Candra Malik, Karanganyar A series of events to mark the 1,000th day since the death of former President Suharto reached its climax on Friday amid a growing debate on whether to name him a national hero.
Friday's pomp and circumstance surrounded the placing of new 70-kilogram marble slabs over the tombs of the former strongman and his wife, Siti "Tien" Hartinah, by their six children at the family's Astana Giribangun mausoleum in Karanganyar, Central Java.
Also in attendance was Karanganyar district chief Rina Iriani, who earlier in the week backed a call to confer national hero status on the former president.
An estimated 10,000 people came from across the country for the event, according to Agus Kiswadi, chairman of the Suharto Family Foundation.
The slabs were laid by the three sons Bambang Trihatmojo, Sigit Hardjojudanto and Hutomo Mandala Putra, popularly known as Tommy. The three daughters Siti Hardiyanti Hastuti, also known as Tutut, Siti Hediyati Hariyadi and Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih, also known as Mamiek later placed jasmine wreaths on the slabs.
The prayer for the day was led by renowned cleric Quraish Shihab, who previously served as religious affairs minister in Suharto's cabinet and later as ambassador to Egypt.
The night before, the family held coordinated prayers in five places across the country. They included Astana Giribangun and Jaten Museum, which marks Tien's birthplace, in Karanganyar; Ndalem Kalitan, the family residence, in Solo; At-Tien Mosque at Taman Mini Indonesia Indah in Jakarta, which was commissioned by Tien; and the home of Suharto's younger brother Notosuwito in Bantul, Yogyakarta.
Following Friday's event, Tutut thanked all those in attendance for taking part in the commemoration events. "Every day people flock here to pray for Pak Harto and Bu Tien," she said. "It shows that they love our parents."
She added the family did not want to get involved in the debate about whether their father deserved official recognition as a national hero, saying the decision should rest with the government and nobody else.
Mamiek, meanwhile, said the controversy had not bothered the family much. "For us, he was a hero," she said. "Whether the government chooses to name him a national hero or not, it won't change the family's view of him as a hero."
She added it was members of the public who had nominated Suharto to the Home Affairs Ministry for the honor, and not the family.
Ungaran, Indonesia Indonesian prosecutors on Thursday demanded a wealthy Muslim cleric who took a 12-year-old girl as his unofficial wife be convicted of sexually abusing a child and given six years in prison.
Pujiono Cahyo Widiyanto, 45, from the Central Java city of Semarang, sparked nationwide controversy over his decision to marry poor village girl Lutfiana Ulfa.
"We recommend six years prison for him. He has been proven legally as being sexually abusive towards women, especially towards this underage person," prosecutor Suningsih, who goes by one name, said. "As the owner of a religious school he doesn't set a good example" she said.
Widiyanto, also known as Sheikh Puji, married Ulfa in August 2008. He had defended the unofficial marriage, his second, saying that the girl had reached puberty.
Widiyanto previously said his actions were acceptable under Islam but critics said he should abide by state law, which sets 16 as the minimum age for marriage.
Indonesian law has harsh penalties for pedophilia, but unregistered and therefore unofficial marriages between older men and under-age girls are common in rural areas.
Tom Allard Jakarta and Kirsty Needham The conduct of Indonesia's security agencies was sometimes "not up to our standard", the head of Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs, Dennis Richardson, said yesterday.
But the government would continue to co-operate with the agencies because of the over-riding objective of protecting Australian lives amid a continuing terrorist threat in Indonesia.
"In working with Indonesian agencies you can get tension between the responsibility you think you owe to your own citizens... and the conduct of some Indonesian agencies that are not up to our standard," Mr Richardson said yesterday. "We make [the] representations we think we should and condemn human rights abuses."
A former head of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, Mr Richardson made the comments in a Senate hearing after being asked about alleged abuses of Malukan activists by Indonesia's counter-terrorism unit, Detachment 88, which Australia helps fund and train.
There has also been criticism by human rights groups of Australian co- operation with Indonesia's military, which is accused of continuing abuses in the provinces of Papua and West Papua.
The Herald yesterday revealed a graphic video showing two Papuans being tortured by men who appear to be members of Indonesia's security agencies. One of the Papuans, stripped naked, has a fiery stick poked into his genitals, wailing in agony as he is aggressively interrogated about a hidden cache of weapons.
The Indonesian military and police yesterday vowed to investigate the video, as sources in Papua identified the victims as Tunaliwor Kiwo and Telangga Gire, two farmers who were arrested on May 30 in Gurage, in Puncak Jaya regency, during a violent sweep by security forces.
Mr Kiwo, allegedly the man being burnt, never returned and is presumed dead. A photo of Mr Gire posted in an internet report by freewestpapua.org on July 16 detailing the sweep resembles the second man in the video who has a knife placed to his throat.
The head of the Indonesian human rights group Kontras, Haris Azhar, said: "The video clearly shows very barbaric tortures against the Papuans." He urged the Indonesian government "to find out who the victims are and who the perpetrators are".
Mr Richardson's candid assessment of the "tensions" when dealing with Indonesia's security agencies came after he was asked whether Australia, like the US, had banned co-operation with those Detachment 88 members who have served in Ambon. Mr Richardson said Australia had not instituted a similar ban.
A Herald investigation last month uncovered fresh evidence of torture of political activists by members of Detachment 88 in Ambon in August, including savage beatings and attempted suffocation.
While an Australian embassy official had raised the alleged abuses with police and government representatives in Ambon in August, Mr Richardson said the embassy did not have the standing or resources for a full investigation. But he denied this meant the government was not interested in human rights abuses: "We take an interest in it, we pursue it."
He said: "Given the lives Australians have lost in Indonesia, we think it is important to have a relationship with [Detachment 88]. Where these agencies are going after people that kill our people, we help them."
More than 100 Australians have died in terrorist attacks in Indonesia since 2002
Dessy Sagita, Jakarta Naming former President Suharto a national hero would spark controversy across the country, as the jury is still out on his role as Indonesia's "Father of Development," a noted historian said on Sunday.
The Ministry of Social Affairs has drawn up a list of 10 candidates to join the ranks of the country's national heroes. The list includes former presidents Suharto and Abdurrahman Wahid, as well as Ali Sadikin, the late Jakarta governor.
The Council on Titles, Decorations and Honors, which oversees the process for proposing national heroes, will now verify the candidates before their names are proposed to the president for final approval.
"The timing is just not right. If we make Suharto a national hero, a lot people will be offended and there will be a lot of controversy," said Asvi Warman Adam, a historian from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
Suharto's supporters believe that the former president was person most responsible for the country's impressive economic growth and stability during his 30-year rule, Asvi said, while his critics maintain that Suharto and his cronies siphoned off the country's wealth to enrich themselves while overseeing a host of human rights violations.
"Naming Suharto a national hero would split Indonesia down the middle and trigger an unnecessary fight between his supporters and opponents," he said.
Since a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that has been set up to look into rights abuses during Suharto's rule has not yet issued any findings on the former president's alleged involvement, Asvi said, it would be best to put off any decisions on naming him a national hero.
"The commission has not started its work. This is not the best time to name Suharto as one of the country's heroes," he said. He added that the country's founding president, Sukarno, was dead for 16 years before being declared a national hero.
Suharto, also known as the "Smiling General," died after a long illness in January 2008. He was brought down from power in 1998 by massive student-led protests after ruling the country for 32 years, during which time Indonesia was celebrated for its economic development. But dissent was muffled during his reign and many people disappeared when his family's wealth and iron- fisted rule was questioned.
"People who have been kidnapped or those who had family members murdered during Suharto's era can you imagine how they would feel about this proposal to name him a national hero?" Asvi said.
With more questions being asked about the proposal, the Ministry of Social Affairs has said the idea came from the public, not from the ministry.
Fitri, Mataram Dozens of villagers have stopped construction of the Lombok International Airport by blocking the road to the site in protest of unfair hiring practices, unpaid wages and lack of compensation for their land.
The protesters came from Pujut, Ketara and Tanak Awu villages in Central Lombok district, site of the yet unfinished airport.
They began their sit-in on Monday and complained that only three of 170 locals who applied for a job at the site were hired, while the rest of the workers were brought in from Java.
On Tuesday, the villagers said state airport operator Angkasa Pura failed to compensate them for the five hectares of land it acquired for the airport. They added the company also owed the locals they hired Rp 500 million ($56,000) in wages.
Athar, a demonstrator, said the blockade would continue as long as their demands were not met. "The local people have sacrificed a lot for this airport to be built, but there's been no reward for our sacrifice," he said.
He added they felt deceived by the firm, which he said had offered "major benefits" including jobs. Only three villagers have been hired. They work as security officers and firefighters.
Meanwhile, neither Athar nor the other protestors could say how much Angkasa Pura owed them for their land.
Marsidi AP, deputy construction supervisor for Angkasa Pura's Lombok office, met the protesters on Tuesday and promised to convey their grievances. But Marsidi said employment matters were handled by the office at Selaparang Airport in Mataram, not by the Lombok office.
"Those positions aren't just for the construction phase of the project, but for a longer time period," he said. "Once the Lombok airport is finished, workers are expected to be placed elsewhere in the country by Angkasa Pura for similar projects."
Marsidi added his office would coordinate with the project contractors and the villagers to find a swift resolution to the standoff and ensure the March 2011 deadline for project completion is met.
Panca Nugraha, Mataram Hundreds of farmers in West Lombok have protested against an almost completed water pipeline project, fearing water shortages for crops.
The Rp 110 billion (US$12.2 million) project would divert 25 percent of the available volume of water from the Treng Wilis springs in the southern part of the West Lombok regency, in an area which has constantly been hit by drought.
Farmers in Treng Wilis have raised fears that supply of water for their own farms could be seriously negatively affected.
"We oppose the project since it will make us face water shortages. Water from the Treng Wilis spring irrigates rice fields in a number of villages," Amaq Rumiati, a farmer from Perian village in Montong Gading district, told The Jakarta Post.
The Treng Wilis spring has so far provided water for 3,000 hectares of farmland in two districts.
The farmers, Amaq said, could harvest rice three times annually thanks to the spring.
Rumiati said farmers were worried they would end up like other farmers in Central Lombok, where sources of irrigation have been drying up while the tap water company has been extracting water from the area for consumers.
The farmers staged a rally against the project at the province's legislative council building in the capital Mataram last week.
However the construction of the pipeline project is already 80 percent complete.
The executive director of the NTB chapter Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), Ali Usman Rahim, warned that if the administration insisted on continuing the project, it could raise the poverty level in the district, especially among farmers in upstream areas.
He suspected commercial and not public interests had influenced the implementation of the project. "We believe the project is just for commercial purposes. The pipeline from Treng Wilis is actually not intended to help underprivileged people in the south," said Ali.
Based on a survey conducted by a consultant firm in Bali in 2009, the spring's total water capacity amounted to 416 liters per second, while the PDAM project uses 14-inch diameter pipes able to take off up to 162 liters of water per second.
Ali said a conflict of interest may occur between farmers and the PDAM if farmers later face water shortages affecting their farms.
Ali said that if the East Lombok regency administration aimed to provide water for people in the southern part of the regency, then the Rp 110 billion in state funds spent on the project should have been used to build the proposed Pandan Dure dam.
The legislative council's deputy speakers, Suryadi J.P and Lalu Halik Iskandar, told the farmers they would ask the East Lombok regency administration to review the pipeline project. "We will ask the local administration to review the project and to seek a solution for the people," said Suryadi.
Camelia Pasandaran, Farouk Arnaz & Zaky Pawas The first anniversary of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono starting his second term passed relatively peacefully on Wednesday with the feared massive protests in the capital and other cities failing to materialize.
But some focused demonstrations in Jakarta including around the State Palace erupted into stone-throwing, tear gas and gunfire.
"Everything was under control nationwide," National Police spokesman Comr. Marwoto Soeto told a press conference. National Police data showed that demonstrators rallied in Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Papua.
In front of the State Palace, a few hundred protesters, mostly students, held a rowdy demonstration that led to a scuffle with the security force tightly guarding the area.
The clash erupted after protesters hurled stones and sticks toward the police who answered with tear gas. Marwoto said at least 2,800 policemen, equipped with water cannons and tear gas, were deployed to 19 locations around the palace. Yudhoyono was inside but did not meet with the protesters.
In another clash between hundreds of student protesters and police in the upscale Menteng neighborhood in Central Jakarta, demonstrators burned tires and pictures of the president, and police responded with tear gas and warning shots.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said he believed one of the protesters in Menteng might have been hit in the leg by "a warning shot from a revolver." He defended the officers' actions saying, "the mob became brutal and attacked."
Central Jakarta Police chief Sr. Comr. Hamidin said six people were arrested in the protests. The Jakarta Police deployed about 19,000 personnel citywide.
Clashes were also reported in the West Java capital of Bandung, in East Java's Surabaya and in Makassar, South Sulawesi, as well as a few other cities.
In Makassar, about 1,000 students held separate protests and shut down several main arteries to traffic by burning tires and strewing large stones across roads. The students also vandalized four official state cars and some at the Indonesia Muslim University took a policeman hostage for about 90 minutes.
In Mataram, on Lombok, hundreds of students demonstrated in small groups. But none of the protests were of a threatening scale.
Groups critical of the president and the government, including Petisi 28, had warned of rallies involving tens of thousands of people. Yudhoyono, according to spokesperson Julian Aldrin Pasha, dismissed the rallies as "normal in a democracy era."
Barkah Pattimahu, a researcher from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), attributed the low protest attendance to the belief "that the government will not listen to them, so they don't want to waste energy in protesting."
[Additional reporting by Fitri & Rachmat.]
Jakarta Protesters from Jakarta to Makasssar took to the streets Wednesday to mark the end the first year of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second term in office.
One student demonstrator was shot in the leg after police squared off against more than 100 mostly student protesters who had blocked the road in front of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) offices in Menteng, Central Jakarta.
A peaceful rally staged by hundreds of students, activists and labor groups in front of the Presidential Palace in Central Jakarta turned into chaos after protesters tried to penetrate a security barricade.
The incident began when police used water cannon to stop dozens of protesters who were attempting to tear down a barb wire barricade. Protesters later hurled stones at police who responded by firing warning shots, tear gas and pepper spray.
Officers then divided the protesters in two groups. Some demonstrators fled to Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat in front of the Constitutional Court building before disbanding.
The groups that demonstrated at the Palace included the Islamic Student Association (HMI), the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), various student action forums, the Congress of the Indonesian Labor Union Alliance (KASBI) and Petisi 28.
Indria Fernida from Kontras said her team took 30 victims or the family members of victims in human rights violation cases to the rally to push the President to settle human rights cases. "Since there has been no effort to solve such cases, the chain of violence has continued until now," she told The Jakarta Post.
Kontras demonstrators carried black umbrellas that were painted with depictions of unresolved human rights incidents such as the Trisakti incident in 1998, the Tanjung Priok incident in 1984 and the murder of human rights campaigner Munir.
Political analyst Fadjrul Falaakh told the Post that the President "should be impeached because of his failure in areas such as corruption, poverty, the gap between provinces in Indonesia and civil and political rights, such as the church and Ahmadiyah attacks."
In Makassar, student protesters damaged two official cars outside Hasanuddin University and briefly took a police officer hostage. The students, who staged protests across Makassar city, accused Yudhoyono of failing to enforce the law and failing to improve people's welfare.
Police officer First Brig. Nur Ikhsan was held hostage by students for around an hour to stop nearby officers from shooting the protesters. Ikhsan was released following negotiations with Makassar Police chief detective Comr. Karim Samandi. The protest ended amid heavy rains in the afternoon.
In Cirebon, West Java, protesters set fire to tires, briefly blocking the country's main northern highway and forcing the police to divert traffic.
Students in Yogyakarta held a peaceful rally that caused a severe traffic jam in the heart of the city. In their speeches, the students criticized the government's weak foreign policy. (ipa)
[Andi Hajramurni, Slamet Susanto and Nana Rukmana contributed reporting from Makassar, Yogyakarta and Cirebon.]
Bilhuda Haryanto, Jakarta High commodity prices, job insecurity, weak law enforcement and unresolved human rights issues were just some of the grievances aired on the capital's streets on Wednesday as hundreds of protesters braved the rain to have their say.
The demonstrations, concentrated outside the Presidential Palace in Central Jakarta, were held to mark the first anniversary of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono beginning his second term.
Rudi Daman, from the People's Defender Front, said that in the year since Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono had taken office, the government had failed to fulfill people's basic needs.
"The government has been unable to keep agricultural commodity prices from spiraling out of control," he said. "The fate of workers remains uncertain as well because of the contract system and massive outsourcing, while their wages become worthless as a result of the price increases."
The group also accused the Yudhoyono administration of failing to create enough jobs, especially for the poor. "Today's government is nothing more but a bunch of minions for multinational corporations," Rudi said.
Several organizations took part in Wednesday's protests, including the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras).
Kontras ran its protest on the theme of "Anti-Amnesia," in which it called on the government to address outstanding human rights abuse cases, including the shooting of unarmed student demonstrators in 1998, which led to the downfall of Suharto. "We held an 'amnesia market' to reflect how forgetful Indonesia's cabinet is," Kontras official Yanti Andirani said.
"To date, we haven't seen any real solutions from the government to many national issues regarding human rights. We want to send a message to Yudhoyono: Please stop the indifference and ignorance toward human rights violations."
Yanti also criticized the government over a plan to name Suharto a national hero, and said it had forgotten the dictator's "terrible damage" to the country.
Other protesters called for longer prison terms for corruption convicts, as well as better law enforcement to prevent graft in the first place.
Another group said a cabinet reshuffle would be meaningless unless the government could properly address social issues. "What we need is clearer enforcement of the policies on people's prosperity," said Adi Wibowo, from a group representing workers and university students.
"We've only seen failures this year from the Yudhoyono cabinet. It has failed to guarantee our prosperity or enforce laws protecting human rights and eradicating corruption."
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta The Indonesian Survey Circle on Wednesday gave President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet failing grades in most fields of policymaking.
The cabinet was given four red marks and two blue marks for its performance, indicating majority disapproval and approval respectively.
The survey showed that those questioned believed the performance of Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono was weak in the fields of international relations, economy, law enforcement, and politics, but good enough when it came to peace and safety and social issues.
In the survey, conducted on Oct. 1, 1,000 people from 100 districts and municipalities in 33 provinces were questioned.
Only 42.6 percent of respondents were satisfied with the government's maintenance of international relations, LSI researcher Agus Budi Prasetyohadi told the Jakarta Globe.
"Cases like the ones involving Indonesian domestic workers being tortured abroad, Indonesian fishermen being arrested in Malaysia, Malaysia's claim on expressions of Indonesian culture and bad handling of these cases on the part of the government contributed to the dissatisfaction," Agus said.
Spats regularly erupt between Indonesia and Malaysia over an array of issues, particularly Malaysia's treatment of the some two million Indonesians who work there. In September, a 26-year-old Indonesian woman was reportedly raped and scalded with an iron by her Malaysian employers.
Critics lament the Indonesian government's role in the diplomatic row involving Malaysia's arrest of Indonesian navy patrol officers who were detaining Malaysian fishermen believed to be fishing in Indonesian waters.
Also, most respondents aired dissatisfaction with the fact that dozens of people have died or were injured by explosions of subsidized three-kilogram gas canisters.
Millions of these canisters were distributed by state-owned oil company Pertamina as part of a government plan to reduce subsidies for kerosene. The survey showed that 76.1 percent of respondents were afraid of using gas canisters.
In regard to law enforcement, 50.5 percent of respondents were dissatisfied with the government's performance, believing for instance that "the government has failed to protect minority groups such as Ahmadiyah," Agus said.
The year has seen several attacks against members of the minority Islamic sect, the latest on Oct. 1 when of a mob of some 200 people burned and looted homes, schools and a mosque in the village of Cisalada, Bogor, home to about 600 Ahmadiyah members.
Coming to politics, 50.8 percent of respondents were not satisfied the most obvious case being the Bank Century scandal, widely believed to have caused former Finance Minister Sri Mulyani's resignation.
Before she left for a job with the World Bank, Mulyani mentioned "a marriage of two political sides [that] will not uphold the public's needs," likely referring to dealings between Yudhoyono and Golkar leader Aburizal Bakrie. The SBY-Boediono cabinet needs to choose more competent ministers, who are better able to address the people's needs, Agus said.
"And it's also time for SBY to call on Boediono to step to the fore more regularly."
People are mostly unsatisfied with the President's performance during the first year of his second term in office, says a poll.
One thousand people interviewed for a survey on Oct. 1 by the Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) gave the government's performance four red marks.
The red marks, which indicate a satisfaction rate of less than 50 percent, were given to the government's performance in foreign affairs, the economy, law enforcement and politics.
The LSI's Agustinus Budi Prasetyohadi said that 57.4 percent of respondents were not satisfied with the way the government had handled foreign affairs, highlighting its failure to address recurring border and migrant worker disputes with Malaysia.
According to the survey, 57.4 percent of respondents were also unhappy with the economy, despite moderately positive macroeconomic indicators, such as economic growth and a strong exchange rate. "There is a gap between those indicators and the real economic situation felt by people," Budi said.
He added that the government's perceived failure to uphold the law stemmed from public disappointment over increasing incidents of religious violence and the alleged framing of Corruption Eradication Commission leaders Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah.
"Only 49.5 percent of respondents said they were satisfied with law enforcement due to the scant protection afforded to minority groups."
In the political arena, Yudhoyono was given a red mark for his inability to prevent politicians from using the Bank Century scandal to undermine his government. Yudhoyono's management of the scandal was widely perceived as leading to the ouster of former finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
More positively, 63.2 percent of respondents said the government was successful in maintaining security and 60.2 percent said the government had improved people's welfare.
According to Budi, respondents thought Vice President Boediono and the Cabinet were to blame for Yudhoyono's failures. Boediono, who was supported by 47.1 percent of respondents, was considered absent in the decision making process for important issues.
"We posed open questions about the Vice President, and most respondents said they needed a figure who could take the initiative and make decisions quickly. Such a figure is considered able to complement the leadership style of the President," he said, adding that respondents said former vice president Jusuf Kalla was well-suited to the job.
Most respondents were disappointed with the President's ministers, who had a satisfaction rate of 46.5 percent. "The people want ministers who are more competent, persistent in finding solutions to any problems and have a strong leadership," Budi said.
The evaluation of the government's performance should be a wake-up call for the President to enhance his Cabinet's performance, he said. "The President should give a more active role to the Vice President, as he did in the previous Cabinet," he said. (lnd)
Presi Mandari, Jakarta Hundreds of antigovernment protesters hurled stones and sticks at police who answered with tear gas outside the Presidential Palace in the Indonesian capital Jakarta on Wednesday.
Chaotic skirmishes broke out between police and protesters as the air around the palace filled with acrid gas on the first anniversary of the swearing in of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Earlier, police fired tear gas and warning shots to disperse protesters who took to the streets on Wednesday to mark the first anniversary of the swearing in of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
More than 150 mainly student demonstrators blocked roads in the wealthy Menteng neighbourhood of Central Jakarta. They hurled rocks and sticks at the riot police, who responded with tear gas and rifle fire into the air. Three people were taken into custody, and one man was shot in the leg, protesters said.
"They were pushing us away for several minutes when suddenly they opened fire. I heard 10 gunshots, the first into the air and the rest at us," said 24-year-old student Adi. "One student was shot in his right leg and was taken to hospital."
One of the demonstrators shouted "this is the source of the mess in this country" as they set a poster of Yudhoyono alight.
"We had to fire tear gas to disperse the protesters as they set fire to the president's poster," Jakarta Police spokesman Boy Rafli Amar said. "We'll take firmer action against them if they start to burn cars or buildings."
Thousands of protesters took part in other antigovernment rallies Wednesday in Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, Palu and Bogor, where students also reportedly clashed with police.
Almost 20,000 police were on standby in the capital to deal with any unrest, the Antara state news agency reported.
About 300 protesters gathered in front of the presidential palace in Jakarta, shouting "SBY has failed, SBY has failed." "He has failed to eradicate corruption," said Rudi Daman of a group called the People's Defender Front.
Another protester, Yati Andriyani of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Yudhoyono had not honoured promises to protect human rights. "They were only empty promises," she said.
Demonstrators threw Molotov cocktails at police who reacted with tear gas in Makassar, South Sulawesi province, on Tuesday as Yudhoyono visited the town.
The president, a centrist ex-general, warned protesters to express dissent within the limits of the law and not to try to overthrow his fractious governing coalition of nationalist secular and Islamic parties.
"The democracy we all want is not one leading to a sea of slander and anarchy, which can damage the things that we have built," Yudhoyono told Elshinta radio. "As a country, the world will see whether a nation's democracy is ethical and civilised or not."
The president's popularity rankings have slumped despite strong economic growth, amid rampant corruption and incompetence across all levels of state.
He was sworn in at the start of his second five-year term on Oct. 20 last year, having won two clear mandates to get tough on graft and improve governance.
But many analysts say he has proven to be too weak and indecisive to take on powerful vested interests, which have been likened to the "oligarchy" of elites that ran the country under late military strongman Suharto from 1967 to 1998.
Protesters were not allowed to bring animals to the rallies in Jakarta, after Yudhoyono expressed offence at the sight of a buffalo painted with his initials at a demonstration earlier this year.
When President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was sworn in for his second term on this day a year ago, he promised to boost prosperity, justice and democracy.
"The essence of the five-year program is the enhancement of people's welfare, and the strengthening of democracy and justice," the president said during his inaugural address.
But it has been one year on, and some critics say they are struggling to see how his government has translated those words into results.
"Raising people's prosperity is the main priority," Yudhoyono said last year. "We want to increase the welfare of the people."
On the economic front, the outlook appears good: Investment is increasing, the rupiah remains strong and steady and the stock market has been bullish over the past year.
But Juniman, chief economist at Bank Internasional Indonesia, said the country's strong performance had come on the back of good underlying fundamentals, and in spite of the government lacking a detailed economic plan. "We have not seen a real blueprint from SBY's economic team in the past year," he said.
Suryo Bambang Sulisto, the new chairman of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), acknowledged that economic growth had been good, but said it could be better if the government helped boost exports and supported growth in the industrial sector.
Growth in exports, said Sofyan Wanandi, head of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo), was largely a rebound from sharp declines last year amid the crisis and strong demand for the nation's natural resources.
As for the industrial sector, Sofyan said the government had failed to develop crucial infrastructure. "In general, I give them a bad report card because they don't seem to be cooperating very well to remove bottlenecks for businesses," he said.
When it comes to the "management of natural resources and enhanced human resources" part of Yudhoyono's pledge, the government's actions left much to be desired, according to activists. "Indonesia will remain at the forefront of efforts to save the earth from climate change," Yudhoyono promised.
Indeed, on the international stage, the president is seen to be adopting a strong stance with his 26 percent emissions reduction target and the signing of a two-year deforestation moratorium as part of a grant deal with Norway. But environmentalists say it all seems to be just a public relations exercise, while implementation has been left wanting.
"Stop with the image politics, it is not increasing people's welfare and not changing our environmental situation," said Chalid Muhammad, chairman of the Indonesian Green Institute. "If he's sincere, then the people will follow."
Rhino Subagyo, executive director of the Indonesian Center for Environmental Law, said the same was true of the 2009 Law on Environmental Management and Protection, which was widely praised when it was passed. "It should have made a radical change, but in practice, nothing has changed at all," he said.
As for the health sector, Hasbullah Thabrany, a public health expert from University of Indonesia, said the government had made some progress, though much remained to be done. "Hospitals and other medical facilities still dictate and medical services are not pro-patient," he said.
A number of media reports this year showed some poor patients going as far as putting their children up for adoption just to pay off hospital bills. "The medical costs in some parts of Indonesia are even more expensive than in Malaysia this is ridiculous," Hasbullah said.
"We also want to build a civilized democratic system, a democracy that provides room for freedom and political rights," Yudhoyono said. "We also want to create a justice system that is marked by respect for nondiscriminatory practices and equal opportunity."
The war on corruption has always been one of Yudhoyono's most prominent campaign tools. After he secured his second term, he formed the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force, and corrupt practices inside the penal system, the National Police and even the Tax Tribunal were unraveled.
But the antigraft drive now appears to be waning. Activists and even suspects themselves question why no senior officials have been indicted in the Gayus Tambunan-Tax Office scandal.
Reports of large sums of money in several high-ranking police officers' bank accounts also faded away after the police said an internal investigation revealed most funds were not connected to criminal activities.
Indonesia Corruption Watch has claimed that more than 50 percent of graft cases handled by the courts in the first half of this year ended in acquittals.
"The president could have used landmark cases as starting points to go in and clear out law enforcement bodies," said Emerson Yuntho, ICW's deputy chairman. "But they just ended up as a political tool to bolster his rule."
Al Araf, program director of rights group Imparsial, said the government had also failed to resolve long-standing human rights abuse cases. "The [military] reform has failed because military officials continue to exert violence without any criminal prosecution of the perpetrators," he said.
"We must maintain our identity, our Indonesianness... Our Indonesianness is reflected in our pluralism, or our unity in diversity, our decency, tolerance and moderation, openness and sense of humanity," Yudhoyono said.
This pluralism has come under attack recently with an alarming increase in communal and religious conflicts across the country. Anarchy also appears to be spreading with hard-line groups, like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), acting with impunity.
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, said Yudhoyono had to some degree supported religious freedom and tolerance in the world's most populous Muslim country.
"The president has made repeated calls for religious tolerance and for cases of attacks against religious minorities to be prosecuted," he said.
"However, at a policy level, the government continues to enforce the ban on Ahmadiyah, the decree on building houses of worships and the 1965 Law on Blasphemy. These regulations are unconstitutional and inhibit religious freedom."
In Makassar on Tuesday, the president said the government respected criticism as part and parcel of democracy, but he reminded the public to look at things from a broader perspective and not to focus on the negative.
"If one province is deemed to have failed, then it falls on the government to answer" for it, Yudhoyono told a meeting of governors. However, the government also had the right to explain itself to the people, he added.
Zaky Pawas, Rahmat, Ismira Lutfia & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's visit to Makassar on Tuesday was marred by hours of violent clashes between students and police that left at least nine injured, including five policemen, and nine arrested.
The violence began with students from the Makassar State University throwing stones at some 100 members of the Brimob paramilitary police unit after they were barred from conducting a silent protest by the side of the road on the president's convoy route.
The clash quickly escalated, with students throwing Molotov cocktails at Brimob officers, who responded with tear-gas canisters and warning shots.
The violence lasted for about five hours and left five policemen, one journalist and three students injured. Metro TV reported that at least nine people were arrested.
In another protest in Makassar, about 100 students from the Muslim Indonesia University (UMI) and the 45 University burned pictures of Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono after police prevented them from protesting at a toll road on the president's motor route.
Yudhoyono, while opening a meeting of the country's provincial governors in Makassar later on Tuesday, said that protest rallies were normal in a democracy. "They have the right to air criticism, send petitions or to hold a protest rally," he said.
Yudhoyono acknowledged that political tensions were rising in the capital, with massive protests planned to mark his government's one year anniversary in power. But he warned that firm action would be taken against any illegal action intended to bring down the government.
"As a state based on the law, the laws should be enforced, including against any effort to bring down a lawful government that was elected in a general election," Yudhoyono said.
He called on all to remain calm and for civil servants to continue to work on Wednesday, saying that service for the people should not be disturbed by protest rallies.
Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. Sutarman said 19,000 personnel would be deployed to safeguard Wednesday's planned street rallies, which he estimated could involve up to 12,000 people.
Sutarman added that 9,000 police officers would be assigned to monitor areas where rallies are taking place, while the rest would remain on alert at their respective posts.
"We will act firmly against anyone violating the law, and we call on Jakarta residents not to panic over issues linked to the protests," he said.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said that 15 groups composed of various organizations and NGOs including Petisi 28, a pro- democracy group which has been a vocal critic of the government, labor organizations, student executive bodies, and nationalist youth group Bendera have notified the police of their plans to rally on Wednesday.
The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) would be ready to deploy its soldiers to reinforce security if needed, Boy added. "They will be on call, if needed. The TNI will assist the maintenance of security," he said.
Jakarta Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono flew into restive Makassar on Tuesday, a day after violent protests against Yudhoyono's government in the South Sulawesi capital.
An estimated 2,000 police and military police officers were deployed to prevent about 300 students from reaching the Hotel Clarion on Jalan AP Pettarani where the national governors working meeting is being held.
A number of senior ministers are accompanying Yudhoyono and first lady Ani Yudhoyono, including Minister for Youths and Sport Affairs Andi Mallarangeng and the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Djoko Suyanto.
Three-hundred students from (Makassar State University (UNM) are being kept about 300 meters from the venue. Security forces have also been deployed to Hassanudin University and Muslim Indonesia University (UMI).
On Monday, around 30 students and from the from the UMI school of law, clashed with police. The protesters rallied in front of their campus on Jalan Urip Sumoharjo, burning tires, blocking major roads with Pertamina fuel tankers and pelting police and their squad cars with stones.
Muhammad Ali, action coordinator of the law faculty, said Yudhoyono was not welcome in Makassar "for failing to care for his [people] better," citing corruption cases and rights abuses.
The police arrested a 22-year-old student named Aris, and students retaliated by holding a traffic police officer hostage for three hours. Authorities said the policeman was walking in front of the campus when he was seized by the protesters. (Antara, JG)
Rahmat & Antara, Jakarta National Police have reiterated a ban animals being used during the expected nationwide protests on Wednesday against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's year in office since he was sworn in on Oct. 20 last year.
"Demonstrators," National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Iskandar Hasan said, "are not allowed to conduct anarchy or carry weapons or any objects that might endanger or insult other people, including animals."
In February last year, an arguably oversensitive Yudhoyono took offense against a water buffalo spray painted with SBY on its side, claiming that demonstrators were implying that he, like the animal, was "big, lazy and stupid."
Jakarta Police subsequently banned the appearance of the beast and other animals in further demonstrations.
Protests against Yudhoyono's first year of his second term in office are expected around the country, including in Jakarta, on Wednesday.
In Makassar, South Sulawesi, meanwhile, two police officers were wounded during clashes with antigovernment demonstrators on Tuesday. Hundreds of protesters were out in force for a second day, which on Tuesday coincided with a visit by Yudhoyono.
Two policemen patrolling Jalan Pendidikan near the Hotel Clarion where Yudhoyono is attending a national governors meeting were struck with rocks and injured. They were rushed to hospital.
Police responded by firing warning shots in the air and with teargas but the students did not disperse. The situation remains tense with hundreds of students out in force.
Iskandar Hasan said organizations wishing to take part in Wednesday's protests must ask police for permission first.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta The country's main opposition party has denounced plans to topple the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono through street protests, saying the president must be allowed to see out his term.
Organizers of the protests, planned for Oct. 20 to mark Yudhoyono's one year in office following his re-election last year, have said they will use the occasion to call for the president to step down due to his alleged failed leadership. Similar street protests on a larger scale in 1998 led to the ouster of then President Suharto.
However, Puan Maharani, the chairwoman for political affairs at the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said her party was against such a move and respected Yudhoyono's mandate to rule for five years.
"We really hope this issue of ousting the president is dropped," Puan said on Friday. "Any attempt to topple the president impacts directly on the country's stability."
She added that instead of resorting to unconstitutional means, critics should take their grievances to the ballot box. "Let's wait until the next presidential election in 2014," said Puan, the daughter of PDI-P chairwoman and former President Megawati Soekarnoputri.
Several organizations, including Petisi 28, which has been an outspoken critic of the government, have threatened to hold massive street demonstrations on Oct. 20.
A senior government official previously said any attempt to force the president out of office through street protests would be unconstitutional. The official warned the groups against trying to replicate the popular protests of 1998.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrian Pasha also said any attempt to oust Yudhoyono through the protests would be "crossing the line."
But Golkar Party's deputy treasurer Bambang Soesatyo criticized the government for overreacting. He said prohibiting citizens from voicing opposition was unconstitutional. He added the government's veiled accusations were similar to the tactics used by Suharto's authoritarian regime to crack down on dissent.
"All government officials must be prepared to face criticism," Bambang said. "What they shouldn't do is respond through a strong-arm policy that could result in repressive action," he added. "Please don't forbid the citizens from voicing out what they feel."
Bambang also criticized the government for being "too paranoid" about Petisi 28's motives, saying such a response "clearly reflects the government's shallow mind-set."
In an open democracy, he said, it was impossible to use repressive actions to force citizens to stay silent. "The president and his helpers seem to have run out of excuses for responding to public criticism, so now they're panicking and turning to the threat of repressive actions," he said.
Meanwhile, Anis Matta, a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, said the president should not fear a potential ouster, saying all the parties at the House backed his authority. "So there's no need to go all paranoid about it," said Anis, from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Jo Adetunji The Indonesian government today confirmed that a graphic video showing scenes of torture by Indonesian soldiers on native Papuans was authentic and said the soldiers involved had been "unprofessional".
The 10-minute video shows footage, apparently filmed on a mobile phone, of two tribal Papuan men from the Puncak Jaya region being tortured. In one scene a naked elderly man appears to be suffocated with an object held over his face while his arms are secured behind his back and his legs tied together.
In one of the most disturbing scenes, omitted from the edited version of the video, the man is shown having a plastic bag forced over his head and screaming in pain as a burning stick is held to his genitals. He is repeatedly interrogated over the location of a weapons cache despite protesting he is a civilian.
Another younger man is paraded before the camera as one of the perpetrators holds a knife underneath various parts of his face including his lips and throat.
While the younger man has been released, the older man's fate is still unknown. Reports suggest he is still missing.
The video comes as the US faces pressure to cease funding for the training of an Indonesian police unit that has been accused of torture in the Maluku province.
The Indonesian government admitted the video, which is believed to have been taken in May, was genuine, after initially claiming it to be a fake. After the footage surfaced the Indonesian government said it would investigate but members voiced suspicions that the video might be part of a separatist campaign to put pressure on them. But today the government confirmed its authenticity and said the soldiers involved had been "unprofessional".
The security affairs minister, Djoko Suyanto, said: "Based on our preliminary report, we found that soldiers on the ground overreacted in handling those people who had been arrested. What they did was unprofessional."
There has been conflict since the Indonesian military moved into the area in 1963. Two years earlier people in the province, a former Dutch colony, had believed it would gain independence and created its own identity as West Papua, though these efforts were thwarted and the Indonesians have continued to lay claim to the area. Survival International said military operations in the area were routine where villages were burned and people forced to flee into the forest. It said a conservative estimate would put the number of deaths caused as a result of the conflict at around 100,000.
Sophie Grig, a campaigner for Survival, said there had been common accounts of soldiers taking footage of atrocities.
"It's not a surprise to us. I met one priest who said soldiers had come to their village and committed rape and had taken a video which had been shown around. This kind of trophy taking, usually with photographs, is commonplace. It's just a relief that it has got out because this has been going on a long time."
Grig said that although the separatists from the Free Papua Movement (OPM) had shown "low-level" resistance in the highland area, the response by the Indonesian military had been "completely disproportional" and was linked to valuable resources.
"The continuing human rights violations are in part a response to a low- level separatist movement and although they have some stolen weapons, they mainly use bows and arrows... The area has the biggest copper and gold mine in the world and the biggest gold reserve up in the hills. It generates a huge amount of tax. Indonesia wants to keep a hold for financial and political reasons and while the government has tried to reign in the military they gains funding from the area and they need to justify their presence."
Survival said military operations were routinely mounted in the area.
Benny Wenda, a Papuan exile living in the UK, said he had come across many accounts of arrests and abuses while living in Papua and as chair of a tribal assembly, including one incident when his brother had kerosene poured on his head and set alight.
"Many Papuans have been through this kind of thing, mainly people in the west and tribal highlands. We want to tell the world. It's been a very long time," he said.
It is not clear what will now happen to the soldiers involved but Suyanto said they would be dealt with "according to military regulations". He added: "It has attracted public and world attention. We'll settle it properly."
Karishma Vaswani, Jakarta Indonesia has admitted that the men seen torturing Papuan villagers in a video uploaded on the internet earlier this week are members of the military.
The minister for security said the soldiers' actions were excessive and unprofessional. He added that the soldiers would be punished. An investigation is continuing.
The graphic video has caused international outrage and raised concerns about the US's recent decision to renew ties with Indonesia's army.
The grainy and badly-shot footage, uploaded on the website of Hong Kong- based Asian Human Rights Commission, shows two men dressed in military uniforms, kicking and abusing indigenous Papuan villagers. The men are seen interrogating the villagers, and accusing them of having links to rebel groups and separatists.
The second part of the video shows a Papuan man tied up on the ground, being tortured by a group of unidentifiable men. A man holds a knife to the victim's face and neck as he is repeatedly kicked and questioned.
Grave abuses
The video momentarily shows his genitals being scorched with a burning stick. The rest of the footage is edited out because, according to a statement on the website, the images are too disturbing.
Djoko Suyanto, the Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Security, said that the soldiers had reason to believe the Papuan villagers they caught were dangerous.
"The excessive actions that we have seen in this video, which has been spread on the internet, and on YouTube, show unprofessional conduct by members of our military in the field.
"But the soldiers suspected that the Papuan men they had caught are members of groups who have committed violent actions before in Papua. They found weapons on them when they were caught," he said.
But human rights groups say the Papuan villagers who were tortured were farmers. They add that this video is evidence of the grave abuses committed by the Indonesian military in Papua, where a small group of rebels have waged a low level war for independence for decades.
There is a significant military presence in Papua, which the government says is necessary to maintain security in the province because of the existence of separatist groups.
The military has consistently rejected allegations that it is guilty of human rights abuses in Papua.
Sara Sidner, Jakarta A thin man with graying hair lies on his back, completely naked on a dusty road. His legs and arms are bound and his body suddenly contorts in pain.
A man stands above him and pushes a smoldering piece of wood against his genitals. He cries out in pain, but it doesn't stop his tormentors. "Where did you put the weapons? Show us where the weapons are!" demand the men, one of whom is wearing military fatigues.
A few feet away, a younger man is lying in a similar position but clothed. The same group of interrogators move over to him, hold a knife under his nose and then repeatedly slap his face. They also ask him questions about weapons and the whereabouts of rebels.
The scenes were recorded on a cell phone in Indonesia, fueling shock and condemnation from human rights groups around the world who believe the video is possible evidence of Indonesian armed forces torturing those seeking independence from Indonesia.
The video is "the latest reminder that torture and other ill-treatment in Indonesia often go unchecked and unpunished," said Donna Guest, the Asia- Pacific deputy director for Amnesty International.
CNN obtained a copy of the video from an international nongovernmental organization, but the network has not verified its authenticity. Indonesian military spokesman Aslizar Tanjung told CNN that there is an "intensive investigation" being launched regarding the video. "We need to verify the authenticity of the time, place and activity of what is shown in the video," he said.
"The soldiers are trained and educated according to the standards of procedures. They should be aware of their duties, responsibility, [and] provided with knowledge of human rights, of what they can and cannot do in the field.
"Hopefully, the investigation won't take too much time so we can soon clarify to the people what really happened. So far this is only an allegation that there is a certain group who did the torture. We need to legally prove it."
The video is believed to be from the Indonesian province of Papua, nearly 3,500 kilometers [2,175 miles] east of the capital, Jakarta. Papua has long had a low-level insurgency that demands independence from Indonesia, saying the government is trying to take its land to steal resources. Papua is home to the largest gold mine in the world, operated by the US-based Freeport- McMoRan Copper & Gold, but members of the freedom movement say locals have not received fair economic benefits from any of the mining operations on their homeland.
The indigenous Free Papua Movement was established in 1965 to push for secession. The group disputed the terms under which Papua became a part of Indonesia that year.
Human rights groups say that while they haven't determined the authenticity of the video, they have clues that the tormentors are members of the Indonesian armed forces.
For example, the weapon being used in the video appears to be a standard military issue and the questions posed by the interrogators are consistent with those of Indonesian security forces, said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia division.
"There is a lot of circumstantial evidence that would lead us to believe that this may be the security forces but we can't authenticate that," Robertson told CNN, adding that that's one of the many reasons a complete investigation is needed.
However, the group is concerned that the government will let the case linger without a resolution. "The major concern is that this is going to be another whitewash, that this is going to be an internal military investigation similar to many others that we have seen," Robertson said.
Another video surfaced this year showing another gruesome scene that is also believed to have taken place in Papua. It shows a disemboweled man, who has been identified as Papuan political activist Yawan Wayeni, in the jungle. Men in police uniforms are seen sitting and standing near Wayeni as he suffers.
The uniformed men taunt him, saying, "You are never going to get freedom as long as the soldiers are here." Wayeni is barely audible, but says "freedom." He eventually dies from his wounds. Police denied allegations that they disemboweled him, saying he was injured in a firefight. No officer was disciplined in that incident.
The New Zealand-based Indonesia Human Rights Committee is again questioning New Zealand's training of Indonesian police in Papua following reports of a village burning earlier this month.
The reports allege Indonesia's mobile police brigade burnt at least 29 homes leaving about 150 Papuans homeless.
A spokesperson for New Zealand's foreign minister Murray McCully says the brigade is a separate entity from the Indonesian officers New Zealand police have been training in Papua.
The Indonesia Human Rights Committee spokesperson Maire Leadbeater says she accepts New Zealand is not training paramilitary officers, but she says the latest incident raises greater concern about its role in Papua
"Is this is a police force with structural problems where brutality and violence against indigenous people is endemic and is this really the right way our aid should be directed. Would w e not be better spending our aid dollar on something clearly useful like offering scholarships for English language training to indigenous people."
Maire Leadbeater says very few of the police New Zealand is training are indigenous Papuans.
An international lawyers organisation says it hopes Indonesia will identify and punish those responsible for the torture of two Papuan men which was caught on video.
The video appears to show Indonesian security forces applying a smouldering a stick to one man's genitals and threatening to shoot him in the mouth.
International Lawyers for West Papua is calling for the authorities to locate the victims in the video, and to provide care and compensation for them.
The group's chair Melinda Janki says it will have to see whether an investigation by Indonesian authorities finds and deals with the culprits
"International lawyers around the world would welcome a very clear demonstration from Indonesia that they do take international law seriously, that they will stop torture in their territory and they will punish those who have carried out acts of torture."
Melinda Janki says the international community must recognise Papua's right to self-determination, and Indonesian troops should withdraw from the province.
Jerry Omona The Papuan Caucus in the Indonesian Parliament has strongly condemned the burning down of dozens of houses and churches in the district of Puncak Jaya, Papua. These incidents are thought to have been perpetrated by the security forces from June to October 2010
"We condemn these incidents and intend to investigation them. There is clearly something going on there," said Agustina Basik Basik, member of the Papuan caucus in Parliament on Friday.
Agustina said that reports of these burnings had come to light at the same time as a video showing Papuans being tortured in Puncak Jaya. The video has been circulating widely on the internet showing appalling and inhuman acts against Papuans. "We must fight hard against such things," she said. "We totally reject such behaviour."
Agustina said she was certain many acts of torture had been perpetrated by the security forces against Papuans since before the video was circulated. "I know who it was who was doing such things and they have been blaming others."
Parliament's investigation body, the KPP, will visit the area where the burnings occurred and will urge the police to handle this case. "I cant believe that the TNI would have done such things as they are much more open and professional these days," she said.
The Dewan Adat Papua had previously reported that there had been burnings of houses and churches in Bigiragi, the district of Tingginambut, Puncak Jaya. The most recent incident occurred on 11 October 2010.
The DAP report said that seventeen inhabitants had lost their homes and everything they possessed had gone up in flames. About 250 bibles had also been destroyed in the fires which it said had been started by members of Brimob in Puncak Jaya.
"There is plenty of evidence of all this," said Forkorus Yoboisembut, chairman of DAP.
Jakarta The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) says it will launch an investigation into reports of rights violations committed by law enforcers against Papuans, an issue that was rekindled with the recent release of an alleged torture video.
The video, which appears to show several men in military fatigues torturing two Papuans, surfaced on YouTube this weekend before the website pulled it.
Yoseph Adi Prasetyo, a Komnas HAM commissioner, said he had received a report that the Papuans in the video were Rev. Kindeman Gire, from Tingginambut in the village of Gorage, and Pitinius Kogaya.
"From the information I have compiled, the video was made on April 12, 2010," he said, adding that he had received information that Kindeman's decapitated remains were found on April 20.
He said the scenes of torture depicted in the video were "typical methods used by interrogators to get an avowal about weapons caches". He said the "video is authentic".
The commission has formed a team, headed by one of its Jakarta-based commissioners, to investigate the location in the video, he added. He said the team would have to make "special preparations" to be able to navigate the rough terrain in Puncak Jaya regency.
Almost 5,000 meters high, Puncak Jaya is Indonesia's highest mountain. Any expedition to the peak must have government approval.
An earlier report by Komnas HAM's Papua chapter revealed 29 cases of rights abuses occurred in Puncak Jaya regency from 2004-2010, including the torture and rape of villagers in March 2010 by law enforcers.
The reason for the recent upturn in abuse cases in the region is related to the return of alleged Free Papua Movement (OPM) member Goliath Tabuni to the area in 2004, Ifdhal said. Goliath's return became the pretext for the 2004 military operation launched in the regency to prevent insurgencies.
Yoseph said there were several signs of an ongoing military operation, including the rotation of 150 personnel from the Kelapa Dua Mobile Brigade 10 days ago and the establishment of a battalion headquarters in Nabire.
"The Nabire battalion is on the Nabire to Puncak Jaya road, and is also facilitated by a landing zone in Wamena. Thus, the battalion has access to Puncak Jaya from the west and the east," he said.
He said the commission had received reports that the Puncak Jaya regent, Lukas Enembe, had ordered law enforcers to subdue protests by civilians who accused him of corruption. "The regent branded those who protested his policies as [members of the] OPM," he said.
Amnesty International urged the government to appoint Komnas HAM to lead the investigation into the cases of alleged violence.
Another video released recently showed Papuan political activist Yawan Wayeni laying on the ground with his bowels hanging out of his stomach while police officers look on without offering him aid.
"The video is the latest reminder that torture and other sick actions in Indonesia often go unchecked and unpunished," said Donna Guest, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific deputy director. (gzl)
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta A National Mandate Party (PAN) politician has urged for an immediate probe into torture allegedly committed by Indonesian Military (TNI) officers against Papuans, unless separatist rebel group in the province will exploit the issue to justify their fight.
"If a serious investigation is not conducted, it will only provide legitimacy to the separatists who have basis of support overseas," PAN's Bara Hasibuan told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
"This kind of situation can also give the separatists an instrument to strengthen their efforts to convince the international communities on their struggle. Their main reason to weaken Indonesia's position is the fact that there are still a lot of human rights violations in that region [Papua]," he added.
Bara demanded heavy punishment for soldiers who were found guilty for the torture, a video of which circulated through YouTobe earlier this week. "That's the only way to prevent the video from being exploited as legitimacy," he said.
The TNI has said it was still investigating on the validity of the video.
Nivell Rayda, Armando Siahaan & Banjir Ambarita, Jakarta Amid an international outcry over alleged human rights abuses in Papua by security forces, two villagers in the province have come forward with a harrowing tale of the destruction of their homes at the hands of police officers.
Just days after a 10-minute video purporting to show two Papuans being interrogated and tortured by Indonesian soldiers was posted on the video- sharing Web site YouTube, there was another claim of abuses by security officials, again caught on tape.
An official from the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) told the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday that he had received graphic images of the destruction of Bigiragi village, in Puncak Jaya district, by officers from the police's Mobile Brigade.
Markus Haluk said the images were recorded by two villagers who had trekked barefoot for 24 hours to tell the council in Mulia, 50 kilometers away, about the incident.
They said 16 Mobile Brigade officers had burned the village to the ground on Oct. 11. They alleged that at least 29 homes were destroyed in the incident, leaving at least 150 people homeless. Only two buildings were left standing a small wooden church and the home of the local priest, Obatemaban Tabuni.
"The villagers told me they had to play cat-and-mouse with the military and police just to get to Mulia," Markus said. "Whenever they saw a police patrol or military checkpoint, they would hide in the jungle. Security officers in the area are on the lookout for civilians traveling in and out."
He added that the two reached Mulia on Oct. 14, having left their village two days earlier. "We asked them to go back and record for us the destruction and chronology of what happened," he said.
"We lent them our camera, although we knew that if they were to be caught with it or with a mobile phone, they would certainly be arrested and maybe tortured."
He said the two villagers returned to Mulia on Sunday, this time with images of a destroyed village, although no police officers are seen.
The Globe was given copies of the images. One of the pictures shows a villager staring at the ashes of her home. Other pictures show children no older than 12 playing amid the ashes of their former homes.
"I wonder what they were thinking," Markus said. "One of the pictures shows a boy with a bow and arrow, eager to defend his village. I wonder how he'd fare against police armed with rifles and machine guns."
The two villagers, who told council members that all 16 perpetrators were in police uniforms, have since sought refuge in neighboring villages.
"I'm not sure what the police's motivation was," Markus said. "They can't have been searching for weapons because they didn't interrogate anyone. Most of the villagers were working their fields at the time."
Police officials from all levels in the province declined to comment on the claims.
Meanwhile, the video showing the alleged torture continues to draw international condemnation. In a statement, the Australian Embassy called the video "disturbing," and urged the Indonesian government "to investigate reported human rights abuses, to see that alleged offenders face justice and to ensure the human rights of all Indonesians are respected."
Amnesty International has called for any investigation to be conducted by an independent body such as the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). The London-based group also urged Indonesia to publicize the findings and make them accessible to the abuse victims and their families.
Human Rights Watch has also weighed in on the issue, saying it was "gravely concerned" and calling for a full inquiry. HRW Asia added that "the credibility of the Indonesian military is fast eroding."
Adm. Agus Suhartono, the recently appointed chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces, has called for an investigation, but also questioned the timing of the video's release.
"This made me wonder whether it was deliberately released now," he said, an apparent reference to the first anniversary of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second term in office, which fell on Wednesday.
Jakarta Amnesty International on Wednesday demanded Indonesia investigate allegations of torture by security forces in restive Papua province.
The demand came after a video was posted on YouTube last week apparently showing two Papuan men being tortured during questioning about a weapons cache.
"The release of this video is the latest reminder that torture and other ill-treatment in Indonesia often go unchecked and unpunished," the human rights group's Asia-Pacific deputy director Donna Guest said in a statement.
"We continue to receive regular reports about torture by members of the security forces. However, there are often no independent investigations, and those responsible are rarely brought to account before an independent court," she added.
Indonesian police and the military have said they would investigate the case in the remote eastern region, where a low-level separatist insurgency has been simmering for decades.
But Amnesty called for the government to appoint a National Human Rights Commission to lead the investigation and publish the findings while ensuring the safety of investigators, victims, witnesses and their families.
"The authorities must send a clear public message to all members of the security forces in Indonesia, especially in Papua, that torture and other ill-treatment is strictly prohibited at all times and, if it occurs, full criminal investigations will begin," Guest said.
The human rights group said it also had another video showing a Papuan political activist, reportedly arrested by police in August 2009, with severe abdominal injuries receiving no assistance just before his death.
Amnesty said it wrote to police in December last year asking for details about police abuse in the Nabire district of Papua but has not received a response and is unaware of any "independent and impartial" investigation.
From December 2008 to April 2009, police had used "unnecessary and excessive force" against demonstrators, injuring at least 21 people and "repeatedly beat and otherwise ill-treated" at least 17 during and after arrests, it said.
Ismira Lutfia & Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Minister of Justice and Human Rights Patrialis Akbar declined comment on an Internet video that appears to show Indonesian soldiers torturing Papuans, but promised a probe. He made the remarks on Wednesday at the launch of the Human Rights Resource Center for Asean.
The 10-minute video was posted on video-sharing Web site YouTube late last week under the title "Military Torture of Indigenous Papuans," but was taken down on Monday morning.
It showed two Papuan men pinned to the ground and being roughly interrogated by six unidentified men. One is wearing Army-issue blue aerobics pants and another is wearing an Army camouflage jacket.
"I haven't seen the video myself so I cannot comment, but we will send the ministry's research and development team to probe the case," Patrialis said.
"Every time there is a case like this, we always send our research and development team for inquiry and we will analyze it based on the team's report," Patrialis said.
New York-based Human Rights Watch said what was depicted on the video was "an indication of impunity." The video appears to show the alleged soldiers burning their prisoners' genitals and threatening them with knives, guns and a cigar.
"The people who were taking that video obviously were never concerned that they would ever be held accountable," said Phil Robertson, the group's Asia deputy director.
And even if they had been somewhat hesitant about the incriminating evidence, he said, their fears may have been allayed by the fruitless police investigation into the alleged Aug. 3 Densus 88 torture of activists in Ambon.
Robertson acknowledged that Agus Suhartono, the newly appointed chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), had vowed to haul soldiers found to have taken part in the alleged Papua torture before a military tribunal. But Robertson said the military court was known for protecting soldiers and not delivering justice.
"What the government should be doing is conducting a thorough, complete and credible investigation, releasing the report to the public and charging these people in a civilian court," he said.
Separately, Markus Haluk of the Papuan Tribal Council (DPA) said members of the police's elite Mobile Brigade unit (Brimob) had burned dozens of homes in Bigiragi village, in Puncak Jaya, Papua, on Oct. 11, leaving 650 people homeless. "We are civilians and are unarmed, but we continue to be persecuted without any refuge, without any shelter," Markus said.
Unlike other areas in the province, Tingginambut is a Military Operational Region (DOM) because it is reputedly the base of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) armed separatist group.
Security forces in the region have been accused of numerous human rights violations. In an incident this month, police shot and killed three people after violence broke out at an airport in Wamena in the central mountainous range of Papua.
It remains unclear what sparked the violence was but the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has accused police of extrajudicial killings.
Tom Allard, Jakarta The torture of a Papuan man by Indonesian security forces, depicted in a video that emerged this week, is not surprising and is likely to be repeated, according to the man who led a landmark study into the unrest in Papua for the Indonesian government.
The frank assessment from Muridan Widjojo, editor of The Papua Road Map, comes amid further evidence of Indonesian military brutality in the troubled region, with a video showing soldiers indiscriminately kicking and punching bound Papuan detainees.
"I am not surprised," said Dr Widjojo when asked about the first video, which shows a Papuan, believed to be a man called Tunaliwor Kiwo, stripped naked and then poked with a burning stick in his genitals.
"Given the dominant 'anti-separatist' security perspective among [military and police] officials both in Jakarta and in Papua, similar conduct would very likely take place again in the near future."
Mr Kiwo is believed to have been killed, while the other Papuan man brutalised in the video is reportedly in hiding and petrified he will be hunted down and killed to ensure his silence.
Dr Widjojo said the behaviour of the large number of security forces in Papua was "counter-productive" and "has encouraged stronger anti-Indonesia sentiment" in the resource rich region with a Melanesian indigenous population.
The head of political research at the highly regarded Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Dr Widjojo, put together The Papua Road Map that was funded by the Indonesian government.
The report, published last year, calls for a new peace deal with the Papuan people, along the lines of the agreement that ended the long and bloody conflict in the Indonesian province of Aceh.
The Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has failed so far to act decisively on the report's recommendations, although he said in a state address in August that he was committed to pursuing constructive political communication with Papuans.
Despite almost 10 years of "special autonomy", large financial handouts from Jakarta and its vast mineral and timber wealth, Papua remains the most poverty stricken region in Indonesia.
Widespread corruption has siphoned off the financial assistance from the central government while military and police brutality has antagonised the population and migrants from other parts of Indonesia occupy almost all paid employment. Separatist sentiment is strong among indigenous Papuans.
The video of brutality, revealed in the Herald, was front page news in Indonesia yesterday, and most media outlets reported on demands for it to be investigated thoroughly. Some nationalistic parliamentarians suggested it could be a fake used to stir up support for separatists.
The Indonesian military and police have said they will investigate. The Herald understands a lieutenant-colonel from Indonesia's Kopassus special forces has been sent to the Puncak Jaya region.
A spokesman for Indonesia's foreign ministry, Teuku Faizasyah, said: "If the incident did occur, it was not a systematic case from our standpoint."
However, the Asia director for Human Rights Watch, Phil Robertson, said the Indonesian security forces had a poor record of thoroughly investigating such incidents or punishing those who had perpetrated human rights abuses.
Jakarta Legislators and human rights activists have urged the government to verify the authenticity of a video that appears to show men in military uniform torturing an indigenous Papuan, including one scene in which soldiers press a red-hot stick against the man's genitals.
The Asian Human Rights Commission posted the nearly five-minute-long video on YouTube for 22 hours Saturday before removing it, Kompas.com reported.
"The government must find out the truth behind the video, including checking the place, time and people involved in the video," National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) chairman Ifdhal Kasim said, adding that the government must take legal action against the culprits if the video turned out to be genuine.
In the video, the torturers held a knife against the throat of a Papuan man, who is almost completely naked and lying on the ground. In another scene, a man with a black bag on his head presses a glowing bamboo stick against the victim's genitals.
According to a transcript of the audio portion of the video provided by Solidarity for Papua, men dressed in military fatigues compelled the hostage Papuan to reveal the whereabouts of a weapons cache, threatening to shoot him and burn his genitals if he did not.
In 1962 the Indonesian government sent a military mission to Papua to seize the territory. In 1971, the government under Soeharto established in the western part of Papua a so-called Military Operation Zone, which was eventually dissolved in 1998.
In 2001, the government granted Papua special autonomy status. However, the autonomy failed to stop human rights violations, such as the alleged murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay, leader of the Papua Presidium, by Indonesian soldiers on Nov. 10, 2001.
Ifdhal said the government should investigate the video and not simply deny any government involvement in the actions depicted in it.
He said a failure by the government to ascertain the truth behind the video would intensify public distrust of the government's role in Papua. He told The Jakarta Post that commission members in Papua had begun questioning sources in connection with the video.
House of Representatives' Commission I chairman Mahfudz Siddiq said that the Justice and Human Rights Ministry and the military must form a team to investigate the video, but added that only the police were authorized to interrogate suspects. Indonesian Military chief Adm. Agus Suhartono said he had instructed his men to verify the video's authenticity.
"I have just received the report, so I am in the midst of instructing a check of the [video's] authenticity," he said as reported by Kompas.com.
He said the military's procedures for interrogating suspected separatists were based on human rights guidelines. He said he would respect any legal process aimed at the tormenters in the video if the material was proven to be authentic.
Military District spokesman Lt. Col. Inf. Susilo said it was unclear if the perpetrators in the video were members of the military or the police. He said the video might be old, which might imply soldiers were the perpetrators, he said. "It's too early to say the military were the perpetrators in the video," he said. (gzl)
Nivell Rayda & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta A volley of international criticism was unleashed at Indonesia on Monday over a video circulating on the Internet that apparently depicts two Papuans being interrogated and tortured by Indonesian soldiers.
The graphic 10-minute video was posted on video-sharing Web site YouTube late last week under the title "Military Torture of Indigenous Papuans," but was taken down on Monday morning.
In it, two Papuan men are pinned to the ground while interrogated by six unidentified men. One is wearing Army-standard blue aerobics pants and another an Army camouflage jacket.
While one interrogator puts a foot on the chest of one of the Papuans, who is stripped naked with his hands and feet bound, a man can be heard asking him about the location of weapons in the area.
"Show us the weapons! Do you know of any weapons in Gurage [village]?" he is asked. He repeatedly answers: "I'm a civilian, I don't know anything," but a man in the background later says, "You're lying. Burn him. Burn him."
A smoldering stick is later seen apparently burning the genitals of the Papuan, who screams, "I'm telling the truth the truth," in a tribal dialect, Lani.
The interrogators later wave an automatic rifle and lit cigarette near the man's face.
In another scene, a man repeatedly holds the blade of a long knife to the face and neck of another Papuan, a much younger man, while interrogating him.
The identities of the two Papuans remain unknown, but the video's metadata suggests that the video was taken on May 30, around the time Papuan activists reported the disappearance of two civilians, Tunaliwor Kiwo and Telangga Gire. The two men were last seen at an Army checkpoint in Gurage, in the Tingginambut subdistrict of Puncak Jaya.
Unlike other areas in the province, Tingginambut is still declared a Military Operational Region (DOM) because it is reportedly the base of the armed separatist group the Free Papua Movement (OPM).
The country's newly appointed military chief, Adm. Agus Suhartono, on Monday said he had already ordered an investigation into the alleged torture, adding that "if any soldiers are found guilty, then we will submit them to a legal investigation." Mahfudz Siddiq, who heads House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees defense, said the military should let the police probe the incident.
But he also said the video might be part of a campaign by separatists aimed at putting pressure on the government. "So what happened in the video, if it is true, could be a new weapon for them to consolidate their power, and at the same time harm Indonesia," he said.
Democratic Party lawmaker Ramadhan Pohan said even if soldiers were found to be involved, it should not be seen as a systemic problem but one of poor discipline by individual personnel.
"I think the military must fully clarify this issue. If any soldiers are involved in actions as shown in the YouTube recording, there should be sanctions for the soldiers," he said. "And it should be announced publicly; they must admit that the incident did happen."
Another Commission I member, Tritamtomo, said military commanders in Papua should respond quickly to the video and order a thorough investigation.
Human Rights Watch has also called for a full inquiry. "What the video suggests is that torture is taking place despite claims by the Indonesian government that such force is not being exerted," said Phil Robertson, the group's Asia deputy director. "We are gravely concerned, the credibility of the Indonesian military is fast eroding."
Wong Kai Shing, head of the Asian Human Rights Commission, urged Indonesia to ratify the UN Convention Against Torture, which it signed in 1998. "This is only one of numerous cases of torture by the military in Papua that has been reported to us," he said.
Tom Allard, Jakarta A graphic and disturbing video shows a Papuan man being poked in the genitals with a fiery stick as he is interrogated by a group of men who appear to be members of Indonesia's security services.
The video has come to light as the Indonesian government faces continuing criticism about abuses by its security forces in Papua, scene of a long simmering separatist struggle.
The Papuan man, stripped naked, bound and with one of the interrogators placing his foot on his chest, is being asked about the location of a cache of weapons. After he tells his interrogators it has been hidden in a pigpen, one of them screams at him: "You cheat, you cheat."
Another interrogator then yells "get a fire, get a fire" before a colleague administers the torture with a stick that has been burnt in a fire and is smouldering. The man screams in agony, and does so again when the treatment is repeated.
The video appears to have been taken with a mobile phone by one of the interrogators, who speak Indonesian with Javanese and Ambonese accents and wear plain clothes.
While it is common for Indonesian police and military personnel to wear civilian clothing, it is impossible to verify those in the video are members of the security services.
But the nature of the interrogation suggests professionals are at work, as does a later incident shown on the 10-minute video when an M-16 rifle is pointed at the man's mouth. "So you want me to shoot your mouth? So your mouth breaks?" the interrogator shouts.
The emergence of the video it was posted on YouTube three days ago by someone using the moniker papualiberationarmy and obtained independently by the Herald will do nothing to lessen criticism of abuses by security forces in Papua.
"We have been living under Indonesia for almost 48 years," said Victor Kogoya, a member of the central committee of the Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua, a Papuan student group. "For all this time, we have never felt calm, never peace. Why? Because ever since the security state has been chasing us, arresting us, killing, terror and intimidation."
Although Jakarta made an autonomy deal with the province almost 10 years ago, its indigenous Melanesian people remain the country's poorest while migrants flood into the resource-rich area and dominate business and paid employment, further marginalising the Papuans.
There have been repeated reports of abuses by the military and police, but foreign journalists are banned from entering Papua without special permission, while non-government groups, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, have been told to leave in the past year.
Two Papuan victims are recorded in the video one naked and being burned, while the other is clothed and has a large knife placed under his nose as he is being questioned by the men. At one point, one of the interrogators says: "I'll cut your throat."
The footage is graphic, with the men hit and threatened throughout the interrogation.
The victims speak in the Papuan dialect Lani, strongly suggesting the video was filmed in Puncak Jaya, a regency in Papua's highlands where a unit of the armed Free Papua Movement commanded by Goliath Tabuni has been staging sporadic attacks on Indonesian police and military posts for the past two years.
Numerous weapons have been stolen in the raids and at least four soldiers and police have been killed in the past two years.
Jakarta has sent members of the national police's mobile brigade and anti- terrorism unit, Detachment 88, to the region. Both units have been accused of using excessive force.
There have been repeated allegations of security forces making violent sweeps through villages in Puncak Jaya, a region characterised by soaring mountains covered in thick jungle. The military, including its controversial special forces unit Kopassus, also has a strong presence.
Papua, which was formerly known as Dutch New Guinea, was not incorporated into Indonesia when it became a state in 1949. It was held by the Dutch until 1962 when, following Indonesian military incursions into the area, an agreement brokered through the Untied Nations gave Indonesia administrative control of the region pending a referendum.
That "referendum" involved just 1025 handpicked tribal leaders who unanimously agreed to join Indonesia. The so-called "Act of Free Choice" has been labelled fraudulent and remains a source of great anger for many indigenous Papuans.
While separatist sentiment remains strong, it has little international support. Australia recognises Indonesia's sovereignty over the region. The Herald was unable to obtain a response from the Indonesian military or police late yesterday.
Jakarta Indonesian police said Monday they would investigate fresh reports of torture by security forces against civilians in restive Papua province, after a graphic video was posted online.
The video, released on YouTube last week and reported Monday in The Sydney Morning Herald, showed two Papuan men being tortured during questioning by unknown interrogators about the whereabouts of a weapons cache.
Human rights groups accuse the Indonesian security forces of widespread abuse and torture against civilians in the remote eastern region, where a low-level separatist insurgency has been simmering for decades.
"We will investigate and find out what's going on. We'll also find out who recorded the video and spread it. If police are involved, we will take firm action," national police spokesman Marwoto Soeto told AFP.
Papua police spokesman Wachyono said the video could be an attempt to discredit the police force, which is known to torture and abuse detainees of all kinds, including women and those held on minor charges.
"I'm afraid this video could have been made up to discredit police or the military. The people making the video could be an armed gang," he said. "If it's proven that the police have committed human rights violations, we will take firm action," he added.
The Australian media raised similar allegations last month against Indonesian police in the eastern province of Maluku, where rights groups say separatists and their supporters are regularly abused in custody.
One of the units allegedly responsible for much of the worst abuse is Kopassus, the Indonesian special forces.
US-based Human Rights Watch says Indonesian forces have pursued indiscriminate sweeps on villages in Papua and West Papua provinces, sometimes killing civilians, and imprisoned peaceful political activists.
The United States recently re-opened military links with Kopassus despite objections from rights groups and several members of Congress. US Rear Admiral Sean A. Pybus, special operations commander for the Pacific, met Indonesian Army Chief of Staff General George Toisutta and Special Forces Commander Major General Lodewijk F. Paulus in Indonesia last week.
Jakarta The House of Representatives said Monday it would question Indonesian Military (TNI) Chief Adm. Agus Suhartono over an alleged military torture of Papuan separatists posted in Youtube.
Legislators Bambang Soesatyo and Effendi Choirie agreed that Agus must explain the incident. Effendi said soldiers could not just treat people arbitrarily. "If there is a law violation, let police finish the job. It's not soldier job," he said as quoted by kompas.com
The video reportedly showed that TNI soldiers kicked and hit Papuan separatists and even burned the penis of one of them. However, the video has been removed by Youtube for its shocking and disgusting content.
Zaky Pawas, Jakarta The police defended their decision to fire on protesters on Wednesday, saying the demonstration was illegal.
Hundreds of student demonstrators clashed with police in Menteng, Central Jakarta, as citywide protests marked the first anniversary of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second term.
Demonstrators burned tires and pictures of the president, and police responded with tear gas and warning shots. One protester, Restu Farel, 20, from Bung Karno University, was shot in the leg.
Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. Sutarman said on Friday the decision to open fire was made at the discretion of the officers at the scene. "It wasn't an order, it was left up to their discretion, which is granted to them under the prevailing laws," he said.
He added the shooting was the correct thing to do as the protesters did not previously seek the police's permission for the rally. "If they'd officially notified us about the rally, we would have been able to better secure the area and prevent a clash," Sutarman said.
The police chief also rebuffed allegations that officers at the scene had breached protocol by firing live rounds rather than rubber bullets.
"While it's true that one protester was shot with live ammo, that shot wasn't fired by any of the 70 crowd-control officers we deployed there," he said. "None of them had firearms loaded with live rounds. The shot was fired by an officer who was helping the crowd-control unit at the time."
He added the police's internal affairs unit is now investigating the officer, who he said "might have been from a subprecinct police station". "We're also taking eyewitness testimonies from the other demonstrators who were there," Sutarman said. "The investigation is still being processed."
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said the police formed a fact-finding team to investigate the incidents that led to the shooting.
The team includes officers from the Jakarta Police's internal affairs unit, crime division and intelligence unit and the Central Jakarta Police headquarters. Sixteen officers have already been questioned, nine of whom were carrying firearms at the time of the incident, Boy said.
He added police had also questioned two civilians, "both of whom are known to hang out regularly in the area." Police also plan to question several demonstrators "so that we get a balanced picture."
"We're trying to piece together an accurate chronology of the events that transpired that day, from morning until 3:30 p.m., when the shooting occurred," he said. He added the fact-finding team would be objective in its task of uncovering how and why the shooting occurred.
"We'll investigate this case objectively and we will be transparent with the probe. We will determine the accountability of both the officers and the demonstrators as we look at their actions," he said.
Boy also said doctors had managed to remove the projectile from Restu's leg. "The projectile is now undergoing a ballistics test at the National Police's forensics lab."
Meanwhile, the police have been criticized by politicians and activists for the shooting.
House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung called the shooting unnecessary. "It was too much, even if they had used rubber bullets," he said. "The demonstration was within a reasonable scale. That the police opened fire, that was too much."
Anis Matta, deputy House speaker from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), also condemned the police shooting. "There is an excessive paranoia from the government in dealing with the October 20 protest; the response was a bit too much," he said.
Also on Thursday, Poengky Indarti, director of the human rights watchdog Imparsial, said the police should not have used armed force on the students.
"They could have used a water cannon if they wanted to stop them, instead of harming the students," she said. "Police should have used a persuasive approach to the students instead of shooting them. This is totally incorrect."
She said the shooting showed the police force was not an independent body.
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta Indonesia's press freedom ranking slipped this year to 117th from 100th place last year, according to a survey by Paris- based civil society group Reporters Without Borders.
"In Southeast Asia, Indonesia cannot seem to pass under the symbolic bar separating the top 100 countries from the rest despite remarkable media growth," the NGO said in a press statement issued Tuesday evening.
"Malaysia [141st], Singapore [136th] and Timor Leste [93rd] are down this year. In short, repression has not diminished in ASEAN countries, despite the recent adoption of a human rights charter," it said.
The organization, which also functions as a consultant for the United Nations, referenced the killings of two journalists, and death threats several others received, mainly for their reports on the environment in Indonesia.
The 178 countries included in the survey were ranked solely based on events between Sept. 1, 2009, and Sept. 1, 2010. The report took into account press freedom violations only, according to the Reporters Without Borders' official website, www.rsf.org.
In Indonesia's case, the NGO recorded that a cameraman working for SUN TV was killed in August in Tual, the eastern province of Maluku, by a group of villagers when he was attempting to cover a clash between the villagers and residents of a neighboring village.
An investigative journalist whose body was found on July 30 in a river in the eastern province of Papua where media coverage is highly restricted was reported to have committed suicide, according to the NGO.
The journalist had been suffering from depression for months after soldiers threatened him over his report on illegal logging there. The Borneo bureau chief of the leading national daily, Kompas, was found dead in his home in July, the NGO stated.
The bureau chief, who was outspoken in his criticism of deforestation and environmental destruction in Kalimantan, the Indonesian part of the island of Borneo, is widely thought to have been killed, but the cause of death was never confirmed.
In July, Jakarta-based Tempo magazine's headquarters were hit by petrol bombs thrown by unknown assailants. The attack was allegedly linked to the magazine's report that several Indonesian police generals had suspiciously large bank accounts.
Copies of that issue of the magazine were removed from shelves of stores by men wearing police uniforms. No suspects have been named in the Tempo incident. The Jakarta Police chief at the time of the incident has since been approved by the House of Representatives to become the next National Police chief.
A reporter working at the local daily of Harian Aceh was physically abused and has received death threats against him and his family allegedly from soldiers for his reports on illegal logging, according to the report. He is now in hiding, away from his family.
Indian and Italian reporters were also arrested in November last year after covering Greenpeace's deforestation protest in Sumatra.
Heru Andriyanto, Jakarta The thorny question of censorship has kept the Attorney General's Office busy in the past year.
In a report released on Wednesday to coincide with the first anniversary of the president's second term, the office said it had monitored the contents of 7,652 books 7,522 imported and 130 local titles and was continually monitoring 96 imported magazines and 68 foreign newspapers.
The revelation comes just a week after a Constitutional Court ruling stripped the AGO of its power to ban books. The court, however, said it rejected a judicial review of the 2004 AGO Law that gives the office the authority to monitor printed material.
The intelligence unit of the AGO "is investigating, examining and controlling those printed materials," AGO spokesman Babul Khoir Harahap said. In addition, the AGO also made a decision on 990 videos and audio discs.
In the past six years, the repealed law has been used by the AGO to ban 22 books, most of them dealing with the murky coup attempt in 1965. The law was used under the regime of former dictator Suharto to clamp down on dissent.
Separately, the report said 15 prosecutors were facing dismissal for various offenses. It said that in the past year Indonesia had dealt with more than 1,700 corruption cases, with just over 1,000 of them ending up in a trial.
The report boasted that the AGO's antigraft measures had recovered Rp133.64 billion ($15 million) in stolen assets. The AGO's civil and state administrative affairs unit, which mainly deals with state debt collection, had recovered state assets worth Rp 1.29 trillion, Babul said.
"Of the prosecutors and civil servants working for the AGO, 248 of them have received sanctions following complaints filed by members of the public," he said. "This is out of over 500 complaints that we received since last October."
Babul said 101 convicts were on death row in Indonesia, with most of them convicted over drug trafficking. He said they still could avoid the firing squad if they were granted a presidential pardon, which they could request.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta In a move condemned by critics as totalitarian, the government announced plans to bar the sales of certain books, just days after the Constitutional Court revoked its authority to ban the distribution of printed material.
The Justice and Human Rights Ministry is currently reviewing around 200 books suspected of carrying content that "pose threats to the country's unity".
Earlier reports said 20 of the books were under strict review that was likely to end in the books' removal from store shelves. The books, the ministry argued, promoted separatism, terrorism and violence.
Ministry official Hafidz Abbas told The Jakarta Post on Friday that the ministry's efforts to study the contents of the books "will definitely lead to" filing of requests to courts to ban the books.
He stressed, however, that legal suits would be a last resort after other measures were taken to "clarify" the content. "What we will do first is to study the contents of the books," he said.
If the government finds the content "tendentious", Hafidz went on, they would first publish other books that countered the contents of the controversial books. Hafidz said that by doing so, the government expected the sales of the "problematic" books to decline and eventually stop.
"We will also approach publishers and inform them of where the books are flawed," he said, adding that publishers would then be coerced to remove the books from bookstores.
University of Indonesia philosophy expert Tommy F. Awuy said, however, that there was no need for the government "to try to look for problems in the books".
"It is a characteristic of a totalitarian state to try to find out how books are going to cause problems in order to dispute them in courts," he told the Post.
The Constitutional Court on Wednesday ruled to expunge a 1963 law on book banning. The ruling stripped the government of its authority to ban books deemed controversial, but judges said books could still be banned. They said the decision to remove books from circulation should rest with the courts.
The book banning authority was practiced mostly by the Attorney General's Office, which banned 22 books since 2006, including 13 history textbooks for use in junior and senior high schools.
Yudi Latief of the Reform Institute welcomed the ruling, saying the Constitutional Court had made the right decision by addressing one of the issues that had hindered the development of democracy.
He warned, however, that Indonesia still faced problems with its judiciary system. "Law enforcers often bow to provocation and pressure from groups that use violence," he added.
Yudi said the AGO should lift its ban on books that it had prohibited since the now-revoked law took effect in the old regime.
"These voices need to be heard. In a democracy, there will always be works and publications that are apologetic and side with certain interests or groups. This, I think, makes for a more balanced argument. The public should be the judges of what is true," he added.
The AGO's banning of books began with Pramoedya Ananta Toer's Hoakiau di Indonesia (The Chinese in Indonesia) being one of the very first books to be pulled off shelves. The AGO has banned more than 400 books since then including other works by the late author.
The banning of books stopped when former president Soeharto was toppled, but the practice resumed in 2006.
Anita Rachman, Jakarta The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's deputy chairwoman, Puan Maharani, has stressed it would remain a steadfast opposition party, despite last week having signaled otherwise.
Speaking on Tuesday, she said the party, also known as the PDI-P, would continue to abide by the vision set out by the party's congress in April that it would continue to keep the Democratic Party-led government in check.
"It doesn't matter who says what, it's the congress's decision that has to be respected by all party members," she said.
On Friday, Puan had said the party was open to taking seats in the cabinet, and to opening lines of communication with the Democrats' ruling coalition. The statement was strongly criticized by other party officials who argued that token seats in the cabinet were not worth changing the party's stance.
PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri, who is also Puan's mother, has been adamant the party will remain in opposition.
Puan clarified Friday's statement by saying that an alliance would only be possible if the congress's decision was annulled. "Is that possible? We will see. Whatever we do, it's solely for the country without forgetting our ideology," she said.
Speculation that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono may soon reshuffle his cabinet has prompted talk about which parties are set to benefit. Puan said the PDI-P had so far not raised the cabinet issue with Yudhoyono's Democratic Party. She said a recent invitation to several top Democrats to her son's circumcision ceremony was only a polite gesture.
The party, however, was still open to any communication or offers, so long as it was in the national interest, she added.
Yudi Latif, a political observer from the Reform Institute, said the supposed offer of cabinet seats might just be a warning to the Democrats' coalition partner, the Golkar Party. "It's like they wanted to say to Golkar, 'If you keep pushing us, it doesn't matter, we have PDI-P,'?" he said.
Although a member of the Democrats' coalition, Golkar has often had a differing and sometimes critical stance on government policies.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Anita Rachman & Fidelis E. Satriastanti, Jakarta Talk of a cabinet reshuffle has reached a fever pitch on the eve of the first anniversary of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's re-election.
The president is believed to be evaluating his ministers, and everyone from activists to diplomats to lawmakers is talking about who could and should be replaced.
Bambang Susatyo, from the Golkar Party, said the cabinet lacked talent. "For the sake of improving the cabinet's performance, the president must have a reshuffle," he said.
A Golkar source said the party wanted to see career diplomat Marty Natalegawa dumped because it wanted the foreign minister post for itself. It also wanted to see Tifatul Sembiring, the communications and information technology minister, removed, but the source did not say why.
He said Golkar's MS Hidayat was ready to take on the position of coordinating minister for economic affairs, now held by Hatta Rajasa of the National Mandate Party (PAN), and it had someone in mind to replace Tifatul.
Romahurmuzy, deputy secretary general of the United Development Party (PPP), has criticized the cabinet's performance on the economy, security and law enforcement, but is not sure a reshuffle would solve the country's woes.
Commenting on law enforcement, he said the government only targeted political opponents, while those from the inner circle were given a free hand.
He said if the problems could be fixed without a reshuffle, well and good. But if the evaluation showed one was needed there should be one, regardless of who the minister was or what party he or she came from.
PAN is confident of retaining its ministerial posts, rating its ministers as the best performers in Yudhoyono's cabinet. Tjatur Sapto Edy, the PAN chairman in the House of Representatives, said Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan, Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar and Hatta, all from the party, were "doing their best to serve the country."
But Chalid Muhammad, from the Green Institute, said the government must replace Zulkifli because he had failed to implement the 2009 Law on Environmental Management and Protection. He said the ministry continued to provide concessions to logging companies despite its frequent statements of wanting to preserve the environment.
The group said the government was lax on environmental issues and called for better environmental policies and consistency in implementing them to preserve the country's resources.
The opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) challenged the president to have the stomach to replace incompetent ministers. "Based on our observations, nine ministers have performed badly. We are certain the president knows who they are," said the PDI-P's secretary general, Tjahjo Kumolo, while refusing to name them.
Younger members of the PDI-P have expressed an interest in having a better relationship with the government. Some want the party to seek cabinet posts, while its chairwoman, Megawati Sukarnoputri, has told members to stay the course and abide by an April party congress decision to stay outside the ruling tent.
Ramadhan Pohan, from the president's Democratic Party, said a cabinet performance evaluation did not necessarily mean a reshuffle would follow. "However, after a year I think it is appropriate to have one," he said.
Ramadhan said that if there was a reshuffle, the president would consider ministers' performance and not which party they came from.
[Additional reporting by Antara.]
Jakarta The Democratic Party should be wary following findings from a new nationwide survey that indicated public support for the country's ruling party was dwindling, pundits say.
The study by the Indonesian Survey Circle, which ran from September to October, showed support for the Golkar Party the second-largest member in the ruling coalition behind the Democratic Party rose nearly 3 percent from 14.5 percent last year to 17.8 percent
Support for the Democratic Party slid from 30 percent in the months after the 2009 presidential election to 26.1 percent.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political observer Syamsuddin Haris told The Jakarta Post on Monday that the Democratic Party may lose the 2014 elections to Golkar, citing the current government's poor performance as a main factor.
"The survey results clearly indicate the declining popularity of the ruling party, meaning that it is possible Golkar will triumph in the next elections," he said.
The Democratic Party, founded by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono nine years ago, has to regain its popularity if it wants to win the next legislative and parliamentary elections.
Syamsuddin said the problem was that the Democratic Party and Golkar shared the same ideology championing development and public welfare, and that voters were likely to choose the most popular of the two. "If the ruling party loses its popularity, voters may swing to Golkar."
He suggested that the Democratic Party publicly name its presidential candidate soon, as this would afford the party the opportunity to prepare and promote their nominee for the elections. "There is a widespread belief that President Yudhoyono's party has been sweeping the matter under the rug," Syamsuddin added.
Another LIPI political expert, Siti Zuhro, concurred, saying there were two reasons for the slide in the Democratic Party's popularity. "A crisis of leadership and the President's poor performance in running the government pretty much contributed to the declining popularity, as shown by the survey," Siti said.
However, she emphasized that people needed to question the methodology used in the survey, as well as any bias by the survey institution.
"This is a very sophisticated prediction. Nevertheless, we need to know the empirical process and variables used in the survey. We also need to question the purpose of this survey. Is it to form an opinion, or to give a wake up call to the political parties?" Siti added.
Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum told the Post that the party was optimistic about winning the 2014 elections, saying the party's popularity had actually increased from 20.9 percent (in the months leading up to the 2009 presidential elections) to 26.1 percent in 2010. "We will always be at the front, while ensuring that no other political parties beat us out," he said.
Anas added that the Democratic Party was fully supportive of the President's administration, while at the same time ensuring that the government improved its performance. "The party is also consolidating internal strength through structural reform, improving logistics, better recruitment strategies and image development," he said.
Anita Rachman, Jakarta Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie insisted on Sunday that the party would stay inside the ruling coalition, despite complaints by some party stalwarts that Golkar has been forced to compromise too much.
"There are people who say the party has been bowing down too many times to other coalition members," Aburizal told the opening of a Golkar leaders' meeting to mark the party's 46th anniversary.
Aburizal, who is increasingly seen as a possible presidential contender in 2014, said he understood the dissent but urged members to consider the good of the party and the nation before agitating to leave the coalition.
"In a discussion of our nation's great goals, Golkar will never bargain. People's welfare, legal certainty and education are fixed. All of these are Golkar's strategic goals," he said.
Coalition politics was a short-term tactical move, not the goal, and the party needed to pursue its goals by using timing and common sense, he said.
"Sometimes we embrace, sometimes we are embraced. Sometimes we dodge, sometimes we draw a straight line," said the tycoon and political leader, who chairs the secretariat of the ruling coalition. "That's what has happened with the issues and policies lately."
He said when it came to the House's Bank Century probe, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the naming of a central bank governor and the choice for ambassador to the US and National Police chief, Golkar had given ground for good reasons. "We did what we had to do and we did it well," he said.
Aburizal said that with strong backing in the regions, Golkar had a good shot at taking back the presidency in 2014.
Under former President Suharto, who took over Golkar as his personal political vehicle in 1971, the party ruled continuously until the strongman was forced out in 1998. Since then, it has not won a presidential election.
Aburizal said that in 2014, Golkar must nominate its best member to carry the banner but stopped short of naming himself.
He said Golkar's efforts to build itself up would not affect the coalition and that every party whether inside or outside the coalition must aim to be the best.
Meanwhile, Golkar secretary general Idrus Marham said the three-day meeting would involve internal party discussions. The party would be focusing on building its network in rural areas.
Golkar has set a goal of enlisting 10 million members, offering life insurance to those who sign up as an incentive. Idrus said the leaders also would discuss national politics. The party was committed to offering constructive criticism to the government.
Anita Rachman, Jakarta Tantalizing suggestions from the upper reaches of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle that it may join forces with the government were shot down by leaders on Sunday, who claimed that the party would not trade its independence for one or two cabinet seats.
Lawmaker Ganjar Pranowo, who represents the party, also known as the PDI-P, in the House of Representatives, said long-time party chief Megawati Sukarnoputri told party cadres to stay the course and abide by an April party congress decision to stay outside the ruling tent. "She said we should resist temptations," Ganjar said.
The apparent tension in the PDI-P has tongues wagging after Megawati's daughter, Puan Maharani, party deputy chairwoman for political affairs, on Friday said the party remained open to taking seats in the cabinet and that her father, Taufik Kiemas, had met with the president last month. Puan had also said the party respected Yudhoyono's mandate to rule for five years.
Most observers see the PDI-P's internal rumblings as a sign of both generational pressures in the party, which has always been controlled by the Sukarno family, and talk within the ruling Democratic Party that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will review his ministers' performance in advance of a possible cabinet reshuffle as the first anniversary of his second term in office nears this week.
The PDI-P's image has been rooted in opposition since its founding in 1998, the only real exception being during Megawati's tenure as president from 2001-04. Strategists in the party may worry that giving up its outsider image could cost it dearly at the polls in 2014.
Ganjar said the possibility of joining the ruling coalition remained, but the PDI-P would need a bigger prize than a token seat or two at the ruling table.
"Since the beginning, we are the opposition. Period. And if we are talking about compromise, it should be ideological. It could be about food, trade or economics," Ganjar said.
He added that joining the coalition, which would require convening a party congress, could mean that the PDI-P would be in the position to veto some government actions. "For instance, telling the government to stop a foreign loan," he said.
Maruarar Sirait, PDI-P chairman for youth and sports affairs, agreed, saying that for now the decision by the party as a whole in April to remain in opposition would stand.
"Megawati has gone to many areas and talked to people, and the people want PDI-P to be the balancing party, an opposition party. If we want to take up [government] responsibility, it must be through winning [a general election] in 2014," he said.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) said there had always been and would always be factions within the PDI-P. Some party elites, he said, want it to be less antagonistic to the government, while others want the party to remain steadfast in its opposition stance.
In April, Taufik floated the possibility of joining hands with the Democrats, which Megawati later shot down during the party's congress.
Jakarta Indonesians say they want five political parties to vie in the next general election to make the voting process simpler, a recent survey says.
According to the survey, which was conducted by the Indonesian Survey Institute from September to October, 73.8 percent of Indonesians said there were too many parties, with many educated urbanites wanting fewer.
Fifty-nine percent of respondents said five was the maximum number of acceptable political parties. Thirty-four parties ran in the 2009 legislative elections, and nine parties won seats in the 560-seat House of Representatives.
According to a consultant involved in the survey, Barkah Pattimahu, people wanted fewer parties after they voted in confusing presidential, general and regional elections.
Ideologies often overlap amid the clutter of parties and a motley crew of candidates whom voters found difficult to differentiate and identify, he added. The survey also said that 82.4 percent of respondents would support a system that limits the number of parties.
"But they want the limits enacted in a legal, democratic way," Barkah said. He added that the government should not duplicate former president Suharto's forceful consolidation of parties.
The survey said that 68.9 percent of respondents wanted stricter party establishment requirements, with a majority opting for a 5 percent parliamentary threshold.
The threshold is currently 2.5 percent although legislators are debating raising the limit. "If a 5 percent parliamentary threshold were implemented, only five parties could send their representatives to the legislature," Barkah added.
The survey showed those parties would be the Democratic Party, the Golkar Party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN).
Legislator Syarifudin Suding from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) told The Jakarta Post that his party would be ready if the House decided to raise the threshold. "It's fine if that's what the public truly wants," he said, adding that his party held nearly 3 percent of House seats. (gzl)
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta The Golkar Party has announced it will fight for a higher parliamentary threshold in the legislative body in the interests of forming a stronger and more effective future government.
Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie said his party would propose a 7.5 percent parliamentary threshold, an increase of 5 percent from the current 2.5 percent, in the planned revision of the political laws.
"Indonesia needs a strong and effective government to allow the nation to develop a better democracy and compete with its neighbors," he said in a press conference that concluded the party's leadership meeting here on Tuesday.
Aburizal said the party's policy was in line with the result of a recent survey conducted by the Indonesian Survey Circle that showed the public had become disenchanted by mushrooming political parties. A higher threshold, he added, would hopefully reduce the number of political parties to two or three in parliament.
More than 140 political parties are registered at the Justice and Human Rights Ministry, but only 46 were found eligible to contend the 2009 legislative election. Aburizal said the party would also propose a district-based electoral system to increase efficiency.
"We want to form a strong legislative body with qualified legislators representing the political aspirations of their constituents more than their political parties. This is an effective way to repair the House of Representatives' tarnished image."
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) have recently called for the parliamentary threshold to be increased to 5 percent or above to encourage the next government and the parliament to focus on addressing major national problems such as unemployment and poverty and improving social welfare.
Separately, PDI-P politician and legislator Gandjar Pranowo said that based on the nation's 12-year post-reform experience, the presence of numerous political parties at the House did not benefit democracy or the people.
Under the current 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold, 10 political parties, including the PD, Golkar and the PDI-P share 560 seats at the House. If the 7.5 percent parliamentary threshold had been enforced in the 2009 legislative election, only those and the United Development Party (PPP) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) would have won seats at the House.
Ismira Lutfia, Jakarta Though activists and businesspeople have welcomed a ministerial decree ending a dispute between two bodies with overlapping mandates on migrant workers, many doubt it will actually improve services.
The decree, issued by Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar on Thursday, clarifies that migrant worker placement is the job of the National Commission for the Placement and Protection of Indonesia Migrant Workers (BNP2TKI), while the ministry will act as a regulator.
The long-running dispute began in December 2008 when then Manpower Minister Erman Suparno amended the decree that established the commission in a way that effectively took over the body's placement functions. Fa'a Daely, the deputy head of the Malaysian division of the Migrant Worker Service Companies Association (Apjati), said the new division of tasks was "an ideal composition."
"But we will have to see the actual implementation. I hope they will soon give us practitioners an explanation of this new decree," he said.
He added that the power struggle had made it difficult for migrant workers' agencies to determine which body was in charge of issuing overseas employment cards, KTKLNs.
The KTKLN contains all the necessary information about overseas migrant workers, including name, fingerprint, photograph, passport number, workplace, employer's name and address, skills certification and embarkation and debarkation dates.
"Each body would reprimand us if we tried to get it [the card] from the other [government institution]," Daely said.
Migrant Care head Anis Hidayah welcomed the decree, but doubted its implementation would go smoothly, particularly when it came to the protection of migrant workers' rights, which she said was rarely a priority regardless of which body was in charge.
"Their focus is always on the placement, not on the protection, especially as the 2004 Law on the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Workers Abroad remains unamended," she said.
The Indonesian migrant trade union, known as the SPMI, said the end of the dispute would clear the way for the amendment of the migrant workers' placement law.
The law's amendment is listed in the House of Representatives' National Legislation Program (Prolegnas) but is still in the early stage of deliberation.
"Since there is no more power dualism in migrant worker matters, it will be easier to push for the amendment," SPMI secretary general Aryo Judhoko said.
"We already have mounting problems with migrant workers and there is no need to make it worse by having conflicting authorities," he said.
Environment & natural disasters
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta The Indonesian government said Thursday it was unclear if the haze that has blanketed Singapore and Malaysia over the last two days originated in Indonesia despite statements from the countries blaming the haze on fires in Riau province.
The Environment Ministry said it found no significant increase in fire hot spots in Riau or in any other Indonesian province this week.
"We have not determined if the source is from fires in Riau. We still need to check," Environment Ministry deputy minister for environmental communication and people's empowerment Ilyas Asaad told reporters at a press conference.
"It is still a one-sided complaint from Singapore or Malaysia," Ilyas said, in response to statements that the haze had come from Indonesia.
Reuters reported from Kuala Lumpur that haze prompted Malaysian authorities to alert vessels in the Malacca Strait of poor visibility and to order school closures.
Singapore has been covered in thick smoke this week while its three-hour Pollutant Standards Index recorded a rise to an "unhealthy" range of 108 as of 6 p.m. (1000 GMT), much higher than 80 on Wednesday, which was the worst since 2006, as reported by Reuters.
However Singapore's port and Singapore Changi Airport were still functioning as normal, according to reports.
According to a ministry report on fire hot spots in Riau issued on Thursday, in the first week of October there were 97 hot spots in Riau. The number jumped to 251 in the second week of October and declined to 219 in the third week before further declining on Oct. 17, when 65 hot spots were recorded in the Rokan Hilir regency.
Illyas added that the ministry had not received any official complaints from either the Malaysian or Singaporean governments.
The Malaysian government said it had ordered the closure of more than 200 schools in southern Malaysia on Thursday after a drop in air quality due to the haze from fires in Indonesia, the Associated Press reported.
Singapore environment and water resources Minister Yaacob Ibrahim also expressed disappointment on the haze and told Jakarta to deal with the recurring fires.
The Forestry Ministry rejected claims that haze originated in Indonesia, saying fire hot spots were also detected in other countries, including in Malaysia, on Oct. 19.
Ministry spokesperson Masyhud said there were only 37 hot spots detected on Oct. 19 in Riau, and less than 10 hot spots were recorded in forests.
"We also recorded fire hot spots in other countries, namely 13 hot spots in Serawak [in Malaysia], 10 in the Philippines and 19 in Myanmar, so the haze in Singapore and Malaysia cannot not simply be blamed on Indonesia," Masyhud said.
"The source of haze in the two countries would depend on wind patterns," he added.
Forest and land fires have long been annual events in Indonesia during the dry season.
Jakarta Global environmental pressure group Greenpeace said on Thursday that its Rainbow Warrior flagship had been denied access to Indonesian waters to load supplies.
The ship, which is on a two-and-a-half month voyage across Southeast Asia to promote awareness of climate change, had been due to enter Indonesia on Wednesday last week and stay for around a month, but was turned away.
"Our supplies have been running out. We tried since yesterday. We need to get a quick response, otherwise we'll leave immediately to a nearest country," Greenpeace's Nur Hidayati said, adding that the vessel is in international waters northeast of the nation's capital, Jakarta.
"We really regretted the decision. This is not a warship. We actually want to support Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's commitment to protect the environment," she added.
Yudhoyono has promised to cut Indonesia's emissions of climate-heating gases by 26 percent by 2020 and by 41 percent with international assistance.
Indonesia is considered the world's third-biggest emitter of greenhouse gases, mainly through deforestation, much of which is carried out illegally with the alleged complicity of officials and security forces.
Indonesian Foreign Ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said the ship needed an entry permit even to load logistic supplies, adding that it had been barred due to a lack of clarity over its planned activities.
"They did not give us clear explanation of what they want to do during their presence here. That's the reason why they cannot get an entry permit," he said adding that several ministries, including the country's military, were involved in the decision.
Greenpeace Southeast Asia has been waging an aggressive campaign against palm oil companies that allegedly cause massive deforestation and forest degradation in Indonesia.
In July 2010 it released a report titled "How Sinar Mas Is Pulping the Planet," which accused one of the world's leading pulp and paper companies, Sinar Mas-owned Asia Pulp & Paper, of crimes against the environment.
As a result of Greenpeace campaigns, major international buyers, such as Burger King, Unilever, Nestle and Kraft, have stopped buying palm oil from Sinar Mas and its subsidiaries.
The original Rainbow Warrior was sunk by French agents in a bomb attack in Auckland, New Zealand, in 1985, where it was undergoing a refit amid an ongoing anti-nuclear campaign in the Pacific.
Greenpeace is expected to unveil the third incarnation of the ship next year. (Agence France-Presse/JG)
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta The deadline has passed for the Environment Ministry to complete a regulation vital to streamlining a muddled bureaucracy on environment licenses for businesses, prompting the office to resort to an alternative plan that critics say "weakens the spirit of the environment law".
The 2009 Law on Environment Protection and Management stipulates the ministry must issue 12 supporting government regulations to make the law effective.
One of the most eagerly awaited regulations was to revamp environment permits for businesses. The regulation would vastly simplify the process of obtaining a permit, by condensing 12 separate licenses into a single permit, and thereby facilitate monitoring.
Environmental activists lauded the concept, saying it would prevent businesses from starting to operate on a concession without an environmental permit, a practise that has been common in recent times.
But the ministry has reported it has been facing difficulties coordinating and merging several government institutions, including regional ones, to implement the change.
On Wednesday, a ministry official said the office had produced a new strategy require business people to apply for separate licenses related to environmental issues in addition to securing an environmental permit.
If a businessman wants to open a business in Karawang, West Java, for example, an environment permit could be issued by the regional administration, but the company would still need to attain a license from the Environment Ministry to dump hazardous waste into the sea.
"If we want to have a single permit, we must first change some existing regulations," deputy minister for compliance Sudarijono said.
The 2009 Environment Law stipulates that a business license cannot be issued without an environment permit.
The ministry has come under pressure, mainly from environmentalists, to issue the government regulation on the environment permit. Activists believe that a unified environment permit would help strengthen monitoring to prevent and control environmental damage.
The environment law also requires the ministry to issue 11 other government regulations on Oct. 3 at the latest. As of Wednesday, the ministry had issued none.
Sudarijono said part of the problem was that the central government and local administrations had different authorities to issue different permits, all of which had to be unified to create a single permit.
Regents and mayors have the authority to issue waste water disposal permits, but the Environment Ministry has the authority to issue permits relating to hazardous waste management.
The 12 licenses a new business must secure before operating refer to disposal of liquid waste into water or water sources, temporary storage of hazardous water, collecting hazardous waste, processing hazardous waste, disposing liquid waste into the seas and other areas.
Law expert Asep Warlan Yusuf said the ministry's new plan, which effectively dropped the single permit concept, clashed with the principles of the environment permit as defined by the law.
Indonesian Center for Environment Law executive director Rhino Subagyo said the plan violated the spirit of the law. "The fear is it would lengthen bureaucracy and inflict high costs on business people wanting to secure permits, but would not uphold the law's spirit of preventing and controlling environmental damage," he said.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta The government has failed to deliver on one of its main re-election campaign promises of prioritizing efforts to protect the environment, activists say.
This view was shared by a coalition of seven environmental groups in an assessment of the first-year performance of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's second-term Cabinet.
"Many of the government's plans to protect the environment have yet to be implemented [in the field]," Chalid Muhammad, chairman of the Indonesian Green Institute, told reporters on Monday.
The green groups gave the government a red rating indicating poor performance for environmental issues.
Chalid said that Yudhoyono's administration had used environmental issues to gain international popularity, but had failed to deliver on his promises at home.
He said the government's much-hyped campaign to plant 1 billion trees per year had not been backed up by a policy to impose deforestation limits on companies operating in forest concession areas. "The government also failed to give enough information to the public about the unpredictable weather changes due to climate change," he said.
People's Coalition for Justice in Fisheries secretary-general Riza Damanik said that the government had failed to achieve food security, especially in coastal areas.
The groups called on Yudhoyono to replace ministers in charge of the environment, namely the environment minister, the forestry minister, the agriculture minister, the energy and mineral resources minister and the maritime affairs and fisheries minister.
Rhino Soebagyo, from the Indonesian Center for Environmental Law blasted the Environment Ministry for failing to implement the 2009 Environment Law to stop environmental damage. "The deadline has passed, and not one single government regulation has been issued to implement the powerful law," he said.
The law, which required that 12 government regulations be issued by Oct. 3, stipulates that attaining an environmental permit can be used as a prerequisite in obtaining or maintaining a business license.
The environment permit would integrate licenses for disposal of liquid waste into water sources, use of waste water for land applications, temporary storage of hazardous water, collecting hazardous waste, processing hazardous waste and disposal of liquid waste to the sea or other areas.
Rhino said insufficient law enforcement was allowing massive environmental violations to continue.
The Sawit Watch said palm oil plantation expansion claimed 350,000 hectares of land this year. "We are still studying the relationship between clearing land for oil palm plantations and the increase of flooding in the country," Jefri Saragih from Sawit Watch said.
The group proposed 12 demands to present to President Yudhoyono, which included to improve leadership at the Environment Ministry and to prioritize the environment in the management of natural resources. They also urged the government to conduct legal audits of big plantations and fisheries companies by involving the public.
Fidelis E Satriastanti, Jakarta International environmental group Greenpeace is denying accusations that it is waging a foreign-funded campaign aimed at sabotaging the palm oil industry in Indonesia.
Kumi Naidoo, executive director of Greenpeace International, said over the weekend that the group's only motivation was preserving the environment for future generations.
"We are not trying to blacken [Indonesia's] palm oil [industry]. In Brazil, we're against soya and cattle ranches because they are the two main drivers of deforestation there. What are the two main drivers [of deforestation] in Indonesia? [The industries behind] pulp and paper and palm oil," Kumi said.
"We are worried about what will happen to our children. If we continue [development] in nonsustainable ways, we will be destroying their future."
Greenpeace Southeast Asia has been waging an aggressive campaign against palm oil companies that allegedly cause massive deforestation and forest degradation in Indonesia. In July 2010 it released a report titled "How Sinar Mas Is Pulping the Planet," which accused one of the world's leading pulp and paper companies, Sinar Mas-owned Asia Pulp & Paper, of crimes against the environment.
As a result of Greenpeace campaigns, major international buyers, such as Burger King, Unilever, Nestle and Kraft, have stopped buying palm oil from Sinar Mas and its subsidiaries. A palm oil industry insider, who asked not to be named, questioned Greenpeace's intentions.
"Not all [palm oil] companies run their business carelessly, you can't generalize. This is a maneuver to weaken our palm oil industry because Indonesia has a very strong potential in this [field] and not all countries like that. They are afraid of us so they use these methods," the source said.
Kumi said Greenpeace was not the first group to attack palm oil companies. "It's easy and cheap to blame international NGOs and not address the real issues because Greenpeace Indonesia is not working in isolation and you might have seen other organizations' demands for a moratorium [on palm oil plantation conversion]," he said.
"It's not just us saying all that. For instance, take the recent official statement from the RSPO [Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil] warning Sinar Mas that it had breached certain moral standards. It's own peers are saying that."
RSPO, a group of industry planters, green groups and palm oil buyers, has publicly censured Sinar Mas Agro Resources & Technology by saying the company was in "serious noncompliance" with its principles.
"If only the [Greenpeace ship] Rainbow Warrior was allowed [to dock], we could have an open discussion and stress that we are not against palm oil per se, but against deforestation, and palm oil is driving deforestation," Kumi said.
Dessy Sagita, Jakarta Activists have slammed the government for not allocating more funds to aid poor students while preparing to spend billions on its vehicle fleet and laptops.
A coalition of NGOs that monitors the state budget said the Education Ministry had budgeted just Rp 17.3 trillion ($1.94 billion) for school operational aid (BOS) for 39 million elementary and junior high school students next year.
Coalition member Muhammad Firdaus, of Asppuk, which helps women set up small businesses, said aid had fallen from the Rp 19.4 trillion allocated for 42.5 million students in 2009.
The coalition said the data was included in the 2011 ministerial work plan and budget submitted by each ministry to the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas).
However, Sukemi, a member of the Education Ministry's special staff, said next year's BOS spending would in fact be higher than the Rp 16.4 trillion allocated this year. "We are certainly not abandoning the poor students," he said.
Firdaus said even though the figure for 2011 would be slightly up on this year it was still far from enough because it was less than in 2009. The House of Representatives is set to pass the 2011 budget this month and NGOs have been campaigning for major changes before this happens.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) said over the weekend that the budget was filled with meaningless and extravagant expenditures that would do little to improve the welfare of the average Indonesian.
The group said it included Rp 371.5 billion to buy more than 4,000 government vehicles, Rp 32.5 billion for 3,109 laptop computers and Rp 6.1 trillion for maintenance of government buildings.
Firdaus said this meant that while the government was allocating more than Rp 10 million for one laptop, the education allocation would effectively give each needy student just Rp 300,000 a year.
"This is far from enough. We estimate that students need at least Rp 300,000 to Rp 400,000 a month to cover their tuition, books and transportation," he said.
Firdaus said he was concerned that the government was intending to have the regions share the responsibility for education. "The problem is, very few regional governments have shown a strong commitment to education," he said.
Bali Governor Made Mangku Pastika, for example, had said he would cut the education budget for 2011, affecting scholarships for poor students.
Firdaus also said the government did not allocate enough funding for literacy programs. "There are four to five million illiterate people but the government will help less than 50,000 next year," he said.
But Sukemi said educational goals had shifted. "We no longer aim to teach people how to read and count but to train them to use proper knowledge to be independent and to be able to provide a good life for their family," he said.
Utomo Dananjaya, of the Institute for Educational Reform at Paramadina University, said allocating 20 percent of the budget to education, as stipulated by the Constitution, might seem like a lot but implementation was far removed from the expectation.
Utomo said much of it went to paying teachers' salaries and infrastructure, which he claimed had no direct impact on education development.
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta Are education councils effective? Activists on Monday said no. They urged Indonesia to re-evaluate the primary functions of education councils nationwide, which were set up in provinces and districts to provide expert advice and recommendations to regional administrations in matters of education.
Parents and activists said they had yet to come across an education council in Indonesia that lived up to its job description, which includes acting as a negotiator on behalf of the people over education-related matters, focusing on monitoring the quality of education in regions as well as the distribution of educational aid for open-learning centers for the poor.
Jumono, a member of the Alliance of Concerned Parents for Education, said he had yet to receive any benefit from any work done by education councils.
"What benefits? We still believe that schools here still charge students money to maintain cleanliness in schools, and sometimes they charge us parents more money for books. So how have education councils helped us?" he said.
He added that the recruitment of staff members to these councils had never been transparent so parents did not really know whether or not council members were qualified to help people. "It makes us suspicious about how effective they are," he added. "We do not know when or how they are recruited.
"They say the council's members are so-called education experts. We feel the education council is designed in order to fulfill the aims or targets of certain groups. We believe most of the members just have close ties with officials at education agencies in the provinces."
Jumono was one of the city's concerned parents who in March, via the Coalition Against Corruption in Education, demanded that Jakarta thoroughly investigate the misappropriation of education funds and enforce transparency and accountability in state schools.
He also called for a probe into the case of a model elementary school in Rawamangun, East Jakarta, found to have misappropriated Rp 150 million ($17,000) of its 2007 block grant allocated for the adoption of programs aimed at international standardization. "They issued fake receipts for purchases from electronics and catering companies that never existed.
The corruption cases at these schools are only the tip of the iceberg of how dark our education institutions really are," Jumono said at the time.
The coalition also asked the Jakarta Inspectorate to focus on five state junior high schools in the Jakarta area that allegedly embezzled state education funds of up to Rp 1 billion targeted to go to the city's poorest children.
One of the job descriptions of an education council member is to monitor the distribution of state education funds to open-learning centers for the poor, which Jumono pointed out the Jakarta Education Council had done nothing about.
Fasli Djalal, the national education deputy minister, insisted that the 512 education councils spread across districts and towns in Indonesia were functioning as they should. "They have the power to lobby DPRDs [local legislative councils] if they spot something wrong with the education system in the area," Fasli said.
He added that the government was aiming to strengthen the councils by allowing them to communicate directly with district heads and governors. "The central government set up these councils to meet the needs of the people," he said.
Ade Irawan, a public policy coordinator from antigraft group Indonesia Corruption Watch, said that he begged to differ. "They [education councils] have functions to monitor all education activity, but they consist of people who are close with government officials, which is why they cannot perform their best work," he said.
"They are toothless. Based on ICW research, between 20 and 30 percent of state education funds were spent recklessly. These councils failed to monitor this."
Taufik Yudhi Mulyana, head of the Jakarta Education Agency, said it was not true that agency officials had close relationships with education council members. "They [education council members] do criticize us when we do not do our jobs," he said.
Separately, Jakarta Education Council head Agus Suradika said his office was actually raising funds independently to help finance education for the poor. "We cannot solely rely on the government," he said.
Jakarta Indonesia harbors nearly a third of the world's neglected tropical diseases, despite there being cures for many of them, largely due to poor sanitation and unhealthy living, the World Health Organization (WHO) has said.
A report titled Working to Overcome the Global Impact of Neglected Tropical Diseases, dated Oct. 14, showed that six of the 17 neglected tropical diseases in the world existed in Indonesia. They are rabies, dengue, endemic treponematoses, leprosy, elephantiasis and intestinal worms. In 2009 leprosy afflicted about 21,000 people in Indonesia.
WHO director general Margaret Chan said in a speech to present the report that the diseases shared a striking commonality although they differed in medical causes and symptoms.
"The neglected tropical diseases form a group because of one shared feature: All occur almost exclusively among very poor people living in tropical parts of the world," she said.
Chan added that these diseases thrived "in impoverished settings, where housing is often substandard, safe water and sanitation are scarce, environments are filthy, and insects and other vectors are abundant".
The diseases, she added, caused physical and mental impairments including blindness, disfigurement and damage to the internal organs.
Yet, the diseases have slipped the public's attention because they affected "people with little political voice and low visibility on national and international agendas", Chan said.
Eradicating the diseases should not be difficult as most are ancient diseases that are typically gradually expunged from a country as living and hygiene standards improve, she said.
"If we keep doing the right things better, and on a larger scale, some of these diseases could be eliminated by 2015, and others by 2020."
Jajang Gunawidjaja, a medical anthropologist from the University of Indonesia (UI), said that Indonesia was a breeding ground for such diseases because many crowded slum settlements lacked proper sanitation.
He said the situation was compounded by the fact that many people in the country had weakened immune systems due to malnutrition, which left them less resistant to the diseases.
"Furthermore, society tends to ostracize those suffering from the diseases, such as elephantiasis," he told The Jakarta Post.
He said the fact that the diseases were still found in the country showed that the government had weak policies on health.
Budi Haryanto, a public health expert from UI, said that the government's disease eradication program did not reach everyone.
He said the public played a role in the prevention and cure of diseases. Citing an example, he said the free medication for leprosy provided by the government was only effective if taken regularly for the duration of the prescribed course.
Farida Hayati, a health and social welfare expert from UI, said it was important for both the government and the public to work together to fight tropical diseases.
"In terms of sanitation, the government must work with the people to identify the people's exact sanitation needs and gauge their ability to maintain such facilities," she said, adding that it was crucial for the government to promote hygiene. (gzl)
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta The Ministry of Women and Child Protection is consulting the National Commission of Violence Against Women as it presses ahead with its bill on gender equality.
"We are pushing this bill as we need to have a strong legal basis from which to push all ministries and the central and regional government to have gender-sensitive policies that will benefit both sexes, especially women," Minister Linda Amalia Sari said on Friday.
She said the legislation also aimed to cut the number of discriminatory bylaws that violated women's rights. "We are currently in a discussion with the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), studying the bylaws and assessing their impact," the minister said.
The commission said last week that there were 154 bylaws nationwide that were discriminatory, with 64 limiting women's freedom of expression and ability to secure gainful employment. "We are working hard on this bill and we hope that it can be endorsed next year," Linda said.
Ministry spokesman Sri Danti said: "The bill in principle follows the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women."
She added that the bill would promote a positive environment for gender equality, discourage discriminatory policies and promote equal access for women in all professional sectors.
Linda said she was concerned that several provinces had implemented discriminatory bylaws and had brought them up with the Ministry of Home Affairs.
In West Aceh, Muslim women are banned from wearing tight clothing, supposedly because they could incite sinful conduct in men. In Tangerang, women caught in public places past midnight are considered prostitutes and rounded up by the authorities.
"Strong coordination is the key to handling this problem and we always remind the Ministry of Home Affairs as well as local governments that they cannot discriminate against women and children," Linda said.
She said it was tough problem to deal with. "It is hard as we are still living in a country with strong patriarchal influence and not all people know about gender equality and child protection," Linda said.
The ministry on Friday signed a memorandum of understanding with the Globe Media Group, parent of the Jakarta Globe, to raise awareness of gender equality and the importance of protecting children. "We hope we can raise awareness with the help of the media," Linda said.
The minister said she appreciated that Globe Media did not accept cigarette advertisements. "Tobacco is having a bigger influence on children and we are concerned that more of them are taking up the habit,' Linda said.
Jakarta The Indonesian government should begin making plans for an increasing population, as uncontrolled growth would lead to a multi- dimensional crisis, experts say.
Dr. Khairil Anwar Notodiputro of the Bogor Agricultural University said Indonesia's population growth rate stood at 1.49 percent per year from 2000 to 2010, higher than the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) estimate after the 2000 census of 1.34 percent per year.
"A missed projection of more than 0.1 percent growth means something for Indonesia. We can neither overlook nor ignore the implications of such a growth rate," Khairil said.
He added that this growth, if unchecked, could create problems related to food and energy security, land allocation, natural resources and environmental degradation.
Indonesia should look at the figures as an "early warning," signaling the possibility of problems in the next 15 to 30 years, he said, adding that the government needed to begin planning for the future.
"If the population continues to increase without any improvement in infrastructure and education, Indonesia will face unprecedented social and ecological disasters," said Khairil, who is also chairman of the Indonesia Statisticical Association.
The United Nations has predicted Indonesia's population will reach 263 million by 2025, placing it fourth after China, India and the United States. Indonesia needed to learn from China, which had prepared strategies to overcome a possible population boom, Khairil said.
"We can start thinking about the potential of productive land, energy and natural resources, and how such potential can meet the needs of the population as a whole," he said.
However, according to BPS social statistics deputy Wynandin Imawan, the 2010 census results should be used not only to monitor population growth, but also to accelerate progress toward 2015 development goals. "One thing we need to pay attention to is the unequal population distribution across the country," Wynandin said.
Indonesia's population is largely concentrated on the island of Java, home to 57.49 percent of the total population, but which only accounts for 7 percent of Indonesia's total land area.
"We need to start conducting more statistical analyses to measure the nationwide discrepancies in infrastructure planning, education, gender participation and poverty, among other things," Wynandin said.
The BPS conducted the 2010 census in May, with 700,000 census officials deployed to survey around 65 million households across Indonesia.
Heru Andriyanto, Jakarta Allegations that prosecutors leaked sentencing documents during Gayus Tambunan's first trial indicates that the judicial mafia was behind the controversial acquittal in March, an antigraft advocate said on Friday.
"There was a mafia presence behind the trial. A shadowy network helped him escape a conviction," said Zainal Arifin Muchtar, an anticorruption activist and law expert from Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University.
Gayus, a former tax official, was put on trial for embezzlement earlier this year after authorities found billions of rupiah stashed in his bank accounts.
Though he was acquitted by the Tangerang District Court, he was later charged with corruption and bribery after Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, former chief of detectives, alleged that Gayus bribed police officers, judges and lawyers to sway the verdict.
Gayus is currently standing trial at the South Jakarta District Court. He testified last week that he was shown prosecutors' documents, allegedly sent from a fax machine at the Attorney General's Office, before they were read at the Tangerang court.
Gayus said his lawyer in the first trial, Haposan Hutagalung, showed him two versions of prosecutors' recommendations: one demanding a year in jail and the other a year of probation.
He said Haposan asked him for Rp 500 million ($56,000) to bribe prosecutors, including Kamal Sofyan Nasution, the deputy attorney general for general crimes, to pick probation.
But the document that sought a one-year jail sentence was fake, said Marwan Effendy, the deputy attorney general for internal supervision, adding that the ploy was to extort money from Gayus. "Gayus didn't know that the prosecutors planned to seek the probation anyway, so he agreed to pay the Rp 500 million," he said.
Darmono, the acting attorney general, denied that Kamal had anything to do with the document leak, despite Gayus claiming to have bribed him. He said Kamal, now the deputy attorney general for civil and state administrative affairs, would only be questioned about his alleged role in the scandal after 17 other witnesses had been interrogated.
Marwan, who headed a nine-member team that questioned 14 prosecutors implicated in the court leak, said the investigating team was working to identify who leaked the papers.
"I have also ordered an investigation into the number from which the documents were faxed to Haposan, to see whether it really belongs to us or was doctored to make it look as if it came from the AGO's general crimes unit," Marwan said.
Haposan, currently standing trial for bribery, denied the charges and called his former client "a big criminal."
But Marwan said text messages that Haposan sent to Gayus indicated he was involved. Zainal said authorities should not only investigate Haposan, since numerous forces worked to get Gayus acquitted.
He also said the leaking of court documents and other forms of meddling were "common practice" for the judicial mafia. "The real culprits are those inside the law enforcement agencies who cooperated with the defendant and manipulated the trial," Zainal said.
Meanwhile, the inquiry team said a phone operator at the crimes unit, identified only as Masno, had admitted to faxing the documents to the Tangerang Prosecutor's Office, which handled Gayus's trial. However, Marwan said the date on the papers and the date Masno claimed he had faxed them did not match up.
Another suspect accused of interfering with the trial to ensure Gayus's acquittal is veteran prosecution lawyer Cirus Sinaga. He has handled numerous high-profile cases, including the murder trials of top intelligence official Muchdi Purwoprandjono and former antigraft agency chairman Antasari Azhar.
Witnesses said Cirus lobbied to get the Gayus case under his jurisdiction, through the AGO's general crimes unit, by requesting that the police add embezzlement to the initial charges of money laundering and corruption filed against the former tax official. Cirus told the investigating team he did not leak the prosecution documents to Haposan, sources from the AGO said.
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta Indonesia's burgeoning class of middlemen, ranging from lowly ticket scalpers to the big-game judicial mafia, has welcomed another rapacious entry to its ranks: regional budget middlemen.
State Secretary Sudi Silalahi raised the alarm about the latest incarnation of the breed on Friday when he revealed an attempt by a middleman to disburse funds from the central government to a regional administration.
The middleman, identified only as F, allegedly told the administration of Tasikmalaya, West Java, he could get them a Rp 23 billion ($2.57 million) fund lying idle to use for disaster mitigation and relief.
The middleman later introduced Tasikmalaya officials to someone who claimed to work for the State Secretariat, who was allegedly in a position of authority to release the fund.
The scam, under which the middleman was seeking a cut of the promised fund up front, was exposed when investigators from the Finance Ministry uncovered the fake budget implementation document (DIPA) that he had used.
The ministry also found indications that several regional administrations had used the services of such middlemen to get funds released from Jakarta.
Sudi said his office would investigate the latest incident. "There's an indication the person involved isn't really from the State Secretariat," he said, adding if they were, they would be handed over to the police immediately.
Home Affairs Minister Gamawan Fauzi blamed the regional administration for being so gullible. "It's obviously a fake DIPA if it was presented after the budget for the year has been revised," he said. "Regional administrations are being careless."
Gamawan said these middlemen may have embezzled billions of rupiah in recent years. The case comes after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono urged greater budget efficiency at central and regional levels.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Anti-graft activists filed an information dispute case with the Central Information Commission (KIP) on Thursday against the National Police in connection with large bank accounts allegedly belonging to several police generals.
Indonesia Corruption Watch's Agus Sunaryanto said the police institution had violated the 2008 Law on Freedom of Information for refusing to disclose data concerning the suspicious assets. "The police themselves have announced that, out of the 23 bank accounts reportedly suspicious by the PPATK [Financial Transaction Analysis and Report Center], 17 are not problematic. Then the data is not supposed to be classified," Agus said.
The Information Law stipulates that bank account data are not considered confidential if they concern state officials. Agus said ICW had asked the National Police for the data about the fat bank accounts in August but two days later the police rejected the request.
"We have filed a second request but they haven't responded it until today. That's why we filed this case with KIP," Agus said.
The police argued that the anti-money laundering law prevented them from disclosing personal information about individuals' bank accounts.
KIP chairman Ahmad Alamsyah Saragih said the commission would study the case and summon police representatives for clarification. "Within 14 days, we will decide whether this case should go to mediation for settlement," he said.
The police have announced that of the 23 personal bank accounts under investigation, 17 have been cleared of all suspicion. However, the police have not identified the account holders or details of the investigation.
Jakarta The Prosperous Justice Party claims massive corruption charges laid against controversial party lawmaker Muhammad Misbakhun were fabricated.
Lutfi Hasan Ishaq, chairman of the Islam-based party, also known as the PKS, said since the case began, the "political aroma has been very strong". "The charges on Misbakhun are fabricated," Lutfi said, adding that the party which campaigned on a anticorruption platform would assist Misbakhun during the case.
Prosecutors are seeking an eight-year sentence for the legislator for allegedly fraudulently obtaining a $22.5 million loan from the now-defunct Bank Century. Misbakhun, who is alleged to have amassed a large wealth when he worked at the Directorate General of Taxation, was among the more vocal legislators pushing for the House of Representatives to investigate the government bailout of the ailing bank.
Lutfi said the party was obliged to help the party member, "especially as the case is more political than legal."
Prosecutors allege Misbakhun collaborated with Robert Tantular, the now- jailed former co-owner of Century, to fabricate the documents to show that his company, Selalang Prima Internasional, had put up collateral when it had not.
Misbakhun has called the case "a conspiracy by the ruler" of the country in likely reference to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The PKS is a member of Yudhoyono's coalition government. (JG, Antara)
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta How can a graft suspect stop a criminal case in its tracks? Simple: Just file a judicial review request with the Constitutional Court, a tactic recently employed by a number of high- profile suspects.
The court has for years complained about judicial review requests being filed against almost every confusing or overlapping piece of legislation there were 296 review requests for 108 laws last year alone.
This year, however, the court also has had to contend with review requests of a different sort, namely those filed by corruption suspects, including the likes of former Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra and former top police detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji.
Constitutional Court Justice Akil Mochtar on Tuesday said that the tactic was catching on for two reasons. Firstly, because Indonesia does not have a system allowing citizens to lodge complaints when they feel the government is not acting in line with the constitution.
"Most of the review requests filed revolve around criminal cases and the workings of law enforcement. "These issues should actually be resolved through the filing of constitutional complaints, instead of requests for a law to be reviewed and amended or even abolished. Other countries provide this mechanism [of filing constitutional complaints]. We don't," Akil said.
"Our Constitutional Court currently has no authority to accept constitutional complaints. This should actually be made available to our citizens."
Secondly, Akil noted that the suspects were likely following in the footsteps of antigraft deputies Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M Hamzah.
In November, after a judicial review, the Constitutional Court declared that the extortion case against the two had been fabricated. Criminal investigations were eventually dropped, although the two may yet stand trial.
In September, a review request on the Witness Protection Law filed by Susno was rejected. Being a whistleblower, he tried to have the law amended to gain immunity from prosecution after he was named a suspect.
But the court upheld the law, despite fears that it could prevent whistleblowers from unraveling scandals as they can still be prosecuted themselves.
Susno had spoken out about corruption in the National Police but at the same time has been named a suspect in two graft cases, but the nine member panel ruled that even a whistleblower deemed indispensable to cases could still be prosecuted if involved in criminal activities.
The court has also ruled that Attorney General Hendarman Supandji's term should have ended at the same time as that of the president and the cabinet.
This ruling was issued after a challenge to Hendarman's authority by Yusril, who was charged in June by the AGO in a graft scandal at the ministry while he was in charge.
Yusril has denied the allegations and responded by calling into question Hendarman's authority, claiming he was never officially sworn in.
Yusril recently filed another judicial review request after his first attempt to avoid prosecution failed, as the court's ruling could not be applied retroactively.
Bilhuda Haryanto, Jakarta The nation's most prominent antigraft watchdog, Indonesia Corruption Watch, says capital punishment is not the way to go in preventing corruption, pushing lifetime imprisonment and asset seizure instead.
The ICW comments come after the head of the Constitutional Court, Mahfud MD, said over the weekend that Indonesia should take a leaf out of China's book and introduce the death penalty for corruption. Mahfud said capital punishment should be included in the draft law on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
But Adnan Topan Husodo, ICW deputy coordinator, said applying the death penalty would only complicate matters because it would go against international conventions on human rights. "When we talk about what penalty to hand down, number one is life imprisonment and number two is seizing the largest part of [violators'] assets," he said on Monday.
Under the current laws, the maximum sentence for someone who gives a bribe is five years. The maximum sentence for accepting a bribe is life in prison.
Mahfud had dismissed concerns about the reaction to introducing capital punishment for corruption. "The fact is that it has gone down well in China and has never been protested by the people [there]. In China, it has reduced the instances of corruption," he said on Saturday.
But the ICW's deputy chairman, Emerson Yuntho, said regardless of the maximum penalty allowed by law, a better system of law enforcement should be the first priority for the government in the addressing corruption.
Capital punishment for corruption has already been introduced in the amended 1999 Anti-Corruption Law, but that law refers specifically to graft committed under special circumstances, such as an economic crisis or national disaster. No corruption case under these special circumstances has ever been brought to court.
The ICW has released data showing that as much as 54.8 percent of defendants facing charges of corruption in regular courts district or municipal courts, the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court ended up walking free.
Of those who were convicted, 8 out of 10 received sentences of less than the maximum. The average sentence was 12 to 13 months.
The longest sentence ever handed down in a corruption case is 20 years. That was the sentence given in 2008 to former senior prosecutor Urip Tri Gunawan, who was caught taking $660,000 in bribes from businesswoman Artalyta Suryani.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Iskandar Hasan admitted Tuesday that detectives had dropped an investigation into an alleged graft surrounding an omission of a sub-article from the 2009 Law on Health.
"The decision was due to an order from the Director of Transnational Security and Crimes at the Detective Body," Iskandar told the press.
He added police detectives had failed to find any criminal charges in the case. "This is not a sudden decision nor due to political interference. This has been through a long discussion," Iskandar said. He said it is possible for police detectives to reopen the case if new evidence is found.
The case was reported by a coalition of NGOs in March. Sub-article 2 of Article 113 of the law, stipulating that tobacco is among addictive substances, was suddenly missing when the law was endorsed
Activists alleged that the clause was struck off due to vested interests at the parliament to benefit cigarette companies. They also believed corruption was involved in the case.
Peter Alford, Nusa Dua, Bali Indonesia's military will be "activated" to support police fighting terrorism, says the chief of the government's new National Counter-Terrorism Agency.
"The military will assist when situations are beyond police capacity," Ansyaad Mbai said yesterday, confirming an important shift from the post- 1999 policy of removing the army from direct involvement in fighting terrorism.
"That is a universal principle," he said outside a seminar launching the agency, BNPT. "In Britain, there is military involvement; in America, I don't have to tell you; and in Australia, they also have special forces for counter-terrorism.
We also have them, but all this time they have been passive now we want to activate them. Co-operation with TNI (the armed forces) is in the form of training, intelligence-sharing and also co-operation with other government bodies, like immigration, and international agencies."
The policy change is controversial with civil society groups, given the Suharto-era army's brutal methods against secession movements in Aceh, East Timor and Papua, and particularly the activities of the Kopassus special forces.
An exercise in Bali last month between Kopassus and the Special Air Service Regiment served as an opportunity for the Indonesian regiment's commander to press for a role in terror suppression and to signal Australian authorities' comfort with that. Australia removed its ban on military co- operation and joint training with Kopassus in 2005 and the US has recently initiated steps to resume co-operation.
Lifting the embargo on direct military involvement accompanies BNPT's formation on the order of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to co-ordinate counter-terrorism activities across police and military security services and government agencies.
Mr Ansyaad, a former two-star police general, insisted police anti- terrorist squad Special Detachment 88 would stay as the frontline unit. His and the government's determination that police remain in charge is signalled by the pending transfer of Detachment 88 chief Tito Karnavian to BNPT as deputy director.
Commander Tito pointedly told the seminar that 75 per cent of counter- terrorist activity in Indonesia was "shaped" by intelligence operations, 20 per cent by crime scene investigation and only 5 per cent by tactical operations.
He claimed Indonesia's law enforcement-led strategy since the 2002 Bali bombings was one of the most successful in the world, with 563 arrests and prosecutions and at least nine terror strikes pre-empted.
However, he said, attacks and thwarted operations in 2009-10 showed terrorist networks had altered strategies and priorities and reconnected with international support.
"The networks are able to survive not only to survive but revive and launch well-planned new attacks," Mr Tito said.
Nusa Dua, Bali Indonesia on Monday called for greater vigilance and cooperation in the fight against terror, as counter-terrorism chiefs from around the world met in Bali.
Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto told delegates from 22 countries that Indonesia had struck a significant blow against Southeast Asian terror networks in recent years but there was no room for complacency.
"Although a number of terrorists have been killed, captured and punished, some by way of execution, the entire terrorist network has not been uncovered," he said at the start of the International Seminar on Counter- Terrorism, organized by Indonesia's new National Anti-Terror Agency (BNPT).
"The terror groups are still actively recruiting, training and making efforts to carry out attacks."
Militants with links to global networks including Al-Qaeda have struck mainly Muslim Indonesia repeatedly since 2000, notably the 2002 bombings on the resort island of Bali, which killed 202 people, mostly Western tourists.
Senior counter-terrorism chiefs from Australia, France, Germany, India, Japan, Pakistan and the United States among others are attending the three-day meeting, according to Indonesian officials. They are expected to discuss ways to improve cooperation and coordination of counter-terrorism efforts across international borders.
"Terrorism is not a problem of one country but an international problem which requires synergy and cooperation between various countries. No country can deal with it alone," Indonesian foreign ministry security official Febrian Ruddyard said.
BNPT director Ansyaad Mbai said countries had to be more "proactive" in combating extremist ideologies that lead to terrorism. "We can't be reactive and wait for bombings and armed attacks to take place. We must be more proactive. The best prevention is through neutralizing the radical ideologies that trigger terror acts," he said.
Scores of suspected militants have been killed or captured in Indonesia since the last major attack twin suicide blasts on US-owned luxury hotels in central Jakarta that killed seven people last year. Three men convicted of organizing the 2002 Bali bombings were executed by firing squad in 2008.
Another Indonesian militant, Hambali, is in Guantanamo Bay for allegedly plotting the Bali suicide bombings on behalf of regional terror network Jemaah Islamiyah.
Ulma Haryanto & Anita Rachman, Jakarta Vice President Boediono has received cautious praise after calling on the "silent majority" to take a stand against a growing radicalism that he describes as threatening to take the country down a path of destruction.
"Once we allow radicalism to take over our way of thinking, it will lead us toward destruction," the vice president said in a speech on Saturday at the opening of the Global Peace Leadership Conference, organized by Nahdlatul Ulama. "Freedom of expression has been used by certain groups to spread hatred," he added.
Though racism and interreligious conflict are fundamental issues that exist in most societies, Boediono said, Indonesians should protect the foundation upon which the country was built the principle of unity in diversity. "Although Islam is the religion of the majority of people, Indonesia is not an Islamic state," he said.
Boediono said the country must not abandon the basic principle that guarantees religious freedom for all.
To do this, he called on the silent majority to take a stand. "Radicals are usually vocal, though they are few in number. They drown out the silent majority," he said. "But there are times when the silent majority must dare to speak out. We must loudly reject radicalism and return to the original agreement of the founding fathers of the nation."
Pluralism advocates applauded him for speaking out strongly on a threat they have long warned of but that officials have paid little attention to. Week after week, stories of discrimination against minority religious groups fill news pages, and several surveys have pointed to a worrying increase in intolerance among Indonesians.
Dhyah Madya Ruth, chairwoman of Lazuardi Birru, a group that aims to educate young people about the dangers of extremism, said it was important that the government made a clear stand.
"We have to create a synergy between the government, the people and civil society organizations in solving this problem," she said. "Most important in this is not just the silent majority, but the silent government has to make a firm stand."
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, an analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had never strongly addressed radicalism.
In August Yudhoyono decried "groups that threatened the nation," but his vague message could not be grasped by the public, Muhtadi said. "He is too focused on his own image. He doesn't want to be considered antagonistic toward Islamic hard-liners."
Another important government figure who needs to stand up against those who promote hatred is the religious affairs minister, said Ulil Abshar Abdalla, the founder of the Liberal Islam Network and a Democratic Party politician.
"For example, in several Islamic gatherings people openly call for the banishment of [minority Islamic sect] Ahmadiyah. That should not be allowed," he said, adding that he regretted that Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali had adopted a conservative approach that fostered radicalism. Suryadharma has openly advocated banning the Ahmadiyah sect.
Arientha Primanita, Bilhuda Haryanto & Aidi Yursal, Jakarta Buddhists are the latest minority religious group to feel the heat, being at the center of a festering row over a large Buddha statue on the roof of a temple in the North Sumatran city of Tanjung Balai.
City council chief Surya Dharma said on Friday the governor and the foundation in charge of the temple had agreed to remove the statue after complaints from an Islamic group.
"The letter of agreement was signed in August and we agreed to relocate the statue to a more respectful location inside the temple," Surya said. But the offending 6-meter statue continues to sit on top of the three-storey temple in the city center.
"The foundation promised us that the relocation would be conducted by a construction team from Bandung," Surya said. The relocation was endorsed by the Religious Affairs Ministry's department dealing with Buddhist affairs.
The Forum for United Muslims, a local coalition of Muslim groups, has been agitating for the statue to be removed, holding repeated protests in May and June.
Baharuddin Berutu, of North Sumatra's Islamic Community Council, said it was frivolous to exaggerate the issue. "The mayor decided on the best solution and it was agreed to by the temple," he said. "By not exaggerating the issue, we have been able to maintain harmony between religious communities."
Baharuddin said he felt compelled to speak out because many sides were beginning to demand a review of the agreement.
Lieus Sungkharisma, the chairman of the board of supervisors at Gemabudhi, or Indonesian Buddhist Youths, said he regretted the deal, saying it was a threat to religious freedom.
Lieus said the temple had received a permit from the municipality to put up the statue and "the mayor should have given his protection to the Buddhist and other religious communities should have shown respect."
He said the local administration should not only heed the majority but consider the implications as the move could tarnish Indonesia's image.
Ismail Hasani, a researcher at the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said intolerance appeared to be spreading like a virus across the country. "Buddhism is one of the religions acknowledged in Indonesia, so it should receive equal respect," he said.
Ismail said the Tanjung Balai case reflected the state's practice of bowing to the masses to the disadvantage of minorities. This not only led to discrimination of minorities, "but the groups that exert the pressure will feel powerful," he said.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta The government has a constitutional obligation to protect Ahmadiyah and other minority religious groups and must take action against violence directed against them, says a Golkar Party representative.
Speaking at a press conference at the end of the party's three-day leadership meeting in Jakarta on Wednesday, Golkar's patron board chair Akbar Tandjung said the government had no authority to interfere in Ahmadiyah's internal affairs, including its religious teachings, and should take action against hard-line groups that burned down Ahmadiyah mosques and other buildings in several cities in the country.
"Our party has proposed a bill on religious freedom to help provide protection for all people, including minorities". "In the name of Pancasila the state ideology and the diversity of the nation, the government cannot prohibit Ahmadis from following their own teachings, which are different from the true Islam followed by the majority of Muslims. The government also has to guarantee Ahmadis their fundamental right to their faith," he said.
Hard-line groups launched a string of attacks on Ahmadiyah followers and their buildings in Banten, West Java, and West Nusa Tenggara over the last several years. Ahmadis accept Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, instead of Muhammad, as their last prophet.
Hundreds of Islam Defenders Front (FPI) followers burned Ahmadi houses in Parung, Bogor, last month. Earlier, several hard-line groups sealed mosques belonging to Ahmadis in Kuningan, West Java, demanding the government disband the sect.
Despite the 2008 joint ministerial decree accepting Ahmadiyah's existence, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali asked Ahmadis to dissolve their sect and come back to the true Islam.
Golkar slammed the government for its slow response to the recent FPI assault on HKBP church ministers in Bekasi, West Java, and is determined to campaign for religious tolerance to counter increasing intolerance among Muslims.
Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie said his party, one of the nationalist parties, together with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Greater Indonesian Movement Party (Gerindra) and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), was deeply concerned about the deterioration of national attachment towards Pancasila among the people.
The declining implementation of and respect for Pancasila has been demonstrated by the increase in social disharmony, increasing intolerance among the Muslim majority and increasing terrorism and the emergence of terrorist cells, said Aburizal. When asked why Golkar had remained silent amid the government's slow response to minority attacks, Aburizal said his party was not an executive body, although it was included in the pro- government coalition.
"Our party has proposed a bill on religious freedom to help provide protection for all people, including minorities," he said.
Golkar and local party members in Banten, West Sumatra, South Sulawesi and West Nusa Tenggara have been involved in the issuance of sharia-inspired bylaws, as previously reported.
Nivell Rayda, Bogor For the past two weeks, 35-year-old Ahmad Nuryamin has been sharing a four-by-six meter cell with 11 other detainees at the Bogor Police headquarters, some of them hardened criminals and rapists.
Nuryamin, or Yamin as he is known to friends and family, had signed a confession saying that he stabbed a 15-year-old boy. But he claims that he only signed it after being tortured by two police officers.
The boy, who has not been identified, is believed to have been part of a mob of some 200 people that on Oct. 1 burned and looted homes, schools and a mosque in the village of Cisalada, home to about 600 followers of the Ahmadiyah, a minority Islamic sect.
"I didn't stab anyone," Yamin, an Ahmadiyah member and resident of Cisalada, told the Jakarta Globe. He said that when he saw people trying to burn down the village mosque with Molotov cocktails, he grabbed a kitchen knife from his home for protection and ran to help stop the attack.
"I put the knife in the left pocket of my jeans and ran to the mosque. Amid the chaos, a young boy bumped into my shoulder from behind," he said. "I reacted instinctively and drew my knife. I could see him falling to the ground. He had a sword with him the whole time. But he immediately got up again and ran away.
"My knife couldn't have hurt him. I didn't see any blood on my knife or on my clothes. I even used the same knife to cut a guava later that night I only have one knife at home you see. I even wore the same clothes when I was arrested the morning after."
On Oct. 2, two police officers in civilian clothing arrived at Yamin's home as he and his wife were drying rice. "They told me that they just wanted to talk. So I went along and followed them to the back of a police pickup truck," he said.
Yamin said that as they drove to the police station in Ciampea, the two officers punched him on the right side of his face and slapped him across his jaw, splitting his bottom lip.
"Confess, or I will drop you at Pasar Selasa [a local market] and let the mob finish you off. Confess, or I will let the mob burn your village to the ground once more," one officer threatened, according to Yamin.
"During my interrogation, I told the investigators what had happened. They didn't listen to me and told me to shut my mouth, despite seeing first hand that I had bruises on my cheek and blood running from my lips. I never saw [those two officers] again. I never caught their names, but I can't forget their faces."
Bogor Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Tomex Kurniawan has pledged an internal investigation into the torture allegations, but said it was unlikely such force was used.
"Why would we even use brute force?" he told the Globe. "We have incriminating evidence, including the kitchen knife that was used to stab the victim. We also have sworn statements from witnesses. A suspect can say whatever he wants, even in court. So we don't really need a confession."
Members of the Ahmadiyah, a sect founded in India in 1889, hold that the group's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was a prophet, a belief branded heresy by mainstream Muslims.
The nation's top Islamic body, the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), issued a fatwa, or religious edict, in 2005 against the Ahmadiyah, calling its teachings blasphemous.
The MUI's ruling was followed by a wave of violence against members of the sect, who had previously lived in relative peace among other Muslim populations. Amid intensifying calls to ban the sect, the government issued a joint ministerial decree in 2008 that prohibited its members from practicing their faith in public and from spreading its beliefs.
This month's attack in Cisalada was the latest case of violence and intimidation toward members of the sect, estimated to be around 600,000 nationwide.
Similar vandalism and attacks on Ahmadiyah mosques and dwellings have occurred in other places like West Nusa Tenggara, where homes belonging to members of the sect in Lombok were burned in 2006, leaving more than 100 homeless.
The West Lombok district administration last week said it was planning to relocate the displaced Ahmadiyah members to a remote area, arguing that it was for their own protection.
In Cisalada, harassment against Ahmadiyah members was first recorded in 2007. That year, hundreds of people protested the renovation of the sect's local mosque. Some even went as far as to vandalize the building materials at the site.
"So you can see why I had to protect the mosque," Yamin said. "I'm not a religious man, but I couldn't just stand there and watch as people burned our place of worship and the Koran. I just couldn't."
Like other countries, Indonesia recognizes the right to self-defense as justification for using force to counter acts of violence. "But the use of force has to be proportional," said Topo Santoso, a legal expert from the University of Indonesia.
He added that if the case went to court, Yamin would have to prove that he did not stab the boy out of vengeance or retaliation. Yamin would also have to prove that he was in immediate danger before defending himself.
"The right to defend oneself should only be used to stop a criminal act from happening, and that is for the court to decide," Topo said.
No group has claimed responsibility for the Oct. 1 attack, which saw at least 17 homes looted, and two of them reduced to rubble. Bogor Police have charged three suspects identified only as RM, DM and AB said to have been directly involved in the attack. But unlike Yamin, they have not been taken into police custody.
"We don't want to cause more problems. Our main concern is to prevent a repeat" of the attack on the Ahmadiyah community, said Tomex, the Bogor Police chief. "They have been cooperative. Several community leaders have also vouched for them, guaranteeing that they will not try to run away or destroy evidence."
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, a nongovernmental organization that promotes religious tolerance, said the fact that police had not yet detained the other three suspects fueled a sense of injustice among the Ahmadiyah.
"It goes to show that Ahmadiyah members are treated differently, not just in their everyday lives but also in the eyes of the law," he said.
The activist said investigations into attacks against Ahmadiyah members were rare, and that perpetrators often escaped prosecution. "Police must also bring down the attack's mastermind, financiers and provocateurs," he said. "Only then will the attacks stop."
The Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) recently said that the government's inaction toward attacks against the Ahmadiyah had fueled intolerance and religious tensions.
According to a 2005 study conducted by LSI, only 13.9 percent of 1,000 respondents supported acts of violence towards the group. A similar survey released last week suggested that the number had grown to 30.2 percent.
The situation in Cisalada is starting to return to normal and police have pulled back most of the officers safeguarding the village. For Yamin and his family, however, it will be more difficult to return to their normal lives.
"I just hope Yamin can come home soon. He's just a simple villager and an honest man," Yamin's brother, Dicky, told the Globe.
"Two of his three children were out playing when police arrested Yamin, the other one is just a baby. When the children returned home, their father was already in police custody. I'm having a hard time explaining to them what had happened to their father. I don't want them to think that their father is a criminal."
Farouk Arnaz & Heru Andriyanto, Jakarta Indonesian prosecutors have thrown the book at pop star Nazriel Irham, charging him with a raft of controversial and obscure charges relating to two pornographic videos allegedly featuring himself and female celebrities Luna Maya and Cut Tari.
Any chance the Peterpan frontman, also known as Ariel, would be released on bail ahead of his trial have also been dashed.
Attorney General's Office spokesman Babul Khoir Harahap said Ariel had been charged with Article 29 of the 2008 Anti-Pornography Law, the 2008 Information and Electronic Transaction Law (ITE), Article 56 of the Criminal Code for "participating in a crime" and an obscure emergency law passed in 1951.
The confusing 1951 law states that if an act is considered a crime but cannot be shown to be a crime according to existing laws and the Criminal Code, then hukum adat (customary law) is applicable.
Under the ITE Law, those convicted of distributing pornography can be jailed for up to six years, while the Anti-Pornography Law, labeled as draconian by critics, carries jail terms of as much as 16 years.
Babul said Ariel would be indicted based on his role in distributing the two graphic pornographic movies, not his participation in the video clips, in which he allegedly films himself making love to Cut Tari, the former model and host of Indonesian gossip show "Insert," and current girlfriend Luna Maya, the former face of Lux soap and former presenter on a popular music show.
Cut Tari has also been charged under the 1951 law because the videos were allegedly filmed before the pornography legislation was enacted, while the case file of Luna, who once interviewed United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on her show, remains unclear.
Supporters of the trio have previously argued that the trio were the victims of theft and should not be punished.
Ariel has been transferred from Jakarta Police headquarters to the Bandung Prosecutor's Office for trial in the capital of West Java province, where the alleged offenses occurred.
OC Kaligis, Ariel's lawyer, said he had sent a letter of protest to the AGO given the confusion surrounding the case. Ariel, however, was ready to face trial, he said.
Jakarta The Islamic People's Forum (FUI) demanded that the National Police do not release pop star Nazriel "Ariel" Irham from detention.
Ariel is in custody for allegedly violating the Anti-Pornography Law after three video clips circulated on the Internet showing him purportedly having sex with celebrities Luna Maya and Cut Tari. He has been jailed since being detained on June 22.
"If Ariel is released, the public will be worried because according to our data, 33 teenage girls were raped as an impact of the case," said Al Khaththath, FUI's secretary general.
Ariel is to be released from the National Police detention facility on Oct. 23, the 120th day of his detention, according to Marwoto Soeto, a National Police spokesman.
"The investigators no longer have the authority to detain Ariel," Marwoto said last Friday. "He will be released on Oct. 23 at 00:00," he said, adding that Ariel would be required to report on a weekly basis to the police until the court hearing starts.
The news was met with FUI threatening to conduct a mass demonstration. "If it's true that Ariel will be released on Oct. 23, FUI, FPI [Islamic Defenders Front] and other organizations will hold a rally. I think the public will also protest the move. We shouldn't forget the mistake of the moral destroyer," Al Khaththath said.
Ariel is to be released because the police could not complete his dossier after 120 days. One of the reasons for the failure of completion is because police could not find the location where the sex videos were made. Ariel has also refused to admit his involvement.
Jakarta A coalition of activists is commemorating World Food Day, on Oct. 16, by demanding that the government shift focus from big food producers.
The Coordinator of the Alliance for Prosperous Villages, Tejo Wahyu Jatmiko, said Thursday that food security policies for the period 2010 to 2014 were sufficient to achieve food security, but not legally binding. "No presidential decree or regulation has been made to ensure implementation," he said.
He added that as a result, the government was enforcing existing laws, which benefitted investors in large-scale food production, such as the 2004 Plantation Law and the 2007 Management of Coastal Regions and Small Islands Law.
In June Agriculture Minister Suswono, who pointed to a trend toward falling rice production, suggested that Indonesians reduce their consumption of steamed rice through the "No Rice Day" program.
Achmad Surambo from Sawit Watch noted that the government supported the oil palm industry, allowing the expansion of oil palm plantations, which take up land formerly used to produce other crops.
Sawit Watch has recorded a 400,000 hectare increase in the area under oil palm plantations. "One-hundred-thousand hectares of this total area consists of farmland and rice fields converted to oil palm plantations," he said.
Riza Damanik from the People's Coalition for Justice in Fisheries (Kiara) mentioned a similar problem in the fisheries sector, in which large fishing fleets marginalized traditional small scale fisheries.
Data at Kiara shows that large fishing vessels, which account for only 8 percent of the total fishing fleet, take 30 percent of the total catch, or 1.3 million tons, while traditional fishing boats, which comprise 92 percent of the total fleet share 70 percent of the catch, or three million tons.
According to Riza, this year the government had opened wider opportunities for foreign investors to play a significant role in the sector.
"By doing this, the government has violated the Fisheries Law by prioritizing foreign investors to rule over the national fishing industry," he said. He added that the fisheries sector was not orientated towards making fishermen prosperous and only served the interests of the industry.
Earlier, the Agriculture Ministry said the government would ensure food security in Indonesia despite the impact of climate change. Minister Suswono said that the problems threatening food security in Indonesia included erratic weather leading to failed harvests.
The FAO's World Food Day was on the theme "United against Hunger". The FAO said that in 2009, the critical threshold of one billion hungry people in the world was achieved in part due to soaring food prices as well as the impact of the financial crisis, a "tragic achievement in these modern days", according to FAO director general Jacques Diouf.
The London-based non-profit organization the International Institute for Environment and Development marked World Food Day with a call to democratize agricultural research and ensure food sovereignty.
The United Nations' Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Olivier De Schutter, has backed citizens worldwide who are demanding a fundamental shift in food and agricultural research towards more accountability in a democratic society.
"The democratization of agricultural research is a vital for those who seek to achieve the human right to adequate food a reality," writes De Schutter. (lnd)
Jakarta The nation's cities are experiencing a housing crisis fueled by overpopulation, a lack of new homes, and poor access to lending, all of which have the greatest impact on the low-income bracket, experts say.
Government data from the National Middle Term Development Plan 2010-2014 forecast that the percentage of Indonesia's total population living in cities would reach 67.5 percent in 2025.
Residential estate data from Cushman and Wakefield Indonesia showed that home prices in Greater Jakarta started at Rp 250 million (US$28,000) in satellite cities such as Bogor and were Rp 1 billion and higher in several upper-class neighborhoods in Jakarta.
According to Ivan Hadar, a city planner and co-editor of the Journal of Social Democracy in Asia, Jakarta is facing a housing crisis. The evidence for this is the multitude of shanty towns located on floodplains, river banks and under bridges, overcrowding of available housing and the big distance between homes and workplaces.
"The housing crisis is directly related to the high price of land caused by unproductive ownership, land and building speculation, and the control of land and housing by a few," he said.
"The funding required for adequate housing is beyond the financial capacity of those who need it," he said. "Thus, a kind of selection process eventually occurs in which those who are weak become the victims."
Dwi Novita Yeni, a research and analyst manager at Coldwell Banker Indonesia, told The Jakarta Post that the main cause of the housing crisis was that home financing options such as mortgages were not easily available to the low-income bracket.
Some 70 percent of people who can afford to buy a house use bank loans, 15 percent use a cash system and 15 percent pay in cash, she added.
Home building has not kept up with population expansion in Indonesia's cities, causing house prices to climb and the spread of densely populated illegal housing areas.
The availability of schools, housing and public facilities has also pushed up housing prices, according to Arief Rahardjo, the associate director of research and advisory at Cushman and Wakefield Indonesia.
"The government actually has a policy on home ownership involving subsidies for landed and apartment home ownership for those who can't afford it," he said.
"The weakness is in the policy's inconsistent implementation which has created an unsure business environment for developers of low-cost houses and apartments," he added.
Gunawan Tanuwidjaja, a city planning expert from Petra Christian University in Surabaya, said the current condition of urban housing was having a negative impact on quality of life.
"Low-income earners are the most affected by this condition," he said, adding that the unsustainable housing conditions had triggered an onslaught of problems including large gaps in living standards.
"And because of these [problems], urban residents cannot enjoy healthy and meaningful lives anymore," he said, adding that housing development came at the cost of the environment, citing mangrove deforestation as an example. Mangrove forests help prevent tidal flooding and shield against tidal waves.
"The unsustainable conditions have worsened the urban areas, forcing those with higher incomes to move to new suburban developments," he said. (gzl)
Jakarta Victims of disasters, vulnerable groups in society, still receive inadequate public services during the times of crises, although a law on public service passed last year promises good disaster management.
The 2009 law on public services proclaims non-discriminatory, professional and accountable public services for people, including administrative sanctions against non-conforming officials.
According to Marlo Sitompul, the chairperson of the Indonesian Poor Union, good public services played a decisive role in sustaining the lives of disaster victims.
"Poor victims of flooding or dengue fever outbreaks, for example, should receive free hospitalization," he said during a discussion organized by Concerned Citizens for Public Services in Central Jakarta on Thursday.
In October, flash floods hit Wasior, West Papua, killing more than 144 people and injuring over 1,000 with thousands homeless. Cabinet representatives flew in six days later to oversee relief operations, leading to criticism for their slow reactions.
Marlo added that victims need fast access to public services like food supplies, health care, and the continuation of education, all of which were the victims' basic constitutional rights.
However, central and regional government react slowly to disasters due to poor coordination, he said. Therefore, there needed to be a stronger link between disaster management and public services, he said.
"The current law does not have a special passage dedicated to the provision of adequate public services for disaster victims," he told The Jakarta Post.
Andrinof Chaniago, a politics observer from the University of Indonesia, said the National Coordinating Body (Bakornas) and the National Agency for Disaster Management (BNPD) must look at the law. "They must implement this law which requires government institutions to provide information, fast services and to handle public complaints," he added.
Government institutions have often come under public scrutiny for slow services, tangled bureaucracy and under-the-table fees.
Adrinof further said disaster management fell short of the mark especially disaster prevention and the detection of potential disasters. "For example, early detection of the Wasior floods could have been conducted and the disaster prone sites could have been mapped," he added. "This is all part of public services"
Marlo said that the poor still faced discrimination from public health and education institutions. Poor patients were subjected to slow services or were denied treatment while state-run schools collected a variety of fees although the government provided subsidies, he added.
According to Adrinof, the poor implementation of the law mirrored the government's incomprehension of the importance of good public services, which would improve the economy through contributing to work efficiency.
The good implementation of the law, he added, would also expedite the achievement of the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) since public services touched many elements affecting MDGs such as the provision of adequate education and health care. (gzl)
Anita Rachman, Jakarta The opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle on Wednesday lambasted the House of Representatives' decision to continue with the much-criticized plan to build a new office building, calling for the antigraft body to get involved.
Gayus Lumbuun, deputy faction chairman of the party, known as the PDI-P, said his party remained steadfast in its opposition of the construction and demanded the plans be dropped.
"It's clear that we are against the plan. We are firmly rejecting it because we see no urgency. A legislator's job is to work, not to ask for comfortable facilities," Gayus said.
"It must be questioned, why are they so eager to pass this idea?" he said of the House leadership.
The statement came a day after Pius Lustrilanang, deputy chairman of the Household Affairs Committee (BURT), announced that construction of the new House office building would start in 2011.
He said all factions had agreed to postpone the construction until next year. Gayus questioned why the House leadership and the BURT wanted to forge on with the idea, which has been harshly opposed by the public.
Protests have already prompted a review of the plan, and the budget has been cut from Rp 1.8 trillion ($200 million) to Rp 1.3 trillion ($145 million).
Gayus aired suspicions that ongoing efforts to have the building built pointed to something fishy, and said the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the State Finance and Development Comptroller (BPKP) should look into the project.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) also said the trimmed-down budget indicated the possibility that the original budget had been unnecessarily raised.
Fitra secretary general Yuna Farhan agreed that the KPK and the BPKB should look into the project. "The project must benefit all factions, if none refused the idea," he said on Wednesday.
He said the KPK's role was not only to probe corruption cases, but also to prevent them. House Speaker Marzuki Alie said the BPKP was already involved and that if the KPK wanted to become involved it could do so.
Deputy House Speaker Anis Matta, from the Prosperous Justice Party, said the House would review the design of the building, and the construction costs would fall as a result.
Anis argued that the building was needed in order to accommodate about 5,000 employees, because legislators will have more advisers in the future.
Jafar Hafsah, the ruling Democratic Party's House leader, said his party would also review the possibility of further cutting down the budget for the plan. He said, however, that the ruling party would continue to support the plan.
Anita Rachman Apparently undeterred by harsh public criticism of lawmakers' frivolous overseas visits, the House Ethics Council is planning a trip to Greece, to learn about legislative ethics from a country with an ancient history of democracy.
Nudirman Munir, deputy chairman of the council, said on Tuesday that his group had a list of questions that urgently needed answers, so he is heading a team of eight legislators and three staffers leaving on Saturday for Greece where they hope to find them.
Greece was chosen, he said, because "an ethics council has been used there since the time of ancient Rome." Meanwhile, a trip overseas had to be taken because "the information can't be accessed through the Internet," he added.
Ancient Greece was famous for its pioneering philosophers and developing much of the framework for modern western ethics, starting from notions of virtue and physical strength and progressing to strength of character and nobility of mind.
The study and development of ethical values continued in the Roman Empire, which spread across Greece and into Asia.
"How to stop legislators from ranting or mocking others in a meeting, how to stay ethical and within regulations? Can a House Speaker dismiss a plenary meeting unilaterally? These are the questions that need to be answered, because to date, we have only used our feelings when it comes to things like these," Nudirman said.
The Golkar legislator said the team would also delve into the Greek Parliament's smoking regulations to see "whether they are allowed to smoke."
Nudirman said the ethics council wanted to learn from Greece whether or not it could dismiss legislators if they failed to answer summons, whether legislators could leave sessions after simply raising their hands and how foreign countries treated legal issues and policies, including the death penalty, "so we are not fooled by NGOs."
Nudirman claimed the council had thoroughly prepared its materials for the Greece trip. However, Gayus Lumbuun, chairman of the council, doubted the advantages of the visit and would not join it.
"I see almost no benefits of the planned visit," he said, adding that as long as the ethics council did not include representatives from the People's Conscience Party and the Great Indonesia Movement, "its decisions are not even legitimate."
The Greece trip is the latest in a series of overseas "comparative study trips" by legislators that have been slammed as a waste of taxpayers' money.
The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) said Rp 122 billion ($13.6 million) had been earmarked in the 2010 visit for lawmakers' official overseas visits 30 percent more than in 2009.
The reports produced, however, left much to be desired, Fitra said. One was merely a two-page description of the visit, while others contained basic information easily found on the Internet.
Ikrar Nusa Bakti, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), was skeptical of the visit. "What kind of ethics do they want to learn about? If they want to learn ancient politics, then Greece is fine," he said. "I don't understand why should they go to Greece just to learn how to interrupt."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta The House of Representatives on Tuesday said it would not seek funds for so-called aspiration houses and would instead focus on a new office tower for lawmakers.
The majority of factions agreed to abandon the plan after a closed meeting between the House leadership and the Household Affairs Committee (BURT), according to Pius Lustrilanang, deputy chairman of the committee.
In August, the Golkar Party proposed a plan to allocate Rp 374 million ($42,000) a year to each House member to fund the building and upkeep of offices in their districts. The offices, known as aspiration houses, were intended to give lawmakers a place to meet their constituents.
The aspiration house plan replaced a Golkar plan for "aspiration funds," Rp 15 billion annual allocations for lawmakers to use on various development projects in their districts.
The handouts were roundly considered pork-barrel spending, and were opposed by the rest of the parties in the House and the general public when they were proposed this year.
Money for the aspiration houses would have come out of the state budget, which is already chronically short of funding for schools, hospitals, infrastructure and a host of other programs. A large part of the state budget comes from taxes paid by citizens, including the poor.
"Proposals for the aspiration houses were rejected by all factions. We will not start the program yet," Pius said, as most factions would rather prioritize the plan to build a new office tower.
But proposals for the project have drawn criticism from the public, who say lawmakers are out of touch for pushing for new, expensive accommodations while not fulfilling their responsibilities as representatives of the people.
Arwani Thomafi, from the United Development Party (PPP), said House members were still in favor of a new office building, but not aspiration houses. "None of the factions objected with the plan to build a new office building," he said.
The House is in the process of making a new estimate on construction costs, lowering the price tag from Rp 1.8 trillion to around Rp 1.3 trillion, with construction expected to begin in early 2011, Pius explained.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie said the legislature would try to get the cost even lower, to about Rp 1.2 trillion. The 36-story building plan include sports and recreation facilities, along with spacious office suites for each lawmaker.
Armando Siahaan, Jakarta The nation's oft-maligned regional legislature is trying to claw its way back from obscurity through the revision of a law governing lawmaking bodies, due to be passed by the end of this year.
The Regional Representatives Council (DPD), which under current law should have the power to introduce bills applicable in specific regions, has been effectively sidelined through vague wording of the 2009 Law on Legislative Bodies, critics say.
The Center for Indonesian Law and Policy Studies (PSHK), a think tank dealing with governance, has said the confusing language must be changed in this upcoming revision, and the role of the regional legislature clarified once and for all.
The DPD, for its part, would like to alter the law to put itself on an equal footing of power as the House of Representatives.
The law currently stipulates that the council has the authority to initiate bills pertaining to issues such as regional autonomy, management of economic and natural resources in provinces and the relationship between central and regional government. It also gives the DPD the right to participate during the deliberation of such bills, along with the House and the government.
However, the law does not specify the mechanism of this participation, and so the House is put in the position of regulating the DPD's participation.
PSHK advocacy director Ronald Rofiandri said the House had been reluctant to give the DPD leeway for more participation in law making. "The article leaves room for different interpretations," he said, adding that the House had the power to limit the DPD's involvement as a consequence.
The DPD's role so far has been restricted to providing written input, and it has never been invited to attend active deliberation sessions within the House. Ronald said the DPD must be included in the sessions because it could contribute valuable insight, given that regional issues are its domain.
The PSHK also recommended that the revision of the legislative bodies law give more power to the DPD as an oversight body. The law stipulates that the DPD has the authority to oversee the implementation of any law within its domain, and allows it to submit recommendations to the House when a problem arises with introduction of the legislation.
Ronald said that the DPD must be given the authority to introduce its own solution, instead of just giving a recommendation to the House. "Right now, the DPD's supervisory function does not produce anything concrete; it is just a consideration to be noted by the House," Ronald said.
The PSHK recommendation has been submitted to the DPD, which is currently working to draft its own revision of the 2009 Law on Legislative Bodies. The revision itself has been scheduled as a priority in the National Legislation Program.
The DPD is vying to increase the power of its governance. In August, DPD Speaker Irman Gusman said the body was drafting a constitutional amendment, in addition to the law revision, that would change the council's role and put it on an equal footing with the House.
If the amendment was approved, the regional council would have the authority to pass laws just like the House, effectively adding another lawmaking body. But Hajriyanto Thohari, a deputy speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the collective body that consists of the DPD and the House, said in August that the existing laws governing the DPD's role in the assembly should be changed before resorting to amending the national Constitution.
Indah Setiawati, Jakarta After grilling Cabinet ministers and putting Vice President Boediono in the hot seat in plenary sessions, legislators are concluding they can push the Jakarta city administration around in the same way.
First, the lawmakers have made Governor Fauzi Bowo give up the Taman Ria area in Senayan to be part of the expansion of the House of Representatives building. So the administration has to face legal charges from PT Ariobimo Laguna Perkasa, the original developer.
Now legislators, who are active smokers, say the city's smoking ban, sanctioned since 2005 should not be applied to them.
Ruhut Sitompul of the Democratic Party admitted that like many lawmakers, he still smoked cigarettes in the House's assembly rooms before a hearing or during a break, as well as in alleys, and even in toilets.
"The House's ruling prohibits legislators from smoking during hearings. We do not smoke while working" he said on Friday. Ruhut defended that he is smoking at other times in the building because no rule has banned people from smoking inside the House.
Lawmaker Bambang Soesatyo of Golkar Party concurred, saying that he had not yet been told about it. "It is the job of the city administration to inform us about the decree formally," he said.
Despite its weak enforcement, the administration has introduced smoking bans at public places since 2005 and previously required every building to have smoking rooms. The ban has been recently revised so that no one is allowed to smoke anywhere inside public buildings.
Former legislator Hakim Sorimuda Pohan, now a member of the Tobacco Control Support Center said this resistance to the smoking ban showed lawmakers were arrogant.
"It's uncivilized, barbaric, claiming they are unaware of the decree. They think they can do anything, including maintaining their rude habit of smoking anywhere, just because they are lawmakers," he said. He urged lawmakers to care more for others in relation to smoking.
He said smoking inside public buildings was more about ethics and morals than regulations. "The building sits in the Senayan area. As long as it is located in Jakarta, the law is applicable," he said.
Governor Fauzi Bowo said the House of Representatives office came under city rules, obliging legislators to obey the smoking ban. "If people are smoking, the building management will have to take their responsibility," he said, adding there could be no exceptions.
Fauzi, who is known for his stern remarks, however, declined to get tough with the lawmakers, saying that his administration would talk to the House's secretary division to familiarize them with the regulation.
The admnistration stopped a few months ago the construction of a shopping center on Taman Ria, which was run by Ariobimo and Lippo Group, saying that the companies have yet to attain permit to build in the area. The decision came after lawmakers protested the construction, saying that the city need more green areas.
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta Women participating in the anti-poverty National Program for Community Empowerment, or PNPM, have jumped to its defence after its effectiveness was questioned earlier this week.
Ibu Mamat, a widow from Cianjur, in West Java, said on Wednesday the program had enabled her to open up a small stall at her house. "I don't have to borrow from loan sharks anymore, which used to burden me as I had to pay high interest," Mamat said.
She said she was still paying off the loan sharks but was now able to better feed her family. "I do not get much profit from the warung as I still have to pay the debts, but I am happy," she said.
Nining, a widow with five children from Kayumanis hamlet in Cianjur, was equally enthusiastic about the program that allows her to sell deep-fried food in her neighborhood. "I am only a small person and the program is benefiting me and my children," she said.
Both also said Pekka, or the Women Headed Household Program, had also helped them by holding regular discussions on how to run a business.
Yuna Farhan, the secretary general of budgetary watchdog Fitra, at the weekend questioned the effectiveness of the program. In 2007, the government earmarked Rp 3.9 trillion (437 million) for the program and has proposed a budget of Rp 11.8 trillion in 2011.
"The government even borrowed $744 million from the World Bank for the project, the effectiveness of which in tackling poverty is still questionable, and we might end up with a big debt burden because of it," Yuna said.
Much of the fund was spent on hiring facilitators rather than in direct help to the people. For example, rather than relying on the health ministry, the program was spending money to hire midwives.
"The budget for the PNPM has increased drastically but the number of poor people has decreased only slightly, certainly not enough," Yuna said.
In 2008, with Rp 5.2 trillion, the program helped reduce the number of poor by 2.2 million, but in 2009 with Rp 9.4 trillion, the programs managed to reduce the number by only 2.4 million.
Sujana Rojat, who heads the PNPM Mandiri program, said the ministry was committed to empowering women.
"We have to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goals' targets and women are the key to empowering the country," Sujana said. "We fully realize that most women in our country, especially those in small villages, are living in poor conditions."
He said many women were living below the poverty line and earned just a fraction of their male counterparts. "We are going to expand Pekka to more provinces by next year," he said, adding that in the 17 provinces the program now covered, 12,000 women had been empowered.
Armando Siahaan & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta The government and the House of Representatives have agreed on a plan to cover the Rp 50 trillion ($5.6 billion) shortfall needed to modernize the nation's military's arsenal.
Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro had said Rp 150 trillion would be needed over the next five years for the upgrade, but the government could allot only Rp 100 trillion.
"The House and the government have agreed to fulfill the need to upgrade the weapons," lawmaker Mahfudz Siddiq said. "Some of the extra Rp 50 trillion will be taken from the revised state budget, and we shall also seek domestic and foreign loans."
Mahfudz, head of Commission I, which oversees defense, said the government would step in with Rp 11 trillion, but only Rp 2 trillion had been made available thus far. The other Rp 9 trillion is expected to come from the revised 2011 state budget, and the remaining Rp 39 trillion from multi-year loans.
Mahfudz said the House expected the government to synergize the armaments modernization with efforts to revitalize the domestic defense industry.
Military chief Adm. Agus Suhartono said the military planned to spend Rp 600 billion of the initial Rp 2 trillion on restoring existing weapons and the rest on buying new ones.
The agreement comes weeks after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said there was a dire need to modernize the military's armaments. He said an upgrade was needed to maintain national defense and security and for disaster relief and peace-keeping.
The government has received some praise for its efforts in bolstering national defense in the past year, especially over its announcement of unprecedented spending through 2015. Analysts say the Defense Ministry also deserves credit for its effort to revitalize the domestic arms industry.
"These two policies are unprecedented and ground-breaking and will surely strengthen the country's defense," said Andi Widjajanto, a military expert from University of Indonesia. He said the government also had done a commendable job improving soldiers' welfare, as evidenced by pay raises.
The military on Wednesday received three new attack helicopters. It follows the arrival of four Russian-made Sukhoi jet fighters, which were handed over at a ceremony at the Pondok Cabe Airbase in Tangerang, attended by Purnomo and Russian Ambassador Alexander Ivanov.
Under a $300 million contract, signed in 2007, Russia recently completed the delivery of three Su-30MK2 and three Su-27SKM fighter jets to Jakarta, in addition to two Su-27SK and two Su-30MK fighter jets purchased in 2003. Indonesia now has 11 modern military helicopters, including six MI-17V-5s previously purchased from Russia.
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta The controversial new National Police chief, Comr. Gen. Timur Pradopo, said on Friday that his first job would be to gain the public's trust.
"We will continue our programs, mainly the strategic plan for 2010-14," Timur said after his inauguration. "We will continue to strengthen public trust with our focus on the strategic plan."
While Timur had no trouble passing a fit-and-proper test in the House of Representatives, his checkered human rights record from the last days of the Suharto era and his links to Islamist militia groups have caused rights activists and commentators to question his appointment.
He replaces Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri, who retired this month. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ignored the two candidates put forward by the outgoing chief Nanan Soekarna and Imam Soedjarwo in favor of Timur.
Timur said he would develop strong public safety programs that emphasized crime prevention and take account of public interest.
Under Bambang, the National Police had considerable success uncovering several terrorist networks in rural areas. But Timur said counterterrorism was not just a matter of law enforcement, and that it required rehabilitating suspects and preventing people from becoming attracted to terrorist networks.
Asked whether he would continue a newly announced policy of using deadly force against rioters, Timur said the shoot-to-kill order was not aimed at demonstrations but instead at acts of anarchy meant to destroy peace and order.
Yudhoyono and House Speaker Marzuki Alie had said the new police chief would be sworn in along with a new attorney general. However, no candidates have been announced to replace former Attorney General Hendarman Supandji, whose planned retirement was expedited by a court decision that he had not been properly appointed in the first place.
"We're still seeking a better candidate than Hendarman," Sudi Silalahi, the state secretary, said at the State Palace. "If we cannot find one, who knows? It could be Hendarman [again]."
Sudi said there was no set timetable for naming a new attorney general. "It is the right of the president to do so whenever he wants to," he said. "It is not tied to a schedule, but we hope it is soon."
Anita Rachman, Jakarta The House of Representatives rubber stamped the decision of House Commission III for security on Tuesday, paving the way for controversial Comr. Gen. Timur Pradopo to be sworn in as Indonesia's police chief.
The process during the plenary session took just 30 minutes to approve Timur to the post, including for commission deputy chairman Tjatur Sapto Edy to read the results of its fit-and-proper test.
Deputy House Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso, who lead the session, said the process went smoothly "as predicted". "We all know his track record," he said.
When the process was completed, Timur was asked to step forward and was applauded by the legislators.
Timur, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's sole nomination for the position, has been roundly rejected by a number of organizations, including Imparsial who questioned Timur's role as West Jakarta Police chief during the 1998 anti-Suharto riots at Trisakti University.
Later, he was Central Jakarta Police chief when 11 people were shot and killed during a protest near the Semanggi overpass in November 1998.
Timur said he had ignored summonses for questioning over the shootings by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) because there was an institutional policy against such cooperation at the National Police.
He has also been criticized for his "warm" relationship with the hard-line Islamic Defenders Front and for doubling his wealth in the past two years.
Timur would not comment to journalists at the House, saying only: "Thank you, I haven't been inaugurated."
Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta Angry human rights activists are set to carry their opposition to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's choice of Comr. Gen. Timur Pradopo to be National Police chief to the courts, claiming the selection violated procedures, despite the proposed new chief sailing through the House of Representatives on Thursday.
Indria Fernida, deputy director of the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said his organization was preparing a lawsuit to challenge the appointment.
"Once we have prepared all the necessary paperwork on the suit, we shall file it to the PTUN [Indonesian Administrative Court]," Indria said on Sunday, claiming that Yudhoyono had violated Article 11 of Law No. 2 of 2002 on the National Police, which stipulates that proposals made by a president on either the appointment or dismissal of a police chief must be accompanied by a clear justification.
"The president has never once said why Timur was chosen as police chief, when this is a clear procedure that must be followed," Indria said. The lawsuit is being filed in collaboration with other human rights organizations, including the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial).
Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti said his group was committed to opposing Timur, but the reason has little to do with procedure and everything to do with Timur's record.
"We will never stay silent. Everybody must respect human rights and justice for all victims. A human rights violator should be brought to trial, and not end up as National Police chief," Poengky said, referring to Timur's controversial tenure as West Jakarta police chief. In May 1998 officers under his command shot and killed four students at Trisakti University who were protesting against former President Suharto, who stepped down a short time later following widespread rioting.
The House fit-and-proper test that approved Timur last week was also lambasted by activists as half-hearted. After 11 hours of questioning, all nine factions in House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, approved the candidate.
Commenting on accusations by rights activists that he had played a part in the Trisakti shootings, Timur told lawmakers on Thursday that he had only been following orders. "I did not break any law. The strategy and tactics were not dictated at my level but by my superior," Timur said.
Later, he was Central Jakarta Police chief when 11 people were shot and killed during a protest near the Semanggi overpass in November 1998.
Timur said he had ignored summonses for questioning over the shootings by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) because there was an institutional policy against such cooperation at the National Police.
Poengky says that Timur could face barriers if he travels to Europe or the United States. "His status could be the same as Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, who failed to obtain a US visa," Poengky said, referring to Deputy Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin who was implicated in a massacre in East Timor while he was serving with the Army's Kopassus special forces unit.
Aubrey Belford, Jakarta To millions, Suharto, the military strongman who ruled Indonesia for 32 years, was a tyrant, a thief and a murderer.
But more than 12 years after his fall from power in a popular uprising, and two years after his death at age 86, an effort is under way to redefine his legacy: as a national hero.
The Indonesian media have been filled with heated debate since it emerged this month that Mr. Suharto's name had made it onto a Social Affairs Ministry annual shortlist of candidates to be added to Indonesia's official pantheon of 138 national heroes.
The move, initially proposed by the leader of the Central Java district that houses Mr. Suharto's mausoleum, has angered political reformers and many Indonesians, who see his rule as a time of unrestrained corruption and repression.
For many others, however, including the thousands of Indonesians who showed up at special prayer services for Mr. Suharto that culminated Friday, 1,000 days since his death, the move taps into nostalgia for a time of order and stability that contrasts with today's messy democracy.
It also creates a political time bomb for the country's first directly elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who will have to vet the shortlist before it goes to an expert committee, and then award the honor on Heroes' Day, Nov. 10.
"This is an insult to common sense and humanity," said Fadjroel Rachman, a prominent activist who was jailed for three years by Mr. Suharto's government. The objective of the student-led protests that forced Mr. Suharto's resignation in 1998 "was the overthrow, the stepping down of Mr. Suharto as a dictator, as a corrupter and a human rights violator," he said.
"We're urging Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono not to make Suharto a national hero," he said, "or we'll have to call him a traitor to reformasi," the 1998 democratic reform movement.
Mr. Yudhoyono, a former general who rose up the ranks during Mr. Suharto's New Order government has, true to his reticent public style, not indicated which way he is leaning.
The president has seen his popularity, while still high, steadily slide since he was re-elected for a second term last year. Rowdy protests across the country this week marking the first year of that term criticized, among other concerns, a lack of progress on promised reforms including corruption in government institutions. Honoring Mr.
Suharto, who is believed to have pilfered billions of dollars from the state and jailed and killed tens of thousands of opponents, would hardly bolster the president's reformist credentials.
But Mr. Suharto's legacy has always been mixed. Despite his notorious brutality, he was widely credited with bringing stability and economic growth to Indonesia.
And the proposal to proclaim him a hero has powerful backers. This week, the national conference of the Golkar Party, the former political vehicle of Mr. Suharto and now a key coalition member in Mr. Yudhoyono's cabinet, threw its support behind the move.
Across Indonesia's political party system, business elite and state institutions, a generation of former Suharto loyalists still holds sway. The committee that will make the final decision on the national hero honor is dominated by former Suharto-era functionaries.
According to Akbar Tandjung, a senior Golkar politician, Mr. Suharto deserves to be honored for "saving Indonesia as a nation from destruction, conflict and crisis" by seizing power after what officials portrayed as a Communist coup attempt in 1965. At least half a million people suspected of being Communists were massacred in the aftermath.
As for the widespread rights abuses that marked Mr. Suharto's rule, including the jailing, killing and exile of opponents, Mr. Tandjung said in an interview that they were necessary evils for national stability and development. "A leader has to make decisions in any situation," he said, "and they won't make everyone in the community happy."
Although the honor is symbolic, it could have real consequences as a repudiation of Indonesian democracy, said Wimar Witoelar, a political analyst who was a spokesman for the late Abdurrahman Wahid, who was elected president by Parliament after Mr. Suharto's fall and is also on this year's shortlist of heroes.
As the heir to Mr. Suharto's political legacy, Golkar would gain from a rehabilitation of his name and the rebuke of democracy as it has developed under Mr. Yudhoyono, Mr. Witoelar said. In particular, Aburizal Bakrie, the billionaire tycoon who is chairman of Golkar and a 2014 presidential hopeful, stands to benefit, Mr. Witoelar said.
"I think it would just devaluate the title of national hero, would make it a very cynical label for political convenience," he said. "Because there's nothing really more unhealthy for the nation's self-perception than to name the biggest corruptor, despot, human rights abuser of recent times as the nation's hero."
Public opinion on the proposal is divided. Many Indonesians are deeply ambivalent about Mr. Suharto's record. A common refrain here is that the man also called "the father of development" was a stabilizing force who was nevertheless capable of destructive excess.
By now there may be only a few of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's 34 Cabinet ministers who are confident that their positions are secure. It is true that several of the President's aides have failed to do what the President instructed them to do within one year. They are incompetent. But we are obliged to remind the nation that our most pressing problem is not the incompetence of Cabinet members but of the President himself.
Despite his landslide victory in last year's election, when more than 60 percent of 120 million voters entrusted him to lead Indonesia for another five years, Yudhoyono was unable to redirect such huge public confidence into the formation of his Cabinet.
Apart from objective reasons including the fact that he needed to form a coalition with other political parties to ensure the stability of his administration his own tendency to aim towards pleasing everyone and playing safe has been instrumental in keeping the Cabinet weak.
Members of Yudhoyono's ruling coalition, particularly the Golkar Party, are now maneuvering for more lucrative Cabinet positions by aiming ministers in charge of the portfolios they are eyeing. Members of the political and business elite are also working on their profiles in hope that their vested interests are accommodated.
Amid growing pressure for a Cabinet reshuffle, from the public and members of his coalition government, signs have emerged that Yudhoyono may be willing to accommodate the demands. Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan, Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar, Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring are among ministers who have often become targets of public criticism regarding their performance.
Unfortunately, however, as has often been seen in the past, Yudhoyono's concerns about his image have apparently taken priority over his efforts to improve the performance of the administration.
It is true that many Indonesians have been disappointed with the progress of several ministers over the last 12 months. But again, we can safely assume that it won't matter who the Cabinet ministers or top aides are, because as long as the President maintains his ultra-cautious approach the substandard performance will continue.
The President has frequently appeared not to be in command of his subordinates. Just look at his inertness in appointing a permanent attorney general, or his reluctance to use his power to stop the chaos at the National Police headquarters, where police officers fought each other in public in defense of their personal interests.
President Yudhoyono has four years to complete the second term of his presidency. However, based on the poor achievement of his Cabinet over the past 12 months, it is looking more than likely we will be stuck with a "lame duck" government until 2014.
There are also indications that the President has reached a "fatigue" level in governing Indonesia. He seems very satisfied with the progress the nation has made since 2004, and has belittled public frustration regarding his leadership as mere attempts by small groups who want to disrupt the government.
We want to remind Yudhoyono that four years is still a long time. But unless he has the guts to exercise his leadership as the head of government and the state, Indonesia will continue to down the road to development, but won't likely get out of first gear.
Peter Alford, Jakarta Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono finished the first year of his second term yesterday beset by criticism from every direction.
The first national leader to serve a five-year term, let alone win a second, since the authoritarian Suharto was forced out in 1998, Yudhoyono still has no obvious outstanding rival or protege to succeed him when the constitution obliges him to retire in 2014.
The huge, disorderly nation has politically stabilised under the 61-year- old former army general, whose reputation as a clean-handed democrat has survived six years in one of Asia's grimiest environments.
The nation's economy is growing at 6.2 per cent and accelerating. Indonesia is expected to attract a record $US13 billion ($13bn) foreign direct investment this year and is widely spruiked as the next large developing nation to reach BRIC (Brazil Russia India China) status.
Under Yudhoyono, Indonesia is reclaiming its leadership role in ASEAN, is a significant member of the G20 grouping, and its relations with Australia have never been better or more reciprocal. But you will not hear much of that in Jakarta nowadays.
Some in civil society, and the student activists who are launching a street campaign to force Yudhoyono's resignation, blame his administration for promoting the extreme liberalisation of the economy and politics, causing inequalities to worsen and conflicts to develop at every level of society.
"If this country was a computer we would be hung up already," says Haris Rusli Moti, a leader of the Petisi 28 campaign that took to the streets yesterday. "We need the courage to reboot. The president must realise he is no longer able to handle this situation. Why doesn't he step down?"
Liberal commentators bemoan that Yudhoyono has allowed political and legal reform to run into the sand, while corruption swirls unchecked through the judiciary, police, parliament and public administration.
His nomination of Jakarta police chief Timur Pradopo to head the national police force has aggravated civil libertarians, who suspect Timur's relationship with the violence-prone Islamic Defenders Front and role in the 1998 Trisakti student shootings. The President reportedly preferred Timur over two more obvious candidates because of his loyalty and disengagement from factionalism. But, characteristically, Yudhoyono neglected to publicly explain his choice, leaving critics to draw their worst inferences.
"He hates debate about questions like this," says a long-time Yudhoyono- watcher. "He doesn't want public debates that generate anger, discontent, loss of face."
The President has remained largely silent during recent outbursts of violent intimidation by Islamic Defenders Front followers against Christian groups in parts of greater Jakarta, and the resumption of mob attacks on communities attached to Ahmadiya, a minority Muslim sect, in various parts of the country.
It was left to Vice-President Boediono last weekend to urge the Muslim "silent majority" to confront radical activists who "will lead us to destruction", he told a weekend conference organised by Nahdlatul Ulama, the nation's largest Islamic organisation. "We must loudly reject radicalism and return to the original agreement of the founding fathers of the nation... although Islam is the religion of the majority of people, Indonesia is not an Islamic state."
Such forthrightness about religion is rarely heard from Yudhoyono of late. But to be fair, many moderate Muslim clerical and scholarly voices have been similarly restrained. Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's second largest Muslim organisation, recently convened a seminar of national opinion leaders on the nation's political ills, at which chairman Din Syamsuddin, a respected scholar, pronounced: "We are experiencing a crisis of leadership because our leadership is weak.
"From an Islamic political perspective, it is the leaders who should be held responsible for what is happening."
But voters are yet to turn on their leader, according to opinion polling. Yudhoyono's personal approval rating, although slipping, still tracks above the 61 per cent vote that re-elected him for a second five-year term in 2009.
Most polls also show his Democratic Party would win a higher share of the vote than the 21 per cent that made it the largest party in the House of Representatives last year.
Yudhoyono's support, however, wears thinnest where education levels are highest, according to the Indonesia Survey Institute, and is strongest in villages and rural areas of eastern Indonesia and Sumatra.
These apparent paradoxes are explained, says Jakarta political analyst Kevin O'Rourke, by a large gap in expectations between the opinion-makers and the mass of voters.
The urban middle classes, for instance, mark their governments hard on providing public infrastructure and reliable services, such as clean water, which the poor masses have not experienced and therefore don't demand.
"They are very discerning but they have a completely different set of priorities from the political elites," says O'Rourke. "They want stable prices and jobs and they want the government to stop stealing. By delivering those a leader can be very popular."
Yudhoyono may be more popular than he deserves to be, O'Rourke suggests, because while prices are relatively stable, employment growth has been disappointing and a staggering 69 per cent of all Indonesian jobs are in the unprotected and pitifully paid informal sector.
The independent Corruption Eradication Commission has done the hardest work rooting out public sector corruption, while under repeated attack from compromised police, prosecutors and MPs. Yudhoyono has been reluctant to publicly defend the commission from harassment.
"Yudhoyono's real strength is that he's not pilfering the government... no corruption has tainted him personally in six years and that's six years longer than anyone else of his predecessors," says O'Rourke.
There is, however, a political character issue at the core of Yudhoyono's problems, manifest in the now-blanketing charges of weakness and indecision, compounded by the difficult twists that have developed in the nation's post-Reformasi political system.
The first leader elected directly by the voters rather than by the House of Representatives in 2004, Yudhoyono finds himself operating in a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system that is difficult to negotiate anyway, and is made more so by his conciliatory instincts.
With his Democrats having only 150 of 560 MPs in the House of Representatives, he needs a coalition of five other parties for a secure legislative majority, though the widely maligned parliament this year has passed only seven of a roster of 70 bills.
Discipline is weak, MPs are prone to taking inducements, and two coalition parties, Golkar and the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party, cause the administration chronic difficulties.
Golkar's chairman, tycoon and former Suharto acolyte Aburizal Bakrie, is generally credited with driving the campaign that forced the departure in May of Yudhoyono's most formidable structural reformer, finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who had targeted irregularities in Bakrie Group's operations.
Sri Mulyani's departure for the World Bank was the point at which the President's reputation withered among many reform-minded folk, particularly when he rewarded Bakrie with chairmanship of the coalition parties in parliament, though the Golkar leader continued to undermine the administration on issues that suit his 2014 presidential ambitions.
"People in the parties opposed to Yudhoyono know that he's basically more of a reconciliator than an enforcer: therein lies the essence of the problem," says Juwono Sudarsono, who was defence minister in Yudhoyono's first administration. "They're hedging on his good-heartedness, they know he's very deferential to democratic precepts [developed] since 1998 and they're misusing his good nature for their own parliamentary and factional interests."
It goes further, according to Juwono, an international relations expert who joined Suharto's last cabinet in 1998 and subsequently served in ministries of B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Yudhoyono.
Yudhoyono has struggled to impose himself on a ramshackle, sometimes recalcitrant public service from which Suharto's intimidating presence and manner was able to extract results.
Whatever else you thought about Suharto, says Juwono, "the firmness of his personality" compelled implementation of decisions through otherwise impermeable layers of ministries, bureaucracy and military.
"I think this is the problem SBY is facing because he's courteous, because he's decent, because he's nice it's not probably the best formula to become an effective leader [of a country such as Indonesia.]"
Although the next presidential race is more than three years away, the poll is already the critical consideration in the contest to shape the conditions of Yudhoyono's final years in office.
As O'Rourke wrote in his Reformasi newsletter, perpetuation of Yudhoyono's general legacy, "namely relatively clean and effective governance" depends on whether or not he can shift the momentum of his sustained popularity behind a chosen successor.
The best opportunity for a rival to succeed in 2014 would be for Yudhoyono's popular support to be dismantled while he was still in office, generating demand for a traditional insider such as Bakrie or, unlikely as it now seems after two presidential losses, Megawati Sukarnoputri or a candidate of her choosing.
Though there is a dearth of obvious successors at this stage, the Democratic side looks to have a lock on potential progressive candidates.
The most obvious successors are Boediono and Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum, a rising star but at 41 handicapped by relative youth in an age-conscious society.
There is also a shadow campaign to draft Sri Mulyani, but most analysts doubt she has the grassroots appeal or the desire for what would be an even more bruising encounter with raw politics than what she recently endured.
Bakrie, in spite of his wealth and his grip on Golkar, is not yet guaranteed its endorsement or a clear run from the conservative side in 2014.
Media proprietor Surya Paloh, who lost his struggle with Bakrie for the Golkar chair in 2009 has since created the National Democrats, not yet a party but apparently a vehicle for his presidential ambitions.
Juwono, in the meantime, cautions that unless a broadly acceptable civilian transition can be managed, pressure will grow for a retired military officer, working in concert with the political parties, to step forward offering the "firm and focused leadership that this country needs".
That would be a stinging repudiation of the Yudhoyono legacy and a prospect the President has four years to eliminate, providing always that he is able to reverse the course of his unhappy sixth year.
What a difference a year makes. Just 12 months ago there was so much hope and optimism when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono took the oath of office for his second five-year term. Judging by the nation's mood today, the first anniversary of his second term, it's like we're looking at two different countries. What happened?
Winning the presidential election with more than 60 percent of the votes in round one, Yudhoyono could not have asked for more in starting his second term, and constitutionally his last. He won a carte blanche that would be the envy of any democratically elected leader. It was a ringing endorsement from the people for Yudhoyono to do whatever he deemed fit.
He promised continuity in his campaign, and continuity was what the nation wanted, albeit with a new vice president and a new Cabinet. Yudhoyono gave an eloquent inauguration speech promising to dedicate the next five years to "improving people's prosperity, strengthening democracy and upholding justice". The inauguration and his speech provided an uplifting moment for the nation at a time when much of the rest of the world was still mired in a deep economic recession.
Fast forward 12 months, and that sense of optimism, or what the President described in his inauguration speech as the "can do spirit," is practically gone.
The President's popularity has declined. The Indonesian Survey Institute said his approval rating has fallen from 85 percent at the time of his inauguration to 66 percent last month. A Kompas survey is even more revealing. At the time he was elected in July 2009, 90 percent of the population had a positive image of him.
Today, it is down to 48 percent. Most commentaries on the first anniversary of the SBY-Boediono administration have been negative, perhaps some unfair, as one year is not sufficient to judge whether an administration has failed. The mandate given to Yudhoyono is good for five years. And the last 12 months have not been so bad as to merit a movement to bring down the democratically elected President as his staunchest critics are seeking.
The nation's somber mood accompanying the anniversary is more a reflection of many unfulfilled hopes. This being Yudhoyono's second term rather than his first, people obviously have much higher expectations. His government should have been up and running from the word go.
Instead, we saw the new government bogged down by the Bank Century investigation in its first six months, ironically initiated by Yudhoyono's own coalition partners. This episode forced the sudden departure of reformist finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, which in turn hurt Yudhoyono's own reform credentials.
The Bank Century case also showed how uneasy relations were between the President and the House of Representatives, even though SBY had included six of the nine political parties in his coalition. SBY also had some serious problems on the law enforcement front, which have undermined his antigraft drive. While the economy may seem to be doing well, at least going by macroeconomic indicators, there are serious concerns that dividends have not been shared equally.
Yudhoyono has squandered much of the political capital he had at the start of his second term, and unfortunately with little to show for it. Nobody expected him to deliver on his promises of more prosperity, democracy and justice in just 12 months. But the nation has the right to ask for some signs from their President that Indonesia is making progress, to help build their confidence. This, unfortunately, was something the nation did not get.
Radicalism is a cancer that is slowly devouring our nation. From attacking churches to more recently breaking up wayang performances, radicals are, in the name of Islam, targeting all segments of society with no fear of the repercussions.
The violence perpetuated by the hard-liners is spreading, unopposed by the police. It's a damning indictment of the state of the nation. That the cancer is growing is clearly illustrated by the rising tide of antagonism against minority groups in the country. The trials of the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) in Bekasi, which has been twice evicted, its members stabbed and beaten, is a sad reflection on how both the government and the silent majority have abdicated their responsibility.
Now for the first time, Vice President Boediono has highlighted the danger radicalism poses to Indonesian society in a speech to open the "Global Peace Leadership Conference 2010," organized by the Nahdlatul Ulama. He noted that radicalism is a real threat with the potential to lead to the disintegration of Indonesian society. Those are strong words and they should be heeded.
The vice president was also on the mark by noting that in certain cases, democratic space and freedom of expression had been abused by groups and individuals to create hostility and hatred against a particular religion. Although this is a global phenomenon, it is strongly manifested on our shores.
In most cases, the radicals are a small but vocal minority. Their intransigence and willingness to use violence, however, propels their cause to the forefront and into the national media spotlight.
The vice president is correct in noting that the silent majority, which makes up civil society, must reject the radicals in its midst and unmask them for what they are. As a society and as a nation, we must totally oppose these radicals and ensure that they have little room to maneuver.
The government, however, must also take strong and direct steps against the spread of radicals. Countries such as Pakistan have already shut down religious schools that preach hatred and promote violence. We must do the same here. The only way we will eradicate radicalism is if we show zero tolerance toward it and make it crystal clear that violence will not be accepted.
This must also flow through our democratic process. Politicians who embrace radical groups should be thrown out of office. If senior police officials fail to respond to violence perpetrated against minority groups, there should be a public investigation. The bottom line is that radical groups and those who harbor or protect them must be made to feel that they are pariahs in our society and that the Indonesian people will not stand for such behavior.
We can still cut this cancer from our society but we have to act now before it is too late. The consequences of inaction are just too dire to contemplate.