Erwida Maulia, Jakarta National airline Garuda Indonesia has been criticized for delaying two flights over the last few days to accommodate a senior politician and one of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's sons.
Garuda reportedly delayed one of its flights from Jakarta to the Central Java town of Surakarta for 20 minutes on Saturday to wait for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's youngest son, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono, or better known as Ibas, to board the plane.
A passenger told local news portal detik.com that according to the schedule the plane should have taken off from Soekarno-Hatta International Airport at 9:30 a.m.
The pilot said the plane was still waiting for a number of passengers. After about 20 minutes, Ibas, now a lawmaker and secretary-general for Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, and several armed guards, boarded the aircraft.
"We finally took off at 9:50 a.m. that's quite a delay. We all complained, but, well, what can we do about it?" the passenger said.
On Sunday, House of Representatives deputy speaker Taufik Kurniawan also reportedly caused a three-minute delay to a Garuda flight from Semarang in Central Java to Jakarta.
Taufik, who is from the National Mandate Party, a government coalition party, was coming from a party in Semarang to attend a fast-breaking dinner hosted by President Yu-dhoyono at his private residence in Cikeas, south of Jakarta.
Garuda spokesman Pudjobroto told detik.com that Taufik had asked Garuda to wait.
"GA 239 should have taken off at 12:50 p.m., and the check-in counter had been closed 30 minutes earlier. Pak Taufik asked us to wait... but as he could only arrive at 1 p.m., the plane had already departed," he said.
Pudjobroto added that the aircraft took off at 12.53 p.m. and that a flight delayed by three minutes should be considered "on time". However, Pudjobroto could not be reached for comment about the 20-minute delay to Ibas's Garuda flight.
Taufik denied he had asked Garuda to delay the flight for him, saying that he when he had made the phone call he had merely asked his staff already at the Surakarta's Adi-sumarmo airport whether the flight was on schedule.
"I only asked that question. If it was indeed on time, that would have been no problem for me. But, if there had been a delay, I just wanted to inform them that I was already near," he said as quoted by Antara.
Democratic Party senior politician Ahmad Mubarok said Garuda, not Ibas, was to blame for the delay.
Taufik was also accused of asking Garuda to ask the aircraft to return for him, which he denied.
"As a former head of [House of Representatives'] Commission V overseeing transportation and former chairman of the House's special committee on the flight bill, I understand clearly about flight regulations. I understand clearly that nobody can ask a plane to return from the runway, especially if only to appease one person's request. That is completely not true," he added.
Democratic Party senior politician Ahmad Mubarok also said Iblas was not to blame.
"Don't heap the criticism on Ibas, but on Garuda. It is the one treating people improperly. Ibas neither told them nor asked them [to delay the flight for him]. That is a mental weakness of Indonesians the way we tend to treat our superiors," Ahmad said.
"He is not the type of person who uses power like that. Besides, it's not like Garuda is not often late without having to wait like that," he added.
Jakarta Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the son of deceased dictator Suharto, is suing state-owned airline Garuda Indonesia and the publishers of its in-flight magazine for referring to him as a "convicted murderer" in an article about one of his resorts. The civil hearing kicked off in the South Jakarta District Court on Tuesday.
Listed as defendants are Garuda Indonesia, senior staff members Pujobroto, vice president corporate communications, and senior marketing and promotion staff member Prasetyo Budi, as well as PT Indo Multi Media as the publisher of the magazine and two staff members.
The allegedly offending article, "A New Destination to Enjoy in Bali" published in December 2009, reviews Tommy's Pecatu Indah Ressort and refers to the owner as a "convicted murderer."
In 2002, Tommy was sentenced to 15 years for ordering the July 2001 murder of Supreme Court Justice Syafiuddin Kartasasmita, who convicted him of fraud in 2000. He was released after serving just four years.
Tommy's lawyer Ferry Firman told journalists that the reference to his client had no relevance to the article. "[The article] is not a press product, not a journalistic work. They are not listed with the Press Council," Ferry said.
Tommy is seeking a public apology from Garuda.
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Condemnation greeted the President's "feeble" speech on mounting tensions between Indonesia and Malaysia, while a major party in the ruling coalition dropped plans for interpellation on the issue.
Shortly after the speech which was broadcast live from the Indonesian Military's (TNI) headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, late Wednesday President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was called a "coward" and "insensitive" to Indonesia's increasing sense of nationalism.
The furor was triggered after the arrest of three Indonesian officials by Malaysian authorities on Aug. 13 in the waters near Riau Islands province.
Postings on social networking sites such as Twitter said Yudhoyono's speech was "feeble" and "degraded the nation's self- esteem".
Far from declaring war on Malaysia, as some had hoped or expected, the President stressed that diplomacy would "thoroughly" settle all border issues. Negotiations over the nation's sea border near Riau Islands is one of many ongoing border issues between Indonesian and both Malaysia and Singapore.
Yudhoyono mentioned the countries' close bilateral ties, adding the need to "speed up" negotiations. In an abrupt about-face, a major political partner in the President's coalition, the Golkar Party, said Thursday that it had dropped plans to join an interpellation against the government.
"We scrutinized the President's words and his facial expressions [which] were very serious and measured," Golkar central board member Priyo Budi Santoso said, as quoted by online news agencies.
Golkar was "relieved" by the President's speech because Yudhoyono stressed that there would be "no compromise" on issues regarding national sovereignty despite close bilateral ties, Priyo added.
Priyo said Golkar had decided to wait for manifestations of the government's plans, specifically the President's emphasis on settling all disputes thoroughly and swiftly.
Members of opposition parties such as the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said the speech fell flat.
The choice of time and venue for the speech the TNI's headquarters after a dinner breaking the Ramadan fast might have led people to expect that the President would order the military to "seriously safeguard" national sovereignty, PDI-P legislator Tubagus Hasanuddin said Thursday. "Instead he went on about how Indonesia depends on Malaysia, which further crushed Indonesians' egos," said Tubagus, who is also on House of Representatives' Commission I on foreign affairs.
Commission deputy head Hasanuddin said it was "pointless" for Yudhoyono to order faster negotiations when border talks had already been tightly scheduled. The next negotiations are scheduled for Sept. 6 in Kinabalu near the Indonesian-Malaysian border on Borneo.
Apart from failing to highlight the arrest of the Indonesian officials, Hasanuddin said the President failed to respond firmly to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak's criticism of anti- Malaysian rallies in Indonesia, one of which involved protesters throwing feces at the Malaysian Embassy in Jakarta.
However veteran Indonesian diplomat Wiryono Sastrohandoyo said the President had to be cautious in his statements, such as those regarding two million Indonesians working in Malaysia.
"People demand that we withdraw our migrant workers from Malaysia but can we create jobs to accommodate them?" Wiryono said.
"When they demand that we go to war, have they thought about the costs?... Are we ready to face another financial crisis if we decide to redeclare Bung Karno's 'Wipe out Malaysia' campaign?" he asked, referring to former president Sukarno.
Indonesia has signed the ASEAN Charter and will take over ASEAN's rotating chair next year, making it unwise to settle conflicts with a neighboring country through violence, he said.
Lawmaker Mahfudz Shiddiq from the Prosperous Justice Party said Indonesia needed to show "a stronger stance" on Malaysia if the country failed to show a positive response to the President's speech.
Jakarta Demonstrators were finally granted a meeting with officials from the Corruption Eradication Commission in Indonesia on Tuesday after one of the protesters reportedly slashed his wrists with broken glass.
The demonstrators were protesting against West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan and his deputy, Dede Yusuf, who have been heavily criticized for spending more than Rp 1.2 billion ($133,200) on 450,000 Idul Fitri greeting cards and stamps featuring the governor's face.
Kompas.com reported that Ahmad Fahri, head of obscure nongovernmental organization Supervisor of State Officials' Performance (Penjara), slit his right wrist using a piece of glass outside the Jakarta headquarters of the commission, also known as the KPK.
"This is the symbol of the people's blood, don't let anyone die here because none of the KPK officials are willing to meet us," he shouted as he was treated by other demonstrators, who numbered in the dozens.
The police finally acquiesced to Ahmad's demands and the protesters met with a KPK official who promised to follow up on their report.
Ulma Haryanto, Jakarta As the weekend saw protests in different parts of the country against an American church's plan to mark the anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks by burning copies of the Koran, pluralism advocates on Sunday called for cooler heads to prevail and violence to be avoided.
The Dove World Outreach Center in Gainesville, Florida, said it will burn the Islamic holy book on the ninth anniversary of the terror attacks.
Local officials have denied a permit for the bonfire on the church's grounds, but the center which made headlines last year by distributing T-shirts that said "Islam is of the Devil" insists it will go ahead with the plan.
In Jakarta on Saturday, about 3,000 members of the hard-line Islamic group Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia marched to the US Embassy in Jakarta waving banners and posters condemning the plan.
The group organized similar rallies in five other cities across Indonesia.
In Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, about 400 members of the local HTI chapter staged a peaceful demonstration against the planned course of action. And in the East Java town of Sumenep, on Madura Island, HTI activists took to the streets on Friday.
Indonesian religious leaders have condemned the plan and called on US authorities to have the bonfire prohibited.
But Syafi'i Anwar, executive director of the International Center for Islam and Pluralism, believed that the people behind 'Burn a Koran Day' were minorities that were only looking for attention.
"Of course, people here can protest or condemn the act, but there would be no need to do anything beyond that," he told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday. He also called on authorities to urge the public to refrain from violence.
"There are groups that will try to provoke people, we don't want this to happen," he said. "All major Christian organizations also condemn this act, so it is important for people to remain cool- headed," he said.
Damien Dematra, a filmmaker and national coordinator for the Movement for Pluralism, said that he has been meeting with various religious organizations to make sure that their followers will refrain from violent acts.
"We have been meeting with organizations such as the MUI [Indonesian Council of Ulemas], Nadhlatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah, as well as the KWI [Indonesian Council of Bishops] and PGI [Indonesian Communion of Churches]; all agreed that we should condemn the 'Burn a Koran Day' act and to make sure that everybody would stay calm," he said, adding that he also met with the leader of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), Habib Rizieq.
"He [Rizieq] also urged his followers to not take revenge on Christians. But at the same time he called for jihad, saying that whoever burns the Koran may be killed," Damien said.
[Additional reporting from AP, Antara.]
Jakarta, Indonesia Thousands of Indonesian Muslims rallied outside the US Embassy in Jakarta on Saturday to denounce an American church's plan to mark the anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks by burning copies of the Quran.
The Dove World Outreach Center in Gainesville, Florida, said it will burn the Islamic holy book Wednesday, the ninth anniversary of the terror attacks. Local officials have denied a permit for the bonfire on the church's grounds, but the center which made headlines last year by distributing T-shirts that said "Islam is of the Devil" insists it will go ahead with the plan.
About 3,000 members of a hard-line Islamic group marched to the US Embassy in downtown Jakarta waving banners and posters condemning the plan. The group organized similar rallies in five other cities across Indonesia, the world' largest Muslim nation.
Religious leaders in Indonesia have condemned the plan and called on the US government to use its influence to get the fire canceled.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura The incumbent head of Boven Digoel district in Papua is leading the early vote count in his bid for re-election, despite being detained in a Jakarta cell on charges of embezzling Rp 49 billion ($5.4 million) from the district budget.
After 80 percent of the votes had been counted for the Aug.31 election, Yusak Yaluwo, who is a member of the ruling Democratic Party, was leading the other candidates after securing 44 percent of the vote. His closest contender, Xaverius Songmen, had 32 percent.
Indonesian law allows candidates who are charged with a criminal offense to run for office. Christianus Guam, the head of the Boven Digoel Elections Commission (KPUD), said on Wednesday that his office had already counted the votes from 12 of the 15 subdistricts.
"Yusak leads the count in 10 of those subdistricts," he said. "We expect to have the tallies from the remaining three subdistricts in by Thursday for a final announcement."
Yusak, who was arrested in April by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly embezzling funds from the regional budget, was also nominated by the Democrats to run for governor of South Papua, a new administrative region that is set to be inaugurated later this year.
He faces three counts of corruption that could land him a life sentence if convicted. One of the allegations against him is that he conspired to allow timber companies to log in protected forests in the district.
Papua is the last major source of the highly-valued merbau tree in Indonesia, and illegal loggers are believed to be moving to Papua from forests in Kalimantan and Sumatra because of lax enforcement of the area.
The KPK previously said that a Yusak election win would not affect the investigation. The country's election laws, which have long been criticized, allow for Yusak to serve as district head even if he is convicted of the graft charges.
Activists have described the need for dialogue between the central government and Papuans as "urgent" and "critical" if Jakarta hopes to save the country's easternmost provinces from potential conflict, stemming from horizontal inequality, and disintegration.
Activists and a political pundit said Monday that dialogue was the only way to resolve Papua's perennial issues, which range from human rights violations, massive environmental destruction and rapid transmigration to its dysfunctional special autonomy, among others.
"We're not seeing any effort on Jakarta's behalf to protect residents there from possible conflict, empower the locals or side with them in general," Amirrudin Al Rahab, a member of Papua Working Group in Jakarta, said.
He likened the current situation in Papua to an active volcano, which might look dormant at the surface, but forces inside were likely to explode without warning. "This can't be allowed to happen," Amirrudin said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in his state of the nation address on Aug. 16, promised the central government would conduct "constructive dialogue" with Papuans, but that was an empty promise, Amirrudin continued.
"The President said the exact same thing five years ago and there has been little progress in Papua since then," he added.
Amirrudin said Papuans deemed that the central government had ignored them and had failed to empower local human resources, as well as establish concrete policies guaranteeing Papua's future. When the public talks about Papua, they allude to West Papua and Papua provinces, the latter of which is the largest province in Indonesia and once covered the entire western half of the island of New Guinea.
The government declared the western-most tip of the island a separate province in 2003, naming it West Irian Jaya, now West Papua.
Papua is a region rich in natural resources but plagued by decades of separatist violence.
According to the Indonesian human rights monitor, Imparsial, violence in Papua often targeted human rights activists, who were often presumed by the Indonesian military to be members of separatist groups.
"The government must investigate the killings of human rights activists such as Opinus Tabuni, Yawan Wayeni and journalist Ardiansyah Matrais," executive director of Imparsial, Poengky Indarti, said.
Poengky, who authored The Practice of Torture in Aceh and Papua, 1998-2007, said beside those unsolved murder cases, the central government seemed to have turned a blind eye to Papua's debilitating social and economic problems.
"Papua ranks bottom among other provinces in the Human Development Index," she said. The index is composed from data on life expectancy, education and standard of living.
The special autonomy vested to Papua a decade ago, Poengky continued, had been ineffective.
"As much as Rp 2 trillion [US$222 million] has been distributed to the region every year since 2001. The people, however, don't feel this," she said, adding there needed to be a fresh approach, such as open dialogue between Jakarta and Papua, to solve the problems.
"The central government needs to consider its development policy and to stop deploying additional security forces there. Send more professionals, such as teachers and doctors," Poengky added.
Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, pointed out that immigration had become an emerging problem in Papua, as local residents now had to compete economically with migrants from Java and other islands.
"I believe dialogue between Jakarta and Papua is essential. However, we have to choose representatives that are right in the eyes of Papuans and the central government, to bring effective governance to the region," Ikrar said. (tsy)
Jakarta Hundreds of people from various groups including as human rights activists, victims of human rights violations and students demonstrated in front of the State Palace in Jakarta on Tuesday September 7.
During the action to commemorate six years since the death of human rights activist Munir, they urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to fully resolve and expose the truth behind Munir's murder.
Munir was found dead on a Garuda Indonesia Airlines flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on September 7, 2004. The autopsy carried out by Dutch authorities found that Munir was killed by arsenic. Although two people have been sentenced over the case, there are suspicions that the person most responsible has walked free.
Present at the protest action were leading activists from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) and several other non- government organisations.
Kontras coordinator Haris Azhar said that the Attorney General must report to the president on the latest developments in the Munir murder case after former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) Deputy Muchdi Purwopranjono was declared free by the South Jakarta District Court.
"After receiving the Attorney General's report, the President must provide direction, namely submitting a judicial review and seeking legal argumentation", said Haris.
Haris suspects that the Attorney General has in fact already reported on developments in the case to the president. "My assumption is that the president has not responded", he said.
Speaking separately, National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) Chairperson Ifdhal Kasim said that the president needs to pay more attention to the case, particularly to the Attorney General, to fully resolve Munir's murder.
"Following Muchdi's not guilty verdict, the Attorney General has the legal avenue to submit a judicial review", said Kasim. In addition to this, the president needs to instruct the national police chief to find new evidence in the case.
Kasim added that Komnas HAM has already conducted an examination of the South Jakarta District Court's verdict against Muchdi. (fer/ato)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Rosalina, Jakarta A number of organisations that are part of the group Friends of Munir held a protest action in Jakarta on September 7 demanding a full resolution to the death of human rights activist Munir.
The protesters, who numbered around 700, gathered in front of the State Palace while giving speeches and holding a theatrical action complete with a human effigy bandaged in white cloth similar to a burial shroud.
According to action coordinator Poltak Agustinus Sinaga, the effigy symbolised the fact that up until this day there has been no resolution for the victims of human rights violations. "Many victims of human rights violations have died but there has been no settlement. So we are asking for a full resolution", he said in front of the State Palace.
The aim of the action this afternoon, Sinaga continued, is to call on law enforcement agencies to settle cases of human rights violations, particularly the death of Munir. "The Munir case is now six years old but only [former Garuda Airlines pilot] Pollycarpus [Budihari Priyanto] has been jailed. There has clearly been collusion to ensure the case ends with Pollycarpus alone," he said.
The protest was joined by a number of groups including the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum), the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), the Jakarta Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI), students and victims of human rights violations.
In addition to the effigy wrapped in a burial shroud, a number of people also wore masks with the faces of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Pollycarpus and former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) Deputy Muchdi Purwopranjono.
Although the action did not cause traffic congestion in the vicinity of the State Palace, scores of police officers could be seen keeping watch over the protest.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta In the minds of human rights activists in Indonesia, two events stand out as reprehensible examples of the impunity enjoyed by human rights violators in the country the day Munir Said Thalib was murdered, and the day the alleged mastermind behind his death was acquitted.
Precisely six years ago today, Munir, at the time the country's most prominent human rights defender, died after being poisoned on a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam. He was 38.
Even though Pollycarpus Budi Priyanto, a former Garuda pilot, was sentenced to 20 years for lacing Munir's drink with a fatal dose of arsenic, the motives or the masterminds behind the killing remain unproven in court.
"Just a day prior to his death, we were chatting with Munir [about his planned studies]. So you can see how his death came as a shock to everyone," Usman Hamid, chairman of the National Commission for Victims of Violence and the Disappeared (Kontras), a watchdog founded by Munir, told the Jakarta Globe.
But for Munir's widow, Suciwati, the real shock came on Nov. 13, 2004, when Amsterdam police publicly announced that her husband was murdered.
"I was so angry. The day we heard the news from Amsterdam, Usman and several other activists accompanied me to the Ministry of Defense, to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Police and the Dutch Embassy in Jakarta demanding answers," she told the Globe. "I was even more shocked to learn that the government had known about this since Oct. 28."
Kontras lobbied to be included in the presidentially appointed fact-finding team that worked separately from the police investigation.
In its findings, the team accused former State Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy director Muchdi Purwopranjono of masterminding Munir's murder and recruiting Pollycarpus as his accomplice.
The allegations were based on the statements of several witnesses who told the team that Pollycarpus often communicated with Muchdi over the telephone and via e-mail, and that Pollycarpus even told Muchdi "my job is done" shortly after he laced Munir's drink with arsenic while in transit at Singapore's Changi airport.
When the case eventually went to trial, the prosecution alleged that Muchdi had orchestrated the murder to get even with Munir, whose fierce criticism cost the retired army general the top job at the Army's Special Forces unit (Kopassus), in 1998.
Muchdi's dismissal is widely attributed to Munir's fierce criticism of the kidnapping of 13 activists by Kopassus members in 1997 and 1998.
But on Dec. 31, 2008, the South Jakarta District Court ruled that Muchdi was not guilty as prosecutors had failed to prove the motive after three key prosecution witnesses retracted their sworn testimonies. The verdict was later upheld by the Supreme Court.
Taufik Basari, a prominent lawyer and former member of the Committee of Solidarity Action for Munir, noted that the prosecution had failed to follow up many findings of the fact- finding team.
"This, I think, is why the AGO lost the case. A lot of the findings were not even brought up by the prosecution and some were, but were not presented in full. This evidence could have been enough to highlight the connection between Muchdi and Munir's death," Taufik told the Globe.
In February 2010, the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) identified flaws in the investigation, prosecution and trial of Muchdi and recommended reopening the case.
"The president must appoint a new Attorney General who is committed to resolving the case," Usman said.
"The Komnas HAM recommended a new investigation of Munir's death, but the AGO never complied. The AGO also has not filed for a case review at the Supreme Court or prosecuted other cases of human rights violations lodged by Munir."
While justice in the Munir case still hasn't been served, it is clear his death has had an impact.
Amnesty International said that the lack of full accountability for Munir's murder contributes to an ongoing climate of fear among human rights defenders, some of whom have recently come under attack.
"Accountability for Munir's killing will send a clear message that intimidation and attacks against human rights defenders will not be tolerated," the group said in a statement.
"This is not only about my husband's death," Suciwati said. "Munir's murder was carried out overseas and attracted international attention. Despite international pressure, the government had done an appalling job at catching the mastermind. You can imagine what would happen to activists in rural areas."
But at the same time, Poengky Indrawati, executive director of rights group Imparsial, said that Munir had inspired a new generation of human rights activists.
"Munir is a figure that inspires and encourages people to never give up the fight for their own rights and others whose rights have been violated. Munir's principle was that if you are right then you must be courageous and that resonates in a lot of the young activists today," she said.
Suciwati said that she teaches her two children, 8 and 11, to be compassionate.
"I always tell them of the good things their father did, what he fought for and what he stood for. I also teach them to accept the reality of the loss of their father, while not falling victim themselves to anger, hatred or wishes for vengeance," she said.
Jakarta Six years have passed since Munir Said Thalib was fatally poisoned on a flight to Amsterdam on Sept. 7, 2004. Since then, his family, friends and fellow human rights activists have continued to seek justice.
They have held rallies in front of the Presidential Palace in Jakarta, and in other major cities, including Aceh, Medan, Surabaya and Pontianak.
Munir founded the human rights group Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (Imparsial).
Rizki Pratama Putra, the coordinator of the Friends of Munir community, said upcoming commemorations for the activist would focus on demands to complete the investigation into Munir's murder, who was poisoned with arsenic on a Garuda Indonesia flight.
"We believe the legal process has failed to reveal the perpetrators behind his murder," said Rizki.
The Central Jakarta District Court sentenced Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, a former Garuda pilot, to 20 years in prison for his part in the murder. He recently received a seven-month remission to that sentence.
However, former top National Intelligence Agency (BIN) officer Muchdi Purwopranjono, who is alleged to have played a prominent role in the murder, was acquitted of all charges by the South Jakarta District Court in December 2008.
In 2009, activists filed an appeal against the acquittal to the Supreme Court, which was rejected. "From the case, we have learned that the government has failed to protect defenders of human rights," Rizki said.
He added the groups would propose to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono marking Sept. 7 as the day of human rights defenders.
According to Rizky, the government had not shown any political will to solve the case despite the President's promise to do so.
Choirul Anam from the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir said the case had seen no significant progress. "Rohainil Aini, another actor in the murder, was sentenced to one year in jail, but the Supreme Court has still not enforced the decision," he said.
In March, the committee proposed several options to the President to further investigate Munir's murder after Muchdi was exonerated by the Supreme Court. Activists believe other actors higher than Muchdi were involved in the murder, but investigations stopped at him.
"We have sent letters to the President, the AGO, the Judicial Commission and several other legal institutions, but haven't received a response," he said. "This case was so perfectly designed. There was a grand design to silence Munir for various interests," he added.
According to Choirul, the government will have to complete the investigation to show its commitment to law enforcement and human rights in the country. "We will always preserve our hope for justice. We will keep fighting until the perpetrators are brought to court," Choirul said. (lnd)
Alie Usman, Jakarta Scores of social and non-government organisations that are part of the Friends of Munir movement gathered today to commemorate six years since Munir's death, a human rights activists killed mysteriously on his way to continue studies in the Netherlands six years ago.
As well as holding joint prayers, the Friends of Munir also issued a statement on the slow pace of law enforcement agencies in handing the murder.
The group believes that over the last two years the government has ignored the Munir murder as well as other human rights cases. Moreover there is a sense that the Munir case is gradually starting to be buried and left behind.
Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum) Executive Secretary Choirul Anam said that over the last few years the government has done almost nothing to resolve the Munir case. Law enforcement agencies have failed to fulfill the public's hope for justice as one of the principles of a constitutional state.
"We have seen over the last few years that the Munir case has been systematically weakened and neglected. It is as if Munir's death has simply evaporated just like that. This is the serious problem currently being faced. The neglect of the Munir case is one among many instances of human rights cases being ignored. This is clearly a gross violation", said Anam at the offices of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) on Sunday September 5.
As well as questioning what follow up efforts are being made in the case, the Friends of Munir are also urging the government, particularly President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to provide justice and fully resolve Munir's murder and other human rights cases.
In addition to this, they are also demanding that the government immediately arrest the intellectual actors behind Munir's murder in addition to [former State Intelligence Agency deputy] Muchdi Purwopranjono. This momentum should also be used to call on the government to declare September 7 [the anniversary of Munir's murder] as Human Rights Defenders Day.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta There are strong indications that the police committed "serious violations of human rights" when people rioted after a man died in police custody in Buol, Central Sulawesi, said a rights activist on Tuesday.
National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) chief Ifdhal Kasim said Tuesday that its investigators had found evidence that the clash, which killed seven and injured dozens, was triggered by the police's refusal to accede to public demands for an investigation of a man's death while in police custody.
He said the commission had found "serious violations" in the police's handling of the riot and the death.
"Instead of calming the crowd or offering to talk with them, Buol Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Amin Litarso chose to deploy two truckloads of fully-armed police officers to the area where the standoff took place," Ifdhal told reporters.
Komnas HAM also found that one officer had made racial comments and verbally attacked residents who had come to the Buol Police precinct.
Ifdhal said that both the Central Sulawesi Police chief and the officer in charge of the Biau Police precinct where the incident took place should also be held responsible.
Police opened fire on hundreds of rioters who were attacking a Biau Police precinct last Tuesday, fatally shooting six people at the scene while a seventh died in hospital on Saturday. Some of the dead had been shot in the head and one person was shot in the heart, the report said.
The riot started after motorcycle taxi driver Kasmir Timumun, 19, died while in police custody last Monday after his arrest for hitting an officer with his motorcycle while trying to avoid a police inspection.
Some residents said that Kasmir's bruised corpse was evidence of death due to torture by the police. A post-mortem report from a local hospital said Kasmir had committed suicide.
Antara news agency reported Tuesday that family members disagreed and had agreed to exhume Kasmir's body for an autopsy. Ifdhal said his team also believed Kasmir had no strong reason to commit suicide.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed his concern on the riot and ordered a thorough investigation on Thursday.
National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said on Friday that police negligence might have contributed to Kasmir's death.
He asked the public to treat Kasmir's death and the resulting riot as two different matters, adding that deputy chief Comr. Gen. Jusuf Manggabarani would lead a team to investigate Kasmir's death.
The National Police has sent 170 Mobile Brigade officers to restore order in Buol, which is 19 hours from the provincial capital, Palu.
The National Police have named three Biau Police officers suspects in Kasmir's death: Second Brig. MB, First Brig. S and Second Brig. AR.
The three were on duty at the Biau Police's detention center when Kasmir died and have been accused of negligence for not checking Kasmir's cell.
"We strongly urge the police to conduct their investigation transparently so the public can judge the case fairly," Ifdhal said.
Buol, Central Sulawesi New evidence of alleged human rights abuses by Indonesian security forces in Buol, Central Sulawesi, has emerged.
Amnesty International has called for the government to establish a fact-finding team after police officers opened fire on protesters, killing eight and injuring 28 others.
The demonstrators were protesting against the death of motorcycle taxi driver Kasmir Timumun police custody. Police claim he hung himself though this is disputed by the man's family, who allege Kasmir's body bore the marks of torture.
State news agency Antara reported on Monday that three shooting victims Lubis, 33, who suffered a gunshot wound to his right elbow; Sudirman, 31, who was injured in his left thigh; and Sutomo, 35, who was wounded in his left cheek had returned to Buol Hospital for treatment to their injuries.
Sudirman said police had been forced to leave the hospital where he was undergoing treatment to his injuries on Sept. 2 and had witnessed officers threatening other patients with their guns.
"I was traumatized and therefore I ran away and went home," said Sudirman, from Leok Dua. He said that he had returned home for two days but his condition continued to deteriorate so he had decided to return to the hospital.
Lubis, a farmer, told a similar story, saying he had seen several people running out of the hospital as several police officers went on a rampage inside. "I was traumatized," Lubis said. Sudirman and Lubis said that they were shot riding motorcycles on the edges of the clash between Buol residents and police. (Antara/JG)
Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta Leading human rights watchdog Amnesty International has called on the government to establish a fact- finding team to probe last Tuesday's deadly shooting of eight protesters by police in Buol, Central Sulawesi.
The call came after police said on Sunday that only one of the officers who fired into the crowd was likely to be named a suspect.
The protest, which also resulted in injuries to 34 civilians and 19 officers, was sparked by allegations that a motorcycle taxi driver, Kasmir Timumun, was tortured to death while in police custody.
While police insist that Kasmir hanged himself in his cell, Amnesty International said "his family alleged that there were signs of torture or other ill-treatment such as bruises on parts of his body and neck.
The family continues to be denied access to the medical autopsy report on Kasmir Timumun's death."
Kasmir had been arrested for speeding and injuring a police officer. His death led to a violent protest that saw rioters throw stones and Molotov cocktails at the Biau subprecinct police station in Buol.
In a clear breach of police protocol on the discharging of weapons, officers at the scene opened fire on the crowd with live rounds of ammunition. In crowd-control situations in Indonesia, law enforcement are only permitted to use rubber bullets.
On Sunday, Central Sulawesi Police Chief Brig. Gen. Amin Saleh told the Jakarta Globe that only one of the 11 provincial police officers and five Buol Police officers at the scene would be named as a suspect.
A joint investigation by the provincial and National Police indicated that Brig. Amirulloh from Buol Police could find himself up on charges. "[A witness has testified that] he shot a civilian in the back and through the left ribs," Amin said.
He added that no witnesses had come forward to implicate any of the other officers involved in the incident, saying "We still need to collect more evidence and witness testimonies." The joint team has since said it would treat the suspicious death at the Biau station as a separate case from the arson and rioting at the police station.
Meanwhile, the latest victim of the shooting, identified as Supriyadi, died in hospital on Saturday. "We've apologized to all the affected families by visiting their homes in a show of condolence," Amin said. "This tragedy should not have happened."
The seven other victims have been identified as Muslim, Amran Abjali, Arfandi, Ridwan Majo, Herman Hasan, Rasyid Jopori and Saktipan.
Police had earlier identified four officers who were being questioned at the Central Sulawesi Police headquarters over the incident.
They are Buol Traffic Police Chief First. Insp. Jefri Pantow, Biau Police Chief First Insp. Zakir Butudoka, Brig. Amirulloh, and Brig. James Jhon Pantow.
The incident outstrips a botched community eviction attempt in April in Koja, North Jakarta, as the deadliest police-fueled clash of the year. On that occasion, three public order officers were killed and 231 officers and civilians were injured.
Amnesty International's call for an inquiry is the latest since the publication in June 2009 of its report "Unfinished Business: Police Accountability in Indonesia," which "highlighted the current weaknesses in existing internal and external police accountability systems, which contributes to the impunity of the Indonesian police."
The group says an inquiry is needed to "receive complaints; carry out effective investigations; and refer cases to the Public Prosecutor or to the police internal disciplinary body."
It also said that the police and national rights commission are "inadequate in dealing with complaints about police abuses, and bringing justice and reparations to the victims."
Farouk Arnaz, Anita Rachman & Nurfika Osman, Jakarta National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said on Friday that every officer being interrogated in relation to Tuesday's deadly rioting in Buol, Central Sulawesi, would be presumed innocent, irrespective of how security conditions had spiraled out of control.
"Protesters burned down our offices, our official homes and equipment. They ignored us and were completely unresponsive to our warnings. Should we have allowed them to create even more choas?" Bambang told reporters on Friday, three days after the rioting claimed at least seven lives and left up to 34 injured.
The bloodshed was triggered by the mysterious death of a man in a police detention cell. Enraged, villagers threw Molotov cocktails and stones at the police station, leaving at least 19 officers wounded. Police then fired into the crowd.
"My team is now at the scene collecting evidence. The correct decisions will be taken to deal with this," Bambang said. He said the suspicious death at the Biau subprecinct police office in Buol would be treated as a separate case from the arson and rioting at the police station. He added that once the criminal investigations were completed, a police internal affairs investigation would begin.
"We shall be transparent with the results of this internal affairs investigation of officers involved. At the least, officers at Biau Police office were unprofessional because they failed to provide sufficient care for a prisoner, which resulted, let's say, in his suicide," Bambang said of the man who villagers allege was mistreated or worse.
Police have identified at least four police officers by name being questioned at the Central Sulawesi Police headquarters over the incident. They are Buol Traffic Police Chief First. Insp. Jefri Pantow; Biau Police Chief First Insp. Zakir Butudoka; Brig. Amirulloh; and Brig. James Jhon Pantow.
Police had earlier identified the man who had died in police custody on Monday as Kasmir Y Timumun. A National Police spokesman, Sr. Comr. Untung Yoga Ana, said on Friday that Kasmir had been found dead in his cell, hanging from a sarong tied around his neck.
"According to a medical examination, he committed suicide. His family, however, does not believe this as wounds and bruises were found on his body," Untung said.
Kasmir was arrested on Aug. 28 because he was involved in a motorcycle street race in Buol. However, police said that when an officer tried to arrest him, he attempted to escape and hit Second Brig. Ridwan M, who was hospitalized from the attack.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Thursday that those responsible should be held accountable. He said local administrators needed to explain how the situation could spin out of control to the point that angry mobs were roaming the streets in search of police officers.
Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar said on Friday that he was saddened by the events in Buol during the holy month of Ramadan.
"But of course we must get to the root of the problem. How could this happen?" Patrialis said. He added that he did not know who instigated the rioting.
Ridha Saleh, deputy chairman of the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM), told the Jakarta Globe on Friday that police should not have opened fire on the protesters.
Palu, Indonesia Indonesian police said Friday they had arrested 11 colleagues over the killing of six people when officers opened fire on a violent mob earlier this week.
The arrests came as hundreds of armed police reinforcements fanned out in Buol town, Central Sulawesi province, to try to re-establish order after a riot on Wednesday, officials said.
The 11 officers were arrested on Thursday and Friday as part of ongoing investigations into the violence, which saw hundreds of furious residents attack a police station with Molotov cocktails after a man died in custody.
Provincial police spokesman Kahar Muzakir said the officers were being questioned over the death of the detainee at the station on Tuesday as well as the killing of six rioters outside the station on Wednesday night.
Police officers and their families had to be evacuated from the town Thursday for their own safety, amid reports that gangs of angry locals were roaming the streets attacking officers' houses and vehicles.
Muzakir said security had been restored as more than 500 police reinforcements arrived from other regions, including heavily armed Mobile Brigade paramilitary forces from Jakarta.
"There are no sweeping operations by locals anymore. Today's situation is more conducive to security," he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the situation verged on anarchy and scolded Central Sulawesi Governor Banjela Paliudju and Buol district chief Amran Batalipu for failing to ensure security.
"If the apparatus was functioning properly in the region, this would not be happening," Yudhoyono said.
Putri Prameshwari, Jakarta The law on freedom of information received its first major test on Wednesday when an antigraft watchdog reported the education minister for failing to disclose documents deemed to be of public interest.
Febri Hendri, a senior researcher with Indonesia Corruption Watch, said Education Minister Muhammad Nuh had violated the 2010 Freedom of Information Law when his ministry failed to publish a report on the use of funds earmarked for schools in the process of attaining international status, known as RSBI schools.
"We've asked for such documents to be published since June, but there's been no follow-up from the ministry," Febri said.
ICW filed its complaint with the Commission for Public Information (KIP) on Wednesday.
According to the 2003 Education Law, each district or city is obliged to have at least one RSBI school at the elementary, junior high and senior high levels. Those schools will then attain full international standing over the next few years.
RSBI schools are required to give lessons in Indonesian and English, have fewer students per class and adopt a curriculum integrating national and international education standards, including those used in developed countries.
Each school gets a block grant of Rp 300 million to Rp 500 million ($33,000 to $55,000) a year from the Education Ministry to buy equipment and hire staff members.
"The ministry has failed to show transparency with 1,100 RSBI schools across Indonesia," Febri said. "Therefore it has violated the [freedom of information] law."
He said investigations by his group had shown that some of the block grants were embezzled, citing the discovery of fake receipts at one Jakarta school that indicated up to Rp 150 million may have been pilfered.
Usman Abdhali Watik, a KIP member, said the commission would study the ICW's report before scheduling a meeting between the watchdog and the Education Ministry.
"We'll see if the report warrants a follow-up," he said. "If it does, we'll call for a mediation 14 working days from Wednesday."
Usman also said that it was the first time a ministry had been reported to the commission since the Freedom of Information Law came into effect earlier this year.
He said the case was also special because it was Nuh who had drafted the law in 2008, when he was minister of communications and information technology.
"We certainly hope that this case can be resolved and set a precedent for similar cases," Usman said. "Otherwise it will be an ironic twist for Nuh."
No one from the ministry was available for comment on the issue when contacted by the Jakarta Globe.
Jakarta Far from the glamor connected to international commemorations, families of victims of forced disappearances and gross human rights violations gathered to mark the International Day of Forced Disappearances on Aug. 30 with the resolute reminder that they refuse to have their history swept under the carpet by government inaction.
Yati Andriyani, an activist from the Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had employed "politics of amnesia" to avoid taking action against gross human rights violations committed in the past.
The President has not yet implemented four recommendations made by the House of Representatives in September 2009 regarding the forced disappearance of 13 activists and other people during the period before the House's historic 1998 plenary assembly.
"This is done by discreetly refusing to follow up on investigation findings collected by the National Commission on Human Rights," Yati said, adding the commission had concluded investigations on several human right violations such as the 1998 Semanggi and Trisakti tragedies, and the May 1998 riots.
The commission concluded the cases, including the forced disappearance of the 13, as gross human rights violation.
The House, she added, had not yet fulfilled their mandate by recommending the formation of an ad hoc human rights court for all cases investigated by the commission, besides the one for the kidnapping and forced disappearances of the 13.
The President has also not yet enacted recommendations regarding the forced disappearances and coordinate the work between the Attorney General's Office and the human rights commission in solving all cases, she said. "These are outcomes of the politics of amnesia," she told The Jakarta Post.
Mugiyanto, an activist from the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI), further added that the scrapping of the 2004 Truth and Reconciliation Commission Law "expressed the President's political view of shunning past cases".
The Constitutional Court ruled the law unconstitutional in 2006, therefore disbanding the commission. Mugiyanto added the court had recommended the drafting of a new truth and reconciliation law, which the government has not yet acted on. "This shows the government's feeble political will in acting on past cases of human rights violations," he told the Post.
The offering of compensation to victims and families of human rights violations and forced disappearances devoid of initiative to unveil the truth, he added, acted as a "negative shortcut". "They don't want to be accountable by saying that it would set off political mayhem," he said.
Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar previously said the government was focusing more on providing compensation to the victims of the May 1998 riots, rather than finding the perpetrators. At least 1,200 people died amid widespread looting and arson in the racially spurred May riots.
According to Mugiyanto, public pressure to deal with the cases was needless if the government truly placed value on human rights. "The state must be responsible in safeguarding and enforcing human rights," he said, adding that the responsibility was part of the Constitution. (gzl)
Palu, Central Sulawesi Indonesian police opened fire and killed five people when an angry mob attacked their station with firebombs in a protest over the death of a man in custody, police said on Wednesday.
More than 20 people, including several police officers, were injured during the violent clash late on Tuesday in the town of Buol, Central Sulawesi province, local deputy police chief Dewa Parsana said.
"A big number of residents encircled the police station and threw Molotov bombs," he said. "We had no choice but to open fire towards the protesters because they were very angry and were burning motorcycles parked outside... Five people were killed by the shooting."
Anger over the death Monday of a local man in custody at the station triggered the riot, he said.
Around 300 police reinforcements were sent to the area on Wednesday, the state-run Antara news agency reported.
Thousands of people reportedly attacked the station but police said they could not confirm the numbers.
Central Sulawesi police chief Amin Saleh told Antara he deplored the shooting. "We are checking the firing procedures," he said. Antara did not report if police were investigating the death of the Kasmir in custody.
Indonesia police are often criticized for abusing the human rights of people in custody, including torture.
Police and the Indonesian Military (TNI) have sent reinforcements to the area. (AFP/Antara/Jakarta Globe)
Armando Siahaan, Jakarta The legal requirement that a third of a political party's executive board be comprised of female officials was being blatantly ignored, a civil society group said on Tuesday.
Yuda Irlang, from the Civil Society Alliance for Political Law Revision (Ansipol), said that according to the group's research, not one party had complied with the 2008 Law on Politics that stipulates 30 percent of all parties' central executive boards must be made up of women.
Ansipol is, however, still waiting for some parties, such as the United Development Party (PPP), to hold their national congress and appoint board members before finalizing its study.
According to Yuda, while the number of women in political parties has increased steadily in recent years, their numbers have consistently failed to reach the 30 percent threshold. "We must push political parties to fulfill the mandate of the law," she said.
To address the shortfall, Yuda said Ansipol recommended additional regulations to force parties to incorporate the quota in their internal policies.
The PPP reportedly already has internal regulations that require seven of its 21 board members to be women.
Similarly, Rieke Dyah Pitaloka, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said her party also had regulations regarding the quota. "But the implementation of such regulations is difficult," she said.
But Yuda said that even if women were included on party executive boards, most were given relatively low-ranking positions and had little say in policy-making decisions.
She said that based on Ansipol's study, most parties said it was difficult to find women qualified enough to hold such strategic positions.
Lily Wahid, herself a prominent lawmaker from the National Awakening Party (PKB), conceded that while she believed parties that failed to meet the quota should be disqualified from elections, there was a dearth of capable female politicians.
"Looking at the political realities, there are only a handful of female politicians who can compete with male politicians," she said.
Lily said that having underqualified women in senior executive positions could even prove detrimental for parties. "Having a quota does not necessarily guarantee the quality of the female politicians being given the position," she said.
Rieke said the parties themselves should ultimately be responsible for cultivating more qualified female politicians. "The party should be the 'political school' for all of its cadres, including women," she said.
Anita Rachman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta In the face of what appears to be a public relations nightmare, the Democratic Party on Friday blamed the media and political experts for causing the decline in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's popularity.
The Democratic Party's deputy chairman, Max Sopacua, said the party could accept the fact that the president's popularity was indeed waning, as shown by the results of two surveys, but he questioned whether the public had an accurate understanding of the president's achievements.
"We acknowledge the drop," he said. "It's public opinion that has been contaminated by political experts and media reports. They tend to show the negative sides only, while the president has achievements as well."
On Thursday, an Indo Barometer poll showed Yudhoyono's approval rating in August had dropped almost 40 percentage points, from 90 to 51, since August 2009. An Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) poll revealed an almost 20 percent decline, from 85 to 66.
LSI's poll reached 1,829 people while the Indo Barometer survey polled 1,200.
Max said public opinion was shaped by the media since political experts talk to the media, the public takes its cues from the media. "The media tends to expose the bad news, because bad news is good news," he said.
Max said the media should give a more balanced picture of today's political situation, and not only cover select issues. "However, we will use the results as part of our evaluation material," he said.
Though the surveys might not paint a glowing picture of the government's performance, Heru Lelono, a communications and information staff member for the president, said the administration appreciated the results and would use them as tools to improve its performance.
He said the administration would respond positively to the survey results by mapping out the problems currently faced by the country and enacting new pro-poor policies.
"It's not about bad leadership by our president. I think the people would still vote for the president if an election were held today," Heru said.
But he also said the survey results were not as bad as they seemed. He said Yudhoyono only began his second term in August 2009, and it was to be expected for the government to get off to a slow start in the first few months.
"If LSI's survey only covered 10 months, a 60 percent approval is good," Heru said, adding that government's performance was improving each day.
LSI analyst Burhanuddin Muhtadi on Thursday also said a 66 percent approval rating was still relatively high.
Opposition parties, however, are already trying to take advantage of the survey results. House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), on Thursday said the surveys should be seen as a "drastic decline."
He also said the surveys were conducted before the Malaysia row erupted, which would have pushed the president's approval figures even lower.
Syarifuddin Sudding, from the opposition People's Conscience Party (Hanura), said he was confident the actual approval figures were even lower than in the surveys, and that the Democrats should accept that people no longer had the same level of trust in Yudhoyono.
"President Yudhoyono had been lulled by his popularity. But now he no longer has time just for shaping his image. He needs to take real action," Syarifuddin said, adding that people in general are disappointed with Yudhoyono's performance.
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta The President's popularity has declined in the first year of his second tenure, but voters are apparently reluctant to switch their support from the President's ruling party to other political parties, a survey finds.
The Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) confirmed in its latest survey in August that there was a decline in the level of public satisfaction with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's performance since its five-year peak in July last year, when Yudho-yono ran for re-election.
"In July 2009, the level of public satisfaction with the President's performance reached a record 85 percent.
"Since then, however, it fell to 75 percent in November 2009, 70 percent in January 2010, 65 percent in March 2010, and only slightly increased by 1 percent in August 2010," LSI executive director Kuskridho Ambardi said at a press conference Thursday to announce the result of the latest survey.
He highlighted the relatively wide gap between the level of public satisfaction with the President's performance and that of Vice President Boediono, which "fluctuates" and reached 53 percent in August.
"Support for Boediono remains rather low perhaps because he rarely makes public appearances," Kuskridho said.
The result of the survey, which involved 1,829 respondents from 32 provinces, showed that less people believed that there had been improvements in the country's economic, security and law enforcement conditions under Yudhoyono's presidency in the past few months.
A majority, however, said they considered that there had been an improvement in the country's political situation since March 2010.
The survey showed that respondents who lived in cities and had a high level of education tended to be more critical of the government.
Despite the President's declining popularity, however, the respondents did not seem inclined to leave Yudhoyono's Democratic Party should they have to vote in August.
The Democratic Party tops the list of most popular parties with 27 percent of respondents, followed by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) with 15 percent and the Golkar Party with 12 percent. LSI's Burhanuddin Muhtadi attributed this to a lack of iconic political leaders.
"The support for the Democratic Party remains strong probably because people feel there's no other choice. Yudhoyono is still considered the lesser evil, or the best of the bad choices," he pointed out.
The survey also found that the Yudhoyono-led government faced a lack of public satisfaction with its performance in its handling of the exploding LPG canister issue and its recent decision to increase electricity rates.
Hayono Isman, a senior politician from the Democratic Party, responded to the survey by saying that he was surprised that the public's support for his party remained relatively stable despite the media's numerous negative reports on the government's and the President's performances.
Pramono Anung of the PDI-P welcomed the finding that his party tended to enjoy more votes when voters were disappointed with the government's performance.
"If the survey had been conducted following the President's speech on Malaysia, I'm sure the public satisfaction level would be even lower," he added.
Jakarta The Golkar Party's initiative to interpellate President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for his handling of a recent dispute with Malaysia received a cold response from other parties on Tuesday, with suspicions about Golkar's motive for the move.
Leaders of opposing parties said questioning the government was not necessary at this stage, as the public were waiting for results of the peaceful approach Yudhoyono had taken.
Predictably, the harshest reaction came from Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, which demanded Golkar revoke the plan, and said many other avenues were still available for the government to resolve the tension.
"If the government's recent explanation [to the House of Representatives] is deemed inadequate, Indonesia should seek to accelerate a settlement in a substantive and dignified way, which would be to complete bilateral talks on our sea borders," Democratic Party chief Anas Urbaningrum said Tuesday.
Anas said with the interpellation initiative, Golkar had left its coalition with the Democratic Party on shaky ground.
"Logically, a coalition party should not question the government's policies, since this sounds like it is questioning its own policies. What is even more surprising is that the Golkar chairman [Aburizal Bakrie] chairs the coalition parties' joint forum."
Anas said he suspected Golkar had a hidden agenda behind the initiative.
On Monday, Aburizal said he had pushed Golkar lawmakers to champion an interpellation to seek Yudhoyono's clarification on his diplomatic maneuver to resolve the latest border conflict. It was triggered by the arrest by Malaysian authorities of three Indonesian officials in disputed waters off Bintan Island on Aug. 13.
The Golkar initiative also failed to receive backing from two minority Islamic parties, the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the United Development Party (PPP).
"The recent development has yet to compel [other] political parties to interpellate the government," said PAN chairman Hatta Rajasa, a close ally of Yudhoyono, who appointed him as coordinating economic minister.
"The government and House Commission I [on diplomacy and defense] should sit down together to seek solutions," Hatta said.
A similar argument was heard from PPP legislator Ahmad Yani, who said he suspected people were taking advantage of the diplomatic tensions between Malaysia and Indonesia. "What we need is for the government to be tough on this issue," he said.
Meanwhile, Yudhoyono's diplomatic offensive on the border dispute received support from Malang Muhammadiyah rector Muhajir Effendi.
"The measures the government has taken to end the dispute are appropriate," he said as quoted by Antara. "Remember there are millions of Indonesian citizens who make a living in Malaysia, who the government must also consider."
Electoral commission & elections
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono assembled leaders of tiny political parties at his residence on Sunday evening, in what one observer said was an attempt to garner support for his own party in the 2014 elections.
Aside from the leaders of 17 of the 29 parties that won no parliamentary seats in last year's elections, Yudhoyono also invited the leaders of parties that form his coalition government, as well as figures who helped make his presidential election a success.
They were gathered in a fast-breaking dinner at Yudhoyono's private residence in Cikeas, near the rain city of Bogor.
The 17 parties formed the National Unity Forum (FPN), whose chairman, Oesman Sapta, also delivered a speech at the Sunday evening banquet.
"Combined, the 29 parties garnered between 18 and 19 percent of the total votes. This is not a small figure," Burhanuddin Muhtadi of the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) told The Jakarta Post.
"If at least 50 percent of the votes went to [Yudhoyono's] Democratic Party, it could gain 30 percent of the total vote in the 2014 elections,"
The Democratic Party topped the 2009 legislative elections, collecting a total of 21 percent of the vote.
Given that Yudhoyono would not be allowed to seek a second re- election because the Constitution does not allow it, Burhanuddin said, the Democratic Party which depends heavily on Yudhoyono's popularity needs to explore various other means to ensure continued support in the 2014 legislative elections.
"With these small parties unable to meet the proposed 5 percent parliamentary threshold, Yudhoyono may expect them to merge with the Democratic Party instead."
Burhanuddin added that the President could also be attempting to side up to Oesman, who chairs a splinter group of the Indonesian Farmers Association (HKTI), in an effort to reach out to the farming community that is more likely to vote for HKTI chairman Prabowo Subianto and his Gerindra Party.
"All parties have now set their eyes on the 2014 elections. It's only normal for the Democratic Party to be doing that too."
In his speech, Yudhoyono made a special mention of Oesman, saying he had met him at various political discussion forums long before the reform era began, after the fall of president Soeharto in 1998.
He asked Oesman and leaders of other small parties to "play an active role in developing the nation, not just ahead of the 2014 elections, but also in the years afterward."
Oesman said the 17 parties under the FPN were opposed to the proposal to increase the parliamentary threshold to 5 percent from the present 2.5 percent.
The increase, he said, was also rejected by seven of the nine parties with seats in the House of Representatives.
"The 2.5 percent threshold was already too hard for us to achieve. If the big parties want to increase it even further, where will the large number of excess votes go? It's unfair," Oesman said. His appeal, however, received no response from Yudhoyono.
Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum said the President had no intention to use the gathering to garner the smaller parties' support.
"It's just an informal get-together between all members of the coalition supporting SBY-Boediono," Anas told The Jakarta Post.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Putri Prameshwari, Jakarta The case of 63 Indonesian women who were tricked into practical slavery by an unscrupulous Malaysian businessman is prompting calls for the government to offer stronger protection and legal assistance to Indonesians working abroad.
Deputy House Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso, from the Golkar Party, called on the government to change its approach for helping workers facing legal problems in Malaysia.
"The government must change the policy and provide the best lawyers to defend our citizens living there," Priyo said. He said the constitution mandates that the government defend all its citizens, no matter what country they are in.
Priyo's statement came in response to reports from Malaysia about the rescue of 63 women from the house of businessman Lee In Chiew, 49, in the country's Perlis state in July.
The women, none of whom had working permits or visas, were forced to work long hours cleaning houses, often without pay, for over two years. Eventually, three were able to escape and call for help.
Agus Triyanto, labor attache at the Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur, said that eight of the women had already returned home, while the other 55 were now staying at a shelter, waiting to return.
"They are having trouble with their documents, so they still cannot return home," Agus explained. "We are now trying to approach Malaysian immigration [authorities] so that they will be allowed to go home," he said.
Pramono Anung, another deputy House speaker, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said Indonesian diplomats must retain their conviction while defending the interests of the country and migrant workers during negotiations with Malaysia.
"And don't forget to ensure that the Malaysian authorities honor any decisions we agree upon. We won't accept only a written agreement it must be implemented," he said.
Lee was charged on Monday with multiple counts of human trafficking at a district court in Perlis, according to his lawyer, K. Kumarathiraviam. Lee faces up to 20 years in prison on some of the counts.
"They didn't report any torture, but they said they had unlimited working hours," Kumarathiraviam said of the 63 women involved.
Kumarathiraviam said he believed it was the biggest case of alleged human trafficking ever to hit Malaysian courts. No plea was recorded, and the next court date is set for Oct. 13, he said.
According to PDI-P lawmaker Rieke Dyah Ayu Pitaloka, passport fees from workers heading to Malaysia earned the government at least Rp 30 billion ($3.33 million) a year.
But he said the annual legal assistance budget of the Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur was just Rp 4 billion.
Indonesia suspended sending workers to Malaysia in 2009, waiting on a new migrant workers agreement between the countries. The deal has been repeatedly postponed due to various sticking points in negotiations. But that hasn't stopped Indonesians from heading to Malaysia anyway.
"Despite the moratorium, there are still many Indonesians who insist on going to Malaysia through the back door, because there are opportunities there," said Nisma Abdullah, a coordinator at the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union.
Nisma said that the number of Indonesians entering Malaysia illegally makes monitoring human trafficking difficult.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta Labor exporters have rejected a revision to a bill that intends to empower the National Agency for Overseas Labor Placement and Protection (BNP2TKI) and ensure full protection for migrant workers at all stages of their employment.
Chairman of the Indonesian Employment Association for Asia Pacific (Ajaspac) Ismail said the bill, which was aimed at revising the 2004 Overseas Labor Placement and Protection Law, could worsen the current conflict between BNP2TKI and the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, and between the agency and labor exporters.
"The agency will become a 'superbody' because the bill takes a large amount of authority away from the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry and gives it to the agency. The House of Representatives apparently has no vision in revising the law," he told The Jakarta Post here on Wednesday.
The bill grants full authority to the BNP2TKI to regulate labor export and protection, issue and revoke export licenses, supervise labor export and impose harsher sanctions against stake holders breaching the regulations. The bill also allows the agency to supply workers to foreign governments and private sectors.
The agency has the authority to impose administrative sanctions, including suspending and revoking operating permits from labor exporters that break the law.
The current law stipulates a power-sharing arrangement between the ministry and the agency in dealing with labor export matters. The arrangement has been marred by a prolonged dispute.
The government and the House have since been asked to revise the law because of the prevalence of abuse faced by migrant workers from the time they are recruited in their home villages, during their employment overseas and on their arrival back home.
Hundreds of migrant workers die or are killed each year after facing abuse in the work place. At present, more than 200 migrant workers are on death row in Malaysia and Saudi Arabia for their alleged involvement in major crimes, including murder and drug- related cases.
The deputy chairman of the House legislative committee, Ida Fauziah, said the committee was still seeking input from relevant stakeholders to finalize the draft proposed by House Commission IX on Labor, Health and Social Affairs.
"It is still open for change and relevant stakeholders should give their input on how the law should be reviewed," she said.
She added that a final draft would be made this sitting period and deliberated after the Idul Fitri holiday, which falls on Sept. 10 and 11.
Lawmaker Surya Chandra Surapaty said all parties have their own draft and the House had not yet decided on what draft would be chosen for deliberation.
He said there was no urgency to revise the law because it had not been fully implemented since being passed six years ago.
Nurfika Osman, Jakarta The National Network for Domestic Workers Advocacy is pushing lawmakers to pay attention to the welfare of millions of domestic workers in the country by making the bill to protect their rights a priority.
"The government should have a strong commitment and the political will to pass the bill, as it is obligated to protect citizens," Lita Anggraini, the chairperson of the group known as Jala PRT, told a press conference on Wednesday.
House of Representatives Commission IX, which oversees welfare issues, on June 2 opted to drop the bill from the priority list of legislation despite the initial fanfare it raised when it was announced. "The legislators have not seen that the bill is urgent," Lita said.
She said that the government should have known that violations against domestic helpers were likely to increase without the bill. "As time goes by, the employers are not treating their house helpers better," she said.
She said that Jala PRT has recorded 472 violations against home workers from 2004 to 2009.
"From that number, 75 percent of the workers were not being paid by their employers and they did not have the courage to ask for their rights," she said, adding that during the survey, many workers were reluctant to give testimony. "Thus, the phenomenon is like the tip of the iceberg. The number of domestic workers experiencing rights violations is much bigger," she said.
"We should protect them by passing the bill," she emphasized.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated that in 2009 there were 4 million domestic helpers in the country, with 1.2 million of them working in Jakarta.
The bill has sparked intense debates, and some have questioned whether it provides more benefits than disadvantages.
"Employers think that the bill will not benefit them, as they are afraid their helpers will take advantage of it," Lita said. "But that is not the point.
"There will be an agreement between the employers and the employees, so it will ensure that this informal sector becomes formal and secure," she said.
Yulianti Muthmainah, a housewife, said that some people were afraid of the bill because they tend to hire young workers as house maids.
"With the bill, they can no longer hire helpers below 18 years old," she said, adding that employers often pay young domestic workers less than their older counterparts.
Lita echoed Yulianti's opinion, adding: "This bill will protect children from labor."
Environment & natural disasters
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has pledged to intensify the government's battle against companies operating illegally in rainforests to cut forest losses and help regain the trust of foreign countries.
The government is currently revising a 2005 presidential instruction on illegal logging. The draft expanded the definition of violations including illegal mining and illicit forest encroachment.
"They are the main causes of forest losses and the players are easy to detect because most are large companies," Hadi Daryanto, director general of production forest development at Forestry Ministry told The Jakarta Post recently.
He said the regulation revision also aimed to fulfill pledges made in the carbon trade deal between Indonesia and Norway.
Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan said that some 2 million hectares of forest land had been illegally converted into oil palm plantations, mostly in Kalimantan and Sumatra. The ministry said it found around 800 mining and palm oil companies operating without legal permits.
The new presidential instruction is expected to be implemented early next year, in line with the carbon deal preparation phase.
The government in 2011 plans to stop issuing new permits on activities in natural forests and peat lands to help slow rates of deforestation and degradation, which currently stand at more than 1 million hectares per year.
The US$1-billion Indonesia-Norway deal stipulates Indonesia's obligation to enforce existing laws against illegal logging, timber trading and other forest-related crimes and set up a special unit to tackle the problem.
Hadi said the government aimed to curb larger companies rather than local residents, who sometimes enter forested areas to run small-scale operations like rice farms or small oil palm plantations.
The government has long been under pressure to enforce laws on rampant illegal logging and the unlawful expansion of mining and oil plantations in forests.
Minister Hasan took an unscheduled visit to Kalimantan and Sumatra to inspect forest losses and said he found a number of mining companies operating in forests illegally without licenses on hand. The director general of forest protection and conservation at the Forestry Ministry, Darori, earlier said the revision also meant to strengthen coordination between sectors to make combating illegal business more effective.
Binsar Bakkara, Tanah Karo, Indonesia An Indonesian volcano shot a towering cloud of black ash high into the air Tuesday, dusting villages 15 miles (25 kilometers) away in its most powerful eruption since awakening last week from four centuries of dormancy.
Some witnesses at the foot of Mount Sinabung reported seeing an orange glow presumably magma in cracks along the volcano's slopes for the first time. Vast swaths of trees and plants were caked with a thick layer of ash.
"There was a huge, thunderous sound. It sounded like hundreds of bombs going off at one," said Ita Sitepu, 29, who was among thousands of people staying in crowded emergency shelters well away from the base. "Then everything starting shaking. I've never experienced anything like it."
Mount Sinabung's first eruption last week caught many scientists off guard. With more than 129 active volcanoes to watch in this vast archipelago, local vulcanologists had failed to monitor the long-quiet mountain for rising magma, slight uplifts in land and other signs of seismic activity.
Indonesia is a seismically charged region because of its location on the so-called "Ring of Fire" a series of fault lines stretching from the Western Hemisphere through Japan and Southeast Asia.
There are fears that current activity could foreshadow a much more destructive explosion in the coming weeks or months, though it is possible, too, that Sinabung will go back to sleep after letting off steam.
More than 30,000 people living along the volcano's fertile slopes have been relocated to cramped refugee camps, mosques and churches in nearby villages.
But some have insisted on returning to the danger zone to check on their homes and their dust-covered crops.
The government sent dozens of trucks to the mountain to help carry them back before Tuesday's eruption, which sent ash and debris shooting three miles (5,000 meters) into the air, said Surono, who heads the nation's volcano alert center.
"It was really terrifying," said Anissa Siregar, 30, as she and her two children arrived at one of the makeshift camps, adding that the mountain shook violently for at least three minutes. "It just keeps getting worse."
Local media said ash had reached as far as Berastagi, a district 15 miles (25 kilometers) from the base of the mountain. Surono, who, like many Indonesians, uses only one name, said activity was definitely on the rise: There were more than 80 volcanic earthquakes in the 24-hour lead-up to the blast, compared to 50 on Friday, when ash and debris shot nearly two miles (3,000 meters).
The eruption early Tuesday occurred just after midnight during a torrential downpour. Witnesses said volcanic ash and mud oozed down the mountain's slopes, flooding into abandoned homes. Others said saw bursts of fire and hot ash. The force of the explosion could be felt five miles (eight kilometers) away.
Indonesia has recorded some of the largest eruptions in history. The 1815 explosion of Mount Tambora buried the inhabitants of Sumbawa Island under searing ash, gas and rock, killing an estimated 88,000 people.
The 1883 eruption of Krakatoa could be heard 2,000 miles (3,200 kilometers) away and blackened skies region-wide for months. At least 36,000 people were killed in the blast and the tsunami that followed.
[Associated Press writer Niniek Karmini contributed to this report from Jakarta.]
Sydney A Thai-owned firm Friday rejected Indonesia's 2.4 billion US dollar compensation claim over a major oil spill off Australia's north which campaigners say hit the livelihoods of thousands of poor fishermen.
PTTEP Australasia, a unit of Thailand's PTT Exploration and Production PCL, said it "has not accepted any claim" by Indonesia over the months-long Montara spill, Australia's worst offshore drilling accident.
"PTTEP Australasia wishes to confirm that it has not accepted any claim made by the Indonesian government for compensation," a statement said, adding that "no verifiable scientific evidence" has been given to support the claim.
Indonesia made the claim this week, saying it included compensation for damage to coral reefs. The leak in the Timor Sea from August 21 to November 3 was the worst from an offshore oil platform in Australian history, although it was smaller than the recent BP spill in the Gulf of Mexico.
Like the BP spill, it dragged on for months as the company tried to plug the flow with a relief well, a process that eventually succeeded.
It also led to calls for tougher regulation of offshore drilling and criticism of the authorities responsible for monitoring the operation.
Evidence given at a commission of inquiry showed the Montara slick grew to almost 90,000 square kilometres (35,000 square miles) and entered Indonesian waters, according to environmental group WWF.
The West Timor Care Foundation, which supports poor fishermen in eastern Indonesia, estimates the spill affected the livelihoods of about 18,000 fishermen. Businesses such as seaweed and pearl farms were also reportedly hit.
Following this year's Gulf of Mexico spill, which was the biggest maritime spill on record and spewed some 4.9 million barrels of oil, BP set up a 20-billion-dollar compensation fund.
Dina Indrasafitri, Jakarta When a song called Vasectomy was aired by an independent Indonesian Internet radio station earlier this year, many listeners thought it a joke due to the song's literal treatment of such a "delicate" matter.
The song, though little known to audiences, was in fact a public service announcement from the National Family Planning Agency (BKKBN), radio station organizer Christoforus Priyonugroho said.
Today's generation might think it strange to promote contraception through music, but a song about voluntary male sterilization might sound less strange for those who remember the heyday of family planning in Indonesia in the 1980s.
Former BKKBN head Haryono Suyono, who has often been called the Indonesian "father of family planning", said that family planning is not like it used to be.
"There had been challenges then, but the situation was conducive to the work. Matters were not made difficult," he said.
Indonesia's population has increased by more than 32 million people 237.6 million over the last 10 years to, according to the interim 2010 census results, leading some experts to ask if the country might face a population boom in the near future.
Despite recent efforts, family planning programs have been largely abandoned since the fall of former president Soeharto, who had been its biggest proponent.
Haryono said that there had been unity among state institutions at the central and regional level during the glory days of family planning.
"We went all out and we integrated all our authority," he said. "Today that unity has been torn apart because family planning program has been left to regency and municipal heads. It's hard to unite those leaders even at the provincial level."
Indonesian Family Planning Association (PKBI) director Inne Silviane said that it was not until the 1970s that family planning became a national priority. PKBI, an independent organization established in the late 1950s, had to conduct its family planning programs underground until the 1970s, when things changed, Inne added.
She said that despite the government's past successes, there had also been a dark side to family planning. "We disagree with the coercive methods that the government previously used," Inne said.
Such coercion included using soldiers and forcing people to use contraception that was incompatible with their physical condition. There were also reports of doctors inserting contraceptive devices into women without their knowledge.
Haryono dismissed allegations that people had previously been forced into family planning programs, adding that the current situation should create momentum to revitalize the program.
"If the population has indeed increased to over 240 million, then this is a great chance [for family planning] to return because things cannot be left as is," he said.
He said the BKKBN's earlier strategies employed simple communication methods, such as giving hearty appreciation to successful proponents.
The appreciation also took simple forms, such as a lunch with the governor or the President, he said. "They were happy enough with such gestures," Haryono added.
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta The much-anticipated trial of rogue tax official Gayus Tambunan got underway on Wednesday, with the defense team vowing to use it to unravel a vast web of case brokers within the government.
Gayus first stood trial in March on embezzlement charges after he was found to have Rp 28 billion ($3.1 million) in his personal bank accounts.
He was acquitted, but later rearrested after former National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji said the judge, police investigators and prosecutors had been bribed to drop the more serious money-laundering charge against Gayus.
The sordid revelations of institutional corruption and the apparent gagging of Susno, now in police custody, have since gripped the public's attention.
At Wednesday's first hearing in the South Jakarta District Court, prosecutors outlined their charges against Gayus, who could face life in prison if convicted.
However, lead defense counsel Adnan Buyung Nasution, a former presidential adviser, said he was disappointed at the prosecutors' failure to identify more than one company that had allegedly bribed Gayus to fudge their tax returns.
"There's a lot of mystery in this case," said Buyung, who famously agreed to represent Gayus solely to help uncover corruption within law enforcement agencies and the tax office.
"There are many things that could be unraveled here, but it seems the prosecutors are opting not to eradicate graft for real. "The defense, however, will unravel everything, including identifying the major companies that had bribed Gayus."
The trial has been adjourned until next Wednesday, when the defense is scheduled to present its opening arguments.
Gayus, who was also found to have Rp 74 billion in gold bars and foreign currency stashed in a safe-deposit box, previously said most of his fortune came from bribes from 44 companies, including miners Kaltim Prima Coal, Arutmin and Bumi Resources.
All three are owned by the family of Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie, and were previously embroiled in a spat with the tax office over unpaid taxes.
However, police have only investigated four other companies, identified only as SAT, DAS, E and I. No charges have been pressed against any of them.
"Police have failed to investigate the case thoroughly and are inconsistent in seeing that those who violated the law are prosecuted," Jamil Mubarok, an antigraft activist from the Indonesian Transparency Society, (MTI), told the Jakarta Globe.
"They should have charged those who worked with Gayus in the tax evasion scheme, including his superiors. The tax office conducts regular assessments of the performance of its officials, and all cases of tax evasion are monitored, so it's impossible to believe that Gayus worked alone."
Yanuar Rizky, an independent banking and financial analyst, said the government should also be held accountable for not catching major tax evaders.
"The credibility of the president is on the line because he promised that all perpetrators would be prosecuted," he told the Globe.
The Finance Ministry, under whose auspices the tax office falls, has pledged to evaluate all the tax cases handled by Gayus. However, none have been reopened since the controversy broke out in March.
Jakarta The Attorney General's Office (AGO) is at odds with data presented by Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) in their latest report on this year's corruption case court verdicts.
The report measures the court's efficacy in dealing with corruption cases from January to July 10, 2010. It concluded that 54.82 percent of the 166 defendants implicated in 103 cases had been acquitted by the courts. ICW compiled the incomplete data from media reports.
The report also records that the average prison time for those found guilty of corruption is slightly above one year, with no one sentenced to more than 10 years. "I question the source and accuracy of their data" said the AGO spokesman, Babul Khoir Harahap.
Babul added the ICW report did not tally with data from the attorney general's special crimes unit. "The special crimes unit does not record such high figures for acquittals of the accused," he said. "The number of cases reported by the ICW does not match ours either."
Based on the attorney general's data, he said, the state court only handed down seven acquittals out of the 741 corruption cases in this year's first semester. The courts, from the district, and high court to the Supreme Court, recovered Rp 123.7 billion (US$13.73 million) in state finances through these cases.
Babul invited the public to compare the watchdog data to that from the attorney general, adding the latter was "reliable since it comes from a formal state institution".
Babul, however, did not produce data from the office's general crime unit. Corruption cases are usually handled by a special crime unit, but some cases went to the general crime unit. The case of low-ranking tax officer Gayus Tambunan, for example, was handled by the latter. Gayus, accused of money laundering, was acquitted by Tangerang District Court in March.
Babul earlier said prosecutor Cirus Sinaga's decision to send the case to the general crime unit was "not wrong and by the book".
Donal Fariz, an ICW researcher, said they would not publish a report that lacked accuracy and validity.
"We will never make claims without solid data," he said, adding that the media was ICW's primary source of data, besides their network of colleagues spread out in various districts across the country.
"We document and tabulate verdicts on corruption cases reported by the local and national media, which usually carry regular updates on court processes across Indonesia," he told The Jakarta Post.
"We also link up with our network of partners who supply us with information on several cases and verdicts at the local level," he said. "For example, we cooperate with the legal aid services in Padang.
He added that a "multi-layered checking process" was performed on the data they received from the media to ensure accuracy. "If we find seemingly doubtful information from the media, we will ask our colleagues at the local level to confirm the data," he said.
According to him, collecting the information that the media offered was far easier and faster than requesting data from government institutions, which required them to undergo complex bureaucratic processes.
"This complication would have made it impossible for us to move quickly to produce a timely report for the first semester of 2010," he said, adding that the process could take months.
"We would end up waiting in uncertainty, which we don't want to be doing," he said. (gzl)
Anita Rachman, Jakarta New research by a prominent watchdog reveals an alarming trend in the fight against graft, showing that well over half of corruption suspects tried in court in the first half of the year were acquitted.
Released on Sunday, Indonesia Corruption Watch data showed that 54.8 percent of defendants facing charges of corruption in regular courts including district or municipal courts, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court ended up walking free. Of those who were convicted, 8 out of 10 received sentences under five years.
"This is an indication of how our courts do not show seriousness in punishing corruptors 54 percent is a huge number," said Donal Fariz, an ICW law researcher and head of the watchdog's court monitoring division.
The first six months of the year saw 166 graft defendants tried in 103 cases in various courts, with district courts handling 82 cases, he said. Bureaucrats topped the list of defendants, followed by lawmakers and counselors, local government officials, teachers, lecturers and a former minister. Cases largely involved school and local government spending.
"We need to watch our appellate courts, because their trend is pretty different from our antigraft court's," Donal said, adding that in 17 cases handled by the Anti-Corruption Court over the same period, no defendants were acquitted.
Alongside the 54 percent of defendants acquitted, the data shows that 22.9 percent of defendants were jailed for up to two years, and 18 percent for two to five years. The average sentence was 12 to 13 months.
"These acquittals build an atmosphere that makes this country a haven for corruption," Donal said. "The president and the House of Representatives should seriously look at this situation and structurally lead the eradication of corruption in both governmental and legislative bodies."
ICW data also shows that from 2005 through July this year, 857 corruption cases involving 1,965 defendants were heard in court. In these cases, 49.5 percent of the defendants were acquitted. The strictest year was in 2005, when appellate courts had a 22.2 percent acquittal rate.
The strength of the nation's battle with corruption has been in question recently, as many graft convicts have enjoyed clemency and sentence reductions.
The National Mandate Party's (PAN) Tjatur Sapto Edy, the deputy chairman of House Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, has called for corruption convicts to be banned from receiving clemency or sentence cuts.
Another commission member, the Golkar Party's Nudirman Munir, said the House saw the acquittal rate as a serious problem.
"We want to give the Judicial Commission more authority, so it can examine and take action on cases that run against the sense of justice," he said.
He vowed that a revision to the law on the Judicial Commission was on the House's list of priorities to tackle this year.
Legal expert Topo Santoso, from University of Indonesia, warned that strengthening the Judicial Commission should not be the first priority. He said police and prosecutorial offices handling the cases should also be examined. An acquittal was not a decision that depended on the judges alone, he said, but on every institution involved in the prosecution. Each agency had a responsibility to contribute to the success of the courts, he said.
"What if the police dossier is weak?" he said. "The police are the gateway to criminal justice. If we haven't succeeded in wiping corruption out of that institution, don't expect our courts to succeed."
Jakarta Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie said Sunday his party would retain members who had been named suspects in a high-profile bribery case centering on the 2004 election of a central bank senior deputy governor.
"We must uphold the principle of presumption of innocence. As long as they have not been found guilty, the Golkar Party will defend its members," Aburizal said as quoted by Antara in Lubuklinggau, South Sumatra.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has named 10 Golkar politicians graft suspects for allegedly receiving bribes to support Miranda S. Goeltom election to Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor for the 2004-2008 period.
The 10 are Baharuddin Aritonang, Antony Zeidra Abidin, Ahmad Hafiz Zawawi, Boby Suhardiman, Paskah Suzetta, Hengky Baramuli, Reza Kamarullah, Asep Ruchimat Sudjana, Marthin Bria Seran and TM Nurlif.
Agus Maryono, Cilacap It has been more than a year since any significant projects have been launched in Cilacap regency, Central Java. This inactivity has been attributed to an overall lack of enthusiasm and trauma suffered by government officials because of the regency's many outstanding corruption cases.
The regency administration has not initiated new development projects since early 2009, Adipala district chief Budi Santoso told The Jakarta Post last week.
"We are paralyzed by stress. We have to think introspectively. Let this be a valuable lesson for Cilacap," Budi said, adding that currently most local officials were working to reorganize the administration's filing system.
"We must be very careful when spending the regency budget. We don't want any more reports of corruption in Cilacap," Budi said.
A number of graft cases involving Cilacap officials were recently exposed by police and prosecutors, including high-profile cases involving the Cilacap regent and secretary.
Former Cilacap regent Probo Yulastoro is currently behind bars after being convicted to nine year's imprisonment in February for misappropriating Rp 21 billion (US$2.3 million) from the regency budget.
Cilacap regency administration secretary Soeprihono is serving one-and-a-half years for embezzling Rp 1 billion.
Following the verdicts, Cilacap regency administration officials from a district level to agency heads seem to have lost enthusiasm in their work, especially after Banyumas Police threatened to detain every district head who refused to cooperate with the investigation.
Apart from the former regent and the regency secretary, the prosecutors office also prosecuted and detained the head of the local finance agency, Fajar Subekti, and one of his staffers for colluding with the regent in misusing the regency budget.
Twenty-one district heads and around 100 village chiefs in Cilacap also underwent intensive questioning by the Banyumas Police last year because of their alleged involvement in misappropriating Village Allocation Funds (ADD) worth Rp 48 billion.
During the investigations, the village administration division head and two of his staffers were named suspects. Police demanded that they surrender hundreds of millions of rupiah and cars as evidence.
District and village heads proven to have benefited from the funds were also required to return ill-gotten funds to police. Each district head received Rp 7 million, while village chiefs received Rp 2.5 million.
Many district and village heads claim they did not know that the ADD funds they received came from corrupt sources, and assumed the money had been provided as an incentive to continue projects being implemented in their areas. "The situation was very tense. We kept quiet because we were afraid of being implicated and imprisoned," Budi said.
However, before the graft cases related to the ADD funds were completely resolved, Banyumas Police were phased out as part of the National Police headquarters' streamlining policy. The move halted progress on graft investigations involving a huge number of officials. It is still not clear which body has been authorized to follow up on the investigations.
As a result, no major projects or development plans are expected in the near future, and many agency heads have remained tight- lipped when questioned by the media.
Deputy regent Tatto S. Pamuji, who is currently in charge of the administration, said he is still busy reorganizing the bureaucracy to boost the administration's working spirit, and has instructed all officials to proceed with their work as usual.
"I told them to leave the corruption cases to the authorities while we maintain our responsibilities to the public," Tatto told the Post. "I emphasize that they need to learn from past experiences. Do not try to fool around with the budget. Work professionally. If you betray the people's trust, you will face the risk of spending your retirement in prison."
The administration would be selective and careful in endorsing all budget-related issues, Tatto said.
"I don't want to be trapped by anyone, including by subordinates who don't do their jobs professionally."
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle officials on Friday demanded answers from antigraft investigators who have named 14 current and former party lawmakers as suspects in a 2004 bribery case.
Officials from the party known as the PDI-P visited the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to seek clarification on the legal procedures taken in the naming of the 14 as suspects for taking bribes in connection with the 2004 appointment of economist Miranda Goeltom as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor.
While the PDI-P was quick to say it was only after information and was not trying to interfere in a corruption investigation, some observers said it could damage its reputation as a populist party if it were seen to be trying to protect corrupt members.
"We just need to know more about the legal procedures the body took in supporting its decision to name the 14 as suspects," PDI-P lawmaker Trimedya Panjaitan said.
A corruption watchdog said the party needed to be careful not to appear like it was trying to influence the KPK probe.
"The PDI-P is a big party known for siding with the poor. It would be a betrayal of the party's constituents if it defended members of the party involved in a Rp 24 billion graft scandal," said Febri Diansyah, a researcher from Indonesia Corruption Watch.
The 14 former and current PDI-P members, including sitting lawmaker and senior party member Panda Nababan, were accused of receiving between Rp 250 million and Rp 1.45 billion ($28,000 and $160,000) in bribes.
The KPK named 12 other suspects in the case. Two were from the United Development Party (PPP) and 10 were from the Golkar Party, including former minister Paskah Suzetta.
Shortly after the KPK named the suspects, politicians from all three parties questioned why the anticorruption body had failed to go after Miranda and the individual or individuals who provided the money. They stressed that the KPK should have first tracked down those who offered the bribe.
"It would be odd if the KPK failed to arrest the one who provided the bribe. The KPK's reputation could be tarnished if it failed to do that," said Priyo Budi Santoso, a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives and a Golkar member.
On this point, the ICW is in agreement with lawmakers. "The KPK must trace the money and track down those who financed the bribe," Febri said.
Golkar's Hamka Yandhu, Dudhi Makmun Murod, from PDI-P, PPP's Endin Soefihara and Udju Djuhaeri, from the now defunct police and military faction at the House, have already been jailed for their roles in the bribery
The Anti-Corruption Court ruled the four had channeled a total of Rp 24 billion in traveler's checks from businesswoman Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun, the wife of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) politician Adang Dardjatun.
KPK deputy chairman Bibit Samad Rianto said the antigraft body was still investigating the possible roles of Nunun, Miranda and First Mujur Plantation, a palm oil company that purchased the checks, in the bribery case. First Mujur is a subsidiary of the Artha Graha group, which is owned by tycoon Tommy Winata.
Nunun is in Singapore and has ignored several summonses from the KPK, claiming that she is suffering from a mysterious illness that causes memory loss.
The ICW has previously said it was confident the KPK would be able to provide answers to what role, if any, Miranda played in the bribery.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta Lawmakers on Friday gave tacit support to the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights' request for an additional Rp 3.5 trillion ($389 million) to build new prisons, but they had one condition: stop slashing the sentences of graft convicts.
Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar told House of Representatives Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, that the additional money would be used to build 31 new penitentiaries and detention centers, as well as to renovate a number of prisons that were damaged by earthquakes.
"In the proposed 2011 state budget, funding for new jails and renovating old ones has yet to be included," Patrialis said.
In the 2011 state budget, the government proposed giving the ministry Rp 4.8 trillion, or a Rp 467 billion reduction from 2010.
However, Patrialis said the new jails were pet projects of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and were vital to the ministry scoring good marks in its presidential evaluation.
In an evaluation by the Presidential Working Unit for Development Supervision and Control (UKP4) a few months ago, Patrialis said that the ministry scored poorly in some areas.
"One of the problems is that we didn't build new jails as instructed by the president," Patrialis said.
Syarifuddin Sudding, a Commission III lawmaker from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), said the commission would most likely approve the ministry's budget request because its lawmakers had seen overcrowding for themselves on working visits to the archipelago's penitentiaries.
"We must use a more humane approach when we look at providing more jails," Syarifuddin said.
He also said that a driving factor in the large number of government-approved remissions, or sentence reductions, for inmates was the limited space available in the country's lockups.
"We could approve the proposal, but we would also require that the ministry avoid granting remissions for inmates, especially for those convicted of corruption," Syarifuddin said.
House Commission III legislators last month proposed a ban on slashing sentences for people found guilty of corruption after a public furor was sparked by sentence cuts granted to high-profile graft convicts, including former Bank Indonesia deputy governor Aulia Pohan. Aulia is the father-in-law of Yudhoyono's eldest son.
Overcrowding in prisons is a major problem in the country. According to ministry figures, as of April of this year, about 140,000 inmates were being detained in 413 prisons, which were originally designed to house less than 90,000 inmates.
In January, the government announced a Rp 1 trillion prison expansion plan, around the time that Artalyta Suryani, a businesswoman convicted of bribery in 2008, was discovered to be enjoying lavish privileges at the Pondok Bambu Women's Penitentiary in East Jakarta.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta The guilty verdict for businessman Anggodo Widjojo should lead prosecutors to drop charges of extortion leveled against two deputy leaders of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), legal experts said Wednesday.
Senior lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis urged the Attorney General's Office to immediately stop all legal proceedings implicating KPK deputy chairmen Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah.
The conviction of Anggodo, he said, "means there is no legal foundation" for the extortion charges currently leveled against the pair. "The case is now closed," he told The Jakarta Post.
A legal expert from Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, Edward OS Hariej, said the charges "are automatically disproved".
Constitutional Court judge Akil Mochtar previously said Anggodo's trial for attempted bribery could not be separated from the extortion case involving Bibit and Chandra.
"The police accused Bibit and Chandra of having extorted Anggodo, while the KPK said it was Anggodo who tried to bribe the KPK leaders. It's impossible for both cases to go to trial and all defendants be proven guilty," Akil said in June.
The Corruption Court on Tuesday sentenced Anggodo to four years imprisonment after finding him guilty of attempting to bribe Bibit and Chandra. Anggodo was also ordered to pay a Rp-150- million (US$17,000) fine or serve another three months in jail.
The court, however, cleared him of the second charge of obstruction of justice by seeking to halt the KPK investigation into his fugitive brother Anggoro Widjojo, a graft suspect who fled the country in 2008.
The KPK said Wednesday it would appeal the verdict. "We are preparing the materials [for the appeal]. We have seven days to prepare for it," KPK director for persecution Feri Wibisono was quoted as saying.
He added that prosecutors in the case were convinced Anggodo had indeed obstructed justice.
In their indictment, prosecutors said Anggodo had made reports of fictitious attempts at blackmail by Bibit and Chandra and created a case-handling guide for Ary Muladi's testimony in the two KPK leaders' case files. The alleged actions led to the suspension of both Bibit and Chandra from the antigraft body. The National Police charged them with extortion in September last year.
The incrimination sparked public outrage. Many saw the move made by the police as an attempt to further weaken the KPK after the implication of its chairman, Antasari Azhar, in a murder case in mid 2009. Following the outrage, the AGO decided to drop the case, citing "sociological reasons".
But the Jakarta High Court said it could not accept such reasoning and ordered the AGO to proceed with the case. The latter has appealed the verdict to the Supreme Court.
The KPK has urged the Supreme Court to take into account the Corruption Court's guilty verdict against Anggodo in its ruling.
Todung said the Supreme Court still needs to rule on the appeal lodged by the AGO. He was quick to add that the court's decision should be based on the conviction of Anggodo.
The National Police, however, has maintained that Anggodo's verdict should not have any influence on the Supreme Court's ruling on the appeal.
Armando Siahaan, Jakarta Watchdogs on Wednesday said they were still not satisfied with the draft revision to the 2003 Money Laundering Law, even after lawmakers agreed to expand access to reports from the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK).
The House of Representatives Commission III last week finalized the draft for the Law on Money Laundering, which included the crucial point of granting access to the PPATK's reports to six state institutions, including the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
However, the lawmakers dropped the article that would have given PPATK the authority to conduct further probes based on its own reports on suspicious financial transactions.
Transparency International Indonesia argued that the authority of institutions such as the KPK, the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) and the tax office to work on PPATK reports would not amount to much unless the police and the attorney general first indicated potential money laundering in suspected accounts.
"Handing over the analysis reports to the police and the attorney general to probe for indications of money laundering has proven ineffective," said Vidya Dyasanti of TII.
As of April 2010, of the 2,044 financial transactions flagged as suspicious by PPATK, 1,030 were suspected to have been linked to corruption activities, but only 26 cases have been prosecuted using the current money-laundering law, according to data gathered by TII.
Vidya said the PPATK should be given the authority to conduct its own probe so that it could determine early on whether suspicious financial transactions were cases of money laundering.
Vidya also said that allowing the PPATK to conduct its own probe was a way to deal with money-laundering cases involving police officials themselves, referring to the recent discovery of suspiciously large bank accounts owned by high-ranking police officers.
Moreover, Transparency International also criticized the lawmakers' unwillingness to make the PPATK an independent body. PPATK is currently appointed by the president as recommended by the finance minister and the governor of Bank Indonesia.
"There is an urgency for independence in order to prevent [PPATK] from becoming a political instrument," Vidya said.
During the Bank Century scandal, PPATK failed to push the KPK to do more in investigating the bailout because "its authority was limited since it had to report to the president," Vidya said.
Donal Fariz, from Indonesian Corruption Watch, said that a small group of lawmakers has from the beginning tried to undermine the PPATK.
"Some lawmakers have been misleading the public by saying that giving power to the PPATK would make them a 'superbody', which made the general public apathetic to the idea," he said.
Moreover, these lawmakers also made false accusations through the media saying that the PPATK requested the right to arrest and confiscate, which were not true, he added.
Nivell Rayda & Anita Rachman, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission on Wednesday named 26 former and current members of the House of Representatives suspects for allegedly receiving bribes in connection with the appointment of a senior central bank executive in 2004.
Bibit Samad Riyanto, deputy chairman of the commission, known as the KPK, said the 26 allegedly received up to Rp 1.45 billion ($160,000) each to vote for economist Miranda Goeltom as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor during a House selection process.
The list of suspects includes former minister and Golkar party politician Paskah Suzetta, senior United Development Party (PPP) politician Daniel Tandjung and senior Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politicians Max Moein and Panda Nababan.
Former PDI-P lawmaker Agus Condro Prayitno, who first reported the bribery to the KPK in 2008, was also declared a suspect.
Also in the list is former Golkar lawmaker Antony Zeidra Abidin, who in January was sentenced to four and a half years in jail for receiving illicit funds in a separate Bank Indonesia corruption scandal in 2004.
Forty-one of the 51 then members of House of Representatives Commission IX, which oversees banking affairs, voted for Miranda, but the KPK deputy said two of them did not receive any money.
Golkar's Hamka Yandhu, PDI-P's Dudhie Makmun Murod, PPP's Endin Soefihara and Udju Djuhaeri, of the now defunct police and military faction, have already been jailed for their roles in the case.
The Anti-Corruption Court ruled that the four had channeled a total of Rp 24 billion in traveler's checks from businesswoman Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun, the wife of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) politician Adang Daradjatun, to the other lawmakers.
The KPK is still investigating Nunun's role, as well as that of First Mujur Plantation, a palm oil company that bought the checks, and Miranda. First Mujur is a subsidiary of the Artha Graha group, owned by tycoon Tommy Winata.
Nunun is in Singapore and has ignored repeated summonses from the KPK, claiming she is suffering from a mysterious illness that causes memory loss. "We will prosecute everyone who is involved based on the evidence.
Please be patient," Bibit said. He said the commission was probing three more possible suspects, while three more lawmakers who supposedly received bribes had died.
Bibit said the KPK had forwarded evidence against the three lawmakers who were members of the now defunct military faction to the military police. "These three people are beyond our jurisdiction," he said.
The KPK does not have the power to prosecute members of the military for corruption offenses committed during active duty.
Adnan Topan Husodo, deputy chairman of Indonesia Corruption Watch, applauded the move. "Based on the number of suspects alone, it is a bold step for the KPK. We hope that these suspects will talk and shed light on Miranda's involvement in the bribery scheme," he said.
"I hope the investigation into the case is not over. There are a lot of people who need to be brought to justice."
However, Boyamin Saiman, chairman of the Indonesian Anti- Corruption Society (MAKI), said the real test was for the KPK to arrest the financiers. "They are the ones who benefited most in the scheme," he said.
"The KPK must trace the sources of the fund. I suspect that there is more than a single financier because logically there are a lot of bank owners who would love to pocket a senior central bank executive."
House Deputy Speaker and Golkar politician Priyo Budi Santoso also pressed the KPK to completely unravel the case.
"It would be odd if the KPK could not arrest the providers of the bribe. I think the KPK's reputation could be tarnished if they can't," he said.
"We will not cry simply because several of our members have been named as suspects. I think the KPK is working objectively in eradicating corruption so the decision should be appreciated and not politicized."
Taufik Kiemas, speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly and husband of PDI-P founder Megawati Sukarnoputri, said his party would not intervene or question the KPK's move.
Golkar Party
PDI-P
PPP
Guilty and already sentenced
Deceased
Still being investigated
Cases forwarded to military police
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission announced on Wednesday that they had named an unprecedented 26 former and current members of the House of Representatives as suspects for allegedly receiving bribe money in connection with the appointment of a senior central bank executive in 2004.
Bibit Samad Riyanto, deputy chairman of the commission, known as the KPK, said that all 26 were named suspects on Aug. 27 for receiving between Rp 500 million ($55,500) to Rp 600 million in exchange for voting for economist Miranda Goeltom as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor during a House selection process.
The list of suspects includes: Former National Development Planning Minister Paskah Suzetta from the Golkar Party, senior United Development Party (PPP) politician Daniel Tandjung and senior Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politicians Max Moein and Panda Nababan.
Former PDI-P lawmaker Agus Condro Prayitno who first reported the bribery allegations to the KPK in 2008 was also declared a suspect.
A total of 41 lawmakers voted for Miranda, but the KPK deputy said two legislators did not receive any bribe money. Bibit added that the KPK was probing the involvement of three more possible suspects.
Some of the lawmakers that supposedly received bribes had also passed away. "We cannot press any criminal charge against the ones that have already died," he said.
Hamka Yandhu of Golkar, Dudhie Makmun Murod of PDI-P, Endin Soefihara of PPP and Udju Djuhaeri of the police and military faction have already been sentenced to between 18 months and 2 years in jail.
The case centers on Rp 24 billion ($2.6 million) that was distributed to lawmakers to secure Miranda's deputy governorship in 2004.
The Anti-Corruption Court has previously found four active and former lawmakers guilty of distributing bribes in the form of 480 traveler's checks to members of their respective parties in the House in exchange for their support for Miranda's nomination.
The court found the checks were provided by businesswoman Nunun Nurbaetie Daradjatun, an associate of Miranda's. At least 35 other lawmakers received the checks, the court ruled.
The Financial Transaction Report and Analysis Center (PPATK) traced all 480 checks allegedly used in the bribe and discovered they were issued by PT Bank International Indonesia and purchased by PT First Mujur Plantation and Industry, a palm oil company owned by Tommy Winata.
Jakarta The Corruption Court sentenced Anggodo Widjojo to four years in prison on Tuesday for attempted bribery a punishment one observer said was "too lenient".
"We declare that Anggodo Widjojo is legally guilty of committing corruption," lead judge Tjokorda Rae Suamba said while reading the verdict.
The Constitutional Court's decision disproves allegations made by the police and Attorney General Office (AGO) prosecutors that the businessman had been extorted by Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) leaders Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah.
Anggodo was found guilty of offering a Rp 5.1 billion (US$566,100) bribe to Bibit and Chandra through middlemen Ari Muladi and Eddi Sumarsono.
The bribe was to halt the KPK's investigation of Anggodo's fugitive brother, Anggoro Widjojo, who was previously implicated in bribery scandal linked to a Forestry Ministry procurement project. The court also found Anggodo not guilty of obstruction of justice for filing false charges with the police against Bibit and Chandra.
The court ordered Anggodo to pay Rp 150 million ($16,650) in fines or to serve three more months in prison.
Wearing a blue batik shirt and flanked by an army of defense attorneys, Anggodo said he would appeal the verdict. Prosecutors said they would consider appealing the sentence.
Anggodo looked jovial despite the verdict, joking with his attorneys and smiling in the courtroom. He took time for an impromptu photo session with his legal team, which is headed by OC Kaligis. In one pose, they gave each other military-style salutes before breaking into laughter.
"This is an extended family photo session," one attorney said. No court officials were in sight. Looking unusually relaxed, Anggodo puffed on a cigarette.
One observer said the sentence for Anggodo was "too light". "How come Anggodo only got four years?" said legislator Nudirman Munir of the Golkar Party. "In China, he could have been sentenced to death."
The Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW)'s Emerson Juntho said: "This sentence is relatively light for Anggodo because everyone believes he is the mastermind behind these fabrications, which were intended to weaken KPK."
He added that Anggodo should have been sentenced to at least six years as prosecutors had demanded.
Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar declined to comment, but he told journalists a story about an old woman who was sentenced to two years in prison for failing to repay Rp 5 million debt. "Let people make their own judgements about all this," Patrialis said, as quoted by detik.com.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said that the verdict had disproved the extortion allegations levelled at Bibit and Chandra. "The question has always been if the KPK leaders extorted money from Anggodo or if Anggodo attempted to bribe them. We hope the Supreme Court will use this verdict as a basis for reviewing the Bibit-Chandra case," he said.
The AGO said that the verdict would have no effect on its Supreme Court appeal of a lower court's ruling that stated Bibit and Chandra should stand trial on suspicion of extorting Anggodo, as originally requested by the police and prosecutors.
"The two cases are unrelated and the Supreme Court justices will have their own rationale when ruling on Bibit and Chandra," AGO spokesman Babul Khoir Harahap said.
Jakarta The House of Representatives and the National Police have played their roles in concerted efforts to weaken the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), a seminar heard on Wednesday.
Chairman of the Transparancy International Indonesia (TII) Todung Mulya Lubis told a seminar held by Atma Jaya University efforts to undermine the KPK were evident in the judicial review filed against the KPK law, false charges filed against KPK deputy chiefs Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah, the House's initiative to demand an audit on the anti-graft commission and the police's move to pull out its investigators from the KPK.
Todung said the attacks targeted the KPK as an institution and its individual leaders.
He also deemed formation of corruption courts in provincial capital cities as another attempt to undermine the KPK. "It does not make sense. We already face difficulties in recruiting KPK prosecutors in Jakarta, how can we hire prosecutors in all provincial capitals across the country?" he said as quoted by kompas.com.
Another speaker in the seminar, Febri Diansyah of the Indonesia Corruption Watch, said all the attempts to weaken the KPK would only end with the dissolution of the commission. "The final goal is to dissolve the KPK," he said.
ICW data revealed 176 corruption cases in the first semester of the year implicating 441 people. The graft cases are believed to have caused Rp 2.34 trillion. "We estimate the real number of graft cases is four times our findings," Febri said.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta After a decade of waiting, Indonesia finally saw on Tuesday the birth of the interdepartmental National Antiterrorism Agency (BNPT), which wields greater authority than the National Police's Special Detachment 88 counterterrorism squad.
Insp. Gen. (ret) Ansyaad Mbai, who was appointed chief of the agency, said the BNPT would have a wide range of authorities in the prevention and eradication of terrorism.
"To make it effective, we need close cooperation with other institutions such as the military, the Religious Affairs Ministry, academics and other related parties," Mbai told journalists after his swearing-in ceremony.
Human rights activists have voiced concern that the new antiterrorism agency wields too much power and is reminiscent of the kind of state authority that the New Order regime used to quash government critics.
Critics pointed to the unclear definition of "terror activities" and greater participation of the military in the antiterrorism movement as stipulated in the presidential regulation on the agency's establishment, which they said might be used to intimidate innocent citizens.
Under the new agency, the police will maintain their leading role in antiterrorism activities. One of the agency's priorities, Mbai said, should be to widen its surveillance because there were still scores of terror suspects on the loose.
The agency, he added, could keep an eye on suspected militant training grounds in Solo, Banten and Medan. This year the police raided one such training facility in Aceh, arresting 102 terror suspects.
"The terrorists typically quickly abandon their training grounds having completed their exercises, leaving no trace," he said. "The Aceh training ground is considered the biggest ever in terms of [the number of] participants," Mbai said.
"If they are well trained they will do anything including robbery to finance their activities. It's like the recent robbery in Medan... it's likely that the incident involved terror groups," he said.
He said that now the military was reluctant to assist in antiterrorism activities due to suspicion surrounding its history of human rights abuses. Under the aurthority of the BNPT, he said, the police would need the Army's support in conducting its missions.
"We are in dire need of additional military resources to provide back up. Besides, just name a country that doesn't involve its military in pursuing terrorism and you'll likely find that the answer is there is none," he said.
Noor Huda Ismail of the Prasasti Perdamaian Foundation, which runs a deradicalization program for former terrorists, said he welcomed the BNPT.
"But I strongly suggest the government change its approach in fighting terrorism from a rather militaristic way to a more personal approach," Noor Huda said.
Stephen Coates, Jakarta The new chief of Indonesia's antiterror agency has complained that courts were being too easy on terrorists and called for tougher laws to fight jihadist extremists.
National Anti-Terror Agency (BNPT) chief Ansyaad Mbai said there was an "urgent need" to amend antiterror laws following a series of attacks since 2000.
He said sentences should be lengthened, preparatory activities such as militant training and incitement should be criminalized, and police should be able to hold suspects for longer before they must be charged or released.
"I think there's an urgent need to amend the anti-terror laws, especially on the length of sentences," he told reporters after being appointed to his new role.
"There were many who were released [from jail] and then got involved again. There were those who were sentenced to seven years but after three years they were given remissions. This is strange, isn't it?"
He said some terrorists had been arrested but had to be released because police did not have enough time to gather evidence.
"Later it's clear they were involved again and then they had to be shot, like Air Setiawan," he said, referring to an alleged terrorist who was killed by police last year after twin suicide attacks on Jakarta hotels in July.
A follower of terrorist mastermind Noordin Mohammed Top, he was reportedly detained over his suspected role in the 2004 bombing of the Australian embassy in Jakarta but was released due to a lack of evidence.
Police killed Top in September 2009 in one of many raids since the hotel bombings that have resulted in the deaths of suspects, raising questions about alleged extrajudicial killings by the anti-terror police squad.
The discovery of a militant training camp in Aceh province in February which gathered Islamist extremists from around the region also highlighted the need for laws against preparatory acts, Mbai said.
"Militant training hasn't been included as a crime... In other countries it's considered a serious crime," he said.
"Then there are those activities which provoke or incite people to carry out acts of terror... The focus is prevention. We have to prevent them before they take part in militant training which means they must be arrested."
He said incitement to burn Christian churches or expel "infidels" should be criminalized to prevent Indonesia being "showered in bombs."
"If there's no conviction we'll always be reactive. Wait for the bomb to go off and only then become nervous. That's too late," he said.
Indonesia was also studying the experience of Saudi Arabia to improve its deradicalization programme, which has been dismissed as a myth by top anti-terror police officers.
Senior police have recently issued stark warnings that the Southeast Asian country's prisons are at risk of becoming schools of violent jihad rather than institutions of reform.
The final straw appears to have been the re-arrest in June of Abdullah Sunata, 32, on suspicion of plotting attacks on the Danish embassy and a police parade.
He was released from jail last year for good behavior after serving only a fraction of a seven-year sentence for his role in the Australian embassy attack, which killed 10 people.
Other recent examples include bomb-maker Bagus Budi Pranoto. Also jailed over the embassy truck bombing, he was released after just four years only to be re-arrested over last year's suicide attacks on luxury hotels which killed seven people.
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta Ignoring the outrage of rights activists, the religious affairs minister on Tuesday reiterated his belief that an outright ban on Ahmadiyah would be good for both the country and the sect.
Suryadharma Ali said the government had two options: maintain the restrictions on the group's activities, or ban Ahmadiyah. A ban, he said, would protect group members from attack and also help bring them into the fold of mainstream Islam.
"The government can let them be or ban them. Both carry risks," he said. "To let them be is not regulated by our laws, but we can ban them because we have regulations for this."
The minister, who last week caused an uproar by saying Ahmadiyah should be banned because the group had angered mainstream Muslims, was referring to the 1965 Blasphemy Law and a joint decree issued in 2008 by the religious affairs and home affairs ministries, and the Attorney General's Office, restricting the group's religious activities.
The decree stopped short of banning the sect but prohibited Ahmadiyah followers from publicly practicing their faith and from proselytizing.
"Banning Ahmadiyah, in my opinion, is not an act of hatred or enmity, it is an act of love and care for all our brothers across the nation. To ban them is far better than to let them be," Suryadharma said.
"To outlaw them would mean that we are working hard to stop deviant acts from continuing. It is better for us to take the hard steps now and, God willing, all will be well."
According to Suryadharma, all Ahmadis want to follow mainstream Islam, and therefore "it is the duty of every Islamic figure to take them in, teach them the correct way of the religion."
The minister also said that until a ban was enacted, Ahmadiyah followers would continue to be targets for violent attacks by hard-line groups.
"Why don't you study the reactions toward the Ahmadiyah?" he said. "We believe such harsh reactions are because there are rules that are not being followed."
Ahmadiyah followers have been the target of numerous attacks by hard-line Muslim groups, with authorities being accused of failing to take steps to protect sect members.
Rights activists have said the minister's comments could be construed by hard-liners as justification for more attacks on the group. Suryadharma, however, said that, in principle, there should be no violence.
Founded in India in 1889, Ahmadiyah holds that the group's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was a prophet a belief that goes against mainstream Islam, which holds that Muhammad was the last prophet.
Said Aqil Siradj, chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest Muslim organization with an estimated 40 million members, last week urged caution against banning Ahmadiyah.
"Ahmadiyah has been in Indonesia since 1925. Why is it being made a problem now?" he said. "This is not a local organization, it is present in 102 countries around the globe."
Ulma Haryanto, Bogor Hitting back at the Bogor administration's unexplained decision to again seal off their half-built church last week, members of the GKI Yasmin congregation broke the seal on the building after last Sunday's services.
"Since we followed the legal procedures to obtain permission for our church to operate, and this has been enforced by rulings from the State Administrative Court, we decided to open the seal ourselves," Jayadi Damanik, a member of the church's legal team, said on Sunday.
"Another reason why we decided to break the seal ourselves was a statement from the Bogor Police chief that the first seal could be a considered criminal obstruction of a religious meeting or ceremony."
The church had its building permit revoked by the Bogor administration in March this year after reported objections from nearby residents in the mainly Muslim neighborhood.
However, after legal challenges mounted at the State Administrative Court in both Jakarta and Bandung, the church was allowed to resume its activities.
The Bogor administration's public order agency (Satpol PP) duly unsealed the church on Aug. 27, before sealing it off again a day later, reportedly because of more objections.
In the meantime, the congregation has been forced to hold services at a vacant lot across the road from where the church is being built.
First Insp. Surya, head of the crime unit at the Bogor Police, said the congregation's complaints about the church site being sealed yet again had been forwarded to the local prosecutors' office.
"The church filed a report with us about the obstruction by the Satpol PP against members of the congregation who wanted to pray there," he said.
"The basis for their accusation is the finding from our own investigation." Separately, Yayat Suyarna, village head of Curug Mekar, where the church is located, said he knew little about the case.
"My job is only to ensure that everyone here gets along," he said. "As long as I get no complaints, there's nothing wrong."
Meanwhile, Eva Kusuma Sundari, a legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) who attended Sunday's service, said she planned to hold a meeting with the Bogor administration to discuss the issue.
"I believe that the government must interpret and enforce all decisions by the law courts, and not cater to the whims of mass organizations," she said.
Eva said a team comprising PDI-P legislators from commissions II, III and VIII at the House of Representatives, for domestic, legal and religious affairs, respectively, would look into the problem of religious intolerance.??
Meanwhile, some neighbors said that they did not see why the church should not be allowed to operate in the area. Edi, 45, a Muslim and long-time resident of the area, said he had never been disturbed by the church's presence or activities.
"I mind my own business, my own work, and I don't mind the church," he said. He added that he had heard some views from residents that the building of a church in the Muslim-majority area was insensitive.
"I know of some people who think this way, but why exactly they find the church troubling is beyond me," he said.
"We hope to expand this team to include the whole House." Eva, from Commission XI overseeing health care, said she had gotten involved in the issue after receiving several complaints on the matter.
Separately, Johny Nelson Simanjuntak from the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM), who previously led a probe into the rights violations linked to the church's closure, told the Jakarta Globe that the commission's requests to the Bogor administration for an explanation for the latest closure had gone unanswered.
"However, we're still monitoring the developments, because our last visit to the Bogor Police was quite fruitful," he said.
Rosdiah, 65, said that while she knew little about the dispute, she pitied the congregation's plight. "I've been living here since 1996, and I don't know why it's so hard for them to get a permit," she said.
Dessy Sagita & Anita Rachman, Jakarta Aghast by Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali's controversial statements advocating the banning of the Ahmadiyah sect, a number of nongovernmental organizations on Wednesday said they would author a letter of protest asking the minister to clarify his statement.
The Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) were reacting to Suryadharma's statements earlier this week that Ahmadiyah, a controversial Islamic movement, was not Muslim, and therefore saw nothing wrong in declaring that it was time for Ahmadiyah to be banned.
Suryadharma told House of Representatives hearings on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday that Ahmadiyah must be stopped because it has angered mainstream Muslims in Indonesia.
He said that Ahmadiyah has disrupted interreligious peace, and if their activities were not banned immediately the potential for conflict would escalate.
"Every choice has a consequence, but I think the most suitable choice is to disband Ahmadiyah completely and not to let them do their activities," the minister said during Tuesday's hearing.
Bonar Tigor Naipospos, Setara deputy chairman, told the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday that Suryadharma's statements could easily be interpreted as a justification for radical Islamic groups to attack Ahmadiyah members and prevent them from practicing their religion.
"Because Suryadharma's statement was made shortly after National Police Chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri made his statements [on Sunday] that violent mass organizations should not be tolerated, it seems like the Minister is trying to use [Bambang's statement] for his political maneuver," he said, explaining that the minister could be trying to paint Ahmadiyah as an organization that also needed to be banned.
Bonar also said that Suryadharma's stance against Ahmadiyah could trigger suspicions that he was using Bambang's statement for his party's gain. Suryadharma is from the United Development Party (PPP), one of the smaller parties in the ruling coalition.
Bonar said the memorandum of protest the organizations would send would ask for clarification as to whether the minister's statement reflected his own political stance, or represented the policy of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in general.
"We don't know if the matter regarding Ahmadiyah had been discussed in the cabinet meeting," he said. "If the Minister's statement was his personal political stance, he should retract the statement immediately and make a public apology," he added.
Bonar said that Suryadharma's claim that he would wait until after Ramadan to make any further comments regarding Ahmadiyah sounded like a threat to sect members.
Suryadharma denied that his statement would encourage radical organizations, like the hard-line Islamic Defender Front (FPI) and the Betawi Community Forum (FBR), to attack Ahmadiyah.
"It's not a legitimation for anarchy, but there has been a consensus that Ahmadiyah is not allowed to spread its practice because it's wrong," he said, adding that Muslims should not tolerate any party that would ruin Islam's reputation.
A 2008 decree by the Religious Affairs Ministry, the Home Affairs Ministry and the Attorney General's Office decreed Ahmadiyah a deviant sect. Though the decree stopped short of banning the sect completely, it banned its members from publicly practicing their faith and spreading their beliefs or proselytizing.
Members of Ahmadiyah, founded in India in 1889, hold that the group's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was the last prophet, a belief that contradicts a tenet of Islam that reserves that position for the Prophet Muhammad.
The members of Ahmadiyah are already familiar with violence and attacks against them.
In February 2006, thousands of mainstream Muslims in West Nusa Tenggara burned homes belonging to Ahmadiyah members in Lombok. The incidents left as many as 137 people homeless, all of whom had to be escorted by police officers to a temporary shelter in Mataram, the provincial capital.
On Aug. 9 this year, some 200 people rallied in front of an Ahmadiyah mosque in Surabaya, demanding the government shut it down. They ended up vandalizing the mosque by dismantling the signs at its gate.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta Human rights activists have described Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali's proposal to disband the Ahmadiyah congregation as a "setback" and a national "humiliation".
Rafendi Djamin, Indonesia's representative to ASEAN's Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday that Suryadharma's statement was a setback and was counter to the country's commitment to religious freedom.
The minister will inflame hard-line groups to commit even more violence with such a statement, he added.
Suryadharma said on Monday that Ahmadiyah "must be disbanded immediately" because it violated a 2008 joint ministerial decree that stated that Ahmadiyah can not propagate its teachings.
The process of dissolving the group will be gradual, Suryadharma said Tuesday, as quoted by kompas.com. "We will not abruptly disband it. The process will begin with the enforcement of the joint ministerial decree," he said.
Neither Suryadharma nor the ministry provided evidence supporting the minister's allegations.
Rafendi said the planned ban of Ahmadiyah was inimical to the country's efforts to uphold the principles of human rights and democracy.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono previously told an audience at Harvard University in the US that Indonesia "has shown that Islam, modernity and democracy plus economic growth and national unity can be a powerful partnership."
Yudhoyono also said that the country wanted to ensure that tolerance and respect for religious freedom became part of its "trans-generational DNA" and that Indonesia was a powerful example of how Islam, democracy and modernity can go "hand in hand".
Jamaah Ahmadiyah, which has 200,000 followers in Indonesia, has also been the target of attacks from hard-line Islamic groups, most recently in Manis Lor, Kuningan regency when three were injured. Hard-line Muslim organizations have demanded that the group be banned.
Home Affairs Ministry spokesman Saut Situmorang told the Post that a mass organization could be banned if it was proven to have disturbed the public order or posed a threat to national unity.
Saut said if the Religious Affairs Ministry decided to ban Ahmadiyah group, the Home Affairs Ministry would have to apply the 1985 Law on Mass Organizations, which provides a mechanism to disband groups.
Nurkholis Hidayat, the chairman of the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation, asked if the Ahmadiyah needed to be banned under the law. "I think the FPI [Islam Defenders Front] meets more of the requirements," he said.
Rafendi said banning Ahmadiyah would justify more violence. "What [Suryadharma] said concerns an inalienable right [of the Ahmadiyah members] to hold religious beliefs that cannot be denied in any kind of situation," he added.
Ismira Lutfia, Jakarta Warnings to improve televisions stations' programing during the fasting month seem to have fallen on deaf ears as violence, obscenity and mysticism continue to dominate the airwaves, a watchdog said.
According to monitoring by the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology's Information Public Body (BIP) over the first nine days of Ramadan, 1,252 television segments depicted violence, obscenity and mysticism in programs broadcast by 10 Jakarta-based national television stations.
The country's sole public television station, TVRI, was also monitored and included in the BIP's findings.
In 2009, only 425 segments from eight stations over six days of the holy month were found to have violated the guidelines of family-orientated fare.
"We have been monitoring programs on TV during Ramadan for four years and we have found that shows featuring mysticism, obscenity and physical and psychological abuse are common during Ramadan," Teguh Himawan, an adviser for the BIP, said on Tuesday.
Out of this year's monitored segments, physical and psychological abuse accounted for 39.9 percent and 38.9 percent, respectively, of the material deemed "offensive."
Sinansari Ecip, from the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) monitoring team and a former member of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), said stations' desires for big ratings over the holiday season was overshadowing the "spirit of the occasion."
"There were some shows with Ramadan-related titles whose content failed to fit with the spirit [of the holiday]," he said.
Sinansari added that the comedy shows that dominated the airwaves when Muslims were having the predawn meal were some of the biggest "offenders."
"The broadcasters have not initiated a policy to reduce the level of harsh words, mockery and violence, or to improve the poor quality of the quiz shows," Sinansari said.
However, Dadang Rachmat Hidayat, the chairman of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission, said the watchdog may have been too late in warning networks to produce better quality programs, and that it only held meetings with TV executives a week before the start of the fasting month.
"We should have done it at least two months before Ramadan," he said, adding that although he had noticed some improvements in programs, most changes were made to scrape by the bare minimums of the broadcasting code of conduct and programming standards.
Teguh, the BIP adviser, said: "In the context of public education, these shows during Ramadan have shown that the broadcasters are not doing their best to educate, to enlighten and to empower their audience."
However, two stations, TPI and ANTV, were applauded for suspending infotainment shows during Ramadan.
Programming during the holiday season adjusts to a change in viewers' habits, when the number of people in front of the TV surges in comparison to the rest of the year.
A recent survey from market research company Nielsen on audience numbers from Aug. 11 to Aug. 22 showed that viewership increased by 21 percent. And the 5- to 14-year-old demographic made up the largest increase over Ramadan, with an additional 32 percent tuning in over the previous month.
Prime-time viewing had also shifted to the predawn meal hours of 2 a.m. to 5 a.m., when the number of viewers had multiplied by eight to about six million viewers. There was also a significant 28 percent increase in the number of television viewers during the fast-breaking hours of 4 p.m. to 7 p.m., according to the survey.
Traditionally, the most watched programs during the fasting month are comedies and dramas, which attract the highest number of viewers during both the predawn meal and the fast-breaking hours.
The Nielsen survey found that "Para Pencari Tuhan," or "God Seekers," which stars Deddy Mizwar as a pious father figure, had the highest rating of 3.7 percent and attracted an average of 1,838,000 viewers per episode.
Jakarta The editor of the Indonesian edition of Playboy magazine refused to come out of hiding on Monday to face a two- year jail sentence, as his lawyers pledged to challenge his conviction for indecency.
Prosecutors have twice summoned Erwin Arnada to serve his sentence after the supreme court overturned his acquittal in a lower court and sentenced him two years' jail last month.
He was ordered to appear on Monday but lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis said the conviction contravened press freedom and the spirit of democracy established after the fall of President Suharto in 1998.
"This is a very important case. It is not simply about Playboy magazine, it's about press freedom, the pillar of democracy in Indonesia," he told a press conference. "There will be significant negative impact for freedom of expression if they go ahead."
Lubis said the supreme court made a "fundamental blunder" in basing their ruling on the criminal code instead of the civil press law which guarantees press freedoms.
The magazine published only a handful of issues which did not contain nudity in 2006. Violent protests from Islamic hardliners forced it to close.
The Islamic Defenders Front, also known as FPI a vigilante group known for violent intolerance has condemned Arnada as a "moral terrorist" and ordered its militants to track him down.
Ismira Lutfia & Putri Prameshwari, Jakarta Following the public support he gained for his efforts to eliminate access to pornography on the Internet, the communications and information technology minister is now setting his sights on another medium: the BlackBerry.
Tifatul Sembiring has threatened to shut down BlackBerry services in Indonesia if its manufacturer fails to block access to pornographic Web sites on the smartphone.
But an IT expert on Wednesday said Tifatul's efforts were misdirected because Web sites could only be blocked by the cellphone companies providing Internet access to the devices.
Tifatul on Tuesday said the ministry had summoned representatives from the Indonesian office of Research in Motion, the Canadian manufacturer of BlackBerry, and requested them to restrict access to pornographic Web sites on the smartphones.
"We have asked them to do this, otherwise we will close down their operations here because they failed to comply with our laws," he said.
Muhammad Jumadi, secretary general of the Indonesia Telecommunications User Group, said he supported Tifatul's policy, but as long as its implementation came with clear procedures.
"Technically speaking, it is possible to apply such a regulation," he said, adding that since many people now accessed the Internet through their smartphones, the government should also address restricting access to pornographic material through BlackBerrys.
However, Jumadi said the filtering of offensive Web sites could only be done through Internet service providers or telecommunications operators. As long as there were clear guidelines from the ministry, he said, operators would be able to filter sites.
The BlackBerry Internet Service is made available in Indonesia through six major telecommunications operators, while the BlackBerry Enterprise Server is provided directly by RIM.
Tifatul acknowledged on Tuesday that the government still had a lot of work to do to restrict access to pornographic Web sites. "But we'll keep working on it, including perfecting the software and coordinating with the Internet service providers," he said.
Last month, Tifatul's plan to block offensive Internet content came under fire when several Web sites that were not pornographic could not be accessed for a few hours, presumably as a result of the filter.
But Tifatul has claimed victory, arguing that up to 90 percent of the pornographic Web sites on the Internet are now inaccessible in Indonesia. "I frequently check on them through my cellphone and they are now blocked," he said.
Considering the popularity of BlackBerrys among Indonesians, Jumadi said that restricting Web sites would not bother the average BlackBerry user. "I don't think customers of BlackBerry would be affected in terms of numbers," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Insinuations of corruption are being floated after a House of Representatives Secretariat member said the design of the controversial new legislative building would likely not be altered, contradicting instructions from House leaders.
House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan, from the National Mandate Party (PAN), said on Wednesday they would demand Mardian Umar, who leads the technical team overseeing the project, to explain his statements on Tuesday that contradicted the House leadership's orders.
House Speaker Marzuki Alie on Monday called for the project to be postponed to allow a review of the plan and to revise its cost, including looking at the possibility of providing smaller office suites.
But Mardian said on Tuesday "if the design is changed, then all the work we did all those years will have been in vain."
Scathing public criticism led the House to order a review of the Rp 1.6 trillion ($177.6 million) office building, which will feature an entire floor dedicated to a swimming pool, sauna and gym, as well as 120-square-meter office suites for each of the 560 legislators.
But despite Marzuki's call for a revision of plans, including the size of the suites, Mardian said the review would only be directed at the controversial luxury facilities, such as the pool, sauna and gym.
Taufik said Mardian's statements aroused suspicions. He said they would give the Corruption Eradication Commission permission to launch investigations into the new building.
"The process is very suspicious," Taufik said. "We want a thorough review but they only want a review of the spa and swimming pool. They must follow our political decision."
Uchok Sky Khadafi, from the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), said canceling the plan would cost the state just Rp 20 billion. The rest of the Rp 250 billion allocated this year to start the project could still be returned to the Treasury.
"If the secretariat general keeps forcing the House to move forward with the plan, then we could take it as an early indication of corruption," he said.
However, Ibrahim Zuhdi Fahmi Badoh, head of Indonesia Corruption Watch's political corruption division, said the public should be wary of the House leaders' new stance, saying the secretariat may be made a scapegoat.
"We could see this as lawmakers passing on the responsibility to other parties. It doesn't mean the House leadership is innocent," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta Opposition is growing from within the House of Representatives about the controversial plan to build a lavish new office building for lawmakers, but House Speaker Marzuki Alie remains adamant about pushing through with the project.
Three political parties the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and Great Indonesian Movement Party (Gerindra) on Friday joined the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in demanding the construction be postponed. They called for a special consultative meeting to be held first between all nine factions in the House.
Syarifuddin Sudding, deputy chairman of Hanura's faction in the House, said his party was surprised to hear that the House's leadership was still moving forward with the plan despite the massive opposition to it.
He said the House leadership's refusal to budge on the issue had sparked allegations it might have a "secret commitment" with private contractors interested in running the project.
Mustafa Kamal, factional chairman for the PKS, and Edi Prabowo, factional secretary for Gerindra, said their parties also objected to the plan.
"We want the plan to be postponed and re-evaluated," Mustafa said. "If the plan does not fit with the aspirations of the people, then we agree it should be postponed," Edi added.
Roy BB Janis, chairman of the Democratic Renewal Party (PDP) and a lawmaker in the 1999-2004 legislature, said that the current House building was more than enough to support lawmakers' workloads.
Compared with the legislative buildings in Japan, the United States and Germany, Roy said Indonesia's House building was much bigger.
He suggested the House factions look into replacing members of the Household Affairs Committee (BURT), which prepared and decided on the building plan. "The BURT members failed to listen to what the people want they must be replaced," he said.
The PKS's Mustafa agreed that the BURT also needed to be re- evaluated, saying most of the committee members seemed to be more interested in construction projects than performing their duties as legislators.
"We can see that the House speaker, who is also ex officio chairman of the BURT, is now more busy talking about the building plan," he said, adding that any technical affairs related to House construction projects should be handled by the secretariat general and other government departments.
Arwani Thomafi, a BURT member from the United Development Party (PPP), however, said that most of the leaders of the House factions had already known about the building plans and none had opposed it.
"That's why we were very surprised to hear that many factions suddenly rejected the plan, pretending to know nothing about it," he said.
Arwani also denied allegations that BURT members had been bribed by private contractors involved in the tender process. "We have never dealt with the technical side of the building plans. That's worked out by the related government departments," he said. "The final budget for the plan was decided by the Ministry of Public Works."
But Mustafa rejected Arwani's claims, saying that he, as head of the of PKS's faction in the House, had never received reports detailing the building plans.
"How could they say that the building plans had been reported to us? Even the House leadership said they know nothing about plans to include a spa and swimming pool in the new building's design," he said.
"Lawmakers in the BURT should not claim that all factions had approved the plan. They should tell us the details and hear our opinion first before making a final decision."
House Speaker Marzuki Alie, from the ruling Democratic Party, on Friday claimed that none of the factions were seriously opposed to the plans.
"They only object to the plan to include spa and swimming pool facilities in the proposed new building," he said, adding that the spa and swimming pool would not be included in the final plans.
Budi Sukada, the architect heading the team overseeing the building's design, told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday that the building would have a swimming pool, a gym and health spa facilities, in line with government regulations regarding a building of that size.
Jakarta The development of a recreational center within a new parliamentary building, the construction of which is due to begin in October, was never decided on by any House of Representatives' leaders says a House deputy speaker.
House Deputy Speaker Pramono Anung said Wednesday that, as a consequence of this, the planned construction of the recreational center, which would include swimming pool, spa and fitness facilities, would be subject to further evaluation.
On Tuesday the House Internal Affairs Committee revealed the grand design of the planned parliamentary building, which will cover about 161,000 square meters and stand at 37 stories.
The new building, which will cost the state around Rp 1.2 trillion (US$133.2 million), is also expected to be equipped with a drug store and a mini-mart.
Inside the new building, each House member will enjoy ample office space of 120 square meters comprising leisure rooms, bathrooms, guest rooms and meeting rooms.
The prodigal plan has garnered strong negative reactions from activists and a number of legislators, who consider the plan "excessive", saying it "crosses the line."
Pramono, who is from the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), is one such legislator objecting to the grandiose plan.
"I never knew that the design would include the construction of such facilities. I was stunned," he said. The plan, he said, drew stark contrast between the House and the reality the country and its people were confronting.
People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Taufik Kiemas echoed those sentiments, saying it was unnecessary for legislators to have a fitness center in the new building.
"For example, the construction of a swimming pool on the top floor will stir fresh controversy over who would be allowed to swim in the pool male or female legislators," Taufik added.
He said he was content with his current workspace. "I think it is unnecessary to go the extra mile," Taufik said.
House speaker Marzuki Alie reportedly promised he would remove the spa from the plan, saying that House buildings were "houses of aspirations, not places for legislators to receive a massage".
Deputy Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly, Lukman Hakim, said the new building would be a reflection of a parliamentary edifice.
Meanwhile, public protests over the development of the new House building continues, with more activists voicing their concerns not only over those recreation facilities, but also over the project's exorbitant budget.
The Indonesian Human Rights and Legal Aid Association said in a press release that House members were "insensitive" toward the people. Saying the plan reflected the fact that legislators lacked a basic understanding on how to prioritize the people's agenda, it says.
Furthermore, dozens of activists from the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) staged a protest on Wednesday in front of the House building on Jl. Gatot Subroto, Central Jakarta.
A couple of satirists were seen soaking up the sun in an inflatable swimming pool, while others wore bathrobes while being massaged and scrubbed. (tsy)
Armando Siahaan, Jakarta Two surveys have shown that the public largely agrees with the view of the major political parties that a reduced number of factions in the House of Representatives would facilitate more effective government.
According to a study released on Thursday by Indo Barometer, 42.3 percent of 1,200 respondents said the ideal number of parties represented in the legislature should be less than the current nine.
Some 17.8 percent wanted the legislature to have five political factions, while 17.3 percent wanted just three. By contrast, 16 percent of respondents said they wanted more than nine parties.
Achmad Mubarok, a senior official from the ruling Democratic Party, which is the largest in the House, said a streamlined legislative system would strengthen the country's presidential system. "But right now, it seems like the House is the one in control," he said.
According to Achmad, political maneuvering in the legislature was based on party interests, not the nation's. He said the ideal threshold for votes needed by parties to qualify for seats in the House would be 5 percent, twice that of the current threshold.
About a quarter of those surveyed by Indo Barometer agreed the current threshold was too low. Of that group, some 40 percent said doubling the threshold would be the best move.
Meanwhile, less than 10 percent of the respondents said the current threshold was too high, with most suggesting a range of between 1 percent and 2 percent. Twenty percent of those surveyed saw the current threshold as appropriate, while 45 percent did not have an opinion.
Bursah Zarnubi, chairman of the Reform Star Party (PBR), which failed to win a seat in the House during the 2009 elections because it did not meet the 2.5 percent threshold, said that while the idea of simplifying the legislative system was acceptable, it betrayed the democratic process.
"Democracy gives us a different perspective, one in which each citizen should be accommodated," he said.
"The country is diverse, so we need to allow access for each individual to play a role in politics, in governing the country. Increasing the legislative threshold is a way to kill off the smaller parties."
Meanwhile, a survey released on Wednesday by political consultancy Charta Politika showed that 56 percent of 378 respondents believed the high number of factions had an adverse effect on the House's performance.
Almost 69 percent of the respondents believed the number of parties in the House should be reduced to five or less 38.3 percent wanted between three and five, while 30.4 percent were in favor of one to three.
Armando Siahaan, Jakarta A survey released on Wednesday by a political research institution confirmed what many already believe to be true: that the public sees current lawmakers as having poorly executed their functions and are demanding more than they deserve.
"The current lawmakers are more popular than the previous working period, but the public perceives them as being worse in terms of their performance," said Yunarto Wijaya, a political analyst from Charta Politika, which conducted the survey.
The survey found that 63.7 percent of the 378 respondents consider the 2004-09 lawmakers as better than the current ones.
More than 55 percent said the current group of lawmakers was more prominent but not for good reason. More than 50 percent of the respondents also said the House failed to carry out its three main functions.
Only 22.4 percent of the respondents agreed that the House had done a good job on passing bills, reflecting the worrying fact that the House had only passed seven bills out of the ambitious initial target of 70 for the year.
Moreover, only 22.8 percent believed that the House had done a good job on budgeting, while 52.1 percent thought that the lawmakers have failed in supervising the government.
On the controversial new Rp 1.3 trillion ($144.3 million) House building, which may include a recreational room with spa and fitness center, a staggering 80 percent of the respondents said lawmakers did not need it to improve their performance.
About 78 percent did not see the need to increase lawmakers' salary, while 61.7 agreed that the lawmakers did not need to go abroad for comparative studies.
"Most of the respondents deemed plans or policies on a salary increase, the new building and comparative studying abroad as negative," Yunarto said.
On the issue of chronic absenteeism, 84 percent agreed that frequently absent lawmakers should be fired.
Based on the survey and a separate media analysis by Charta Politika, the image of the lawmakers in the past several months has been influenced by a number of issues, including the long- running Bank Century scandal, the high rate of absenteeism, the controversial pork-barrel fund and construction of the expensive new building.
Consequently, Yunarto said that the current legislature's performance was perceived poorly not only because "the lawmakers have failed to achieve an optimal performance, but that their constant appearance in the media frequently ended up in a coverage with a negative tone."
Priyo Budi Santoso, the House deputy speaker from the Golkar Party, said that the media coverage on the legislature tended to be one-sided, reporting only the negative, controversial issues, but never the positive side.
He said the media had only been harsh on the legislature, but not the executive government. "I challenge the media to be critical of the legislature, but also the executive government," Priyo said.
Pius Lustrilanang, a lawmaker from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the head of the Household Affairs Committee, said the struggle for the House to fix its image was particularly difficult because it did not have an embedded public relations function.
Arientha Primanita, Jakarta Jakarta is heading toward "ecological suicide" if it doesn't stem overpopulation, an urban planning expert warned on Tuesday.
Nirwono Jogo, a lecturer on architecture at Trisakti University, said the capital's resources had been stretched thin due to the sheer size of its population.
"The city must act now. A population boom is in store for the city if no action is taken," he told the Jakarta Globe.
On Monday, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) said the average population density of the capital had reached over 14,400 people per square kilometer.
Nirwono said the ideal population density for a city was 5,000 people per square kilometer. He said it was critical for the city to revise housing regulations and shift to "vertical living."
"With vertical buildings like apartments both low- and high- rise we can make integrated, environment-friendly neighborhoods," Nirwono said.
"The rest of the space [can be] used for water catchment areas and green spaces," he said, adding that it took Singapore 20 years to shift from horizontal dwellings to vertical.
Nirwono said city officials should work with the administrations of outlying areas of the metropolis to ease the burden of overcrowding. "Mostly, people from Bogor, Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi only live there to sleep. But their activities are spent in Jakarta," he said.
According to the BPS's national census in May, Jakarta is home to almost 9.6 million residents, posting a growth of 16 percent from 8.35 million in 2000.
"This increase is due to urbanization, not childbirth, [which] in fact accounts for less than 4 percent of population growth," BPS chief Agus Suherman said.
The most densely populated area was Central Jakarta, with an average of 19,000 people per square kilometer.
Suherman said according to the agency's estimates, Jakarta's population could easily reach 11 million by 2020 in the absence of a population control program.
Achmad Harjadi, deputy governor for Spatial Planning and the Environment, said the Jakarta's Master Spatial Planning Bylaw had been submitted to the city council for approval.
"The new spatial plan emphasizes vertical dwellings close to public transportation and accessible to dwellers," he said.
Achmad said housing should ideally be built in suburban areas or in buffer zones like Depok, Tangerang, Bogor and Bekasi. He said this would boost the economy in surrounding areas.
High property prices in Jakarta, which drive customers to look for elsewhere, make the plan more attractive.
"People who work in Jakarta choose to buy houses in the outskirts [of the city] because land prices are just very expensive," said Arief Rajardjo, associate director at Cushman & Wakefield, a real estate consultancy firm.
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Nearly two months after the brutal attack on anticorruption activist Tama Satrya Langkun, police have been unable to track down the perpetrators and seem to have put the investigation on hold.
"There is no further investigation into my case," Tama told the Jakarta Globe. "It has been maybe six weeks since I was last questioned by police. I don't know what is going on or how far the investigation has gone."
Tama, a researcher with Indonesia Corruption Watch, was ambushed by four assailants in the early hours of July 8 as he was returning home from watching a World Cup football match. He sustained serious injuries in the attack and had to be hospitalized for several days.
The ICW's chairman, Danang Widoyoko, said Tama was the key researcher in its report to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force on suspiciously large bank accounts belonging to a number of National Police generals.
The attack came just days after Molotov cocktails were thrown at the office of Tempo, a weekly magazine that had reported on suspicious bank accounts belonging to several high-ranking police officers.
The Tempo attack and the assault on Tama prompted a public outcry and led President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to call for thorough police investigations in both cases.
Members of the House of Representatives gave police an ultimatum, warning that they would launch their own investigation into the cases if the perpetrators weren't arrested soon. The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) also announced a planned investigation.
"But they were all just empty claims," said Nurcholis, an advocate at the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation. "There has been absolutely no further action now that the case isn't generating any media attention and the public is no longer concerned about the attacks."
A Jakarta Police spokesman, Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar, said the investigation into the assault on Tama was ongoing. "We have targeted a few people and we are gathering evidence," he said. "We understand that people think we are moving too slow, but we are working with very little evidence and very few witnesses."
Usman Hamid, former head of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said that in addition to not making any headway in the Tama and Temp probes, police also had failed to investigate the reports of the suspicious bank accounts.
"So to say that there was an attempt to silence Tama and see the case never get prosecuted is not an exaggeration, as many police officers have claimed," he said. "It is possible the attack was executed by a group inside the police or using hired civilians to avoid detection."
The police have said an internal investigation into the 23 suspicious bank accounts that were the subject of the ICW investigation and the Tempo report found only two appeared to contain money from illegal sources.
One account belonged to Martin Reno, an officer in Papua already in jail for a logging-related crime. The other belonged to whistle-blower Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, who is already being detained over a graft case. The other accounts reportedly held money earned through legitimate businesses or that had been inherited.
Tama is now under the protection of the Witness and Victims Protection Agency (LPSK).
"I get easily paranoid, or perhaps I'm just more cautious. I always become suspicious whenever I meet new people," Tama said. "Just the other day I felt like I was being followed by someone in a car. My heart started racing and I reactively contacted the police. But I guess that was just in my mind."
Ulma Haryanto & Zaky Pawas, Jakarta A police division that deals with crimes against women and children is being criticized for its handling of a rape involving a minor.
Frisca Hutagalung, who coordinates volunteers at Sahabat Anak, a nongovernmental organization for street children, said on Tuesday that the West Jakarta Police's Women and Child Crimes Center (PPA) had discouraged the mother of a possible rape victim from filing a complaint against the still unknown suspect.
Frisca said she had accompanied the mother, Euis Hartati, and her 8-year old daughter on Monday to file a police report at the center, which is located in West Jakarta Police headquarters. She said, however, that they were turned away by officers.
"They said the child didn't have a birth certificate and that there was no witness to the crime," Frisca said. "They also said that they didn't want the family to expect too much."
Although a physical examination revealed that the hymen of the girl was still intact, doctors found the child's genital area was chafed and that her neck was bruised.
Frisca said the officers told them to report to the Grogol Police instead and to demand that community police officers be assigned to patrol their neighborhood. Euis and her family live in Grogol, West Jakarta.
Instead, Frisca went to the office of the Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) in Menteng, Central Jakarta.
"They [KPAI] told us what to tell the police that a case is a case when you have a victim and proof from a medical examiner," she said. "So we went back to the police and told them that. They finally agreed to file the case and asked for testimony from the child and her father."
Euis Hartati told the Jakarta Globe that she was relieved that the police had finally agreed to take their complaint. "We finally filed it. Police treated us differently [after the meeting with KPAI]," she said.
Euis and her family have temporarily moved out of their home following the incident and are staying in a house provided by Sahabat Anak, also in West Jakarta.
The Globe contacted the West Jakarta Police's Women and Child Crimes Center, but the head of the unit declined to comment on the matter.
"That is not my concern. That is the concern of my subordinates, and the complaint center," Adj. Comr. Slamet R said. When asked why he was not aware of the case, the officer hung up.
This is not the first time a Women and Child Crimes Center has been criticized for its handling of a criminal complaint.
Two months ago, officers at the center in South Jakarta told a victim of sexual assault not to press charges against the suspect, who had already signed a statement admitting his guilt.
Foni, 31, said she had been groped by a man on a TransJakarta bus. Officers at the PPA encouraged her not to file a complaint due to lack of evidence.
Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said police would need documentation, witnesses and expert testimony to pursue the case. He added that the suspect could retract his admission of guilt in court.
Officers also warned Foni that the alleged groper could sue her for defamation if she filed a police complaint.
The police's handling of that case triggered a public outcry and led the TransJakarta management to introduce a system to separate men and women at busway shelters across the city.
In June and July, however, media reported three more cases of women being sexually assaulted on TransJakarta buses. It was only in mid-July that police finally named a suspect, though he was only implicated in the third case.
Arist Merdeka Sirait, chairman of the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas Anak), said on Tuesday that all aggrieved citizens had a right to file police complaints, and that police could not refuse them or stop them, especially when the case involved children.
"It doesn't matter whether the case has been proven or not, it should first be filed with the police, and then the police can investigate the case," he said. "That a child has no birth certificate is a completely invalid reason not to accept a complaint," he added.
Arist said the PPA was formed by the National Police specifically to handle often sensitive cases involving women and children, and that the officers at the centers should receive the necessary training for handling the victims.
"They [victims] should receive specialized treatment, and should be provided with privacy. Not sent off from one place to another," he said.
The role of the centers has become more crucial with Komnas Anak reporting a rise in the number of cases of violence, sexual assault and incest involving children.
The commission recorded 1,826 such cases in the first five months of 2010, compared to 1,891 for all of last year. Besides street children, youngsters who are particularly prone to violence came from middle- and low-income families.
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Nongovernmental groups are urging the government to participate in the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative, in a bid to combat corruption and minimize potential revenue losses in the oil, gas, mining and logging sectors.
The Norway-based initiative, sponsored by the World Bank, would put Indonesia on close international watch, ensuring that all state revenue generated by the extractive industry is open for public scrutiny.
Rezki Sri Wibowo, from Transparency International Indonesia, said the nation was suffering from "the curse of resources," just like other countries with plenty of natural wealth but no transparent government. These nations tend to experience huge economic disparity, uneven development and social unrest despite enormous overall income.
"The [Indonesian] extractive industry has long been tarnished by a lack of transparency, graft, illicit fees and lack of clear regulation and government monitoring," Rezki said.
"For oil, it is hard to say whether data provided by BPMigas on our oil output is not being manipulated because there is no comparative data and the existing data is not audited externally," Rezki said in reference to the upstream oil and gas regulator. The mining and logging industries aren't much more transparent, he added.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) estimated the state lost Rp 2 trillion ($222 million) based on the oil and gas cost recovery scheme in 2009. BPMigas consequently submitted the misappropriated money to state coffers voluntarily.
"How could there be a miscalculation in the first place? Because information on the subject is not disclosed to the public," Rezki said.
After joining the initiative, resources companies will have to declare their revenues and an independent team of experts will then compare the information provided with that from the government.
David Brown, Indonesia's representative to the EITI, said joining the initiative might boost the country's economy and help combat rampant graft in the extractive industry.
"After implementing EITI for several years, Nigeria's income from extractive revenue rose as much as $2 billion and its corruption perception index improved by 17 percent," Brown said.
Taufik Darusman It is only a matter of weeks or even days before the Corruption Eradication Commission ushers in a new chairman. But in a country where politicking has virtually become a national pastime, it seems that even the state antigraft body feels it is entitled to join the fray.
The commission, also known as the KPK, has not made many headlines lately for the arrests or prosecutions of major graft suspects.
So last week, in a move that suggested a new bid to ramp up momentum, the commission named 26 former and current legislators as suspects in a Rp 24 billion ($2.7 million) bribery scandal surrounding the 2004 appointment of Miranda Goeltom as the central bank's senior deputy governor.
In a vote at the House of Representatives to decide the best person for the Bank Indonesia post, only 54 lawmakers cast their ballot, with 41 of them choosing Miranda over two other candidates.
As we now know, 39 of those lawmakers who voted for Miranda were paid off for having done so.
Out of the 26 bribery suspects named by the KPK last week, 14 of them are former or current lawmakers from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), including the legislator who initially blew the whistle on the case, Agus Condro Prayitno.
The rest came from the ranks of the Golkar Party, the Islam-based United Development Party (PPP) and the now disbanded House faction for the military and police. Each of the 26 suspects allegedly received travelers checks worth between Rp 250 million and Rp 1 billion, apparently on a sliding scale of their importance.
The Anti-Corruption Court had earlier jailed four people who were not on the KPK's current list of 26 suspects, the most recent being the PDI-P's Dudhie Makmun Murod, who is the son of Lt. Gen. (ret.) Makmun Murod, the former commander of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command in Jakarta during Suharto's reign as president.
In a highly-publicized trial, Dudhie had said that senior officials from his party had instructed him and his colleagues to vote for Miranda. Dudhie's testimony, if true however, raises the question as to whether the party directive was considered necessary.
Given her impeccable banking credentials and her profile she is reputed to be on a first name basis with former US Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan Miranda would have probably prevailed in the three-way race anyway.
Of equal importance is why the PDI-P was so insistent that Miranda, and not one of her equally able but less media-savvy rivals, should get the position.
Had prosecutors bothered to raise this issue, the findings might have shown that the scandal was not an ordinary bribery case, and that there was a hidden agenda.
In naming 26 suspects out of the 39 who had allegedly cashed the checks the KPK has left many wondering what happened to the remaining 13.
However, the identity of the person who financed the bribery scandal is still the biggest mystery of all.
Court proceedings showed the checks were delivered to several lawmakers by an associate of businesswoman and socialite Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun, who is the wife of Adang Daradjatun, the powerful and wealthy former deputy chief of the National Police and a sitting lawmaker from the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Nunun is said to have developed a case of amnesia around the same time as the scandal started to make political waves, and is now receiving medical treatment in Singapore, a city-state that has no extradition treaty with Indonesia.
Apparently her illness was so serious that it prevented KPK investigators from getting anything of worth from her when they traveled to Singapore to question her.
However, upon hearing about the KPK's list of 26 suspects, Nunun soon started recalling the entire affair. As her husband told the news portal detik.com last week, the news had "unavoidably affected her state of mind."
If that was a sign for KPK officials to begin another round of questioning, they have yet to make their move.
To be sure, the KPK had the 26 names on a hit list for some time, thanks to information it obtained from the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), the body that monitors domestic banking transactions.
Meanwhile, legal experts continue to remind the KPK that both those who bribe and those who receive bribes are equally guilty, and that it has the power to put all of them behind bars.
In the end, the biggest mystery may be: Why, two years after Agus first blew the whistle and the PPATK provided it with the evidence, is the KPK still fixated on the bribe takers and not the person who paid the bribes?
[Taufik Darusman is a veteran Jakarta-based journalist.]
"The greatest threat facing the US is the tyranny of the majority," penned nineteenth-century French writer Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America. He could just as easily be writing about Indonesia today, especially after Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali announced his plan to ban Ahmadiyah, a religious sect with more than 200,000 followers. He said the presence of the sect, whose existence predates even this republic, is an affront to Islam, the country's predominant religion.
His statement is a clear display of raw power in the name of the majority. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's silence in the face of what is a clear a breach of the constitution is indicative of his own complicity. Tocqueville's warning is upon us. This country, founded upon religious freedom, that claims to pride itself on the diversity of its people, is in peril.
The basis of Suryadharma's action against the Ahmadiyah is a 2008 decree that forbids Ahmadiyah from propagating its teachings, including its tenet that Muhammad was not the final prophet, as mainstream Muslims believe. Despite the case never having gone to court, the decree was drawn up based on the 1965 Blasphemy Law to curtail the group's activities. But if this is a pretext used to ban a religion or denomination, then other religions and minority groups in Islam in this country have plenty to worry about.
The action against Ahmadiyah is based on the Religious Affairs Ministry's interpretation of a faith. If this is the case, the question is where does it stop? Mainstream Islam has interpretations about God and truth that are different from other religions: Is Jesus God or a prophet? Was Jesus crucified or was it someone else? Did Abraham slaughter Ismail or Isaac? If Muslims find idolatries offensive, should shrines and statues of Buddha be demolished? Is Muhammad the last prophet of Islam? Going by the reasoning used to ban Ahmadiyah, any of the above different interpretations and many more could one day be deemed by majority Muslims to be heretical and offensive, and used as ground to ban a religion. No minority religion or sect is safe in this country.
The tyranny of the majority in Indonesia comes in the form of religious persecution. It is a reflection of increasing intolerance on the part of majority Muslims towards religious minorities. Why else is the action against Ahmadiyah taking place now, after decades of peaceful coexistence? Other religious minorities are also feeling the brunt. Christians, the largest among the minorities, are finding it difficult to build their churches and many existing ones are being vandalized and their followers attacked.
Suryadharma, a politician by background and chairman of the Islamist United Development Party (PPP), was completely out of line when he encouraged citizens to act as watchdogs to the activities of Ahmadiyah followers. On the ground, his statement has been interpreted as a green light to harass and attack the sect's followers. Suryadharma should be fired for using his Cabinet position for his own political objectives, and for encouraging the use of violence against other citizens.
For years, many people have questioned the wisdom of having a full ministry in charge of religious affairs. The late Abdurrahman Wahid, when he was president, pondered about disbanding the ministry but refrained. Religious affairs are managed quite effectively by religious leaders, and their relations are being managed through interfaith dialogues. The problem begins when the state starts interfering, interpreting the substance of religion and inevitably takes sides.
Between disbanding Ahmadiyah for violating some obscure governmental decree and disbanding the Religious Affairs Ministry, whose minister is in clear violation of the Constitution by promoting religious intolerance and the tyranny of majority, we know which course Indonesia should take. God be with us.