Allah, I swear that until the last drop of my blood, whatever the risks, Ahmadiyah must not exist in Indonesia," Riziq said while giving a sermon before Friday prayers at the Al Markaz Al Islam mosque.
Riziq said he was not afraid of anyone who supported or defended Ahmadiyah, be it the police, the military, nongovernmental organizations, ministers or the government. "We are not afraid of them," he claimed.
Riziq said Ahmadiyah was a form of desecration of Islam and the government had to know the difference. Ahmadiyah, he said, did not admit that Muhammad was the last prophet. That alone was enough reason to disband the sect and guide its followers to return to Islam, he said.
"If fake money is destroyed, if fake policemen are arrested, why shouldn't we destroy fake religion?" he said, adding that Islam accepted plurality but not pluralism.
"Ahmadiyah copied Islam and changed its teachings. Don't forget that no matter how similar, Ahmadiyah is not Islam just like apes and men are similar but do not push the similarities too far," he said.
Lawmakers said the FPI's actions were an outrageous abuse of the principle of freedom of expression.
Democratic Party Secretary General Ramadhan Pohan said the government recognized freedom of expression and political freedom as mandated by the Constitution. "But the principle has been excessively used by FPI, which tends to abuse it," he said.
He called for security agencies to defend the president, stressing they should not left the FPI injure the president's dignity.
National Mandate Party (PAN) official Teguh Juwarno said the FPI's claim that it would oust the president was unacceptable. "It's true that the president has many weaknesses, but ousting him is not a solution," he said.
He said a culture of violence was flourishing because the government had failed to ensure fair enforcement of the law.
Most people believed the government only strictly enforced the law when it dealt with the weak and poor. It had sparked beliefs in many people's minds that they must seek there own justice together in numbers, Teguh said.
"That's what happened with the FPI. So we need firmness from the government to stand up for law enforcement. So, the people know what can or cannot be donet, including with FPI and Ahmadiyah matters," Teguh said.
Priyo Budi Santoso, a senior official from the Golkar Party, said any threat against the president breached the Constitution. Such threats were a threat to democracy at the same time, he said.
"If we followed such threats, then the political cost and the social cost are too expensive for us. We don't agree with it," Priyo said.
But a senior official from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Andreas Pareira, said the government should not take the FPI's threat seriously.
Rather than taking excessive actions against it, Andreas said it was better for the government to ensure security agencies carried out their responsibilities fairly and firmly. "FPI is not that big to get so much attention. Just do the legal enforcement," Andreas said.
Elisabeth Oktofani & Ulin Yusron About 500 people at an anti-Ahmadiyah rally led by the Islamic Defenders' Front (FPI) at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Friday demanded the government disband the controversial sect, or else they will attempt to oust the president.
FPI clerics at the rally called on Indonesian Muslims to join their ranks against the Ahmadis.
"Ahmadiyah teachings say that non-Ahmadis must be killed, so they must be eliminated first," Mishabhul Anam from FPI told the crowd. Another orator accused the Ahmadis of being the cause of riots. "Therefore, to stop the riots they must be disbanded," he said.
Awid Mashuri, the deputy secretary general of FPI, said there was no other option but for the government to disband Ahmadiyah.
"There is no other choice," he said. "Government officials, most of whom are Muslim, must stand for us instead of for the Ahmadiyah. There is already a joint ministerial decree on the Ahmadiyah, the president only needs to turn it into a presidential decree."
The protesters called President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono "banci," which literally translates to transvestite, saying he was a coward for not disbanding Ahmadiyah.
Therefore, Awid said if the government does not disband the sect right away, they will force the president to step down.
"Ahmadiyah is a Western representation in Indonesia, which is our enemy," Awid said. He also accused the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) of "violating Islam" for protecting the Ahmadiyah.
The Islamic People's Forum (FUI) leader, Muhammad Al Khaththat, said he demanded the government to take a number of actions.
"The first and foremost is SBY (Yudhoyono) must issue a decree to disband Ahmadiyah and arrest Abdul Basith, the leader of Ahmadiyah followers in Indonesia," he said.
The rally was also seen as opportunity by some people to make money by selling books and tabloids related to Ahmadiyah. A man was seen carrying a stack of books titled "Why I Left Ahmadiyah," and it was sold for Rp 65,000 a piece.
A boy was also seen selling the "Suara Islam ("Islamic Voice") tabloid, featuring FPI leader Habib Rizieq on the front page and the quote "Disband Ahmadiyah or SBY Steps Down." The price of the tabloid is Rp 6,000 a piece but most people who bought it paid Rp 10,000. "Keep the change, it's my donation," they said. The rally is ongoing.
[With reports from Beritasatu.]
The Indonesian Council of Ulema says it has no intention of backing down from its position outlined in a 2005 fatwa issued against the Ahmadiyah sect.
Ma'ruf Amin, head of the fatwa division at the council, or MUI, said on Thursday that the 2005 edict clearly identified the minority sect as a heretical one, adding that followers of the Ahmadiyah were apostates.
"Ahmadiyah exists outside the correct path of Islam. To all those who have followed this sect, we ask them to return to the right path, as laid out by the Koran and the Hadith [words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad]," Ma'ruf said.
"This sect has made many Muslims feel uneasy. The government must ban the sect and disband the organization," Ma'ruf said, adding that the Ahmadiyah had previously been banned elsewhere following the 1985 Organization of the Islamic Conference in Jeddah.
Indonesian ministers and a string of lawmakers have insisted that the only way for the violence to end is for the Ahmadiyah to disband themselves.
The outgoing National Defense Agency (Lemhanas) governor, Muladi, said on Thursday that the existence of the Ahmadiyah here would cease to be a problem if followers of the sect declared their faith a new religion separate from Islam.
"They should form a new religion. One outside Islam," Muladi said, shortly after the swearing-in ceremony of Budi Susilo Soepandji, his successor as the new governor of Lemhanas.
"Disbanding the Ahmadiyah would be a violation of human rights unless the Ahmadiyah themselves had violated the joint decree [SKB] of three ministers [referring to the 2008 decree banning Ahmadiyah from spreading its faith], in which case the government could lawfully sanction the disbandment.
"But if not, Ahmadiyah should declare that it is not part of Islam, or be declared as being outside Islam," Muladi added.
But Ahmadiyah leaders insisted on Wednesday night that the sect was a branch of Islam and would not declare itself a new and separate religion.
"Ahmadiyah is still part of Islam and cannot be separated from Islam because Ahmadiyah was born from Islam," Ahmadiyah leader Ahmad Basij said in a hearing with House Commission VIII, which oversees religious affairs.
He said the sect recognized the core tenet of Islam: that there is no God but Allah and Muhammad is his prophet.
In the aftermath of a recent deadly attack on the Ahmadiyah in Banten province, Deputy House Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso said last week that the group should "leave Islam and declare a new religion" if its followers could not "repent, recognize their mistake and come back to mainstream Islam."
Mainstream Muslim groups have accused Ahmadiyah members of heresy, saying that they profess their founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, to be the final prophet of Islam a tenet that runs directly against Islamic beliefs that reserve that claim for Muhammad. The accusation is disputed by the Ahmadiyah community.
Syamsi Ali, a senior member of Ahmadiyah, said it was wrong to believe that the sect follow any holy book other than the Koran. "Please understand that our holy book is the Koran, not the Tazkirah," Syamsi said.
Ahmad Basij further denied claims that Ahmadis were socially insular and exclusive.
Meanwhile, presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would not react to threats made by the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) against his administration, in response to the president's call that violent groups be disbanded.
"We will monitor the activities of the existing mass organization. There is no direct response or comment [from the president]," Julian Aldrin said.
He said every organization was obliged to adhere to the 1985 Law on Mass Organizations, adding that legal action would be taken against any groups violating the law. Nurfika Osman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho
Farouk Arnaz, Fitri & Antara The lawyer for two alleged assailants in a bloody attack against the Ahmadiyah in Banten that claimed three lives said on Wednesday that the crime should not be pinned on the Islamic Defenders Front.
Mahendratta, from the Muslim Lawyers Team (TPM), said the violence in Pandeglang district on Feb. 6, was backed by a group of clerics in no way affiliated with the hard-line group, also known as the FPI.
"All the suspects [in the attack] were under a group calling itself the Cikeusik Muslim Movement," he said.
Lawyers from TPM, formed in 1999 to help Muslims with legal issues, have represented FPI members in previous cases. Mahendratta's clients identified as cleric M. and his follower S. were part of the Cikeusik movement and had turned themselves in to Banten Police earlier on Wednesday.
Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar, spokesman for the National Police, said the surrender brought the number of detained suspects in the case to six. Other suspects in custody were identified as Ujang, E., K., and M.N. all clerics from in and around Cikeusik subdistrict.
They were charged with criminal incitement for allegedly leading a 1,500- strong mob in Umbulan village against the Ahmadiyah, a sect deemed deviant by many Muslims for its divergent view on Islamic prophets.
In the wake of religious attacks, Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi held a dialogue on Wednesday with groups considered hostile to the Ahmadiyah, including the FPI. Gamawan said the ministry proposed four options at the meeting to resolve the rift between hard-liners and Ahmadis.
The first option requires the Ahmadiyah to disassociate itself from Islam, while the second calls for the sect to abandon any practices deviating from mainstream Islamic teachings. The third option allows Ahmadis to continue practicing their faith as usual, while the last is disbanding the sect.
"We understand that no matter what option we choose, not everyone will be happy about it," Gamawan said. "So that's why we're holding a series of dialogues to discuss the options."
After the meeting, FPI chairman Habib Riziq said he favored disbanding the sect or converting its members to orthodox Islam.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Dessy Sagita, Amir Tejo & Camelia Pasandaran The religious affairs minister and the police said on Wednesday that an attack on an East Java Islamic boarding school was not the latest example of religious violence in the country, but rather a particularly nasty student brawl.
Suryadharma Ali, the religious affairs minister who has been heavily criticized for failing to stop a string of recent attacks on churches and a minority Islamic sect, said Tuesday's incident in East Java was sparked by students taunting each other.
"It was just a student brawl," he said, while urging the police to speed up their investigation into the incident to set the public at ease.
At least four people were injured in the attack on the boarding school, or pesantren, in Kenep village, Beji subdistrict in Pasuruan, East Java. Dozens of people wearing gloves and Islamic robes attacked the school, Al Ma'hadul Islam, with stones.
East Java Police Chief Insp. Gen. Badrodin Haiti also insisted on Wednesday that the incident was a criminal act related to personal grievances. He said it was unrelated to recent religious attacks on the Ahmadiyah community in Cikeusik, Banten, or the damage done to churches in Temanggung, Central Java.
He did not, however, dismiss the possibility that further investigations could result in a link being established. Badrodin was speaking after an emergency meeting to calm tensions following Tuesday's violence.
Local police officers and military commanders met with Al Ma'hadul Islam staff members and officials from Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Islamic organization in the country, on Wednesday. With Indonesia under the spotlight following a spate of religious attacks in the last two weeks, the police have stepped up efforts to address incidents more forcefully.
Police identified the four people injured on Tuesday as Muhammad Baragba, 19; Muhammad Ali Reza, 15; Abdul Qodir, 15; and Migdad Alhadar, 17.
Badrodin said four suspects, identified only by their initials, were being questioned by the Pasuruan Police. It is known that three of the suspects are in their 20s and residents of Bangil subdistrict. A fifth person was questioned by police but later released due to insufficient evidence.
Badrodin said the suspects traded insults with people from the Islamic school as they passed the building on their way home from a prayer service. He said the suspects are believed to have acted on their own, with no indications that the violence was manufactured by a third party.
An anonymous source had previously told the Jakarta Globe that the attack was carried out by Sunni Muslims who believed the school was harboring Shiite followers of Islam. Sunni Islam, followed by most Indonesian Muslims, is the world's largest denomination of the faith.
Legal expert Hendardi, from the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, criticized Suryadharma, the religious affairs minister, for rushing to declare the violence a student brawl, saying it could undermine the police investigation.
"The police are still investigating the case and there has been no definite conclusion yet," Hendardi said. "The minister has no right to make such a strong statement."
He said that given the recent attacks on Ahmadiyah members in Cikeusik and on churches in Temanggung, there was a possibility that Tuesday's incident was another example of religious conflict.
"The first step the government can take to stop this rampant violence is to fire Suryadharma Ali," he said.
Hendardi said the biggest contribution the Religious Affairs Ministry could make at this point was to minimize escalating tensions, and issue a firm statement warning that violence of any kind against any religious minority would not be tolerated by the authorities.
Ulma Haryanto Akbar Ramanda, a 17-year-old standing trial for taking part in an October attack against an Ahmadiyah community in Bogor, showed no regrets when he acknowledged his actions to the court on Wednesday.
"The people around me were throwing rocks at the mosque," he told the Cibinong District Court. "They all shouted 'Destroy the mosque! Disband Ahmadiyah!' So I shouted with them, too."
He was testifying as a witness in the trial of two other defendants in the same case: Dede Novi, 18, and Aldi Afriansyah, 23.
The three are the only people from a mob of hundreds who have been charged with destroying property and inciting violence during the riot in Cisalada village in Bogor.
During the incident, the mob burned down houses, schools and a mosque in the village, home to 600 members of the Ahmadiyah minority Islamic sect. Ahmadis are deemed deviant by many mainstream Muslims for their different beliefs on the Prophet Muhammad.
The three defendants, who are not in detention, are facing charges of destruction of property, which carries a maximum penalty of two years, and assault, which carries a maximum sentence of five and a half years.
During his testimony, Akbar recanted much of what he originally told to police investigators.
An initial statement that he witnessed two men inside the Ahmadiyah mosque burning books was incorrect, he said. He added that the men were merely using a lighter in an attempt to read the books.
And Akbar's earlier statement that he threw three rocks at the mosque, vandalized the interior and used a chair to break a window was also incorrect, he said.
"I only threw one rock and I didn't see whether it hit anything. I also only overturned furniture. I stepped on the folding chair by accident and threw it away, I didn't know where it went, it was dark."
Akbar, who lives in Pasar Salasa village neighboring Cisalada, told the court that area youths had initially gathered that night for a routine Koran study group. "But when I went outside, I saw that there were already a lot of them and they were moving toward Cisalada. So I joined them."
Outside the court, Akbar said that he followed the group because he believed the Ahmadiyah were guilty of conducting religious activities. "They were not allowed to do that," he said.
He added that aside from weekly visits to the court, his life went on normally. "The witnesses today were also my friends. We take [the visits to court] as a leisure activity."
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said the incident showed that intolerant teachings had influenced the nation's youth. "The young people now believe that they can do anything against groups labeled as deviant by their religious leaders," Bonar said.
He called on the government to impose multiculturalism lessons alongside all religious classes. "And even if the boys in the Cisalada case only get a light sentence, re-educating them on pluralism and diversity would be the most important thing."
Amir Tejo, Surabaya Police on Tuesday arrested three people in connection with an attack by an angry mob on an Islamic boarding school in East Java.
Police said at least four people were injured in the attack on the Al Ma'hadul Islam pesantren (boarding school), located in the Kenep village of Beji subdistrict in Pasuruan.
According to police, dozens of people wearing Islamic robes gathered in front of the school and at around 2 p.m. and began throwing stones at the building.
They also vandalized the gates of the pesantren as well as the school's security post. Police identified the injured as 19-year-old Muhammad Baragba, 15-year-old Muhammad Ali Reza, 15-year-old Abdul Qodir and Migdad Alhadar, 17.
Hundreds of officers from the National Police's elite Mobile Brigade (Brimob) and the East Java Police have since been stationed around the school to secure the scene.
Activists on Tuesday decried the attack and leveled criticism at the police for inaction.
"We condemn this attack. Police also did nothing in this incident. They stood by and did nothing," said Dedy Prihambudi, former head of the Surabaya Legal Aid Foundation.
"I won't be surprised if the police had been unaware of the attack beforehand. We are however trying to get more information on this attack."
The attack, according to a source who wished to remain anonymous, was carried out by Sunni Muslims who believed the school was harboring Shiite followers of Islam. Sunni Islam, followed by most Indonesian Muslims, is the world's largest denomination of the faith.
Another anonymous source said the attack wasn't motivated by anti-Shiite sentiment, but was brought about by infighting between Arab groups in the district.
Dedy said that according to information he had received, the attack occurred after a prayer meeting in the Purwosasi region of Pasuruan.
"It is not clear what was said at that prayer meeting. But shortly after that, there was a sort of a convoy," Dedy said. "And then they headed to this pesantren and attacked." Dedy added that confrontations had occurred in 2006 and 2007 over the Shiite and Sunni rift in Pasuruan, but none had reached this level of violence.
East Java Police spokeswoman Sr. Comr. Pudji Astuti lashed out at allegations of neglect by the police. "Do not say things like police allowed this to happen by doing nothing. We are doing our best," Pudji said.
Separately, Pasuruan Police Chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Syahardiantono said his officers had interrogated the three suspects, but police were not yet willing to reveal their identities or motives.
East Java Police Chief Insp. Gen. Badrodin Haiti added that following the attack he had held an emergency meeting on calming tensions and securing Pasuruan with high-ranking area police and military commanders, Nahdlatul Ulama officials and Al Ma'hadul Islam staff.
Jakarta Ahmadiyah spokesman Ahmad Mubarik says authorities must not force Ahmadis to leave Islam because they are part of the religion.
"We have been officially recognized since 1953. We are part of Islam," Ahmad said as quoted by tribunnews.com on Tuesday.
He added that many Ahmadis had dedicated their lives to the betterment of Indonesia, including hero Arief Rahman Hakim and national anthem creator W.R Supratman.
Other famous Ahmadis had become legislators, regents, a state-enterprises director and high-ranking military officers, he said. Ahmad said there were up to 500,000 Ahmadis living across Indonesia.
Elisabeth Oktofani In a fiery speech in court that moved some to tears, a suspended Islamic Defenders Front leader on trial for inciting attacks against a Christian group in Bekasi continued to issue threats against church leaders on Monday.
Murhali Barda, a former chapter leader of the hard-line group, also known as the FPI, warned the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) against holding prayers in Bekasi, a predominantly Muslim district in West Java.
He was suspended from the Islamic organization after his arrest in September.
"There are two messages I mean to send off to the HKBP. Do not repeat the same mistake again. Do not be stupid sheep wandering into the same yard after being asked to leave," Murhali said, reading from a prepared defense statement at the Bekasi District Court.
"If you do not listen, do not blame the owner of that yard if he forces you out by throwing stones at you or beating you with a block of wood," Murhali said.
The defendant is accused of inciting an attack against two HKBP leaders in Ciketing village on Sept. 12 through his anti-Christian statements on radio, text messages and his personal Facebook page.
Twelve others were brought to court in separate trials for the assault, which saw Asia Sihombing stabbed and the Rev. Luspida Simandjuntak beaten.
One of the suspects, Supriyanto, admitted in court that he had been inspired to violence by Murhali's Facebook postings.
On Monday, Murhali denied spreading messages of hate through the social networking site, but described the 13 men on trial including himself as icons of "anti-Christianization."
"Don't you know Jesus had [only] 12 disciples? There are 13 of us," he said. "There will be 313 mujahids [holy warriors] who will be ready to fight against you. All we want is for [the HKBP] to respect us. We will not bother you if you do not bother us," he added.
"I am not a crazy person. I am not going to blacken my [reputation] by doing something stupid [like inciting people to violence]," he said. "All I did was just an attempt to prevent efforts to Christianize people in Bekasi."
The defendant also accused prosecutors of "manipulating the case" and twisting facts. He ended his statement with a plea to judges "not to issue the wrong decision" in the case.
Murhali's speech, peppered with verses from the Koran, brought many in the courtroom to tears, including his mother, his supporters and at least two police officers.
His inflammatory statements on Monday were a complete turnaround from his display in a hearing last month, when he stunned judges and the gallery by bursting into tears and advocating social harmony.
"We have to maintain harmony in society. We would not have bothered the other group if only the other group had not bothered us. All we want is to live our lives in peace," he had said tearfully.
Prosecutors have sought a six-month jail term for Murhali for violating Criminal Code Article 335 on unpleasant conduct. He escaped heavier sanctions after assault and provocation charges against him were dropped.
Article 170 on assault and destruction of property carries a maximum penalty of five years and six months in jail, while Article 160 on written or verbal provocation carries up to six years.
Shalih Manggara Sitompul, Murhali's lawyer, said the decision to drop the other charges proved his client's innocence.
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Chairman Taufik Kiemas says he will meet with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to discuss the recent spate of religious-based violence.
Speaking after receiving a delegation of religious leaders on Monday, Taufik said the group had expressed concerns about the failure of the state to deal with the violence, including the bloody attack on members of the Ahmadiyah community in Cikeusik, Banten, and the anti-Christian rioting in Temanggung, Central Java.
Taufik, a senior figure in the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said he shared the delegation's concerns and fully supported efforts to fight against the violence.
He said he would meet with Yudhoyono "as soon as possible."
MPR Deputy Chairman Lukman Hakim, who was also present, said the DPR could act by holding regular meetings with state institutions.
"Second, the MPR should encourage the government to hold a dialog in a forum to discuss SARA-based violence," Lukman said, referring to the Indonesian acronym relating to tribal affiliations, religion, race and societal groups.
Meanwhile, Romo Geni, a Catholic Priest, said that violence in whatever name should be stopped. "We just want the violence to stop. And the one that can do it is the MPR," Geni said.
Camelia Pasandaran & Bre Nanginna President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has called on the country's Muslims to forgo violence and emulate the wisdom and poise of Prophet Muhammad.
Speaking at an event to mark the prophet's birthday at Merdeka Square in Central Jakarta on Tuesday, Yudhoyono said Muhammad had successfully converted and led a widely diverse group of peoples.
"The prophet set an example that a pilgrimage or major change should be undertaken wisely and that all problems should be resolved peacefully and in a dignified way," the president said.
The call comes in the wake of a series of attacks by Muslim hard-liners against followers of Ahmadiyah, a minority Islamic sect, and Christian churches. Yudhoyono himself has been criticized by religious leaders in recent weeks for failing to take firm action against hard-line groups that advocate violence.
Yudhoyono said that by following Muhammad's example, "our lives as people and as a nation will be blessed by God, and everything that we aim for will succeed."
"Don't argue among yourselves or blame each other," he added. Merdeka Square was filled with thousands of people who knelt in mass prayer as part of the day's observance.
"With the support of all our peoples, we have achieved many things," the president told the crowd. "But there are many problems that need to be resolved; much needs to be done to ensure a better future."
On Monday, Yudhoyono made a similar call for peaceful conflict resolution, saying legal avenues should be sought to settle differences. "Sectarian or interreligious problems should be resolved in a right and peaceful way in accordance with the Constitution, laws and other regulations," he said.
"If the problem relates to religious norms, we should seek the right solution by listening to the advice of religious leaders."
Yudhoyono said Indonesians should strive to commit to the rule of law, democracy and diversity.
"We need to keep on learning and upholding decent and wise values and attitudes, respect and tolerate one another and live peacefully as a nation," he said. "We need to prevent violence as a way of solving problems."
During his sermon at Tuesday's mass prayer, Majelis Rasulullah leader Habib Munzir Bin Fuad Al Musawa also reminded Muslims of religious tolerance. He said people should live in harmony with those of different faiths, reminding them that the prophet and his companions did likewise.
Meanwhile, Central Java Police Chief Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said on Monday that his office had arrested a 25th suspect over the Feb. 8 attack on two churches and a Christian school in Temanggung district by a Muslim mob angered over the sentence handed down in a local blasphemy trial.
He said the latest suspect, identified as Muslih, 23, gave himself up to the police on Sunday night. "Right now, all the suspects are being interrogated extensively," Edward said.
Separately, National Police Chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said that Ujang bin Sahari, one of the three men in custody for the deadly Feb. 6 attack on an Ahmadiyah community in a village in Banten, which resulted in three deaths, had been determined as the ringleader.
"I believe that the conditions for further investigation and for taking the suspect to the court have been met," he said. He also said five other people had been named suspects but had not been detained pending further investigation.
Timur said Ujang was identified by witnesses and recorded on video, but added that no evidence yet indicated if any organization was behind his actions. There has been widespread speculation that Ujang is the regional head of the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
[Additional reporting from Antara.]
Ismira Lutfia Although Internet filtering of smutty Web sites is high on its agenda, the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology conceded that Indonesians remained among the world's top 10 visitors of porn sites.
Ministry spokesman Gatot Dewa Broto told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday that the grim reality was based on the ministry's data compilation and monitoring of various sources on the Internet as of mid-2010.
He added that developing countries made up the majority of the top 10 nations clocking the most visits to pornographic Web sites, although he named none of the others. "Although we have a great deal of difficulty in blocking porn sites, that will not deter us from continuing in our efforts," Gatot said.
He said there were some 400 million pages of porn available on the Internet on a daily basis, showing the magnitude of the problems faced by the ministry.
The quest to block access to Web sites carrying pornographic content began last year when Tifatul Sembiring, the minister for communications, announced on the eve of Ramadan that some 80 percent of "offensive sites" were no longer accessible to Indonesian users.
A month later, the ministry conceded that loopholes remained and questioned the commitment of Internet service providers.
Five months later, the ministry said the ISPs were still expected to fully comply with their obligation to block porn sites and that it was drafting a series of measurable key indicators to assess their compliance.
The indicators, Gatot said, would be used to gauge the providers' efforts to block porn sites. Poor performance would lead to a written reprimand, and three warnings would result in the revocation of the provider's license.
"We used a persuasive approach from August to January, and we fully understand that there may still be loopholes despite their efforts, but we are going to apply stricter measures so that they intensify their filtering," he said.
Muhammad Jumadi, a spokesman for the Indonesian Telecommunication Users Group, agreed that strict law enforcement was needed to ensure the compliance of ISPs.
Acep Syarifuddin, a researcher at ICT Watch, a media study group that campaigns for healthy use of the Internet, preferred educating Internet users rather than blocking content.
"No matter how sophisticated a filtering technology is, it will not last for long. We prefer to focus on educating the younger generation to make them understand what they may or may not access on the Internet," he said.
Camelia Pasandaran Vice President Boediono has stressed the need to punish ministries and state institutions that do not carry out the government's reform program.
"The vice president has demanded a clear mechanism for penalties for state institutions that fail to conduct reforms," Yopie Hidayat, a vice presidential spokesman, said on Wednesday.
"The institutions that have complied with the reform program must now make adjustments in their policies and targets."
According to Yopie, the national bureaucracy reform team, which is overseeing the process, has drawn up guidelines for rewards and punishments based on the results of an evaluation of the reforms undertaken so far.
Among the bodies undertaking reforms since 2007 are the Finance Ministry, Supreme Court, National Development Planning Board (Bappenas), National Police, Armed Forces (TNI) and Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).
Others include the coordinating ministries for the economy, for people's welfare and for political, legal and security affairs.
This year, the Attorney General's Office and the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights will begin internal reforms. Reforms include offering higher salaries to officials to prevent graft and requiring institutions to set up clear short-term goals.
Boediono had underscored the four goals of the reform program to improve services to the public, prevent institutional corruption, improve the decision-making process and create an efficient and effective bureaucracy at Wednesday's meeting with the national bureaucracy reform team, Yopie said.
He said the first five institutions to embark on the program the Finance Ministry, Supreme Court, BPK, Cabinet Secretariat and State Secretariat would be evaluated in the coming months.
E.E. Mangindaan, the state minister for administrative reform and head of the national bureaucracy reform team, said the guidelines for the evaluation had already been drawn up.
"We've drafted the reward and punishment mechanism to address problems like corruption," Mangindaan said. "That's one of the four targets of the reform program.
"Our only difficulty now is finding a mechanism to punish mayors and district heads, because while part of the bureaucracy, they're directly elected by the people."
The national bureaucracy reform team is also expected to finish drafting nine criteria to assess the progress of each institution in carrying out reforms. The evaluation team will be led by Erry Firmansyah, former head of the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX).
Yopie said there was no excuse for any government institution not to have applied for the program by this time.
A new feature of the program requires all institutions to improve their performance first before seeking rewards or performance allowances.
The Finance Ministry, which is undertaking the pilot program, offered its staff higher salaries and bonuses at the start of the program in a bid to encourage better performance.
The tactic seemed to pay off initially, but the recent revelations of institutional corruption within the tax office, which falls under the ministry, has raised questions about its effectiveness.
Hasyim Widhiarto Members of the House of Representatives are apparently so preoccupied with vested interests and unnecessary political bickering that they have left the deliberations of many crucial bills far behind schedule.
According to the House legislative committee, legislators were only able to endorse 14 bills into law last year far below the 70 bills targeted. This year the House aims to pass 60 bills.
Lawmakers have set a target of passing 247 bills during their tenure between 2009 and 2014.
The unremitting friction within President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's frail coalition camp has had a great deal to do with creating barriers to the passing of bills into law.
Although part of the coalition camp, the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have both been widely blamed for impairing the government policy-making process intended to supplement capacity.
The seven-month debacle over the Bank Century special committee early last year, for example, had drained the resources of both the government and the legislators in trying to pass several important legislative items vital to economic and financial stability.
Among the bills included one on financial safety nets that should establish the protocol for managing crises in the financial sector. Another important bill regards the financial services authority. Both bills have been delayed for more than two years.
The House and the government have also failed to pass several long-awaited bills and legal revisions on the civil service that would ultimately reform the country's notorious bureaucracy.
The bills, which are expected to help smooth business processes and lure more investment, have been left on the back burner for six years.
Charta Politika Indonesia political analyst Yunarto Wijaya believes unnecessary political bickering and attempts by legislators to create additional special committees would bring no significant benefits to the public. "It will only affect the House's ability to productively pass laws," he said.
A special committee will necessitate more than six months of intense questioning and investigation. Their conclusions land only a few steps away from the President, who would ultimately be held accountable. Under the worst circumstances, their conclusions could potentially lead to the removal of the President.
Legislators, however, have insisted that such special committees are part of their authority to "control the government" and will not impair their main task of producing necessary laws, albeit indefinite delays.
"The committees are a part of our supervisory duty towards the government, and, of course we are trying to make it balance with our duty to pass laws and control the state budget," said PKS legislator Kemal Azis Stamboel.
Kemal pledged that both his party and the House Commission XI for financial affairs would extend all efforts to fulfill their duties.
Despite being overwhelmed with important unfinished bills, Commission XI and Commission III for justice and legal affairs have formed an initiative to pass a special committee on tax mafia.
[Source: Justice and Human Rights Ministry.]
Anita Rachman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho Paying for sex and gambling may already be illegal, but lawmakers supposedly need reminding with a souped- up code of ethics.
The House Ethics Council unveiled on Wednesday a proposal for a new code for its members, consisting of a number of articles dealing specifically with integrity, objectivity, accountability, transparency, leadership, honesty, discipline and prioritizing the public interest.
"Members of the House of Representatives are banned from going to places considered to be ethically, morally, religiously and normatively improper, such as brothels and casinos, except for when carrying out their duties as legislators," said Nudirman Munir, deputy chairman of the Ethics Council, as he read the proposal at Wednesday's plenary session.
Although it was not that the council had received reports of lawmakers behaving badly, the Golkar Party member explained. "We just don't want this to happen," he added.
The draft code also proposed that lawmakers be banned from saying or doing things in public deemed improper, both inside and outside the House building, Nudirman added.
The code will also require lawmakers put the public's interest before their own, meaning skipping plenary sessions and other meetings at the House six times in a row without proper reasons would be considered a violation.
Nudirman said violators would be sanctioned in accordance with House rules. "They could be given warnings or worse, dismissed from the House," he said. "We have made significant improvements. The substance of the new code of ethics is incredible."
Governmental watchdogs, however, argue that the proposed code is in fact weaker than the current one, particularly in terms of regulating the gifts that lawmakers can receive.
According to the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), the current code not only bans lawmakers from receiving gifts or junkets from working partners, which refers to government agencies, private companies, organizations and individuals, but banned lawmakers from receiving gifts from all parties. The proposed code, Fitra said, only retained the ban on gifts from working partners.
"So what if a lawmaker receives a gift, which officially has no relation with his commission's oversight, but he still uses his influence as lawmaker to help the gift giver?" said Uchok Sky Khadafi, a coordinator at Fitra.
The proposed code also drops an article banning lawmakers from holding two official positions at the same time, as well as an article banning a lawmaker from misusing his office for the business interests of his family. "At the very least, these articles must be retained," Uchok said.
Nudirman, however, denied that the proposed code was weaker than the current one, and said he believed it covered everything it needed to. "For us, the new draft will fill many holes in the old regulation," he said.
Gayus Lumbuun, the former head of the Ethics Council who was controversially removed after an internal dispute, also criticized the proposal, pointing out that there was no need to explicitly ban prostitution and gambling.
"If it is against the law, then it must be against ethics," the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker said.
Politicians from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and People's Conscience Party (Hanura) also rejected the proposal, saying they would boycott implementing the code because they are not represented in the Ethics Council.
Elisabeth Oktofani Higher taxes usually mean higher revenue for the government and more funds available for developing the country.
However, in the case of the new import tax on foreign film distribution rights that was issued last month but has yet to take effect, few people are seeing any benefit.
With foreign film distributors boycotting Indonesia as a result of the new import policy, cinema and film industry players, as well as those whose livelihoods are affected by these industries, are warning of a catastrophic domino effect.
Prominent film figure Noorca Massardi, chairman of the Indonesian Cinemas Association and spokesman for 21 Cineplex, provided a preview of things to come if the government refuses to revoke the policy.
"Every year, cinemas screen 50 to 80 local titles and 100 to 150 foreign titles," he said. "If no solution is found, Indonesian cinemas will close down one by one."
First, the livelihood of roughly 10,000 employees of 21 Cineplex, Indonesia's largest movie theater chain, will be at stake, Noorca said in a statement published by Kompas. One employee of a South Jakarta cinema said he and his co-workers were all worried about their jobs.
Blitz Megaplex, a more upscale theater chain, is also worried. Dian Sunardi, head of marketing for Blitz, said the development is particularly worrying for the chain because it plans to open nine new screens in the next three weeks.
"We expect the government to revoke this regulation as it will kill the cinema industry along with the jobs of the people working for it," she said.
The impact of the boycott is expected to reverberate beyond the cinema industry.
Cinemas are considered anchor tenants for shopping malls and are relied on heavily to draw in crowds, said Muhammad Arfan Purnama, a spokesman for Cilandak Town Square.
He added that the mall is already feeling the effect, especially after Oscar-nominated movies "Black Swan" and "127 Hours," which were supposed to start screening on Friday, were put on hold after the boycott was announced on Thursday.
Arfan said traffic in the popular South Jakarta complex was noticeably lower on Saturday night compared to its usual weekends.
"If the government insists on implementing the new regulation, it will not only impact the cinema industry but also the malls and their tenants, like coffee shops and other restaurants that usually attract movie-going customers," he said.
When the levy comes into effect, the government itself will suffer from lower tax revenues.
Iwan Setiawandi, head of the Jakarta tax office, said on Sunday that cinemas contribute around 40 percent to 50 percent of the Rp 300 billion ($34 million) in entertainment tax collected by the city administration each year.
"Jakarta's entertainment tax also comes from places such as Ancol theme park, night clubs and restaurants," he said. "But losing 40 to 50 percent of the entertainment tax is substantial. It's money we can use to improve health and education facilities."
Iwan added that 21 Cineplex is the largest contributor to Jakarta's entertainment tax collections. "It will likely be even more difficult for the municipal administrations whose entertainment tax relies mostly on cinemas," he added.
Of course, there is also the understated impact of the boycott the disappointed fans.
Shafiq, a member of Indo Harry Potter, an online fan community, said they were at a loss over the prospect of not being able to see the final installment of the Hollywood blockbuster series on the big screen.
"Harry Potter and The Deathly Hallows Part 2," the last of the eight-part movie series, is scheduled for worldwide release in July. For the previous films, special screenings have been held for IHP members, who come dressed as characters from the series.
"Last year, we successfully held a screening of 'Harry Potter and The Deathly Hallows Part 1' with 500 participants, and we're worried we will not be able to do it again," Shafiq said.
He added that film lovers in general would lose an important source of entertainment, especially since in his opinion, "Indonesian films are often very poor in both quality and content."
If any group would likely benefit from all this, it is the pirated DVD sellers the government claims it is trying to stamp out.
Nia Dinata, a prominent film director and producer, said it was expected that the boycott would lead to a huge boost in the piracy business in the country.
Because "the culture of going to the cinema will fade as film lovers get used to watching pirated DVDs," she said, it was likely even fans of Indonesian films would opt to buy bootleg copies instead of going to theaters.
"If the government wants to help to increase the number of Indonesian films and improve the quality of the local film industry, this is not the solution," she said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Thursday inaugurated Budi Susilo Supandji as the new governor of the strategic National Defense Agency (Lemhanas), replacing Muladi.
Budi, the younger brother of former Attorney General Hendarman Supandji, was previously the Defense Ministry's directorate general of defense potential.
Muladi said the replacement was called for after his six years at the post. "It has been planned since four months ago. I'm already longest-running governor of Lemhanas, so no need to make an issue out of it," he said.
Muladi became the agency's governor in August 2005, replacing Ermaya Suradinata.
He also said his replacement had nothing to do with his statement about Ahmadiyah. "There's nothing wrong with my Ahmadiyah statement. I even wrote about the Ahmadiyah in Kompas [daily] today," he said.
On Feb. 8, Muladi suggested that, to prevent attacks on its followers, Ahmadiyah become a new religion and stop claiming that it is a part of Islam.
The Indonesian Military (TNI) has accepted a grant from the United States of 24 F-16A/B Fighting Falcons as part of its overall program to upgrade the Air Force.
"The process is still ongoing," TNI Chief Chief Adm. Agus Suhartono said on Monday. "It has been followed up by the Ministry of Defense and we are now awaiting confirmation from the US regarding Indonesia's decision to accept the offer," he said.
Agus said the TNI had been planning to purchase new, more sophisticated F- 16 fighter jets from the United States in 2014. "In terms of price, however, it will be cheaper if we accept the grant of two squadrons of F- 16," he said.
He said the fighters could be upgraded to include technology from the latest f-16s. "The avionic systems could be upgraded as well as their weapons systems. So the F-16 fighters granted are still reliable weapons to give a deterrent effect," he said.
He said the fighters would have an operational life of 25 years "So it is more efficient and effective for us to accept the grant rather than to buy six new planes of the type," he said.
Jakarta The Cianjur Police say they will take firm measures against rioters by implementing a shoot-on-sight policy during ethnic, religious or racial-based conflicts.
Cianjur Police chief Adj. Com. Djoko Hariutomo told Antara that the measures would be taken against rioters who disrupted harmony between religious followers in Cianjur.
"We will apply [this policy] in Cianjur in line with the National Police chief's instruction. But we will adhere to the Protap [Standard Service and Management Procedures] when carrying out this policy," he added.
Then National Police chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri issued the Protap on the shoot-on-sight policy in October last year. The controversial policy has received a mixed reaction from the public.
Djoko, however, highlighted that he hoped his men would not have to resort to the measure. He said the shoot-on-sight policy was only one of a few police efforts to protect Cianjur residents' right to freedom of religious expression, including Ahmadis.
Cianjur is home to around 650 Ahmadis residing in 13 districts, mostly in Campaka and Campakamulya districts.
Djoko said as law enforcers, his unit did not have the right to judge whether a group had strayed from one faith or not. Faiths, he added, were the business of ulemas, priests or pastors.
Ina Parlina, Jakarta Former National Police detective chief Susno Duadji should receive leniency in his graft trial, as he provided leads to unravel a case broker ring operating at the National Police, observers say.
Febri Diansyah from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) urged judges and prosecutors to consider the fact that Susno was a whistle-blower when handing down a decision.
"The judges must see this case including his sentence in a larger context. The case was built when he blew the whistle on the judicial and tax office mafia," Febri told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
He pointed out that law enforcement institutions had begun probing other actors implicated by Susno.
Susno first came under the spotlight when making controversial statements about the police following his dismissal from his post in 2009 for his alleged role in a case broker scandal involving businessman Anggodo Widjojo.
He later accused several high-ranking police officers of receiving bribes from graft suspects, including two police generals, Brig. Gen. Edmon Ilyas and Brig. Gen. Raja Erizman.
Susno requested protection from the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK) last year after he identified the top officials.
On Monday, prosecutors said Susno violated the anticorruption law by pocketing a Rp 500 million (US$555,000) bribe from attorney Haposan Hutagalung in an investigation into allegations of fraud in the Arwana fish farm case to favor Haposan's client, Singaporean national Ho Kian Kuat.
Prosecutors said Susno received the bribe through close associate Sjahril Djohan, recently identified to the public as a case broker at National Police headquarters without an official position.
Prosecutors also claim Susno violated the same law by ordering his subordinate to remove Rp 8.5 billion from a Rp 27.7 billion state budget allocation earmarked for security measures for the 2008 West Java gubernatorial elections.
Lili Pintauli Siregar from the LPSK said that under the 2006 Witness and Victim Protection Law, Susno received protection until May and the agency would review whether it would extend protection.
"If his information leads to the uncovering of more cases, we could extend the protection," she said, adding that his protection had been extended several times. She added that Susno had never received threats while under the protection of the agency.
Susno's statements triggered the investigation into the high-profile tax scam of former tax official Gayus H. Tambunan.
The Judicial Mafia Taskforce announced Tuesday that the police ethics commission had begun investigations into Raja and Edmon, who allegedly played a role in the scam.
Jakarta The Attorney General's Office (AGO) has sanctioned 12 prosecutors in response to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's demand that judicial corruption be eliminated in the country, a Judicial Corruption Taskforce member said Tuesday.
"[The AGO's internal monitoring division] has investigated 12 prosecutors. The investigation showed that the 12 were unscrupulous when handling Gayus H. Tambunan's case," task force secretary Denny Indrayana said, as quoted by tribunnews.com.
Gayus is a former low-ranking tax officer who was found to have stashed savings in suspicious bank accounts totaling almost Rp 100 billion (US$11.2 million). He claimed to have evaded criminal charges in late 2009 by bribing several top police officers, prosecutors and judges.
Gayus was recently sentenced to seven years in prison for graft. Denny said the 12 prosecutors were penalized for neglecting to include corruption and money laundering on the list of charges against Gayus.
Criminal justice & prison system
Putri Fitria, Sleman, Yogyakarta Arief Johar Cahyadi Permana is at a loss for words. The 24-year-old university student has not been able to make sense of the events that have unfolded since he and 18 others were searched by police officers in Sleman last November.
Arief worked as a volunteer during the devastating eruptions of Mount Merapi that began last October. The eruptions forced more than 150,000 people living within 20 kilometers of Merapi's crater to flee their homes, putting a severe strain on the government and relief agencies. Arief was among the volunteers trained by search and rescue officials in Yogyakarta who served as a lifeline for the evacuees.
On Nov. 23, Arief was detained by the police. His crime? He was in possession of a pocketknife. The pocketknife was equipped with a flashlight, one of the required tools used in SAR evacuation operations during the Mount Merapi eruptions.
On Wednesday, judges at the Sleman District Court adjourned Arief's trial until Tuesday, when the court will hear from witnesses for the prosecution and defense.
Prosecutors have accused Arief of violating the 1951 Emergency Law on the possession of weapons and explosives, which carries a maximum jail term of 10 years.
The hearing on Wednesday was attended by dozens of search and rescue workers from Yogyakarta who came out in a show of support for Arief. They arrived at the courthouse wearing their uniforms and carrying the standard SAR equipment, including pocketknives, electric saws, ropes and body bags. The protest was led by the head of SAR Yogyakarta, Brotoseno.
"We have brought our equipment along with us so that the police realize that these are the tools we use in evacuation operations," Brotoseno said. "Sleman Police have clearly overreacted," he said. "It was simply a pocketknife. It's a standard instrument for evacuations."
The protest ended with prominent Islamic intellectual Emha Ainun Najib leading hundreds of Arief's supporters in prayer outside the courthouse.
Petrus Sadiyo, one of Sleman's top prosecutors, has said Arief was detained and put on trial because he was unable to show a legal license allowing him to carry the knife.
Police detained Arief at a roadblock set up near Timbang Bridge in Maguwoharjo, Sleman. Officers were searching for illegal drugs and weapons.
"That night, police told me that I would not be detained and I just needed to follow them back to the station to record the day's events," Arief said. "So I followed them to the police station.
"But when I reached the station, I was not allowed to leave. My belongings and my mobile phone were confiscated. The next morning, I was forced to sign a police dossier."
Arief, who studies accounting at the Islamic University of Yogyakarta, acknowledged that he failed to immediately inform the officers that he was carrying the knife because he was a volunteer for Yogyakarta's SAR team. "Everything happened so fast and I panicked," he said.
He said that before being picked up at the roadblock he had spent the day burning the carcasses of cows killed in Merapi's eruptions and cutting down damaged tree branches, and that all he wanted to do was go home and sleep. However, Arief and some colleagues were ordered to prepare food and lodging for evacuees at a relief command post.
Arief said he had a morning class at the university the next day so he wanted to head back to Yogyakarta. His route home led him across Timbang Bridge.
Arief, who is being detained at Cebongan Penitentiary in Sleman, said he was trying to stay optimistic. "My being detained is a rare occurrence. Let this be my once in a lifetime experience," he said with a laugh.
Arief Johar Cahyadi Permana is not the only Indonesian facing jail time for what seems like a minor offense. Such cases have been reported frequently over the past two years.
[Jakarta Globe & Media reports.]
Muhamad Al Azhari Indonesian commercial banks posted healthy 26.74 percent growth in net profit last year, central bank data showed Monday. Analysts and industry players credited the performance to low interest rates and economic expansion.
This year, despite inflationary pressures that are expected to trigger further central bank rate hikes, lenders are bullish on profit expectations, in line with growth in loan portfolios.
Data from Bank Indonesia, the central bank, showed net banking profits were a combined Rp 57.1 trillion last year, up from Rp 45.2 trillion in 2009. The central bank's data was unaudited and net profit was calculated after tax reductions.
"I believe nation-wide commercial banks will keep on making healthy profits this year. Yes, it is true we are being haunted by inflation and a BI rate hike. When the rate increases, banks' cost of funds also increases. But I believe profits will keep rising in line with loans," said Kostaman Thayib, director of Bank Mega.
Despite lenders likely increasing their borrowing rates, Kostaman said that does not mean the loan volume must shrink. "The economy is growing at a healthy pace. From the risk premium side, we don't see signs that it is going to get worst. If the private sector and consumer spending are stimulated, loans keep on growing," he said.
Risk premium is the cost that banks charge for borrowers according to their risk. Indonesia's economy grew at 6.1 percent last year, compared to 4.5 percent in 2009. This year, the central bank expects 6 percent to 6.5 percent growth. This should keep risk premium in check for corporations, small to medium enterprises and retail consumers.
Bank Indonesia's data, however, showed the banking sector overall having difficulty pushing down operational expenses, which rose to Rp 302.55 trillion at the end of 2010 from Rp 258.31 trillion in 2009. Operating expenses include general and administrative expenses, personnel expenses and office maintenance expenses.
Total outstanding bank loans reached Rp 1,742.85 trillion by the end of 2010, rising 23.8 percent from the year before. The central bank expects lending to grow by 21 percent to 23 percent again this year, with a potential downside of 19 percent if inflation soars.
Darmin Nasution, the central bank's governor, said last month that bank lending accounted for 26.1 percent of Indonesian GDP in 2010, almost unchanged from 25.7 percent in 2009. This year, he said, banks still have room to grow in the small and medium companies market, a segment where lenders are keen to seek higher loan margins.
Joseph Pangaribuan, an analyst at brokerage Samuel Sekuritas Indonesia noted that in 2010 lenders enjoyed low cost of funds due to the BI rate being at an historic low, a major factor driving profits higher. Samuel Sekuritas predicts the BI rate could go up to 7 percent, a tolerable level for bank profits. "We are not too worried that this sector would see serious trouble from inflation and higher interest rates," he said.
In 2008, banking sector profit fell by 12.59 percent due to the global financial crisis. Profit rebounded fast in 2009. Joseph added that an agreement made in November 2009 by the country's 14 biggest lenders to lower the time-deposit rates offered to large institutional depositors also helped banks keep their cost of funds low.
The key BI rate has been gradually lowered from a record high of 12.75 percent in April 2006 to 6.5 percent in August 2009. It stayed there through 2010, before it was raised to 6.75 percent in February due to inflation pressures and after all other central banks in Asia had raised rates
Indonesia's largest bank by assets, Bank Mandiri, posted Rp 8.8 trillion in net profit last year, up 23.6 percent from 2009. Bank Danamon, the No. 6 bank in the country, recorded Rp 2.88 trilion in net profit in 2010, a jump of 88 percent from 2009. Bank Danamon had significant exposure to derivative transactions, which fell apart during the 2008 crisis.
In the foreword to the Indonesian translation of "Suharto and His Generals: Indonesian Military Politics 1975-1983," the author, veteran Australian journalist David Jenkins, described a poignant moment disgraced former president Suharto shared with a former minister.
"Wasn't there anything good at all about the New Order?" he wondered lamentably, as public derision over his three-decade rule reached unprecedented heights in the aftermath of his resignation.
Last week's publicly-stated threat by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) to oust the president unless the government disbands the Ahmadiyah sect has prompted many to recall one "good side" of the New Order: It refused to put up with militant and violence-prone Islamist groups. Suharto's New Order regime practically gave the military a blank check to deal with those deemed as partial to confrontation instead of negotiation.
In September 1984, hundreds of Muslims in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, demanded, in an unfriendly manner, the release of their colleagues held in custody over an incident involving military personnel. The military was on hand in full force to make them change their minds, but to no avail. Eventually, a clash between machete-wielding Muslims and M-16-equipped troops broke out and turned into a bloodbath that left hundreds of protesters dead. What has since become known as the Tanjung Priok Incident is regrettable, but the government had left a clear message to those who wish to take matters into their own violent hands.
Five years later, in 1989, the military took decisive action in Lampung against what they claimed to be extreme Islamists bent on overthrowing the government. Human rights groups later described it, to which many agreed, as a massacre that saw over 200 members of the sect slain.
The military action may be a less praiseworthy example on how a government should deal with extremists, but the fact is that no major movement that promotes violence has cropped up in this country ever since. Until, that is, in post-Reformasi Indonesia with the bombings in Bali, at the Australian embassy and JW Marriott Hotel, attacks that claimed hundreds of innocent lives.
Fast forward to 2011: FPI protesters last week vowed to overthrow President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono if the government continued to allow the controversial Ahmadiyah sect to exist. Habib Riziq, FPI's chairman, even warned of revolution unless the president forced Ahmadiyah to disband.
To the uninitiated, the Islamic sect has been around since 1920 and was officially recognized in 1953. Some 500,000 Ahmadis live across the country, believing that the religious movement's Indian founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was a prophet, a view contested by mainstream Muslims.
If the FPI thinks the government favors Ahmadiyah, they are wrong: Since February 2006, hard-liners have attacked the sect's facilities 11 times with impunity. But the deadly Feb. 6 attack on Ahmadis in West Java, which left three people dead, seemed to be the last straw. Three days later, Yudhoyono called for the disbanding of violent organizations.
However, what was a rare moment for the president to appear firm and decisive has now become a political embarrassment to him. Key ministers went public by reminding him that official rules for disbanding organizations were in place. In effect, some of their statements portrayed the president as a hapless leader who acted arbitrarily.
Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi practically lectured the president on the finer points of the law. He said that under the current law on mass organization, the government cannot easily disband any such grouping. "Evidence is required, because if we did it without evidence, the government would be blamed for violating the law," he said in a rather poor attempt to appear statesmanlike.
What more evidence is required than a vow made in public to overthrow a government and start a revolution escapes the rational mind.
Legislators, who more than anyone else in this country are supposed to uphold the laws and the Constitution, have not been much of a help either. Instead of inviting Riziq and his like-minded ideologues to articulate on his strong statements that border on inciting people to act illegally against the state, they have merely dismissed the FPI's actions as misuse of the principle of freedom of expression.
Henry Kissinger once said that action delayed is a crisis invited. In our case, the crisis is already upon us thanks to inaction, and is overstaying its welcome.
[Taufik Darusman is a veteran journalist and co-founder of Indonesian Legislative Watch (Teliti).]
Idries de Vries The Indonesian Armed Forces recently announced it had accepted a grant of 24 F-16 jet fighters from the United States, and that during the course of 2014 it plans to buy even more. According to the military, this is part of an overall program to upgrade the Air Force.
However, these plans beg the question as to whether the top brass understands what is required to really develop the country, for how much deterrence these US jets will achieve is questionable. And focusing on the purchase of foreign weapons systems means missing out on a great opportunity for economic development.
Regarding the military deterrent that is the goal of these plans, it must be remembered that the F-16 is a so-called fourth-generation fighter jet. Most countries in the region, such as China, India, Australia, Japan and Singapore, are currently working on an upgrade of their air forces to fifth-generation fighters, like the Chinese-made J-20, the American F-35 and the Russian T-50/PAK-FA. South Korea and Malaysia are also rumored to be considering such a move. Even the most modern version of the F-16 will be little more than a sitting duck in any dogfight with these advanced military aircraft.
There is also the question of how modern exactly the F-16s in question will be. It is a well-known fact that the United States does not sell the cutting-edge technologies that are behind its own military superiority. The Arms Export Control Act of 1976 prohibits it from doing so. That is why the United States has not put its top-of-the-line fighter jet, the F-22, up for sale to anyone. And that is why the sale of the American F-35 to Britain was stalled for a long time, as much to the dislike of the British the United States insisted on keeping some of the jet's technological components a secret.
The Argentinian experience during its war with Britain over the Falkland Islands in 1982 provides the conclusive argument against relying on arms purchases for the establishment of a military deterrent. During that war, the Argentinians used French-made Exocet missiles against the British Navy with great success. The British prime minister at the time, Margaret Thatcher, therefore placed a call to French President Francois Mitterrand, who said she threatened "to launch the atomic weapon against Argentina unless I supply her with the secret codes that render deaf and blind the missiles we have sold to the Argentinians."
This clearly shows that it is common practice for weapons manufacturers to build into their weapons systems special coding that allows the manufacturer to shut down the weapons at any desired moment. For the seller, this ensures the weapons can never be used against him. But for the buyer, this means the weapons can never be really relied upon during times of need.
The fact of the matter is that a real military deterrent cannot be bought. It can only be developed locally.
The benefits of doing so are not only strategic, however. By producing the needs of the military locally, there are also important economic benefits. The economists that researched what is called Military Keynesianism have identified the following:
First, purchasing weapons abroad causes money to leave the country, generating incomes for foreign firms and their workers, while producing and purchasing weapons locally generates income for local firms and their workers.
Second, a government policy that aims at producing a military deterrent at home will force the government to focus on establishing the basic requirements for any successful economy: excellent infrastructure and a high-knowledge population. This is because the demands of a military deterrent in today's world require a defense industry that is high-tech in every sense. A government policy that aims to produce a home-grown military deterrent will therefore drive government expenditure on roads, schools and communications technology, thereby laying a foundation from which other industries can develop and prosper.
And third, in order to maintain a military deterrent, a defense industry must realize continuous improvements in technology. A focus on research and development is therefore only natural for the defense industry. And many examples can be given of technological innovations that were developed in the defense industry but spilled over into civil industries: jet engines, computers, nuclear power and the Internet are just a few examples.
A government policy that aims to produce a military deterrent at home could therefore not only be the starting point of a new Indonesia an Indonesia set for real development and growth but also the force driving the development of the nation's industrial base, supplying products to the world and allowing full employment with the highest possible wages.
Therefore, this is what Indonesia is missing out on through its focus on purchasing foreign weapons: real military deterrence and a big chance for real economic development.
Some may say that in its present state, a policy that aims to produce a military deterrent domestically is simply not an option for Indonesia. But this thinking is not only incorrect, it is also what will keep the country from ever developing.
To think there are ways to pull a country of 237 million people out of poverty that do not require long-term planning, dedication and hard work is self-deceit. Any attempt to find such shortcuts for development will only leave one far removed from achieving what it truly needs.
[Idries de Vries is a Jakarta-based economic and geopolitical affairs analyst.]