Umi Kalsum, Eko Huda S Around 700 people held a protest action against the recent basic electricity rate (TDL) increases in front of the State Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara in Central Jakarta on Saturday August 7. They demand that the government cancel the increase that took effect last month.
The demonstrators, who came from the August 7 National Resistance Movement arrived at the State Palace at 2pm. The group comprises various different organisations including the Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM), the Indonesian Islamic Students Movement (PMII), the Muslim Students Association for Reform (HMI-MPO), the Indonesian Association of Catholic Students (PMKRI), the State Electricity Company Trade Union (SP-PLN), the Muhammadiyah Youth Association (IMM), Petisi 28 (Petition of 28) and the People's Democratic Party (PRD).
During the action that continued until 4pm, they brought a number of banners with messages such as "Reject the TDL price hikes", "Reduce the price of basic commodities" and "The SBY-Boediono government and the parliament have failed to bring prosperity to the people".
"We took to the streets because the ordinary people are having to bear the burden of extraordinarily high price increases as an impact to the basic electricity rate hike," said August 7 National Resistance Movement public relations officer Budi Wardoyo from the Indonesian Labour Movement Union (PPBI).
The action, which took place right alongside the State Palace, was closely guarded by hundreds of police officers. According to field officer Deputy Senior Commissioner Andry Wibowo, more than 400 personnel were deployed to secure the protest. "Officers from the regional police, the Central Jakarta district police and the Gambir sectoral police," he said. (adi)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Surabaya As many as 180 students, workers and urban poor activists from 12 organisations in the East Java cities of Surabaya, Mojokerto and Madiun held a protest action in Surabaya on Saturday August 7 opposing the recent increase in basic electricity rates (TDL).
During the action, which was held in front of the Negara Grahadi Building on Jl. Gubernur Suryo, Surabaya, activists from the Indonesian Labour Movement Union (PPBI), the Indonesian Cultural Society Union (SeBUMI), the Political Union of the Poor (PPRM), the Student Sovereignty Union for the People (SKMR), the Indonesian Student Union (SMI) and other organisations also demanded that the government bring down the price of basic goods, rice and other staples (sembako).
The protesters also brought posters and banners with demands such as "Reject the TDL hike" and "Government... don't increase electricity prices".
In addition to giving speeches and shouting slogans against the electricity price hikes along with demands to reduce basic commodity prices, the activists also held a theatrical action depicting three people being further impoverished by the electricity price hikes.
"We ask and demand that the government cancel the TDL increase, because high TDL are already strangling the Indonesian people", said action coordinator Andri Setiawan. Because of this therefore, similar actions are also being held in other cities such as Medan (North Sumatra), Lampung (South Sumatra), Jakarta, Yogyakarta (Central Java), Semarang (Central Java), Bali and Mataram (Lombok).
"We demand that the TDL increase be canceled and sembako prices brought down, because the ordinary people are already suffering deeply. If these demands are not met, we will continue to hold actions and they will get even larger again", said Setiawan.
According to Setiawan, the electricity rate hike has also increased production costs, so employers will sacrifice the ordinary people because they will not want to suffer financial losses, so dismissals will occur everywhere, the price of sembako will continue to rise and holiday bonuses will not be paid.
"The government's reasons for increasing TDL in order to save energy makes no sense, because they have sold off the energy sector to the private sector. That is the error that must be evaluated instead of burdening the people", he said.
The action resulted in traffic in the heart of Surabaya city coming to a stand still because although protesters only used the sidewalk and not the road, the action caused many drivers to slow down to watch the demonstration.
"The TDL hikes will trigger an increase in inflation as a result of products in the form or raw materials as well as finished good experiencing price increase compared with earlier prices. Not to mention the increasingly tight competition with the implementation of the ASEAN China Free Trade Area Agreement", said Setiawan.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Iwan, Jakarta The evil conspiracy to increase the basic electricity rate (TDL) will impact on the price of basic commodities, particularly food, further burdening the lives of the poor.
This was stated by Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM) public relations officer Budi Wardoyo during a speech in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta on Saturday August 7.
"The capitalist system provides opportunities to the private sector to control food in order to reap bigger profits and the poor become the victims. This is also happening with the TDL hikes. Electricity is a vital public necessity, it should be controlled by the state so that the people can enjoy the facilities", he said.
The ABM is accusing the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono (SBY-Boediono) of producing energy policies merely to benefit a handful of capitalists.
Earlier, the demonstrators demanded that the government cancel the electricity rate increases during a long-march towards the State Palace after earlier holding speeches at the nearby Horse Statue traffic circle.
Although shivering with cold after more than hour's heavy rain, even more protesters began arriving and moving off to the Palace after closing Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara. The joint protest alliance involved more than 50 labour, student and non-government organisations (NGOs).
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Bagus Kurniawan, Yogyakarta Scores of people held a protest action opposition the recent increases in basic electricity rates (TDL) and the price of LPG gas canisters in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on Saturday August 7. They also called on the government to cancel the price hikes and opposed the use of 3kg LPG gas canisters.
The protesters came from several different groups including the Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women) National Network (JNPM) and the National Movement for Prices Reductions and Cancellation of TDL Hikes (GNBKTTH). Earlier, Perempuan Mahardhika held an action at the Gramedia intersection on Jl. Sudirman then moved off to the Yogyakarta Monument where the protesters joined into one group.
The demonstrators brought various kitchen utensils such as pans, woks, electric irons and 3kg LPG gas canisters. The electric irons were wound around the bodies of two women demonstrators who also carried empty gas canisters. The kitchen utensils meanwhile were used as musical instruments.
The protesters also brought a huge replica LPG gas canister made of paper and bamboo as well as placards and banners with messages such as "Reject the TDL hikes", "Replace LPG canisters with Kerosene", "Watch out for LPG bombs" and "Reduce the price of basic commodities".
One of the participants, Ny Sutinah, called on the government to immediately cancel the electricity price increases. The resident of Mancingan, Parangtritis Bantul, said the electricity hikes only added to the burden of the people's suffering because it causes price increases and high inflation.
"Not to mention cases of gas canister exploding and the many casualties. The public has been terrorised by these LPG bombs", said Sutinah in a speech at the Yogyakarta Monument on Saturday.
According to Sutinah, the prices of basic commodities has already risen because of the impact of the electricity price hike on companies. She added however that the concrete impact of the government's policies has been on women who have to manage household affairs and the family.
"There is no other word except bring down prices. Reject the TDL hikes and replace LPG with kerosene stoves", shouted the woman who is also a victims of a recent land eviction.
After taking turns in giving speeches for around 30 minutes at the Yogyakarta Monument, the protesters then continued the action at the Yogyakarta Regional House of Representatives building on Jl. Malioboro.
The peaceful action was watched over by Yogyakarta municipal police officers to ensure that the flow of traffic would not become congested. (djo/djo)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Andi Hajramurni, Makassar Prison failed to discourage some 100 poor housewives in Makassar, South Sulawesi, asking the authority to lock them up so they could get a free place to stay and food while being taught different skills they could use to earn a living.
The desperate housewives, who went to Gunungsari penitentiary, said they were fed up having to constantly deal with soaring basic food prices and threats of gas canisters exploding.
"Living inside the prison is much better, enjoying free food and a place to sleep. Outside the prison, we have to live with fear, from gas canister explosions and high food prices," said Andi Asni, the protest coordinator.
The penitentiary warden, Endang Sudirman, who met with protesters, could only smile in response.
The housewives first staged their protest outside Alauddin Islamic State University in Makassar before marching to the penitentiary while carrying several 3-kilogram gas canisters plastered with posters reading "kitchen bombs".
A resident covered in bandages joined the march as a victim of the gas explosions that continue to plague many parts of the country and have claimed material losses and casualties.
"Gas canisters, especially the 3-kilogram variety, are ticking kitchen bombs, which can explode in poor peoples' kitchens anytime, killing us and destroying our homes," said another protester, Rosa Daeng Baji.
The canisters, they said, were cost-efficient compared to using kerosene, but the risk of explosion has made them afraid.
"The canister is cheaper than kerosene and practical. But if it is at risk of exploding, we don't want to use it and lose our houses," said 32-year-old housewife Darma.
They also called on the government to improve the quality of the gas canisters and their accessories as well as strictly monitor its trade to put an end to the explosions.
In the protest, the housewives also raised their objections to the skyrocketing prices of staple foods. They urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his Cabinet to directly inspect the markets to see the situation and control the rising prices.
"Let's not only ask the people to tighten up our budget, but the officials too. They should stop purchasing luxury cars and traveling abroad. Use the money to help the poor," Asni said.
Anita Rachman, Jakarta In a third headline-grabbing protest against Indonesian politicians in five days, a middle-aged man stormed into the House of Representatives in Jakarta on Tuesday to protest against alleged government corruption.
In yet another embarrassing security breach, Hendri, a 49-year- old man from Ogan Ilir district in South Sumatra, entered one of the main entrances to the House building at 12:30 p.m. and began to cry and scream hysterically.
Clutching a raft of documents, Hendri demanded to meet House Speaker Marzuki Ali.
He said that Mawardi Yahya, the head of Ogan Ilir, was yet to pay the bonus salaries for 6,000 teachers in the district ahead of the holy month of Ramadan and alleged that the politician had embezzled the money. He said Rp 18 billion ($2 million) was involved.
Hendri, who heads nongovernmental organization Mandiri (Independence), was then dragged from the building by a number of security officers and taken to a police post.
"I have already been to the Corruption Eradication Commission, but have had no response," he yelled as he was carried out of the building. "I am very disappointed and this is how I show my disappointment. I am angry about this."
Ruslan, a police officer, said Hendri would not be charged with any offense, saying police wished to demonstrate that there were mechanisms for laying complaints. He said he would pass the documents on to lawmakers.
Marzuki, meanwhile, said that Hendri had erred in selecting the House to air his grievances, saying it was the responsibility of other government agencies, not the House. He said the House only had three functions, namely passing legislation, monitoring and budgeting.
People should not place too high expectations on the House, he said. "Not everything can be solved here."
The House is still investigating how a hard-core pornographic Web site was screened across dozens of computer monitors inside the House for as long as 15 minutes on Monday. One theory is that the computer system was hacked in a protest against a proposed ministerial decree blocking pornographic Web sites.
On Friday, legislators and police backed away from pressing charges against veteran actor Pong Harjatmo, who was briefly arrested after he spray-painted the House roof of to protest against legislators who have failed to pass a single piece of legislation since they were elected to office.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh More than 1,000 people gathered on Friday in Pidie Jaya to watch the district's first public canings for violations of Islamic law.
Kuswandi bin Yunus, 35, and Zuraida binti Bagindo Ilyas, 30, each received eight lashes for carrying on an extramarital affair, as a crowd of 1,500 watched outside Pante Geulima Mosque in Meureudu, the district capital.
"Both are married but they still chose to cheat," said Syamsuddin, from the Wilayatul Hisbah, or Shariah Police. He said Kuswandi and Zuraida had violated qanun, or Islamic bylaw, No. 14, passed in 2003, which carries a maximum penalty of nine strokes of the cane and a minimum of three.
Syamsuddin said the crowd jeered as the two walked onto the specially erected stage to receive their punishment.
He said the crowd "waited patiently" to witness the canings, which took place nearly two hours after Friday prayers. "I am assuming that since these were the first [canings] in Pidie Jaya, lots of people wanted to watch," Syamsuddin said.
Three other people were caned for gambling. They were identified as Zulkifli bin Yusuf, 40; Ibrahim bin M Thayeb, 37; and Nasir bin Sarong, 40. Zulkifli received eight lashes of the cane, while the other two received seven strokes each.
All three were found to have violated qanun No. 13, which carries a maximum punishment of 12 strokes of the cane and a minimum of six, Syamsuddin said. He added that another person identified as Abdullah bin M. Thayeh, 35 was supposed to have been caned on Friday.
"There needs to be one more person up here. Abdullah needs to be lashed but he is currently away, in Banda Aceh. When he returns, he will receive his punishment," Syamsuddin said, without elaborating on the reason Abdullah had been sentenced to caning.
In early June, three of 21 men caught gambling were publicly caned in Jantho, Aceh Besar district. The men were identified as lMukhtar Rahmadi, 29, Suherman, 32, and Hasbi bin Acek, 45, all farmers in the district.
The caning, ordered by the Jantho Shariah Court, drew hundreds of onlookers, one of whom shouted, "Good for you!" as Mukhtar received his lashes. Mukhtar was heard replying: "What's so good about that?"
The canings in June were the second time the punishment had been carried out in the deeply Islamic province this year.
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta Indonesia still opens its door to NGOs that want to operate in Papua, as long as they benefit the people without involvement in politics and commercial activities, an official says.
Sunu M. Soemarno, director for Socio-Culture and International Organizations at the Foreign Ministry, said the government through an inter-department meeting including his office, the Social Services Ministry and intelligence bodies, police and the State Secretariat, will decide and review whether NGOs can help build Papua.
He said if the meeting found that NGOs could benefit the province, without embarking on political activities supporting separatism or violating agreements agreed upon beforehand with ministry partners, the government would hand out permits or extend permits to NGOs.
"We have approved the operation of 14 foreign NGOs in Papua while we expand scope of operations for two others based on this criteria."
Following a decision to terminate permits of Cordaid, a Dutch funding organization, to operate in Papua, Sunu said based on input from other departments, the organization had violated its agreement with its government partner, the Social Services Ministry, by being a shareholder of Bank Andara and sponsoring the participation of a community group in the Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID), a forum that supports secessionist movements in southern Thailand, Myanmar, the Philippines and Indonesia.
The government requested Cordaid, which has operated for 30 years in Indonesia, to hand over ongoing projects to its local partners and not expand the scope of the projects or extend deadlines.
"I have met with Cordaid's officials, and we have discussed the matter. They have regretted their mistakes, but said it was a misunderstanding as they did not know the purpose of the dialogue they sponsored.
"From my perspective, they are sincere, and until this incident, they have no record of causing problems. But, we can't cancel the letter (ceasing their permit) as the process is already underway," Sunu said. He added that Cordaid, however, could reapply for the permit, and provide evidence to the Social Services Ministry that the organization had no intention of supporting separatism, and that its operation in Indonesia had provided many benefits to Papuans.
"The Social Services Ministry can take it to the inter-department meeting to be discussed, with opposing parties able to present their argument and new data. Based on this discussion, we can decide whether it can resume its operation."
Cordaid said in its letter to the Social Services Ministry that it never supported separatist activities, while asserting it had gradually relinquished its 10 percent share in Andara.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura The Papua Police were urged Friday to take serious action to solve several fatal shootings, with the latest incident took place in Puncak Jaya regency on Wednesday and killed a civilian.
The call was made by Mathius Murib, a Papuan native member of the National Human Rights Commission and Ruben Magai, a member of the Papua Legislative Council.
They were responding to the fatal shooting of a civilian man at his kiosk in Wuyuneri village in Mulia district in Puncak Jaya regency. The police alleged a group of armed civilians had carried out the crime.
"Since 2004, no one has been arrested or legally processed for shootings in Puncak Jaya," Mathius said in Jayapura, the province's capital, on Friday.
"Every time an incident occurs, the police immediately claim an armed civilian group is responsible. The strange thing is, no legal action is taken after that."
He said such incidents in Puncak Jaya could lead to a situation in which government officials and residents could not live together peacefully.
"Even the Puncak Jaya regent admitted that he didn't feel safe or secure in the regency. And he is a regent who has security personnel protecting him. If he doesn't feel safe, what about the regular residents," Murib said.
Papua's Human Rights Commission, he said, had received information that back in 2004, the average armed civilian group typically possessed about five firearms, but that today that number had gone up to 30 firearms and a much larger quantity of ammunition.
"There's a need to question where those groups are getting their firearms and ammunition," Murib said, without revealing the source of his information.
He said many security personnel had been deployed to Puncak Jaya regency but added that shootings continued to occur there.
"The Human Rights Commission has repeatedly asked the Papua Police, including in writing, to solve these ongoing incidents. But still, no perpetrator has been arrested or legally processed, creating an impression that (the police) are not serious about handling the cases," he said.
Head of the Papua Legislative Council commission in charge of political affairs, Ruben Magai, raised a similar concern. He urged the police to act professionally in investigating shootings.
"Every time there's a shooting, a group is accused but no one is arrested," Ruben said, adding that the presence of security personnel had not decreased the frequency of such incidents.
"An unsafe environment makes people suffer. It means there's no security guarantee for them and it might also slow down development since most of the development funds go to the security budget," Ruben said.
So far this year, four people have been killed in a series of violent incidents in Papua.
The last deadly attack occurred on June 16 when a group of unidentified gunmen killed policeman First Brig. Agus Suhendra during a police stakeout in a forest near Yambi village in Puncak Jaya regency.
The officer was shot in an ambush while searching for perpetrators of a shooting in April in which three people were killed.
Farouk Arnaz & Banjir Ambarita, Papua The National Police have denied allegations that officers disemboweled a Papuan detainee with a bayonet and taunted him, saying his injuries were caused by a gunshot wound sustained during a firefight.
"He was shot in a gun battle because he opted to fight rather than surrender," police spokesman Insp. Gen Edward Aritonang said on Thursday. "He had a homemade rifle that was loaded. Police shot him in the abdomen, which is why the film shows him with his intestines hanging out."
The incident, which happened last year, came to light recently when a video of the dying moments of activist Yawen Wayeni circulated online.
The video shows him lying in a jungle clearing moments after the police's Mobile Brigade, or Brimob, allegedly sliced open his abdomen with a bayonet. Edward also denied allegations that police had failed to get him medical treatment, saying that Wayeni had refused any kind of help.
"He kept shouting out 'Free Papua' and cussing out our officers," he said. "So our officers had to forcibly take him to the nearest hospital, but he died on the way."
Wayeni was reportedly a combat instructor with the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM), which has waged a low-level war for independence since 1965. He had previously been convicted of assault and arson against a military post in Yapen-Serui district. Edward said Wayeni had served only one year of his nine-year sentence before escaping from Serui Penitentiary.
"He was on the list of wanted fugitives in May 2009, prior to his death in August," he added.
The video has garnered the attention of leading rights group Human Rights Watch, based in New York.
"It's equally surreal and horrific watching as the grievously injured Yawen Wayeni answers teasing questions from uniformed Indonesian security forces about his political beliefs," HRW deputy director Phil Robertson told The New York Times.
Edward said the video was recorded as crime scene documentation.
"Our officer recorded it to include in the body of evidence," he said. "But we don't know who uploaded it onto the Internet or why they did it, since this incident occurred a year ago."
Another police spokesman, Sr. Comr. Untung Yoga, said his office's version of events came straight from Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Bekto Suprapto. "So we can't tell you in detail what's going on in the video," he said.
Indria Fernida, from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Wayeni's family had reported the incident to the group, which had for the past year sought justice for his death.
"No officer has been punished for this incident," she said. "We don't believe the story that the wound was inflicted by a bullet."
Meanwhile, police said OPM militants killed one person and injured another in an attack on Wednesday in Puncak Jaya district.
West Papuan activists have voiced disappointment that the issue of West Papua was not brought up at the Forum Leaders Summit in Port Vila.
The new chair of the Pacific Islands Forum, Vanuatus Prime Minister, Edward Natapei, indicated earlier this year he would pursue the issue at the Forum level.
Vanuatu has long supported self-determination efforts for the indigenous people of Indonesias Papua region.
But Mr Natapei says the scuppering of last months planned Melanesian Spearhead Group Plus meeting prevented the topic being raised at the Forum.
"Vanuatu intends to raise this issue at the MSG first before introducing it at the Forum meeting because it has to be taken up at the Melanesian Spearhead Group. There hasn't been any MSG meeting unfortunately, I couldn't introduce this at this meeting at this point in time."
However John Ondawame of the Vanuatu-based West Papua National Coalition for Liberation says the issue of the Pacific regions forgotten people have again been swept under the carpet.
"This is a disappointment for the West Papuan community here in Vanuatu as well as the Vanuatu peoples who [are] strongly to the independence of West Papua and also back West Papua itself."
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Security in Puncak Jaya, Papua, continues to deteriorate with the latest incident on Wednesday resulting in the death of a civilian.
Atril Wahidin was reportedly shot in the head at 6:30 p.m. local time. He died instantly.
Papua police spokesperson Snr. Comr. Wachyono said the victim was inside his kiosk at Wuyuneri village in Mulia district when the gunman came up and shot him.
The perpetrator, part of a group of gunmen, fired another shot that just missed a passing motorcycle taxi driver. The gunmen then engaged in an hour-long shootout with police before fleeing.
Atril's body was taken away by mobile brigade and Puncak Jaya Police officers and later flown to Jayapura before sent home to Padang, West Sumatra.
"When evacuating the victim, the police found a shell of an AK-47 automatic rifle. There were blood splatters and the victim was dead in his chair," Wachyono said.
Atril was a former driver of Aneb Murib, the head of Mewulok district, who was also the target of a shooting. Aneb and his family were traveling to Karubate village when they were assaulted. "There was no fatalities in that incident," Wachyono said.
Atril's shooting has raised fear among Mulia residents. "The armed group has entered the town. It's frightening. The residents are scared of going out at night and prefer to stay at home," Agus, a resident, told The Jakarta Post.
Incidents of violence in Papua do not look to have abated this year, with four people being killed.
The last deadly attack occured on June 16 when a group of unidentified gunmen killed First Brig. Agus Suhendra during a police stakeout in a forest near Yambi village in Puncak Jaya regency. Agus was shot in an ambush when searching for perpetrators of a shooting in April in which three people died.
The gunmen then engaged in an hour-long shootout with police before fleeing.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang confirmed Thursday the video showing a prisoner lying in a jungle with his abdomen sliced open allegedly by a bayonet was intentionally made.
"As a legitimate action, the arrest must be documented," Edward told journalists at the National Police Headquarters in South Jakarta. Edward said he did not know how the video could appear in YouTube and for what motive it was posted.
The prisoner is identified as Yawan Wayeni, a military trainer of Free Papua Organization (OPM) separatist rebel overseeing Yapen regency.
"The man was initially arrested by officers from Papua Police. He was convicted and sentenced to nine years in prison but he fled after serving only the first year in Serui Penitentiary," Edward
However, Edward declined to confirm if the officer used a bayonet to slice Yawan's stomach.
"After fleeing the prison, he was hunted down by the police. When caught, he attacked police officers using a hand-made gun. Police responded and he was shot down.
"He refused to be brought to hospital and instead screamed: 'Freedom Papua! Freedom Papua! Officers admitted him to the hospital but he died on the way," Edward explained.
Yawan was convicted of vandalizing several Indonesian Military (TNI) posts and vehicles, armed robberies and torturing employees of PT Arta Makmur.
The police also found that the bullets in Yawan's gun were of the Indonesian Police and TNI standard. "We are now investigating how he obtained the bullets," Edward said.
Dina Indrasafitri, Jakarta Flexible policy implementation in the field is required to handle tension in Papua, a natural resources-rich province plagued by decades of separatist movement, a former minister says.
Former defense minister Juwono Sudarsono said that a cross- cultural approach should be taken into account in dealing with security problems in the easternmost province.
Papua has again come under international scrutiny after a video showing a Papuan activist lying with a gaping wound on his stomach allegedly inflicted by Mobile Brigade personnel, voicing calls for "Freedom". The activist, identified as Yawan Wayeni, died last year.
"Security officers in the field are frightening that Jakarta would reprimand them. Jakarta should acknowledge that there should be flexibility in the field," Juwono said on the sidelines of a seminar on nationalism.
He added that the problem of "Jakarta versus Papua" was a cultural matter. "There needs to be a dialogue between Jakarta and Papua...[there has to be] a new approach...the Papuans should agree to stop blaming Jakarta and they are also competing with each other," he said.
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta The government must shift its policy approach on Papua away from the welfare model and toward one focused on resolving the political turmoil there, a leading security NGO said on Tuesday.
In its report "Indonesia: The Deepening Impasse," the International Crisis Group said the current paradigm adopted by the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was thwarting efforts to develop the province.
"Any prospect of serious talks is hampered by an unwillingness of Jakarta to treat the problem as essentially a political rather than an economic one," it said.
"To move forward, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono needs personally to take the lead in recognizing that autonomy means more than increased budgetary allocations or accelerated economic development."
The ICG is the latest group to call for an immediate resolution to the unrest in Papua. Last week Yudhoyono demanded an audit of Papua's special autonomous status following mounting complaints that it had failed to make economic improvements after nine years.
"There have been so many letters sent to me, as if Jakarta were neglecting the issue, as if there were not enough funds," Yudhoyono said after receiving reports from his ministers on recent developments
Yudhoyono said that of Indonesia's 33 provinces, Papua received the most money from the state budget, followed by Aceh, another region with broad autonomy and a secessionist history.
Meanwhile, the ICG called for talks between Yudhoyono and Papuan leaders to discuss how political autonomy could be expanded, as well as to address the widely held grievances over discrimination, unfulfilled promises and past human rights injustices.
"The longer Jakarta refuses to discuss them, the stronger the radical voices will become," the ICG report said.
The University of Sydney's Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies recently published a study showing that most Papuans believed the special autonomous status granted in 2001 had failed to bring prosperity and had opened the door to corruption.
It also warned of potential bloodshed, similar to that in East Timor following the 1999 independence referendum there.
Last month thousands of Papuans held a peaceful march in the provincial capital, Jayapura, to demand a referendum of self- determination.
On Friday 50 members of the US Congress signed a petition sent to President Barack Obama, stating there were strong indications that "the Indonesian government has committed genocide against the Papuans."
The members of Congress concluded their petition by encouraging Obama to meet with the so-called Team of 100 from Papua during his upcoming visit to Indonesia, and noted that Obama had the opportunity to bring lasting change to Indonesia.
The team is a group of Papuan tribal elders who in February 1999 met with then-President Habibie in Jakarta to call for secession from Indonesia. That never happened, but in 2001, under the administration of President Abdurrahman Wahid,
Papua was granted special autonomous status with greater power to run its own economy, in a bid by Jakarta to quiet the calls for independence.
Jakarta Ahead of an audit of Papua's special autonomy regional development fund, an NGO has urged the government to recognize that the root of problems causing resentment among Papuans is in fact a political, not an economic issue, an NGO says.
In a report received by The Jakarta Post on Tuesday, the International Crisis Group (ICG) urged the central government to facilitate a dialogue with credible Papuan leaders to discuss, most importantly, non-economic aspects of the "special autonomy" given to the Papuan province in 2001.
The report highlights a huge gulf in perspectives between the government and Papuans on what has gone wrong. This gap can be bridged through a constructive dialogue. "Jakarta sees autonomy largely in terms of giving Papua more money, while Papuans want more authority to make political decisions without constantly being trumped by national laws," Crisis Group senior adviser Sidney Jones says in the release.
The 16-page report warns of the dangers of avoiding a dialogue to address the Papuans' needs to have their political rights acknowledged.
The report also points out that the government has rejected a decision (called SK14), made by the Papuan People's Council (MRP) in November 2009, which requires that all candidates for elected office at a sub-provincial level must be indigenous Papuans.
The Home Ministry said in May that the ruling was discriminatory and in violation of a national laws on local government.
"There was a sense that the effort to protect certain areas of government for Papuans was the essence of what autonomy was supposed to be about. If that protection is denied, what was left?
"It reinforced the conviction of many Papuans that the central government saw special autonomy only in terms of extra money. Jakarta's failure to appreciate the depth of that conviction played directly into radical hands," the group says, adding that discontent and resentment have gone beyond the pro-independence community in the area.
The government had also argued that SK14 was illegitimate because the MRP had no authority to issue "decisions" or anything that had the force of law and that its mandate was supposed to be restricted to cultural, not political affairs.
But putting the MRP's mandate into question soon brought long- standing resentment to the surface.
A number of local activists sensed that the Papuans' support for SK14 could unite them in a way no recent issue had done, the report says. The activists immediately formed the Democracy Forum of the United Papuan People (FORDEM).
"Anger over SK14 had been the original rationale for a consultation, but FORDEM had something much bigger in mind now. In its view, Papuan political unity had steadily declined since its height in 1999-2000. Getting approval for the MRP decision was far too small a goal; achieving Papuan political unity was more important."
Increasing political tension in Papua has stirred the government to take action and study Papuans' demand to "return" its autonomy, and led to Yudhoyono's order to audit the state budget for development in Papua's two provinces.
An audit would be useful, ICG says, "but the issues are not just about money as most Jakarta-based officials seem to assume."
"To move forward, the President needs to explore directly with credible Papuan leaders how political autonomy can be expanded, affirmative action policies strengthened, and fears about migration addressed," ICG's Southeast Asia project director Jim Della-Giacoma says.
"Unless these issues are tackled head on, increased radicalization in Papua is likely."
Robin McDowell, Jakarta The jumpy video shows a prisoner lying in a jungle clearing in eastern Indonesia moments after troops allegedly sliced open his abdomen with a bayonet, sending intestines tumbling from his stomach.
Using the little life he has left in him, Yawen Wayeni lifts his arm into the air, and says weakly, "Freedom! Papua... Freedom!"
At the sound of his muffled voice, gun-toting, uniformed officers resting in the shade approach. "Speak up," one taunts. "What? You all are never going to get freedom."
One year after the activist's death, footage being circulated online is providing a glimpse into the actions of Indonesia's security forces in Papua, where an estimated 100,000 people have been killed since the former Dutch colony was integrated into the country nearly 50 years ago.
A low-level insurgency in the province remains an extremely sensitive issue for the government, which restricts access to foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics, making it difficult to verify claims of abuse. Police have said Wayeni, captured for allegedly vandalizing several of their buildings and vehicles, was shot in the thigh and stomach while resisting arrest and that he died on the way to the hospital.
Harkristuti Harkrisnowo, a director general at Indonesia's Ministry of Law and Human Rights, said Tuesday she was unaware of the video but promised to investigate.
Indonesia has made tremendous strides toward democracy since emerging from decades of dictatorship under Gen. Suharto in 1998. Citizens today can vote directly for president and the country has been praised for reforms that have freed the media and vastly improved human rights.
But government critics in Papua are still given lengthy prison terms for peacefully expressing their views, organizing rallies or simply raising separatist flags. Human rights workers and inmates say many have been tortured in detention, with electric shocks, beatings and cigarette burns.
The central government, which granted Papua special autonomy in 2001, denies such atrocities still take place.
"For all their talk about how things have changed since Suharto's days, this particular murder is just another example reminding us how much remains the same," said Richard Chauvel, a senior lecturer at Victoria University in Australia who has written extensively about Papua.
The video also points to broader feelings that special autonomy which gives Papuans greater control over their budget and economy has done little to address key issues driving attitudes in the province.
Thousands have turned out in the streets in recent months demanding that candidates for elected office at the sub- provincial level be indigenous Papuans, something senior officials in Jakarta flatly rejected as "discriminatory," exacerbating tensions.
Sidney Jones of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank, said government leaders, with few exceptions, "do not understand that the only way to stem an independence movement is through serious attention to political issues.
"At the same time, the Papuans themselves tend to blame Jakarta for everything that has gone wrong, without too much introspection what they themselves could do."
This is a huge gap, she said, that can only be bridged if high- level discussions are held about political issues.
Others believe outside pressure is required. Fifty members of the US Congress signed a letter saying there is a strong indication that the Indonesian government has committed "genocide" against the Papuans and called on President Barack Obama to make it "one of the highest priorities of the administration."
Even so, as part of efforts to shore up influence in the region amid increasing challenges from China, Washington last month lifted a decade-long ban on military assistance to a notoriously violent commando unit, known as Kopassus, which operates in Papua.
The seven-minute video appears to have been made by the Korps Brigade Mobil, or Brimob, the paramilitary police who took part in the arrest. It too has a legacy of abuse in Papua. It's not clear how the clip made its way to the Internet, and few here have seen it.
The troops caught up with Wayeni at his home in the jungle village of Matembu on Aug. 3, 2009.
Wayeni's wife told the Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence that they tied his arms and legs to a log and forced him to chant "Free Papua!" before slicing him in the abdomen with a bayonet. They all but ignored him as he stumbled to the ground, landing in a patch of rough grass and propping his head up on a log.
"Look, he's tired," one officer says as the prisoner's head lolls back, his eyes rolling.
The police ask Wayeni if he is an atheist and call him a "savage," saying his prayers will never be answered. They then ask how, in his condition, he thinks Papua will ever shake free of Indonesian rule.
"It's equally surreal and horrific watching as the grievously injured Yawen Wayeni answers teasing questions from uniformed Indonesia security forces about his political beliefs," said Phil Robertson, a deputy director at the New York-based Human Rights Watch.
Getting medical help, he notes, seems the furthest thing from their minds.
Despite his suffering, however, the dying man refuses to give in. "This land was promised by God to us, the Papuan people," Wayeni says. "God, the suffering of the simple people, there are so many! They are crying, oh God!"
[Associated Press Writer Irwan Firdaus contributed to this report.]
Rebecca Henschke, Jakarta Papua's most well-known pro- independence leader, Filep Karma, is serving 15 years in jail for rebellion. Amnesty International considers him a prisoner of conscience.
In a rare interview with a local radio station, obtained by the BBC, he claimed he had suffered physical and mental abuse while in jail.
Filep Karma led hundreds of Papuan students in cries of "independence!" during a demonstration in the provincial capital in 2004. They then raised the banned Morning Star flag the symbol of free Papua in full view of military policemen.
For this act of defiance he was jailed for 15 years for rebellion. Mr Karma says he was exercising his right to protest. "They terrorised us in a nation that is meant to be a democracy, a nation where freedom of speech is meant to be protected," he said.
Foreign journalists are restricted from reporting in Papua, and the International Committee of the Red Cross was ordered out of the province last year after it visited political prisoners.
In this rare interview conducted by a local radio station without the permission of the authorities, Mr Karma claims to have been regularly abused in jail.
"I have been punched, kicked, pulled. But what hurts more is the mental torture we are subjected to," he said.
"An officer once told me, when you enter here you lose all your rights, including human rights. Your rights are only to breathe and eat. He even went as far as to say that your life is in my hands."
A fellow political prisoner being held in the same jail, Ferdinard Package, says he lost sight in one eye after a beating from one of the prison guards.
The head of the Papuan branch of the Ministry for Law and Human Rights, Nasarudin Bunsan, confirmed the beating took place.
Mr Bunsan said they had a problem with guards who got drunk and then beat the prisoners. He said they were trying to stop the practice and three prison guards were currently facing police charges for abuse.
The government recently pardoned and released one Papuan political prisoner. Karma has been made the same offer as long as he apologises to the state, something he says he will never do.
"I predict by 2020 our people will be completely extinct," he said. "So our people must rise up. We must fight for independence or be destroyed."
Papua is rich in natural resources and is the home of the world's largest gold mine, partly owned by the US company Freeport. Yet Papua remains one of the least developed provinces in Indonesia.
No official decision was made at a special sitting of the upper house of the Papua provincial parliament to formally return special autonomy status to the Indonesian Government in Jakarta.
But an Australia-based human rights advocate, Nick Chesterfield, says the upper house and the Papuan Traditional Council have agreed to call for a Papuan Peoples Congress.
He says the request will be discussed with the Indonesian Government during negotiations about the control of Papua later this month.
"Because Indonesia has disallowed any democratic participation in any shape what-so-ever, the people have not had a chance to actually peacefully express their aspirations and actually get it listened to. Having a Papuan Peoples Congress is actually going to be a very strong exercise in legitimacy of Papuan goals."
Mr Chesterfield says a large group of people gathered in Papua's capital Jayapura in peaceful protest during yesterday's sitting, and says they've decided to call for a referendum if the negotiations fail later this month.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta The prevailing violence being committed by police and military personnel to quell separatist sentiment in resource-rich Papua would cease if the central government was committed to prosecuting those responsible for past human rights abuses, an NGO says.
The statement came on the heels of another show of violence in the restive province.
An anonymously posted video circulating on the Internet shows graphic footage of a Papuan political activist dying in his garden with a gaping wound in his stomach, inflicted by men believed to be personnel of the Papuan Mobile Brigade.
The activist has been identified as Yawan Wayeni, who died in August last year.
The police ambushed him at his farm on Serua Island. A report by the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) says his wife saw the police tie his hands and feet to a log and told him to say "Papuan Freedom" before stabbing him in the stomach.
Kontras coordinator Usman Hamid said on Monday that security forces in the area never used dialogue to deal with unrest.
"Violence has taken root... in [the practices of] the police and military forces in Papua. Impunity is prevalent and law enforcement is dysfunctional," he added.
The central government, he said, needed to look at the issue in its entirety. "Past injustices are the root cause of current injustices. The failure to deliver justice in the past continues [and] results in repetitions because there is no deterrent. It's like sending out the message: 'You can do it again'," he told The Jakarta Post.
Human rights groups have repeatedly reported human rights violations committed by security forces in the province but have been given little attention from law enforcement institutions, including the National Police and the Attorney General's Office.
Human rights group Imparsial said in a report that only one of hundreds of torture cases it had come across from 1998 to 2007 in Papua had been brought to court or investigated by the police.
The one case, a series of police attacks against locals in Abepura in December 2000, ended with the acquittal of two police officers who were implicated.
Imparsial said that in almost all of the cases, "the stigma placed upon the Papuan people of being part of a separatist group is mostly used to justify torture".
No legal process has been undertaken regarding Yawan's case, Usman said. "We have tried talking to the National Police, the local police and lawmakers at the House of Representatives. The police have promised they will investigate but I don't think they will," he added.
He said he was saddened by the central government's lack of attention to the country's easternmost province.
"The regional autonomy law mandates the central government to establish three crucial institutions in Papua a human rights court, a human rights commission and a truth commission. But nine years after the law was passed, we've seen none of them established," he said.
"If the three institutions were in place, there would be historical clarification on past human rights abuses, and there would also be investigations and prosecutions of those responsible," he added.
Fifty members of the United States Congress have called on President Barack Obama to hold Indonesia accountable for what they call slow motion genocide in the Papua region.
They have signed a letter to Mr Obama saying there're strong indications the Indonesian government has committed genocide against Papuans.
The lawmakers say Papua should be one of the President's highest priorities. They have called on him to meet with the people of Papua during his trip to Indonesia in November.
The Congressmen say international agreements require other nations to intervene when genocide is happening
John M. Glionna, Jakarta The video, shot in the jungle of Indonesia's restive Papua province, shows a wounded political activist lying face-up on the ground, surrounded by an armed national police tactical squad.
The captive, Yawan Wayeni, winces in agony, his head propped up on a log. A bloody sarong covers a gaping wound inflicted by the assailants with a bayonet, his intestines bulging from his stomach.
The seven-minute clip, the focal point of a new human rights campaign here, shows the men mocking Wayeni as he lies dying. At one point, Wayeni raises his fist in defiance.
"Papua freedom," he says weakly, his head lolling.
"How are you going to get freedom when you're like this?" one captor taunts Wayeni before he dies.
Since the video was recently posted on the Internet, activists have used it to pressure Indonesia to allow foreign access to the resource-rich province that critics say has long been closed to outsiders.
For nearly half a century, Papuans have waged a little-publicized struggle for independence from Indonesia. Human rights groups estimate that police and military forces have killed tens of thousands of native Papuans since the former Dutch colony, on the west side of the island of New Guinea, was absorbed into Indonesia in 1963.
Activists say elite strike teams, operating with little supervision 3,000 miles from Jakarta, the capital, have for decades run legal and illegal operations such as logging, prostitution and trade in endangered species to turn a profit.
"This video is a window into a very dark place in the world, and should influence the government to lift its ban on outsiders," said Brigham Golden, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations task force focusing on Papua. "Without access, it's brutally difficult to get information out of there; we just don't know."
Security forces operating in the province include special Indonesian police squads and a covert counter-terrorism and intelligence unit called the Indonesian Komando Pasukan Khusus, known as Kopassus.
Despite human rights abuse allegations concerning both units, the Obama administration has decided to resume training with Kopassus troops, whom it considers a key ally in fighting Islamic extremist groups in Indonesia.
The officers who interrogated Wayeni were part of an Indonesian National Police unit called Korps Brigade Mobil, or Brimob, said activists who have viewed the video. Kopassus has also frequently run exercises in Papua, analysts say.
Edward Aritonang, a spokesman for the Indonesian National Police, said officials were aware of the video. "Yes, we know about it," he said, but would not comment further.
The Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs disputed that Papua was closed to outsiders. "People go there, but we have tried to be careful," spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said. "Certain elements in Papua have tried to make use of these visits for their own purposes."
Activists say the only way to enter the province is to pose as a tourist. Journalists and nongovernmental workers caught investigating human rights cases, filming demonstrations or discussing politics in Papua are most often deported, the activists say.
Activists also describe Papua as having an uncontrolled, Wild West air, in which the military freely takes advantage of native Papuans.
"Nobody is going to say no to them," Golden said. "They're free to do what they want." National police and military forces use torture and illegal detention to instill fear and discourage political agitators, the human rights activists say.
"They consider these people separatist rebels and believe any violence is legitimate," said Usman Hamid, chairman of the nonprofit Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence, which investigates military human rights abuses.
"Watch the video of Wayeni's torture. They had no remorse. They not only watched a man slowly die, they taunted him," Hamid said.
Wayeni, a former tribal leader turned farmer, was jailed years ago for an alleged role in an attack on a police station. He escaped in 2007 and was placed on a wanted list.
On Aug. 3, 2009, police moved in on the fugitive at his farm on Serua island. Police say Wayeni drew a homemade firearm. Activists contend that he was unarmed.
The video, filmed by an officer with a cellphone camera, shows Wayeni dying in his own garden, challenging his captors after being bayoneted in the stomach.
"This land was promised by God to us, the Papuan people," he says weakly.
"Wayeni doesn't get it, does he?" one officer says.
"Yes, I know I am a simple man," he responds. "I only have to tend my garden. I don't know anything."
Wayeni cries out: "God, the suffering of the simple people, there are so many! They are crying, oh God!"
A gunman rebuffs him: "God isn't going to answer your prayers. People like you are savages."
Wayeni was eventually taken for medical care, but soon died, police said.
Graphic Internet photographs of an injured Wayeni quickly surfaced, but activists could not corroborate them or pinpoint their circumstances.
In March, when the video was anonymously posted and Papuan investigators confirmed the details of Wayeni's death, activists began circulating the video to Indonesian government officials.
"The response is always positive, but the Indonesian government is still weak; officials don't have the control over military and police," said Calum Hyslop, spokesman for Papua Watch Australia. "The international community needs to support civil control over Papua."
He called the video a warning to the United States about dealing with Kopassus and other elite units.
"The military isn't ready to be treated in a mature way. They haven't reformed when it comes to human rights," he said. "Those losing are indigenous Papuans, some of the most impoverished people in the world."
Others say that Indonesians must also press for change in Papua.
"If the strong voices come only from outside, it reinforces the view that these cries of outrage are merely a hidden agenda to take resource-rich Papua away from Indonesia," said Sidney Jones, senior advisor to the Asia program of the nonprofit International Crisis Group. "There has to be outrage from the Indonesian public to make a real impact."
As Papuans lobby for a national dialogue about the province's self-determination and military human rights abuses there, Hamid says the death of Yawan Wayeni must be part of the discussion.
Hamid wrote letters to government officials and tried to buttonhole politicians, to little avail.
"One member of parliament said he is trying to arrange a public hearing on the matter," he said. "It's a promise; it's good. But so far it hasn't happened."
Jakarta After a decade of implementation, the central government plans to thoroughly evaluate the special autonomy for Papua next year, an official says.
Director of regional administration and special autonomy at the Home Affairs Ministry, Sumarsono, said the central and Papua governments would determine parameters of the review.
"In 2011 we will conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the implementation of Papua's special autonomy which was granted in 2001. The parameters of the evaluation are now being prepared," he told a discussion on special autonomy in Bandung on Saturday
Article 78 of Law No.21/2001 on Special Autonomy for Papua states that implementation of the law shall be evaluated every year, with the first evaluation conducted three years after the inception of the law.
Sumarsono said the government had regularly evaluated the special autonomy through the directorate general of regional financial administration supervision, but the review was limited to physical and financial aspects.
The comprehensive evaluation would cover all fields, including the implementation of regional administration, finance and accountability of performance. It would not only involve the ministry of home affairs but also other ministries, he said.
Under the special autonomy, the central government has poured around Rp 28 trillion into Papua since 2001. Starting from 2009, the special autonomy funds have been split between Papua and West Papua.
The provincial governments receive 40 percent of the funds, with the rest going to regency and municipality administrations across the Papua land.
Jakarta The Indonesian Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) will conduct a joint exercise with its Australian counterpart SAS next month, Kopassus Commander, Maj. Gen. Lodewijk Friedrich Paulus said.
"The exercise will be carried out in Bali in September after Idul Fitri [the Islamic post-fasting holiday], " he told Antara on Thursday.
He said Kopassus' relations with SAS were improving as indicated by the holding of routine joint exercises to improve the two forces' capability and professionalism.
"We have conducted joint exercises routinely in different places, sometimes in Indonesia, other times in Australia. This year it will be held in Bali," he said.
Regarding the upcoming exercise, he said they would focus on anti-terrorism operating capabilities.
Cooperation between Kopassus and SAS was halted in 1999 following a souring in Indonesia-Australia relations over riots in East Timor (now Timor Leste) in the wake of the pro-independence outcome of a UN-sponsored referendum.
The resumption of normal relations between the two forces began after the SAS commander's visit to Indonesia followed by a visit by Australian Army Chief of Staff Lt Gen Peter Leahy in late 2002.
Indonesia-Australia relations improved following the Bali bombings in October 2002 that killed scores of Australian visitors to the island. Kopassus has also routinely carried out exercises with Singapore and Thailand.
Meanwhile Kopassus is re-formulating its joint exercise program with the US, after being halted 11 years ago following accusations of human rights abuses against the Indonesian army in East Timor.
Jakarta Human rights activists are urging the government to revoke existing local administration rulings that have resulted in the sealing of churches and mosques, mainly in Java.
"Neither the police nor the government have taken any concrete actions in response to forced closures, meaning that they have failed to uphold the democratic values that activists and students strove for during the inception of 1998 reform movement," Syafiq Alielha of the '98 Activists Communication Forum said Thursday at the Wahid Institute in Jakarta.
The country is seeing more and more cases in which local administrations, such as in Bekasi and Bogor, unilaterally close down places of worship due to political pressure from Muslim hard-liners, Syafiq said.
A recent report from the Indonesian Communion of Churches shows that more than 10 churches have suspended services due to mob threats and forcible closures this year. Affected church congregation members believe that mobs exploit the absence of building permits to seal off their churches.
Syafiq added that besides the closures of places of worship, the trend of employing violence to suppress the religious freedom of minority groups was escalating in the country.
On July 29, hundreds of protesters from several hard-line Islamic groups, such as the Islam Defenders Front, the Indonesia Mujahidin Council and the Islamic Community Forum, pushed their way into a mosque belonging to Islamic minority sect Ahmadiyah in Kuningan regency, West Java. The encroachment on Ahmadiyah's territory led to rioting that damaged houses and reportedly injured three people.
Recent research from the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace reveals that there were 28 attacks on Christian churches between January and July this year. The number is higher than 2009's year-end total of 18 cases and 2008's 17 attacks.
Syafiq lamented the fact that the country had fallen back on primordial biases, which were exploited during the Soeharto era to pit religions against one another.
"What we dreamed of in 1998-an egalitarian, civilized, and multicultural society-is now sinking into the mire of vigilantism and 'toothless' law," he said.
Another '98 activist, Bona Sigalingging, told The Jakarta Post that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono had to take stern action against vigilante groups, which so far enjoyed immunity from law.
"I don't understand why the Jakarta administration bows to such fundamentalist groups. For instance, the administration's plan to cooperate with the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) to secure the city during the Islamic fasting month, Ramadan, is just unacceptable," he said.
Bona added the plan was a strong indication that the city's law enforcement agencies were incapable of providing security for its citizens.
Edwin Partogi, another '98 activist, who works for the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said the police had their own interests in dealing with hard-line Muslim groups.
"Vigilantism will mushroom if law enforcement is weak," Edwin said. "In the case of our country, it seems that the police use mass organizations, especially those who politicize religious or ethnic symbols, as a buffer against minority groups, such as Ahmadiyah members or so-called communists," he said.
He added that the police sometimes told the public that they had mediated when a conflict between church members and Muslim extremists occurred.
"They just use the term 'peaceful and neutral' mediation as a pretext to escape blame if violence ignites. But they seem unaware that they are law enforcement officers who have the capacity to bring human rights violators to justice," Edwin added. (tsy)
Jakarta More than 150 lawyers, activists and public investigators have formed the Public Interest Lawyer Network (PIL-Net) aimed at providing free services to marginalized people. The new organization is backed by several human rights NGOs, such as Elsam, Huma and Sawit Watch.
"We are here to assist those who are currently in battle with the state or big business entities and feel that they receive no fair treatment," PIL-Net board member Indriaswari Saptaningrum told a press conference Thursday.
PIL-Net secretary Wahyu Wagiman said that the network would focus more on providing free service in the regions, which often witnessed conflict between locals, state officials and big companies.
"We will immediately release the names of our public lawyers so that the people who need our services can contact us," he said.
The joint secretariat will be temporarily housed at Elsam headquarters, in Pasar Minggu, South Jakarta.
Jakarta Children's rights activists are pushing for the passage of the juvenile criminal justice system bill that aims to provide more protection for and guarantee the rights of juvenile delinquents in the country.
The bill has been shelved pending further evaluation of the Justice and Human Rights Ministry. The ministry's Director General for Human Rights, Harkristuti Krisnowo, told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday that the ministry targeted to submit the bill to legislators this month.
"We have finished the evaluation process. However, the bill is required to go through an administration process before it is turned in to the minister and later to the President," she said, adding the bill would be forwarded to legislators once the procedure above was completed.
The activists have demanded the bill be brought into deliberation next year.
"The current 1997 Juvenile Justice Law has failed to accommodate alternatives to incarceration for youth committing petty crimes. In addition, we want to raise the age limit of criminal prosecution for juveniles from eight to 12," Edy Ikhsan, head of the executive committee for the National Network for Protection of Children in Conflict with the Law, told the Post.
The network recorded that there were more than 3,000 children who were in conflict with the law in five large cities Surabaya, Banda Aceh, Bandung, Medan, and Jakarta in 2009.
The ministry also revealed that about 6,300 young offenders were either incarcerated or litigated last year. The bill, drafted by NGOs, academics and the government, will also include "a diversion program" to channel youth offenders aged 12 and under out of the country's inadequate juvenile justice system.
Edy explained the diversion program was linked to the concept of restorative justice, under which young offenders were required to meet their victims through mediation, and family-group or community conferencing, to reach a peaceful resolution.
"However, if delinquents are more than 12 years old, the investigators must determine the degree of crime they committed."
He added that if young offenders were charged with a crime that carried a prison term of less than seven years, they would still qualify for the diversion program. Otherwise, they will be processed under the new juvenile justice system that provides greater protection for children and youths.
Edy said there were only 13 poorly maintained juvenile detention centers across the country, which are also often used to accommodate an overflow from local jails, meaning juvenile convicts are exposed to abuse by adult criminals. For instance, the Tanjung Agusta juvenile hall in Medan, North Sumatra, supposed to house no more than 250 juveniles, is holding about 600 convicts of all ages. Another report from the network reveals that the Suka Miskin juvenile hall in Bandung, West Java, places between six to eight youth offenders in a 2.5 x 4 meter prison cell, supposed to accommodate only two juvenile inmates.
Bill drafter Agustinus Pohan, also a law professor at the Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung, said there should be a massive overhaul of such detention centers. "The rehabilitation of children and youth offenders have to focus on education because putting them in prison will only do more harm than good."
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono vowed to implement a new social services system to support the vulnerable, including children having problems with the law. Separately, Tjatur Sapto Edy, a legislator from the House of Representatives' Commission III on legal affairs, said supported efforts to improve the country's juvenile justice system.
"Children can't be treated the same way as adults before the law. I went to a juvenile hall recently and met a 9-year-old who had been convicted of stealing a 3 kg gas canister. He is now serving a 14-month prison term. It just doesn't make any sense," he said. (tsy)
Jakarta Indonesia is letting radical Islamists trample the constitutional rights of minorities, leading to inter-communal violence, Human Rights Watch said on Tuesday.
The New York-based watchdog called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to repeal laws that it says have given extremists from the dominant religious group the legal space to launch violent attacks on people of other faiths and sects.
"When the Indonesian authorities sacrifice the rights of religious minorities to appease hard-line Islamist groups this simply causes more violence," the group's Asia director, Elaine Pearson, said in a statement.
Hundreds of Muslim extremists tried to attack a mosque belonging to the minority Ahmadiyah Islamic sect in Kuningan district of West Java province last week, resulting in clashes with police and the sect's followers.
A government decree adopted in 2008 under pressure from Islamic conservatives bans the sect from spreading its faith, which includes the belief that its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was the final Muslim prophet.
Orthodox Islam holds that Mohammed was the final prophet, leaving the Ahmadis open to charges of heresy and blasphemy which is punishable by up to five years in jail under a controversial 1965 law.
HRW called on the government to rescind such laws and said the failure of the police to arrest a single extremist over repeated attacks on the Ahmadis would only encourage more violence.
"While the police rightly stopped mobs from entering the mosque, their failure to arrest a single person will only embolden these groups to use violence again," Pearson said.
Indonesia's constitution explicitly guarantees freedom of religion and the country of some 240 million people, 80 percent of whom are Muslim, has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
There have been growing calls for Yudhoyono to act against Islamic extremists who regularly attack civil society groups as well as minorities including Christians, "communists" and transvestites.
Yemris Fointuna, Kupang The police have named the head of a community health center in North Rahong district in Manggarai regency, East Nusa Tenggara, a suspect allegedly responsible for violence against three journalists.
The police also questioned several officials involved in the case as witnesses.
Manggarai Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Hambali said Wednesday the community health center's head, Albertus Wili Dugis, was named suspect after the police found he was involved in the abuse. "We are currently questioning other officials," he said.
Dozens of journalists from the Alliance of Manggarai Journalists have called the police to thoroughly investigate the case.
Their demand was made when alliance members visited the Manggarai legislative council to ask for political support in ensuring a legal process for the case.
Alliance coordinator Kanis Lina Bana said abuse of the three journalists by the center's head, along with other medical workers, were serious acts, obstructing them from practicing journalism.
"We demand the Manggarai Police immediately detain and legally process those responsible for the attack," he said.
"We want the Manggarai legislative council members to take stern action and push for the regent to follow up the case and punish civil servants involved in the case."
Employees of Wango community health center were infuriated by a report that made local headlines alleging they had been failing to attend work, putting people's lives at risk.
In the incident, the three journalists Ferdi Ambo, state-run station TVRI contributor, Melki Pantur from the Suara Flores weekly and Maksi M.D. from Sukses Indonesia tabloid suffered serious facial injuries in the attack and were taken to RSUD Ruteng Hospital.
Melki was reported to have suffered injuries to his head and ear. Two others suffered facial injuries and breathing problems after they were kicked.
Melki said they went to the community health center to follow up reports that patients there had to pay illegal fees and that many of the centers employees had not shown up for work.
"We came to confirm the information with the center's officials," he said. The center's chief, he said, requested an assignment letter for the interview and rejected their ID cards.
"The center's chief became emotional, uttering harsh words. Soon, employees rushed in and beat us up. We couldn't fight back. We were outnumbered," Melki said.
The mob, he said, punched, kicked and attempted to strangle them, as well as smash their cameras and tear apart their ID cards.
"We fled to safety with ojek [motorcycle taxi] and reported the case to the police before receiving medical treatment at hospital," said Ferdi.
The case was the second in East Nusa Tenggara this year after earlier, four journalists, including Timor Express reporter Linda Makandolu, were terrorized when covering a graft trial in Soe Court in South Timor Tengah late June.
Nethy Dharma Somba and Yemris Fointuna, Jayapura, Kupang Papuan journalists called on police Tuesday to thoroughly investigate acts of intimidation and violence against them, believed to be part of a campaign by candidates eliminated from the upcoming regional elections in Merauke.
Spokesman of the Papuan Journalist's Community, Eveerth Joumilena, said in Jayapura on Tuesday acts of terror threatened the country's press freedom.
"These acts of violence should be thoroughly investigated to ensure Papuan journalists can work free of threats made by those who do not want democracy to flourish in the province," he said.
The police, he said, suspected the acts of violence committed in Merauke had been conducted by the campaign team of a losing ticket. If this is the case, Eveerth added, the case needed to be solved to discourage similar crimes being committed in other regional elections.
In Merauke, the police are currently investigating the death of Merauke TV journalist Ardiansyah Martais and death threats against another journalist, Lala Fakaubun. Merauke Police have also questioned three other journalists, who claim to have also received threats against their lives.
Papua Police deputy chief, Brig. Gen. Arie Sulistyo met with the Alliance of Independent Journalists and Jayapura journalists on Tuesday and said the police had deployed antiterror squad Densus 88 and enlisted the help of IT experts to trace cell phones used to send the threats.
The police, he said, were also waiting for the results of Ardiansyah's autopsy. The Press Council has warned that violence and threats against journalists in different regions are a real threat against Indonesia's press freedoms.
Chief of the council's commission on the enforcement of press ethics, Agus Sudibyo, urged President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to pay attention to the case, saying the state has an obligation to ensure press freedoms in the country.
Separately, in Manggarai regency, East Nusa Tenggara, three journalists were reportedly beaten by dozens of employees of Beo Kina community health center in Tenggara Timur district.
The health center employees were infuriated by a report that made local headlines alleging that they had been failing to show up to work, putting people's lives at risk.
Chief of Manggarai Police, Adj. Sr. Comr. Hambali, said Tuesday the police were still investigating.
The three journalists Ferdi Ambo, contributor for state run station TVRI, Melki Pantur from the Suara Flores weekly and Maksi M.D. from Sukses Indonesia tabloid all suffered serious injuries in the attack.
It is the second case of restriction of press freedoms in East Nusa Tenggara this year after four journalists were in June threatened while covering a graft trial in Soe Court in Timor Tengah Selatan.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Tensions are high ahead of the Merauke regional election in Papua province, with the police currently investigating the death of a TV journalist and death threats against another journalist.
On Friday, Ardyansah, a journalist with local channel Merauke TV was found dead on Friday. Ardyansah's body was found naked, handcuffed and floating in Gudang Arang River in the regency. He was apparently tortured.
In the latest case, a journalist from Bintang Papua daily, Lala, claimed she had received death threats in the past week.
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr Wachyono said counterterrorism squad Densus 88 had been deployed to Merauke to investigate the incidents.
"Preliminary investigations show these incidents could be the work of supporters of disqualified candidates in the elections. But we need solid evidence before we make any arrests," he said Monday.
Lala said she had been receiving the messages since last week.
"You coward reporters, don't play with fire lest you get burned. If you still want to earn a living here, don't do anything weird. We're taking numbers so get ready to be wiped out. The war drums are ready. We will wipe you out one by one. Merauke is ready to run with blood," one text said.
Lala said she tried to call the number but got no response. "This is strange, I don't know why I'm being threatened," she told The Jakarta Post.
She reported the threats to Merauke Police. The threats stopped, but were soon back in the form of a warning letter placed on her front porch written in what could have been blood.
"Bear in mind that we are serious with our threats. We know that police are searching for the perpetrator. Sorry, we are not careless. You're dead," the letter read.
Lala, who is currently in police protection, said she was not afraid as she did not write anything controversial.
With regards to the Ardyansah case, Wachyono said police were currently investigating his death. Ardiansyah formerly worked for ANTV and local tabloid Jubi.
Wachyono said the body was in a bad state and that officers had to tie his hands to straighten them so the body could be easily placed inside a body bag.
He said the victim had a medical history of depression and was once treated at a mental hospital. "We're waiting for the autopsy result," he said without specifying whether the two cases were related.
Jojo, chief editor of local daily Koran Rajawali, told Antara news agency earlier that journalists in the regency had received death threats via text message related to their coverage of the upcoming regional election, scheduled for Aug. 9.
"The senders say they would kill the journalists and that the victims could not seek protection from the military or police. Some of the journalists have reported the threats to the police," Jojo said.
The secretary of the Papua branch of the Indonesian Journalists' Association (PWI), Leo Siahaan, said he beleived Ardiansyah's death was not related to his reports.
Banjir Ambarita, Ismira Lutfia & Antara, Merauke, Papua Police in Merauke, Papua, have tightened security for a journalist who received a death threat just a day after another reporter was found dead. Both had been covering the upcoming district election.
Lala, from the Papua Daily Star newspaper, reportedly found a bloodstained letter on her porch after returning home from evening prayers on Saturday, said Amri, her editor.
The letter read: "Remember, we're not playing around with our threats. We know that the police are looking for the perpetrators. Sorry, we're not dawdling. You die!"
Amri said Lala then reported the incident to police, who took her into protective custody in preparation for sending her to the provincial capital, Jayapura, "as she's still gripped by fear."
However, no seats were available on any Sunday flights, and Lala remains in protective custody in Merauke.
The threat comes after Friday's discovery of the body of Ardiansyah Matra'is, a journalist for Merauke TV, who was found in the Gudang Arang River in Merauke two days after he had been reported missing.
Ardiansyah worked as a stringer for national broadcaster ANTV and as a reporter for Papua's Rajawali daily before joining Merauke TV.
The cause of death has not been determined because his family was reluctant to give permission for an autopsy, Merauke Police Chief Adj. Comr. Joko Prihadi said.
Rajawali editor-in-chief Jojo said journalists in Merauke had recently received a barrage of threats, likely linked to the election for district head on Aug. 8.
He said one text message read: "To cowardly journalists, never play with fire if you don't want to be burned. If you still want to make a living on this land, don't do weird things. We have data on all of you and be prepared for death."
Victor Mambor, chairman of the Papua chapter of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said the perpetrators seemed to be savvy enough to keep changing the way they sent their messages so that police could not easily trace them.
"If the situation remains like this until the regional elections, then no journalist will feel safe enough to stay on and report on the elections. This would definitely be a blow to the democratization process here."
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Wahyono said the police were taking the reports from the targeted journalists "very seriously," and were offering round-the-clock protection for individuals deemed most at risk.
"The press is our partner, so we want to see this case resolved," he said. He declined to confirm whether the threats were linked to the upcoming polls, saying only that an "intensive investigation in that direction" was underway.
AJI advocacy coordinator Margiono called on the police to thoroughly investigate the threats. "We hope the police will abide by their promise to resolve the case and protect our colleagues in Papua," he told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday.
Press Council member Agus Sudibyo called the spate of threats and intimidation regrettable. "This has become a serious problem for press freedom in Indonesia since it's happened several times now this year," he said.
Armando Siahaan, Indonesia The Democratic Party has experienced a resurgence in provincial elections that have traditionally been won by more established parties, but needs to do more at district and municipal levels, analysts said on Wednesday.
The party's candidates won three of seven gubernatorial elections held in 2010, all of them coming after Anas Urbaningrum was named the ruling party's new chairman in May.
"After Anas was elected, the Democrats' winning percentage in regional elections went up significantly," said political analyst Burhanuddin Muhtadi of the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI).
Under Anas's leadership, Burhanuddin went on, the party had undergone considerable internal consolidations, aimed in part at performing well in regional elections, which are often won by candidates backed by Golkar or the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Anas has reportedly set a target of backing candidates to win 50 percent of all regional elections this year, from mayor to district head to governor.
The party's most recent gubernatorial win comes from Tuesday's election in North Sulawesi, where Democrat-backed Sinyo Harry Sarundajang, the incumbent, is on course for victory, according to official estimates.
The party also backed the incumbent in the Bengkulu election, Agusrin Maryono Najamuddin, who went on to win the July 3 poll. In Jambi, meanwhile, the Democrats backed challenger Hasan Basri Agus, who won the June 19 election there.
Burhanuddin said the party's new tack was apparent in how it persuaded Sinyo to cross over from the PDI-P by offering him a seat on its advisory board.
At the district and municipal level, however, the party is not as well entrenched among voters as Golkar and the PDI-P, with the latter two accounting for four-fifths of all election wins at this level, the LSI says.
"The Democrats' victory in the 2009 legislative elections isn't reflected at the regional level," Burhanuddin said.
Another analyst said the party's recent gubernatorial wins were just a flash in the pan. "They don't necessarily mean that the Democrats' task of enhancing their political infrastructure and network is over," said Arya Fernandes, a political analyst from Charta Politika.
He said the party's 2009 victory at the national level was largely due to its association with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who chairs its advisory board. The real gap between the party's popularity and that of Yudhoyono is very distinct, Arya went on, as reflected in the regional elections.
He pointed out that in East Java, the country's most populous province, the Democrats won just one out of 15 district elections held there this year.
However, both analysts said the party was moving in the right direction under Anas's leadership toward rectifying that deficit.
"The Democrats hadn't won a single gubernatorial election before Anas was elected chairman in May," Burhanuddin pointed out, adding that the party needed to win as many local elections as it could to shore up support ahead of the 2014 general elections.
Arya said that regional heads were public figures with high exposure and electability among regional voters, and thus were viewed as key assets by political parties. He added many were also fairly wealthy, which made them even more desirable for parties seeking greater funding.
For the Democrats in particular, Arya said, having the backing of such highly placed public figures was crucial because Yudhoyono would be out of the picture by 2014 after having served two terms as president.
Despite their efforts, the Democrats are likely to fall behind again in this respect to Golkar, Burhanuddin said, but could in four years surpass them if they could sustain the current rate of wins. As for the PDI-P, he went on, they were a waning force whose circle of influence had shrunk.
Jakarta Crescent Star Party chairman Malam Sambat Kaban on Thursday announced the direction the party will take to increase its share of seats in the 2014 general election.
"I hereby announce the Crescent Star Party (PBB) to be an Islamic freedom party," Kaban said. The new stance, he continued, was adopted in response to the country's divergence away from "the aspiration of freedoms prescribed in the 1945 Constitution".
"One of our concerns relates to our economic condition that has become increasingly ensnared in economic liberalism and capitalism, increasing the social and economic gap," he said.
He added that police and prosecutors acted on the basis of personal interest instead of on the principles of justice, fettering the country's law enforcement efforts.
"Law enforcement is not oriented toward the truth anymore but to whoever can afford to pay for it. This is one public secret that can no longer be ignored," he said.
According to him, the parliamentary threshold should not be increased in the next elections since the current 2.5 percent was already hard to fulfill. Increasing it, he added, would mean killing off smaller parties, "smothering" democracy.
"The law on elections must be tidied up," he said, adding that election laws should not be changed every time elections approached.
The party obtained only 1.9 percent of the popular vote in 2009, barring it from any seats at the House of Representatives.
A discourse on doubling the parliamentary threshold to 5 percent in the 2014 elections in the revised election law is strengthening. The main argument for the increase is to simplify the number of political parties for better democratic quality and government effectiveness.
Kaban added that the party would continue approaching other parties ahead of the 2014 parliamentary elections.
"We have built an alliance with the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and other parties including the United Regional Party (PPD), the Ulema National Awakening Party (PKNU) and the National Labor Party (PNB)," he said.
Syamsuddin Haris, a political expert from the Indonesian Sciences Institute, said the party would continue to face difficulties meeting the parliamentary threshold given that those who won faced troubles keeping their seats.
"The change in platform is simply a political ruse that won't be of any use since it is only on paper without any real implementation," he told The Jakarta Post.
Increasing the parliamentary threshold would be beneficial as it would cut the number of parties at the House, he added. "Four or five parties is good," he said. "There's no harm in having a dominant party." (gzl)
Amir Tejo, Surabaya Low turnout marked Sunday's re-vote for the mayor of Surabaya, with many citizens protesting the Constitutional Court for ordering another vote.
Re-votes were ordered in five subdistricts and two villages following complaints by losing candidate and current Deputy Mayor Arif Afandi of several violations of election policies, including candidates campaigning outside the designated period, the involvement of state officials in the incumbent's campaign, the failure by the East Java General Elections Commission (KPUD) to send invitations to registered voters, vote buying and dubious ballot counts.
The KPUD previously named Tri Rismaharini the winner of the June 2 poll. Her running mate is the current mayor, Bambang Dwi Hartono, who is prohibited by term limits from seeking a third stint in office.
The official count from the June poll gave Rismaharini, backed by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), 38 percent of the vote. Arif, backed by the Democrats and the Golkar Party, got 35 percent. None of the three other candidates won more than 15 percent.
Officials manning most of the polling stations for Sunday's re- voting said turnout was less than half of that of the initial election.
Dwi Novianto, a polling official in Wonokusumo village, Semampir subdistrict, said only 172 of 571 registered voters there showed up, down from 320 on June 2.
She said this was likely in protest at the need to vote again in an election that they felt did not affect them. "A lot of people here complain that no matter how they vote, there's no improvement to their lives or their communities," Dwi said.
The results of the re-votes are expected later this week.
Meanwhile, at a polling station in Rungkut subdistrict, officials wore robes to protest the Constitutional Court's ruling.
"It's a sort of insult against the authorities, who we see as incompetent for failing to execute this election properly on June 2," local polling official Muhammad Yusuf said.
Despite the low turnout, the re-votes in the subdistricts of Bulak, Krembangan, Rungkut, Sukolilo and Semampir, and the villages of Putat Jaya in Sawahan and Wiyung in Wiyung subdistrict proceeded largely without incident.
However, on Saturday night, Rismaharini's campaign team claimed to have seen several people handing out leaflets of a rival candidate with Rp 100,000 ($11) notes hidden inside them.
Though they declined to say which candidate the leaflets promoted, the team accused the candidate of vote-buying.
However, the local poll monitoring body said it was premature to level such accusations.
"We need to look into the incident and get the parties involved to clarify," said Wahyu Hariyadi of the Surabaya Elections Supervisory Board (Bawaslu). "We're not going to jump to conclusions until we hear the explanations."
Jakarta The proliferation of social media such as Facebook, Twitter and blogs, is facilitating Internet activism capable of influencing political decision-making in the country.
"We cannot overlook or ignore the role of social media in galvanizing political support for suppressed groups," noted blogger Enda Nasution said at a discussion held by the Alliance of Independent Journalists in Jakarta on Wednesday.
She said the online social and political movement had been on the rise in the country even before 2009.
Indonesia's Facebook users numbered 14 million in 2009, placing the country fourth after the US, the UK and Turkey, for the largest number of Facebook users.
Enda cited an online campaign against the development of a shopping mall and high-rise apartments in Babakan Siliwangi city park in Bandung, West Java, in 2008, as an embryonic example of online activism in the country.
As a consequence, the plan to convert the city park into a commercial center has been stalled, as many online activists have signed petitions and demanded the Bandung municipal administration cancel the project on the basis of environmental considerations.
"Since then, such movements have garnered positive responses from society at large. In the same year, Coin a Chance!, a Jakarta- based online drive to help low-income children get back to school, was created," Enda said.
Coin a Chance! asks cyber users to donate their spare change to children in need. The organization, which now has a number of branches spread out as far as Europe, has so far collected more than Rp 26 million (US$3,000) in donations.
According to Enda, the Internet has become fertile ground for activists to push forward their political agendas, as the country is seeing a rapid rise in the number of Internet users, from 27 million in 2008 to 31 million in 2009.
By 2012, the country is expected to welcome 60 million more users from desktop and mobile platforms.
Enda continued that online activists needed to gain the right momentum, as well as recognize their limits when it came to starting activism online. For instance, the growing popularity of Facebook and Twitter in past years was leveraged by online social and political movements, such as Coins for Prita, a group that formed in December 2009 to raise money for Prita Mulyasari.
Prita was imprisoned and fined Rp 204 million by a civil court for allegedly defaming an international hospital following her complaint of poor medical services through email.
Cherian George, a professor of journalism at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, said journalists working for mainstream media, such as newspapers and television, were responsible for educating citizens about such online movements.
"As journalists, they have to inform citizens about such mass [online] movements, including the people behind them," he said.
He added that ultimately, political players would have to act in the offline world to have any impact, especially if the government began to curtail or censor online political activities.
"Increasingly, those pushing for more liberty online must contend with competing values, especially order and morality." (tsy)
Dian Trisnanti, Jakarta Under the theme "Unite against capitalism and the regime that supports it, build a united national labour movement that is progressive, militant, democratic and independent", on July 9, 76 labour union representatives from around the country gathered in the Jakarta satellite city of Bogor for a three-day congress to establish a new union federation, the Indonesian Labour Movement Union (PPBI).
Attending were representatives from the North Sumatra Trade Union of Struggle from Medan, the Mining Trade Union Workers Challenge from Sanga-Sanga in East Kalimantan, the North Palu Labour Forum from Central Sulawesi, the Cross-Factory Labour Forum (FBLP) from North Jakarta, the Solidarity Alliance for Labour Struggle (GSPB) from the West Java city of Bekasi, the Politics for the Poor- Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle (FNPBI-PRM) from Jombang and Mojokerto, East Java, the Independent Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle (FNPBI-Independent) from Surabaya and Madura, East Java, GSPB BPT Mikro from Majalaya, West Java, the Garuda Trade Union (SBG) from Sumedang, West Java and representatives from Yogyakarta currently in the process of building local trade union groups.
Also present were observers from the Political Committee of the Poor-People's Democratic Party (KPRM-PRD), the Political Union of the Poor (PPRM), the Student Struggle Centre for National Liberation (Pembebasan, formerly LMND-PRM) and the Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women) National Network (JNPM), as well as individual trade union activists.
Following the congress opening and speeches by organisational representatives, the congress's first plenary session, on the national and international situation, was chaired by Bangun from the SBG. Presentations were given by KP-PPBI general chairperson Ata Bin Udi and Budi Wardoyo, a member of the PPRM National Executive Committee and deputy chairperson of the GSPB. Both presentations outlined capitalism's shameful exploitation of the Indonesian people's wealth through low wages and poor working conditions.
Ata outlined how the regime of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono serves the interests of capital, and none of the government's policies side with the interests of working people. The government and its political allies sell off the country's wealth and leave the people to be exploited. Ata noted that this is happening not only in Indonesia but also in other capitalist countries, with the crisis having a huge impact through growing unemployment. The people of these countries are also fighting back, in Greece, the US, Britain, France and China, and in almost all parts of the world.
Budi Wardoyo added that although there has been resistance in every corner of the country, this has been largely unsuccessful due to the lack of unity between the movements.
In the discussion that followed, the problems facing women workers were raised, with participants saying these cannot be separated from the broader issue of women's liberation. Women workers are oppressed by both the patriarchal culture and capitalism, which takes advantage of patriarchal culture to exploit women. Women receive lower wages than men and suffer sexual harassment in the workplace. The low level of feminist consciousness in trade unions restricts women workers' participation and is the reason that women's interests are not accommodated. Women workers also find it hard to organise because they carry the extra burden as unpaid domestic workers. This is why women hold few leadership positions although they are the majority of trade union members.
Also raised were the threats facing Indonesia's national industry and workers being unwilling to join unions because they do not trust the pro-employer "yellow" unions. The session ended with the conclusion that the Yudhoyono government consistently bows to the interests of capital and Indonesian workers cannot depend upon it for change.
The evening session was devoted to a discussion on program and strategy, beginning with the organisational program. "Our principal program is to create a society that is just, equal, prosperous and modern, and in order to realise this we must replace the powers that be. Such a society is a representation of the socialist system. Socialism is the only solution to the problems facing the ordinary people", said the first speaker, Dian Trisnanti, adding that realising socialism requires replacing those in power.
This sparked a lively debate, with speakers from the floor agreeing that although the current regime cannot be trusted and must be overthrown, due to the limited strength of the labour movement it would be better to prioritise day-to-day problems faced by workers. Others said that, while workers can take up immediate demands, they should not abandon the main program of overthrowing the regime.
Trisnanti responded by explaining that workers should struggle with the perspective of replacing those in power and building socialism, because it is only with workers and people's power that such change can come about. Without such a perspective, workers will restrict their struggle simply to fighting for decent wages and workers' rights.
Wardoyo, the second speaker, agreed, saying that in addition to the main program there were other strategic programs such as building national industry, which would be funded primarily by abolishing the foreign debt, seizing the assets of corrupters, and a progressive taxation system. The more immediate program to overcome the destruction of the country's productive forces would include decent wages, free education and health care, the repeal of the labour law, the abolition of contract labour and outsourcing, the investigation of cases of sexual harassment against women workers and subsidies for ordinary people. The discussion continued to the following day.
The July 10 afternoon session was devoted to strategy and tactics. Wardoyo explained that uniting and broadening the KP- PPBI's organisational structure should start from factory unity in one company, unity based on sectors of production, regional unity and political unity with women workers. External unity is political unity based on struggles of other workers. In order to broaden this reach, the regions must aim for a geo-political reach.
Questions were raised by several participants, a woman worker from Medan asked how they can win a particular struggle, explaining that after 12 months of fighting against their company over arbitrary mass sackings they were still unable to win. "Unity", replied Wardoyo. A struggle in only one factory is futile. A local struggle just in Medan will not bear fruit. The struggle must unite with other factories, if necessary throughout Indonesia.
Trisnanti gave the example of 2006 in Jakarta, when hundreds of unions occupied the Department of Labour and Transmigration until employers gave in and accepted the workers' demands. Factories that had closed and dismissed workers were forced to reopen.
Jumisih, a woman worker activist from FBLP in North Jakarta, related their experience of building local unity. "We worked on building unity, distributing leaflets, we even succeeded in leading this local unity. The one deficiency was that we always failed to accommodate [all the workers], mostly because the majority of workers in the area had already joined yellow trade unions."
Wardoyo responded by saying that we must continue to campaign against yellow unions, providing evidence of how they sell workers out, showing that we consistently defend workers' interests. It is not impossible to win workers from the yellow unions if we understand and are aware that unity between workers is important, including in local disputes.
After 12 hours of discussion, at 9pm participants moved on to the organisational session. After the submission of several proposals, it was decided to call the new organisation the Indonesian Labour Movement Union or PPBI, which would be a federation without eliminating the original organisations. The congress will be the highest body, followed by a national presidium made up of representatives from each labour organisation. Below this would be a national leadership board and regional presidiums of trade union representatives.
The PPBI's principle would be popular social democracy with two slogans of struggle: "Unite, take power, build national industry under people's control", and "Abandon the fake trade unions and build a united labour movement that is progressive, militant, democratic and independent".
On the final day the congress elected the PPBI's first national leadership board: general chairperson Ata Bin Udi, general secretary Budi Wardoyo, education and propaganda department head Dian Septi Trisnanti, advocacy department coordinator Sulaeman and staff member Hari, women's equality department coordinator Jumisih and staff member Sanik, and secretarial and finance department head Ikin Proletariat.
The congress was the result of an ongoing consolidation by left- wing activists expelled from the People's Democratic Party (PRD) in 2007, who went on to form the Political Committee of the Poor-People's Democratic Party (KPRM-PRD).
In November 2008 former members of the PRD women's organisation held a congress to re-establish the Perempuan Mahardhika National Network. A meeting earlier in the year in Bandung agreed to establish the Indonesian Labour Movement Union Preparatory Committee (KP-PPBI), a precursor to the PPBI. In March youth activists from Politics of the Poor-National Student League for Democracy held a congress in Yogyakarta to establish a new national student organisation, the Student Struggle Centre for National Liberation (Pembebasan, Liberation).
Alfian and Panca Nugraha, Jakarta, Mataram Workers at PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara (PT NNT), a subsidiary of US mining giant Newmont Mining Corporation and the operator of the Batu Hijau copper and gold mine in West Sumbawa, ended their strike Friday after the company offered to pay out bonuses earlier.
The workers initially planned to hold the strike until Tuesday next week, but the company announced Friday that the workers had agreed to end the action.
"We appreciate that the discussions between management and the unions were conducted in good faith to end the dispute and provide a path forward to resolve the outstanding overtime issue," NNT operations general manager Darren Hall said in a press statement published Friday.
NNT public affairs manager Kasan Mulyono said the workers had returned to work on Friday afternoon. "Operations at Batu Hijau have returned to normal," he said.
The workers started their strike on Monday, in which NNT estimates that between 300 and 400 workers took part. Unions, however, claim the participants of about 3,000 workers. The workers held the strike to push the company to pay overtime wages.
In early July, the West Nusa Tenggara provincial office of the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry ordered NNT to pay Rp 126 billion (US$13.8 million) in overtime wages some of which was outstanding since June 2008 to 1,919 employees. NNT said it was still seeking legal clarification regarding the issue.
The overtime wage dispute has not been resolved although the strike has ended. However, the company's decision to pay out additional and early bonuses seems to have calmed workers enough to get back to work.
Kasan said the company would provide workers with "appreciation funds" of up to twice their August basic salary. In addition, he said, the company would also pay them so-called "copper bonuses", also up to twice their basic salary in August.
Kasan said the copper bonuses were paid out twice a year. The bonuses to be paid in August were supposed to have been paid out in January next year. "This reflects the company's good intentions and will apply to all workers," he said.
However, the bonuses are unrelated to the disputed overtime wages. NNT is sticking with its initial stance, saying it wants to refer the case to the West Nusa Tenggara provincial office of the Manpower and Industrial Relations Court. "Both parties remain committed to following the legal process to obtain a final and binding legal decision regarding the overtime issue," Hall said.
Newmont Indonesia Limited, Newmont's unit for operations in Indonesia, owns a 31.5 percent stake in NNT. The remaining shares are owned by Sumitomo subsidiary Nusa Tenggara Mining Corporation (24.5 percent), domestic mining firm PT Pukuafu Indah (20 percent), and a joint venture by the regional governments and PT Multi Daerah Bersaing (24 percent).
Bambang Djanuarto & Yoga Rusmana, Indonesia Workers at the Indonesian unit of Newmont Mining Corp., the largest US gold producer, began a strike today at the Batu Hijau gold and copper mine.
Production at the mine, Indonesia's second-largest copper producer, hasn't been affected by the strike which began at midnight when about 200 to 300 workers downed tools, Kasan Mulyono, a spokesman at PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara said by phone from the mine on Indonesia's Sumbawa island. The company will make a further statement on the mine later today, he said.
Workers at Newmont Nusa Tenggara planned to stop work for nine days from today, Investor Daily Indonesia reported on July 30, citing Zaenuddin Wanden, deputy head of the workers union at the company. The mining company is responsible for the direct employment of more than 7,000 people, according to its Web site.
The strike plan came after Newmont Nusa Tenggara said it would take legal action against a ruling by the manpower office of West Nusa Tenggara province ordering the company to pay 126 billion rupiah ($14.1 million) of overtime to workers covering the period from June 2008 to June 2010, the Investor Daily said.
Newmont and the workers will continue to hold talks this week after they failed to reach agreement at a meeting on the weekend, Mulyono said.
Newmont Nusa Tenggara is partly owned by a venture belonging to PT Bumi Resources' and three local administrations in West Nusa Tenggara. Bumi is part of the Bakrie Group owned by the family of Golkar chairman, Aburizal Bakrie
Environment & natural disasters
Fidelis E Satriastanti, Indonesia Environmental groups on Thursday urged the government to arrest two businessmen allegedly involved in smuggling rare timber from Papua to China.
"We want more action to be taken against these people because we believe that the issue of illegal logging has not really been touched," said Julian Newman, campaign director of the Britain- based Environmental Investigation Agency.
Newman said local authorities had only arrested chainsaw operators, truck drivers and other "low-level men," rather than high-level illegal logging operators. "We'd want to see some action on that," he said.
In an investigative report, the EIA and an Indonesian group, Telapak, said two businessmen were illegally exporting merbau logs to China, India and South Korea.
According to the report, in mid-October in 2009, customs officers in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, discovered 23 containers carrying 400 tons of merbau logs allegedly belonging to one of the businessmen.
It alleged that the containers were shipped from Makassar, South Sulawesi, where the businessman "runs a massive merbau timber company."
The other businessman was described as an "old player" in the merbau timber-smuggling business who had received a special government dispensation to export the rare and slow-growing tree species to China in 2008.
The report, "Rogue Traders: The Murky Business of Merbau Timber Smuggling in Indonesia," was released after detailed and undercover investigations by the environmental watchdogs starting in 2005.
Indonesian laws only allow the export of semi-finished wood products, but the groups claim the two businessmen illegally exported rough-sawn timber.
Newman said merbau timber could fetch about $1,000 per cubic meter in China, while the logs could be obtained for Rp 3 million each ($335) from local brokers. "Those businessmen could actually face charges under the Forestry Law and could be locked up in jail for 10 years, " he said.
Merbau is endemic to Papua, and is listed as endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Papua has the last remaining intact merbau forest in the country.
Hapsoro, program director at Telapak, said the government should list merbau in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna so to help it limit the trade in the species.
"That does not necessarily mean banning all trade in merbau. But it would limit how much merbau could be traded because we are losing billions of dollars here," he said.
Newman said China, one of the biggest importers of merbau timber, should also sanction illegal traders. "It is not up to Indonesia alone. It is also up to China, which is wide open to importing illegally logged timber," he said.
Jakarta Indonesia is allowing powerful businessmen to get rich from smuggling rare timber to China despite its pledges to crack down on illegal logging and preserve its forests, environmentalists said on Thursday.
An undercover investigation by the independent Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) and local group Telapak found rampant smuggling of merbau, a valuable hardwood found mainly in Papua.
The probe tracked the illicit trade in merbau from the forests where it was being logged to the ships where it was being illegally exported, mainly to China, with the help of corrupt officials.
Complaints to authorities about the two alleged kingpins in the trade had achieved nothing, the groups said in a report. A press release by EIA and Telpak identified the businessmen as Ricky Gunawan and Hengky Gosal.
"While the huge quantity of illegal timber flowing from Indonesia during the first half of the decade has declined, effective law enforcement against those responsible the financiers, company bosses and corrupt officials has been woefully inadequate," EIA campaign director Julian Newman said in a statement.
The groups called on Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to make good on his promises to crack down on what he has called the "logging mafia" that is accused of destroying much of the country's pristine forests.
Indonesia is one of the world's biggest emitters of greenhouse gases blamed for global warming, mainly through deforestation.
Yudhoyono has pledged to slash its emissions by more than 40 percent over 2005 levels by 2020, as long as foreign donors pour billions of dollars into the country for forest preservation. (Agence France-Presse/JG)
Jakarta Activists urged the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to take over the Attorney General's investigation of allegations of corruption linked to aid for earthquake victims in Klaten regency, Central Java.
A 5.9-magnitude earthquake devastated Yogyakarta and Central Java provinces on May 27, 2006, killing more than 5,000 people and injuring more than 1 million.
"We've found indications that the number of residents affected had increased, and even doubled in some districts, after the earthquake.
The increase in numbers seemed to be too structured and systematic," Eko Haryanto, secretary for the Central Java Committee for the Investigation and Eradication of Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism, said Friday.
The committee is working with the the Indonesia Corruption Watch and the Center for Social Enterprise and Control Development.
Eko added that there were problems with the distribution of rehabilitation and reconstruction funds that did not reach the beneficiaries and shortfalls in funds earmarked for the sub- district and district levels. "One family had only received Rp 4.5 million (US$502) instead of Rp 6.5 million initially allocated in the local budget," said Eko.
He estimated that the alleged corruption had cost the state Rp 275.19 billion.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Criticism levelled against the police's independent team tasked to handle the judicial mafia centering on former tax official Gayus Tambunan has mounted following revelatory witness testimonies in court.
Several suspects in Gayus' graft case have stood trial and faced witness testimonies that have raised suspicions the police's independent team may have tampered with the investigation into allegations some officers had manipulated the probe to gain an acquittal for Gayus, who was accused of money laundering.
Gayus was acquitted by Tangerang District Court in March but was brought back into police custody after former chief detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji leaked the alleged police corruption to the press.
"This is very strange. The independent team was supposed to probe the alleged judicial mafia-like practices, but they themselves acted like mafia," said Indonesia Corruption Watch's Febri Diansyah.
Suspicion is rife after the National Police only named two mid- ranking officers as suspects while clearing Brig. Gen. Raja Erizman and Brig. Gen. Edmon Ilyas. Susno said both Raja and Edmon had tampered with the case from the beginning.
Court hearings of the two suspects, Adj. Comr. Sri Sumartini and Comr. Arafat Enanie, revealed statements that strengthen the public's suspicion.
During Sumartini's hearing on Tuesday, Arafat testified he had been pressed to lie by detectives during police questioning. During the hearing he retracted statements he made under interrogation. One such alleged lie was that he was told to say he had received Rp 55 million (US$6,000) from Gayus' lawyer, Haposan Hutagalung.
During the same hearing, Gayus himself testified he had been forced by detectives to make a false testimony in order to charge Haposan.
Arafat also testified that detectives from the independent team once confronted him with the mysterious Roberto Santonius. The police earlier said Roberto was a fugitive and that they did not know his whereabouts.
Roberto's name first emerged when Gayus said he had received Rp 925 million in bribes from Roberto. However, Arafat's police testimony, which included Roberto's role in the case, mysteriously disappeared.
"I have told investigators that Roberto handed over Rp 100 million to Brig Gen. Edmon Ilyas (then director of special economic crimes) and Sr. Comr. Pambudi Pamungkas, my superior at that time," Arafat said.
Edmon, Raja, Pambudi and Roberto, have never faced crime charges or the ethics tribunal.
On Thursday, Edward, who earlier told the press that Roberto was missing, said Roberto had indeed met with investigators from the independent team.
Edward, however, refused to accept any blame for making a false statement to the press. "Don't call me a liar. I told you Roberto was a fugitive because that was the information I had from the National Police's detective body," he said.
Edward refused to elaborate on Roberto's current whereabouts. "The person in charge of the investigation was out of the city and out of reach," Edward said.
The head of the independent team, which was dismissed a month ago, was Insp. Gen. Mathius Salempang. Salempang was one of the police generals named in Tempo magazine's famous article on "suspicious" police bank accounts.
Zaky Pawas & Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Anybody claiming to be a member of the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force who conducts acts of extortion is without a doubt an impostor, its secretary said on Thursday.
Denny Indrayana was speaking in relation to the recent arrest of a man claiming to be a member of the task force, who had attempted to extort Rp 900 million ($101,000) from a businessman.
"There have been numerous incidents of people posing as members of the task force and extorting money," Denny said.
"There are just six members in the task force. None of us would ever solicit or extort money for any reason whatsoever. The members of this task force are all people of very high moral standards," he added.
"If anybody claiming to be a member of this task force extorts money, people can be sure that that person is an impostor."
Denny added that the task force had received hundreds of complaints about similar fraudulent schemes. "Please report to the police if you believe you're being scammed by someone claiming to be a task force member," he said.
On Tuesday evening, police in Jakarta arrested a man identified as Mangatur Simanjuntak, who had allegedly been posing as a member of the presidentially appointed task force since May 20, and had approached a businessman identified only as MH.
The victim's lawyer, Alex Pardede, said that Mangatur told his client that the task force had found indications of tax evasion linked to the victim's ball-bearings manufacturing company and demanded a kickback.
"My client had no idea what [Mangatur] was talking about, but [Mangatur] promised to stop the case from being prosecuted," Alex said.
"He claimed that he would need Rp 400 million for several presidential officials while the other Rp 500 million was for members of the task force, the National Police and the Attorney General's Office."
Alex said that at first his client chose to ignore Mangatur. "But he repeatedly came to my client's office and harassed the employees," the lawyer said.
MH immediately contacted the Jakarta Police and together they devised a plan to catch Mangatur in the act. On Monday, MH set up a meeting with the alleged impostor the following day at the Mandarin Oriental Hotel.
Mangatur showed up at the predetermined place along with three other men wearing military police uniforms.
"All men showed their identification cards. It was very convincing," Alex said.
"We'd even prepared Rp 60 million in cash, stashed in a briefcase with us. We talked for a moment but they all acted suspiciously. I think one of them was carrying a gun so I immediately signaled the police to come. They busted [the suspects]."
Police arrested all four men and took them to the Jakarta Police headquarters in South Jakarta. Adj. Sr. Comr. Nico Afinta, chief of Jakarta Police's violent crimes unit, confirmed that all four had been arrested but only Mangatur had been charged.
Nivell Rayda Corruption cases handled by law enforcement agencies in the first half of the year cost the state nearly 25 percent more in losses than those in the same period last year, a watchdog says.
However, the amount involved in each case fell significantly, with the 176 cases handled from January 1 to June 30 being more than double the 86 cases dealt with in the same period last year.
Indonesia Corruption Watch said on Wednesday it estimated the cases handled so far this year had cost the government Rp 2.1 trillion ($235 million), while the figure for the same period last year was Rp 1.7 trillion.
"Although the number of cases handled doubled this year, most of the cases occurred earlier," said ICW senior researcher Agus Sunaryanto.
Two of the cases were from this year, 32 from 2007, 58 from 2008 and the rest from last year. "The authorities' handling of corruption cases is still very slow," Agus said.
He said the two cases from this year involved sting operations set up by the independent Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). The commission had uncovered bribery inside the Jakarta State Administrative High Court and the West Java office of the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).
In the first six months of this year, 441 people were named suspects in corruption cases. Businessmen made up the biggest group, with 61 being named.
Fifty-two, or about 12 percent, of the suspects were regional legislators. In the same period last year, this group accounted for about 30 percent of the 217 corruption suspects.
A large chunk of the cases handled this year were connected to the misappropriation of state funds, with ICW estimating the losses from this segment at Rp 596 billion.
Three other areas that made up a large number of cases concerned issuing of licenses (Rp 420 billion), mining (Rp 365 billion) and energy (Rp 140 billion).
The KPK last week released its mid-year report, which showed that nearly half of the 23 cases that had gone to trial this year were related to procurement violations in government projects.
The KPK also handled 10 cases of bribery, while the other three cases involved misappropriation of state funds.
Corruption inside ministries dominated this year's graft investigations, while in 2008 the biggest number of cases handled by the KPK involved members of the House of Representatives.
The KPK said it had managed to save more than Rp 134 billion in state losses this year, compared with Rp 144 billion for the whole of last year. The commission is currently prosecuting 16 cases and investigating 25 others. The KPK is also looking into 29 more cases of alleged corruption.
The Anticorruption Study Center at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta released similar findings on Wednesday, highlighting several major graft cases that had no clear resolution.
In one of the cases examined, the center noted that investigations into the suspiciously large bank accounts of several National Police generals had stalled. Police chiefs claimed they had launched an internal investigation and concluded that most of the accounts were not related to criminal activities.
"The function of asset declaration should be maximized and not simply be a mere formality," said Zainal Arifin Muchtar, a legal expert with the Anticorruption Study Center. "The declaration should be utilized as a preliminary indication of corruption."
He also said an independent body, such as the KPK, should take over the case from police and take action against officers where it was appropriate.
Arientha Primanita, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo is today about Rp 9 billion ($1 million) richer than when he ran for office in 2007, with a total fortune of Rp 50 billion, while his deputy reported a Rp 440 million decrease in his net worth.
"My assets did not increase nor decrease," Fauzi said at City Hall. "The value only changed because the taxable value of my properties increased."
The governor, along with other city administration officials and heads of city-owned enterprises, recently reported their wealth to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), as required by law.
Fauzi, who comes from a wealthy family but has worked in government and politics since 1979, said his net worth as of July 26 was Rp 46.9 billion worth of assets and $200,000 in cash.
In May 2007, his declared wealth stood at Rp 38.5 billion and $150,000 in cash. His assets include land and buildings, three cars, five motorcycles, precious metals and stones, antique and art collections, bank deposits and securities.
Deputy Governor Prijanto, on the other hand, said he had just Rp 4.06 billion worth of assets and $15,000 in cash. In May 2007, his declared wealth was Rp 4.5 billion, comprising land and buildings, two cars, precious stones, bank deposits and securities.
The deputy governor said his wealth decreased as a result of his giving some of his assets, including a plot of land valued at Rp 400 million, to his children.
KPK Deputy Chairman Haryono Umar said the antigraft agency appreciated the Jakarta administration's efforts to require all of its officials, including those at the urban ward level, to declare their wealth, even though the law only obliged reports from top officials down to the heads of city administration offices.
"We appreciate the city administration's move as it is part of transparency in governance," he said, adding that 30 wealth reports had been flagged for closer scrutiny, but none were yet seen as suspect.
Haryono said 98.4 percent of the administration's 857 officials had already submitted their wealth reports, however, only 53 of 154 officials from city-owned enterprises (BUMD) had done the same.
Fauzi said regulations regarding BUMD officials were different because they were not strictly civil servants. But he nevertheless warned them, even threatening dismissal, to meet the KPK's Aug. 17 deadline.
Other officials who declared their wealth included: South Jakarta Mayor Syahrul Effendiwith Rp 12.51 billion, Central Jakarta Mayor Sylviana Murni at Rp 6.74 billion, East Jakarta Mayor Murdhani at Rp 5.08 billion and North Jakarta Mayor Bambang Sugiyono with Rp 2.38 billion.
Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. Timur Pradopo had Rp 2.1 billion, Jakarta's Prosecutor's Office head Soedibyo had Rp 813 million and Jakarta High Court chief Ansyahrul had Rp 989.76 million.
Among BUMD officials, Pasar Jaya director Djangga Lubis had Rp 11.34 billion and Jaya Ancol director Budi Karya Sumadi claimed Rp 12.72 billion.
Nivell Rayda & Farouk Arnaz, Jakarta The National Police could be charged with contempt of court should they fail to present key evidence in the case against two Corruption Eradication Commission deputies at the Anti-Corruption Court next week, analysts and a lawyer said on Tuesday.
The court last month ordered the National Police to disclose the recordings and footage, which the police claim indicates that Bibit Samad Riyanto and Chandra M Hamzah received a Rp 5.1 billion ($571,000) payoff from businessman Anggodo Widjojo.
Bibit and Chandra were charged by the National Police with extortion while Anggodo is now on trial for attempted bribery and obstruction of justice and is being prosecuted by the antigraft agency, also known as the KPK.
In its attempt to resolve an apparent legal quandary over the case stemming from the conflicting arguments of the two law- enforcement bodies, the court ordered both sides to disclose all of their evidence in the case.
However, police on Tuesday failed for a second time at Anggodo's trial to present 64 wiretapped conversations they said they had recorded between an official at the antigraft commission and a suspected middleman.
"We ask the court to again instruct the National Police to disclose the recordings because the court has already made a direct order.
This is contempt of court, your honor," Anggodo's lawyer Otto Cornelius Kaligis told the court. KPK prosecutor Suwardji told the court that the National Police had not responded to the court order.
"If the National Police are confident the recording does exist then there should be no problem disclosing the recordings. Failure to do so would mean that they are defying a court order," Hasril Hertanto, a legal analyst from the University of Indonesia, told the Jakarta Globe.
"Unless however, the recordings don't exist. If so, then police have made empty claims to justify their move to undermine the KPK."
Zainal Arifin Muchtar, a legal analyst from Gajah Mada University in Yogyakarta, said the National Police's failure to present the evidence indicated that police were wrong to charge Bibit and Chandra.
"This is not only contempt of court. This is an insult to common sense," Zainal told the Globe. "The police chief and the attorney general must make a public apology for making slanderous remarks," he said.
National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri and Attorney General Hendarman Supandji told legislators in November that they were justified in charging the KPK officials with corruption.
Bambang and Hendarman made the remarks after a presidentially appointed fact-finding team concluded the National Police and the AGO had fabricated a case against the KPK deputies on weak evidence.
But since the Anti-Corruption Court issued the order last month, both have been vague about the existence of the evidence. Bambang said last week that police did have the recordings, but they had been misplaced.
"We're still looking for them but they're in our possession," he said. "At the moment we can't respond to the court's demand."
Rudi Satrio, another University of Indonesia analyst, questioned Bambang's remark. "How can a key piece of evidence be misplaced? This is a major case, one that could possibly threatens the credibility of the police if Bibit and Chandra are acquitted," he told the Globe.
The AGO halted the criminal prosecution of Bibit and Chandra in December, but Anggodo challenged the decision to drop the charges. The South Jakarta District Court in April sided with him, ordering the AGO to renew its prosecution of the case.
Zainal said the failure of the police to present the evidence would force the Supreme Court to overrule the district court's decision and permanently halt the case against Bibit and Chandra.
Jakarta The number of corruption cases in the first semester of this year doubled to 176, with state losses estimated at about Rp 2 trillion (US$222 million), from the corresponding period last year, according to data of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW).
During investigation 441 individuals have been named as suspects by law enforcement officials for their alleged involvement in the corruption practices, ICW senior researcher Febri Hendri said Wednesday.
The main actors in the corruption practices had shifted from legislators with 63 suspects in 2009 to directors of private companies with 61 suspects in 2010, the data shows.
"This indicates that the orientation of the private sector is restricted to making the largest profits possible by employing various means," said Febri.
He further said that the main 'modus operandi' of corruption had also shifted from misuse of state budgetary funds topping 2009 with 32 cases to embezzlement with 62 cases this year.
Febri added that the embezzlements were related to the misuse of social aid funds by government officials and individuals from the private companies during local elections in 2008 and 2009.
"We will present our findings to the law enforcement institutions such as the Attorney's General Office, the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission," he said. "The results will function as an indicator of the work of the law enforcers since they themselves remain closed about the handling of corruption cases." (gzl)
Heru Andriyanto, Jakarta Disgraced tax official Gayus Tambunan said on Tuesday that one of the sources of the extraordinary Rp 28 billion ($3.14 million) found in his bank accounts was energy firm Kaltim Prima Coal, which paid him $500,000 for favorable tax treatment.
Appearing for the first time in court since his March arrest, Gayus was testifying against police officer Sri Sumartini, who is accused of taking bribes from him.
"I was asked by Alief Kuncoro to help release the tax documents of Kaltim Prima Coal for fiscal years 2001, 2002, 2003 and 2005, which were being held by the Gambir tax office. I contacted [fellow tax official Maruli Pandapotan Manurung] and the documents were eventually released. For that service, I was paid $500,000," said Gayus, testifying at a hearing at the South Jakarta District Court.
Maruli is also a suspect and Alief is a suspected case broker.
Kaltim is part of the Bakrie Group, owned by the family of top politician and business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie.
Circulating copies of Gayus's purported dossier indicate he had been handling the tax cases of at least 40 companies, including three Bakrie mining firms, including KPC. But police have refused to confirm that Bakrie companies ever bribed Gayus, and have said they didn't indend to pursue the allegations.
KPC lawyer Aji Wijaya dismissed Gayus's allegations. "Our client never met Gayus, or got in touch with Gayus or gave him money," he told the Jakarta Globe, adding that KPC had never asked Alief to help with the company's taxes.
"After my bank accounts were unfrozen, my lawyer Haposan [Hutagalung] asked for the $500,000 to be handed to the investigators," Gayus testified. "Haposan asked for Rp 20 billion in total to be distributed, [Rp 5 billion] each, among the police investigators, the prosecutors, me and the legal team. But he didn't mention names."
"Later, [Haposan] told me some portion of the money was handed to Edmond [Ilyas] and Pambudi [Pamungkas]," said Gayus, referring to the two high-ranking police officers in the investigation.
Brig. Gen. Edmond Ilyas, was removed from his post as Lampung Police chief in the wake of the Gayus scandal, but police later cleared him of wrongdoing.
Gayus also said the defendant, Sri, attended several of his police questionings and "prepared juice and drinks for me and other investigators." "I was once interrogated at a hotel room booked in her name," he claimed.
Jakarta Following Tuesday's explosive testimony from rogue Indonesian tax official Gayus Tambunan that a company controlled by the family of controversial politician and businessman Aburizal Bakrie paid him $500,000 for favorable tax treatment, police say they will now investigate later.
National Police Spokesman Sr. Comr. Marwoto Soeto told news portal Detik.com on Wednesday that coal miner Kaltim Prima Coal "must be summoned" in relation to the allegations aired during Gayus's corruption trial in which he is accused of illegally accumulating Rp 28 billion ($3.14 million).
"There will be developments in the Gayus' case based on what happened at the court hearing. We will summon KPC as part of the investigation," Marwoto said. The summons, however, would have to wait until the "trial is over," he said.
Police have previously stated that they did not intend to investigate Gayus's links to 40 companies, including three controlled by Bakrie.
Bakrie, a former cabinet minister and current chairman of the Golkar Party, has been plagued by persisting allegations of dodgy tax dealings and wielding his powerful political influence on behalf of his businesses.
KPC lawyer Aji Wijaya on Monday flatly denied Gayus's allegations, saying KPC never met or communicated with Gayus and certainly did not give him money.
Djoko Widodo, Jakarta The fugitive former co-owners of Bank Century stole hundreds of millions of dollars from their own bank before stashing the cash in at least 13 different territories, a witness for the prosecution at their trial said on Tuesday.
Saudi national Hesham Al Warraq and Briton Rafat Ali Rizvi, charged with defrauding the bank's investors, are being tried in absentia at the Central Jakarta District Court after having fled overseas in 2009.
The pair were majority shareholders in the failed bank along with the now-jailed Robert Tantular, and both could face the death sentence if convicted of the crime and captured.
"We learned that the assets were being held in Hong Kong, but further investigations turned up more in Switzerland, the Jersey Islands, Guernsey, England, the Bermuda Islands, Australia, Singapore, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Bahamas, Luxembourg, Mauritius and Bahrain," said Didi Haryanto, an official from the Finance Ministry's legal bureau.
The looted assets allegedly include cash, equities and shares.
He said a government team set up to probe the case had found Rp 500 billion ($55.95 million) in assets hidden in England, but by the time it was able to request a freeze of the account and seize the funds, the figure had gone down to Rp 50 billion.
"The authorities in England only gave us a 31-day window from the time they froze the assets in which to recover the funds, but that wasn't enough time for us," Didi said. "So the fugitives managed to withdraw most of it before we could seize any."
He added that in Guernsey and Jersey, the team found Rp 300 billion in each of the British Crown Dependency tax havens.
The government has asked host authorities to freeze the assets. Switzerland, Hong Kong, Guernsey and Jersey have already agreed to, Didi said.
In order to return the assets, however, the host governments required final and binding guilty verdicts against Al Warraq and Rizvi, he added.
The two fugitives are accused of selling fraudulent bonds through Bahamas-based Chinkara Capital via three ailing banks Bank CIC International, Bank Pikko and Bank Danpac, which later merged to form Bank Century between 2001 and 2003, according to the indictment.
Prosecutors allege they failed to repay the bonds when they expired, and instead put up their shares in Century as collateral. Century, which was bailed out at a cost of Rp 6.7 trillion to the Indonesian taxpayer in November 2008, suffered losses of $286.65 million from the bonds fiasco.
The Attorney General's Office indicated it might bring charges of "looting at a time of economic crisis," which is a capital offense, against Al Warraq and Rizvi.
Under the 1999 Corruption Law, the death sentence can be used for massive graft committed under special circumstances, such as a financial crisis, a state of emergency, national disaster or during widespread rioting.
Sabar Anton Tarihoran, a former director of supervision with Bank Indonesia, previously testified that the bonds issued before the merger were deemed as suspicious by the central bank.
Jakarta The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence criticized the police Monday for being slow in handling the case of Tama S. Langkun, an antigraft activist who was brutally attacked by unknown assailants.
"The police chief promised he would meet us [to report their findings] after a week. And it's been a month already," commission member Edwin Partogi said at the police's headquarters. "The police broke their promise," he added.
Agus Sunaryanto from the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) said that while he admitted the case was difficult to unravel the police should have set a date for when they will publish their findings.
Tama is an ICW investigator who reported an alleged corruption case involving top-brass police generals to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). He was set upon last month after being warned by someone claiming to be a police officer that he could be a target of an attack.
Police spokesman Edward Aritonang said that because the attack was well planned and there were no witnesses it might take sometime to solve.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta A group of activists attempting to obtain details about the National Police's internal investigation into the suspiciously large bank accounts of several police generals went home empty-handed on Monday.
The police insisted they could not disclose information regarding the 23 high-ranking police officers whom the activists said might have amassed their wealth illegally.
The activists came from the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence and Imparsial.
The ICW's Agus Sunaryanto said the new 2008 Law on Access to Public Information required the police to reveal the results of their investigation.
"According to the law, the investigation results should be open to the public. Besides, the accounts belong to state officials," he said.
Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang, however, said that the police could not grant the activists' request because the anti-money laundering law prevented them from disclosing personal information about individuals' bank accounts.
"We also have another law, the Anti-Money Laundering Law," the spokesman said.
Agus said the activists would follow procedures in accordance with the Information Law to get what they requested.
According to the law, state institutions must provide requested information within 17 days of the request, or submit a notification if they fail to do so.
If the police fail to provide the information before the deadline, the requester can go to the Central Information Commission for mediation, Agus said. "The Information Law has given the commission the authority to settle disputes about public information," he said.
Commenting on the activists' plan to bring the dispute to the commission, Edward said, "Go ahead".
The police have announced that of the 23 personal bank accounts under investigation, 17 have been cleared of all suspicion.
Two accounts were described as problematic. However, the police have not disclosed the identities of the account holders or details about the investigation.
Central Information Commission chairman Ahmad Alamsyah Saragih said the police should identify the officers because it was part of their obligation as public officials.
The Information Law stipulates that information about a public official's bank account should not be exempted from the rule on confidentiality, Ahmad said. "Their refusal to disclose the information was likely because they are not knowledgeable about the law," he said.
The police's announcement of the result of its investigation has triggered wide-spread criticism, particularly allegations of bias as the police are investigating high-ranking officials within their own ranks.
Jakarta Several cases centering on leaders of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) have greatly influenced its performance in probing major cases, especially highly political ones, experts say.
The first case involves KPK chairman Antasari Azhar, who was arrested on charges of murdering businessman Nasruddin Zulkarnaen on May 2 last year. Later, within the month, Antasari testified to police and prosecutors that four KPK deputies as well as officials had received bribes from Anggoro Widjojo, the director of PT Masaro investigated by KPK for a bribery case he committed to secure his telecommunication procurement project at the Forestry Ministry.
KPK investigation into the Bank Century bailout led two KPK deputies to another case involving former National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji. Susno accused the KPK of tapping his mobile phone, which showed his request to businessman Boedi Sampoerna to pay Rp 10 billion due to his assistance in clearing Budi's savings in Century.
On Sept. 15, police declared two KPK deputies Bibit Samad Riyanto and Chandra M. Hamzah suspects for abuse of power due to the travel ban on Anggoro and several days later, both reported Susno to the police for abuse of power.
Hasril Hertanto, a legal expert from the University of Indonesia, said the cases centering on KPK leaders had affected the stability of the anticorruption body, making it unable to take clear measures of political corruption cases such as the Century bailout of Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million) and the alleged bribe around the election of the former Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor Miranda S. Goeltom.
"Antasari, Bibit and Chandra are influential figures in the execution and litigation. Their absence in the KPK raises questions about who is to legitimate investigators and prosecutors in continuing to probe the cases," he said.
According to Hasril, with its authority, the KPK should have been able to tackle the two cases. "I believe with its personnel capacity and its great authority, the KPK can handle big cases. These factors make the KPK different from the police or the attorney," he said.
However, Hasril continued, the KPK needed new figures for its internal consolidation.
Eryanto Nugroho, Center for Indonesian Law and Policy Studies executive director, shared a similar view with Hasril that the change in KPK leaders was highly influential to its performance. "But, we can still count on the KPK to make a breakthrough, including handling cases like that of Miranda. The public should keep supporting the KPK," he said.
Eryanto added the President was expected to show his commitment on corruption eradication by halting the criminalization of KPK leaders. "Whoever leads KPK will not succeed in eradicating corruption unless the government and law enforcers support its commitment," he said.
The case involving Miranda first emerged at the end of 2008. She allegedly handed over 400 traveler's checks of Rp 50 million each to legislators soon after her election as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor in June 2004.
Recently, several former members of the House of Representatives, namely, Hamka Yandhu of the Golkar Party, Endin J. Soefihara from the United Development Party (PPP), Dudhie Makmun Murod from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Udju Juhaeri from the now defunct police/military faction, have been sentenced due to the case.
However, the investigation of the KPK has not moved into taking measures against the parties giving and channeling the checks. KPK, through its spokesman Johan Budi, on Wednesday said it planned to hold an expose, a prelude prior to a full-blown investigation into a case, that day. However, up to Friday, the KPK had not carried it out. (lnd)
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta Ibrahim has become the first Indonesian judge to be jailed for corruption after the respected Anti- Corruption Court jailed him for six years in prison for accepting Rp 300 million ($33,300) in bribes.
During his trial, Ibrahim, 53, who had already been suspended from the State Administrative High Court, admitted that he had received the bribe from lawyer Adner Sirait and his client, businessman Darianus Lungguk Sitorus, in exchange for a favorable ruling over a land dispute.
The case revolves around rival claims by Darianus's company, PT Sabar Ganda, and the West Jakarta administration over a 10- hectare lot in Cengkareng, West Jakarta.
A lower court had ruled in favor of the state, but Sabar Ganda appealed to the Jakarta Administrative High Court. Prosecutors say that Ibrahim asked Adner for a bribe before the appeal was even heard.
Prosecutors from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) last month demanded that the court sentence Ibrahim to 12 years in prison arguing that he had undermined the public's trust in the legal system.
The Anti-Corruption Court, however, felt that Ibrahim had shown remorse and was in poor health owing to kidney failure. Ibrahim was also ordered to pay Rp 200 million in fines.
Both sides have seven days to lodge an appeal to the Jakarta High Court.
Jakarta Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Saturday that police had foiled a terror plot against him as he visited West Java province, state media reported.
"I received a report from security last night that certain elements with bad intentions were lurking in the Ciwidey area to do something against me," Yudhoyono was quoted as saying by the Antara state news agency.
Yudhoyono added that terrorists would never win in Indonesia and they only "victimise innocent people," Antara reported, giving no further details of the alleged plot during the president's visit on Friday.
Two terror suspects were arrested in a police raid in West Java on Saturday, according to local media. Police tried to arrest three suspects, but one was able to flee the raid at a house in Cibiru subdistrict on the outskirts of Bandung, Tempo Interaktif news website reported, quoting West Java police chief Sutarman.
Twin terror attacks on Jakarta luxury hotels, led by now-dead mastermind Noordin Mohammed Top, killed nine people in July last year. Noordin, who was killed in a police raid in Central Java in 2009, led a violent splinter faction of the Jemaah Islamiyah regional terror network blamed for a string of attacks in Indonesia.
Ulma Haryanto Indonesian Muslims are still vulnerable to being radicalized, according to a national survey by the Indonesian Survey Institute and Lazuardi Birru, an independent organization focused on combating extremism.
"We made an index of how Indonesian Muslims are vulnerable to being radicalized, and the highest factor contributing to their vulnerability is intolerance," Dhyah Madya Ruth, who chairs Lazuardi Birru, told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday.
The index puts susceptibility to radicalization at 54.95, with anything below 67 regarded as vulnerable, according to Lazuardi Birru. The information used to compile the index was taken from a focus group discussion involving 30 participants including government officials, civil society groups, terrorism experts and even former terrorists.
The survey, conducted from March 26 to April 6 across all 33 provinces, involved 1,320 randomly-selected respondents, the majority of whom were Muslims.
The radicalization vulnerability index, made available exclusively to the Jakarta Globe, is just one part of the wide- ranging survey. The rest of the data is still in the process of being analyzed.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst with the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) who managed the project, explained that the qualitative survey was meant to contribute to demographic profiling on what made people turn to extremism.
"From the survey, we found that intolerance on the part of respondents was the main factor used by radical groups to gain support," he said.
The survey asked respondents about their religious and ideological views, particularly about groups they did not like.
"The highest was communism, followed by Jews and the third place went to Christians," Burhanuddin said. "This shows how the New Order campaign to stigmatize communism worked so well in Indonesia."
He added it could be concluded from the survey that most Muslims fell into a gray area: "Not resistant to radicalism or people who supported radical actions."
The results have been released amid a recent spate of incidents in which hard-line Muslim groups have taken the law into their own hands, including the sealing of churches in West Java and the closure of mosques belonging to the Ahmadiyah sect.
Syafi'i Anwar, executive director for the International Center for Islam and Pluralism and who was consulted prior to the survey, told the Globe on Tuesday that the incidents of the past few months confirmed the survey's results. "This is not the Indonesia I once knew," he said.
"The government's inaction only worsens this. They have not done anything including the House, which is only concerned about its payroll which leaves people like the Kuningan district head to manipulate religious issues for the sake of politics."
Kuningan head Aang Hamid Suganda has been accused of ordering the closure of Ahmadiyah mosques to fulfill campaign promises made during the 2008 election.
Syafi'i also laid some blame with the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) for turning a blind eye to radical Muslims. "Their fatwas also make people intolerant. Pluralism is haram. Ahmadiyah is haram. But they never label violence as haram," he said.
At least 80 percent of the respondents also said they objected when the group they disliked spoke out in public, held parades or when a member of the group worked for the government. About 75 percent said members of such groups should be placed under special police surveillance and should be banned from teaching in public schools.
Noor Huda Ismail, an expert in extremism from the Institute for International Peace Building, agreed with the analysis of the survey, adding that intolerance was fueled by a fear of being victimized.
"This includes by Christians, loosely connected to the Chinese minority," he said. "This makes the majority insecure; the result being they restrict groups that are different to them from growing and moving forward."
Lazuardi Birru's Dhyah said economic disparity was another widely held excuse for intolerance. "People still think that Muslims are poor and non-Muslims are rich," she said.
"The education and income level of people also determines how vulnerable they are to being radicalized, although, poor and low-educated people do not automatically become radicals. There needs to be a trigger. This is where jihad comes in."
Ansyaad Mbai, head of the antiterror desk at the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, said a multifaceted approach to addressing terrorism was needed. "Terrorism is not only the government's problem, society needs to be involved too," he said.
Regarding the results of the radicalization survey, Ansyaad said more discussion was needed on the matter.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Human rights activists and a lawmaker have voiced concerns over the new antiterrorism agency, saying the agency may hold too much power that could mimic the way the authoritarian New Order regime quashed citizens it found too critical of government.
Criticism has emerged over the unclear definition of terrorist activities and greater participation of the military in the antiterrorism movement as stipulated in the presidential regulation on the establishment of the National Antiterror Agency (BNPT), which critics said might be used as an excuse to wrongfully intimidate innocent citizens.
NGO Imparsial and the National Commission on Human Rights recommended the government and House of Representatives improve the regulation to prevent the agency from becoming a superpower body.
"It's no doubt, terrorism and the actors have become a serious threat to our nation. But, we must question whether it is that important for us to form a new antiterrorism agency to tackle this problem. Aren't the existing institutions providing enough services?" said Ifdhal Kasim, chairman of the commission, said recently.
He said one of the reasons for concern was the decree granted access to the non-law enforcing institutions to participate in the terrorist man-hunt.
"The decision to involve the military leaves many questions because the military is unauthorized to enforce the laws," he said. The decree also failed to draw lines on how far the military could get involved in the antiterrorism operations, Ifdhal went on.
Ifdhal warned the government learn from the past, when the Soeharto administration had similar organizations, which often apprehended citizens who criticized the government.
During the 32-year Soeharto administration, the government had organizations such as the Coordinating Agency for National Stability, the special research agency and the Security and Order Restoration Command, led by military generals.
The government said the organizations were to safeguard the country's political stability but many believed these agencies were organized to provide extra-judicial services to the government.
Al Araf, program director of Imparsial, an NGO concerned with human rights violations, said there were some articles in the regulation that needed to be scrutinized. He highlighted the absence of a clear definition of what constituted "radical groups".
Effendy Choirie, lawmaker of the House's Commission I overseeing intelligence, foreign affairs and defense, said he deemed the BNPT as a bit excessive.
"At the beginning, we were only expecting the government to form a joint secretariat, tasked to coordinate, cooperate and use the resources at the existing institutions in this terrorist pursue and not a new agency like this," he said.
Contentious articles and the NGOS' notes
Article 3C: Coordinating prevention programs and taking measures against radical ideology propaganda in combating terrorism.
Note: The government should be clear on what individuals or groups constitute radical or what constitutes BNPT abuse of power.
Article 13D: Taking measures against radical ideology propaganda.
Note: It is feared the failure to properly address this issue could cause the BNPT to label every critical mind as radical.
Article 15: Deputy on measurement and capability maintenance is tasked to formulate, coordinate and implement policies, strategy and a national program on combating terrorism.
Note: Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs minister said BNPT would only be tasked to formulate policies regarding terrorism but not take measures against them.
Article 23 (3): The deployment of police and the military is in line with the higher order.
Note: The involvement of the military opens a human rights violation possibility.
Jakarta In what critics are calling a blatant display of contempt for the city's authorities, the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) leader visited the Jakarta Police headquarters Friday to offer the group's services in enforcing a city bylaw that bans some entertainment establishments from operating during Ramadan.
"We will protect the police and public order officers by enforcing the bylaw. We are ready to face thugs who stand in the way of these law enforcers," FPI leader Habib Rizieq told reporters after the meeting.
Rizieq promised that his organization would not conduct any raids. "We will just tip off the police about entertainment places that remain open in spite of the ban."
He said he had made a commitment with the police and the city administration that the group would not engage in violence, and to punish any FPI member who violated the pact.
Jakarta police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar declined to comment about the offer, but welcomed the FPI's commitment to not engage in violence. Boy said that like normal law-abiding citizens, FPI members could only report violations of the law to the police.
Despite the assurance, the public remain concerned that a notoriously violent group are attempting to involve themselves in the police duty of maintaining security.
The FPI has a long, mostly unchallenged record of carrying out violence and sometimes deadly raids in Jakarta, including against entertainment establishments during Ramadan. They have also been involved in shows of force in closing down houses of worship belonging to minority groups.
"This will bring chaos to the city as everyone now has the right to enforce the law according to their own understanding or belief," Jakarta Residents Forum (Fakta) chairman Azas Tigor Nainggolan said.
Azas said that such a partnership was evidence of the authority's inability to protect the public. "It is [the police's] job not the groups' to ensure the security of the people."
He said he was saddened by Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo's recent move to agree to cooperate with the hardliners to enforce the law.
Meanwhile, Legal Aid Foundation director Nurkholis Hidayat said the coalition "supports violence and harasses the public's rights". "These groups are known for their violent acts. Who can ensure they will not go out of control," he said.
He warned that the move could lead to legal uncertainty among the public as everybody would try to take the law into their own hands.
Before the FPI, the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) visited the police headquarters Thursday and offered a similar service.
The groups said they wanted to help the authorities enforce a 2004 city bylaw that says that nightclubs, discotheques, spas, massage parlors and bars should cease operations entirely in Ramadan.
Other entertainment centers, like karaoke establishments and live music venues, are required to limit their operating hours. According to the Indonesian Association of Entertainment Businesses, 1,300 entertainment permits have been issued to 400 establishments in the city.
The FPI has a long, mostly unpunished record of carrying out violence and sometimes deadly raids in Jakarta.
Nurfika Osman & Ulma Haryanto, Indonesia Without strong sanctions by the state, hardline groups will continue to launch attacks against other religions, political analysts warned on Thursday.
Islamic scholar Azyumardi Azra said groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) have become more powerful because they are not punished by the government. "Until today, police have failed to take firm action against these groups," he said.
Azyumardi's statement came days after violent protesters attacked the mosques of Ahmadiyah (a minority Muslim sect) in Kuningan, West Java. Weeks prior, several churches in West Java were shut down by local authorities, following protests by hardline groups.
"The law on community organizations does not specifically bar organizations from conducting violent acts. We need to amend the existing law," Azyumardi said. "The emergence of these kinds of groups are unintended consequences of democracy," he added. "We are absolutely failing to enforce our laws."
Similarly, Syamsuddin Haris, head of the Political Research Center at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said that the government was being negligent when it failed to keep hardline groups in check.
"This government is trapped by its own negligence. It is failing to allow its own citizens to live in peace," Syamsuddin said, acknowledging that dissolving hardline groups is not easy since they have the right to organize.
Edwin Partogi, head of the sociopolitics bureau at the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said that if the state continues to turn a blind eye to simmering religious tensions, "this will prompt the birth of other such organizations that use threats and intimidations, in return for political favors."
Such organizations, however, would never have thrived, much less existed, during the autocratic rule of the late former president Suharto, according to former left-leaning activist Syafiq Alielha. Suharto's administration had the muscle to edge out any radical groups, he said.
"In Suharto's time, people like [FPI leader] Habib Rizieq were not allowed in Indonesia. People like Habib were scared of the government," Syafiq said. "The president would not have thought twice of jailing those kinds of people."
Earlier, Syafi'i Anwar, executive director for the International Center for Islam and Pluralism, had said that the government's inaction would only worsen the situation.
"The government has not done anything, even the House of Representatives, which is only concerned about its payroll. They leave people, like the Kuningan district head, to manipulate religious issues for the sake of politics," Syafi'i said.
Kuningan district head Aang Hamid Suganda has been accused of ordering the closure of Ahmadiyah mosques to fulfill campaign promises made during the 2008 election.
He also said the Council of Ulema (MUI) are also accountable for the spread of Muslim radicalism. "Their fatwas also make people intolerant. They never label violence as haram (forbidden)," he said.
Jakarta The frequent brawls involving Betawi organizations in Jakarta have raised questions over why they still exist, and who encourages them.
It is normal for ethnic-based groups to protect their territory, University of Indonesia sociologist Muhammad Mustofa said. "They want to show their teeth on their turf. Violence is also a by- product of unemployment, when thuggery and crime become the only alternatives," Mustofa said.
The Betawi Consultative Body (Bamus Betawi) was established to supervise the activities of Betawi-based mass organizations in Jakarta on June 22, 1982. It now has more than 110 affiliates.
Two Bamus affiliates, the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) and the Betawi People's Communication Forum (Forkabi), were involved in recent brawls in South Jakarta. The Jakarta Police have refused to disband the organizations, saying their existence is protected under the Constitution.
Furthermore, instead of taking action against the groups, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo opted to embrace the hard-line Islam Defenders Front (FPI) group to "maintain security and order" in the city during the upcoming fasting month of Ramadan. The move has been criticized because the FPI has a well-documented history of committing violent acts against those it believes are not in line with their perspectives.
Political scientist Chusnul Mariyah explained that in Indonesia's developing electoral democracy, politicians had the maneuverability to use various tools to further their political agendas. This sometimes involves using thugs, gang lords and the mafia.
"The problem in this reform era is that some of these thugs, gang members and mobsters are becoming politicians themselves. This also raises questions about how the Betawi consultative body works in relation to both thugs and civil authorities," Mariyah said.
"The city administration, among other benefactors, picks up our tab," Bamus Betawi vice chairman Amarullah Asbah said. However, these are non-binding funds that do not shape the body's policies. "The city administration is only our partner," he said.
Data obtained by The Jakarta Post shows that the city allocated Rp 700 million (US$78,400) from the city budget for Bamus Betawi in 2009. Bamus Betawi vice secretary general Azis Khafia explained that the body spent the funds on transparent activities and programs.
"We once donated Rp 50 million each to the FBR and the Forkabi to support their large gatherings. But we also fund the Betawi cultural society (LKB) programs," Aziz said.
It's a mutual relationship between parties who need mass support for their political interests and organizations who want to maintain their power, he added.
"Fauzi is our asset," said Husain Sani, a member of the Bamus Betawi advisory board, who heads Forkabi. Fauzi is a native Betawi governor and currently heads the Bamus Betawi advisory board.
Betawi community figure Ridwan Saidi explained that some Betawi mass organizations were struggling with their identity in Jakarta, and some feared they were being marginalized in their own town. "They have identity problems. They fear becoming outcasts, so they assert their existence through violence," Ridwan said.
According to Ridwan, each Betawi group ran activities to preserve their culture, however, it was difficult for them to formulate and coordinate their activities.
"It is hard for them to focus solely on cultural preservation. Beyond that they turn their focus onto economic activities. Eventually there are rivalries and economic power struggles," Ridwan said.
He added that business rivalries often stemmed from conflicts over rights to collect from traditional markets and parking lots; conflicts that were usually resolved using force and violence. (ipa)
Jakarta Recent attacks on minority groups instigated by groups such as the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR) and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) reveal the government's failure to accommodate popular expectations of sovereignty and democracy, says a researcher.
The highly-touted notion of popular sovereignty ushered in by the 1998 reformation movement is artificial, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) senior political researcher Syamsuddin Haris said.
"Our people are not yet sovereign economically and politically," he said, adding that popular needs were not well represented by existing government institutions, which are plagued by corruption and relfect the self-interest of entrenched elites.
The formation of mass organizations, such as the often violent FBR and FPI, are signs of the government's inability to meet the needs of the people and reflect the popular distrust of government institutions, such as the police and judicial bodies, he said.
FBR members clashed with residents of Jl. Garuda in Rempoa, Tangerang, last weekend after people removed FBR flags in the area. More than 500 police officers could not quell the confrontation that disrupted traffic and created disturbances throughout the area.
"Distrust of law enforcement agencies and representative bodies contribute to the anarchic behavior of societal groups during local elections," he added.
He said that politicians still viewed the public as a "floating mass" which could be manipulated during elections and ignored after the ballots were counted.
Radical organizations capitalize on mobilizing the masses on behalf of religion or ethnic groups "to destroy the country's plurality which has become Indonesia's identity", he added.
Late last month, FPI members attacked the complex of the Islamic sect Jamaah Ahmadiyah in Manis Lor village, Kuningan regency, West Java. Public order officers and the police were rebuked by human rights observers for apparent complacency about the attack.
"Crowds are easily provoked, manipulated and mobilized by money or simply by a packet of rice, unlike citizens, who are aware of their rights and responsibilities," he said. Democracy can't be achieved without civil society, he added.
Civil society must be part of the process of creating awareness of what defines a citizen, he said. "The future of Indonesia's democracy is not just in the hands of politicians, the military or bureaucrats," he added.
Adriana Elisabeth, an expert in international relations, said that popular aspirations should inform government decision makers, especially on issues of daily life, such as the cost of staple foods, education and health.
"Besides having a political education aspect, this is also a way to develop a sense of ownership of the ongoing political process," she said. (gzl)
Zaky Pawas, Jakarta Legal and human rights activists say the government now has enough evidence to ban violent hard-line groups following a street brawl involving members of the Betawi Brotherhood Forum over the weekend.
Three people were injured and traffic came to a standstill in many parts of South Jakarta when a violent clash involving as many 30 people, including members of the forum, also known as FBR, spilled out into the streets in Rempoa on Saturday.
"The government always says that these people are just acting as individuals and do not represent their organizations, but we have to look at the facts," Nurkholis Hidayat, director of the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH), told the Jakarta Globe on Monday.
"The number of violent acts conducted in the name of organizations such as FBR or FPI [Islamic Defenders Front] has been consistently high."
Nurkholis said banning hard-line organizations was possible and did not infringe on civil rights because clear limits had to be set. "When [organizations] are there to create hostility and havoc, they should not be allowed," he said.
The perception that police were slow to act against these groups because they were seen merely as thugs or were even maintained by the police "was no figment of the imagination," Nurkholis added.
"Even though the state denies this, these organizations have long been used by the police for economic as well as political purposes," he said, adding that military and police involvement in supporting hard-line civilian groups was already well known.
Zainal Abidin, a legal and human rights analyst formerly with the Indonesian LBH, said that even though it was a basic right to form public organizations, the groups needed to be "reminded" that it meant peaceful assembly.
"Organizations have to refrain from all forms of violence," he said. "If they can't, then this is when law enforcement steps in."
Aside from apprehending the rank-and-file members of these hard- line groups, Zainal said the police needed to solve the problem at its roots. "The leaders of these groups must be held to account for the actions of their members and must be brought into line with the law," he said.
Meanwhile, the South Jakarta Police's Comr. Nurdi Satriaji said 30 people had been named suspects over Saturday's violence, of which 23 had been arrested. The reason for the clash, however, was still uncertain, he said.
After the incident, the police brought together the leaders of the groups involved FBR, Pemuda Pancasila, Kembang Latar and the Betawi Communication Forum (Forkabi) to reconcile their differences.
"During the meeting with the group leaders, we all agreed that the situation and current problems would not get worse," Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said. "We hope that after this incident there will be no more clashes," Nurdi added.
Zaky Pawas, Arientha Primanita & Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta Legally recognized civilian organizations had no right to resort to anarchy, House of Representatives Speaker Marzuki Alie said on Sunday following a vicious brawl that brought traffic in South Jakarta to a standstill.
He said police must clamp down on groups like the Betawi Brotherhood Forum (FBR).
Marzuki's comment came a day after three people were injured and traffic in many parts of South Jakarta was frozen during the riot involving members of the FBR, which was also blamed for a string of fires in Tangerang. The group is known for thuggery at all manner of demonstrations across the city.
"The freedom to organize comes with the obligation to follow procedures, as outlined by our laws," Marzuki said.
"So an organization like the FBR cannot resort to anarchy when they feel like it. It is dangerous if we allow them to behave this way, and basically do anything they want. The police must show that no organization is immune to our regulations," he said.
House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan said police seemed unwilling to enforce the law when it came to such unruly groups.
"We are not aiming to limit people's freedom to organize. But police must act against organizations that are clearly breaking the law," Taufik said.
Police detained 32 members of the FBR after Saturday night's clash and have declared four of them suspects. "The suspect count could grow. They have violated Article 170 of the Indonesian Criminal Code on mobs," Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar said on Sunday.
He said that the article carried a maximum sentence of five years in prison.
At least 15 motorcycles were burned in Saturday's clash, which broke out at 7:30p.m. FBR spokesman Fajri Husein claimed they only struck back after one of their members was attacked.
"Someone attacked one of our own as he was returning from the FBR's ninth anniversary event in Depok," he said. "If your family is attacked, you would stand up and defend them, correct?"
Fajri rejected claims the FBR was a violent group.
South Jakarta Police chief of detectives Comr. Nurdi Satriaji said the clash started when a member of the FBR, identified as Aditya, was allegedly beaten by seven men believed to be members of Pemuda Pancasila, a group whose activities range from security services to land clearing for businesses on Jalan Pahlawan in South Tangerang.
"The seven men attacked Aditya, according to him, without any clear reasons," Nurdi said. "He suffered wounds above his eye and a swollen lip. Aditya then went and told his buddies at FBR. They got their masses ready to take revenge.
"Somehow locals on the streets got involved and the brawl escalated with them stoning one another. Then they started burning motorcycles. Police arrived and had to use tear gas to disperse the crowds."
Nurdi said the police had the situation under control by 8:15 p.m., but somehow the fighting had started up again nearby.
"At about 9 p.m. members of the FBR vandalized the offices of legal consultant Djonny Wiyandiono, who represents the Pemuda Pancasila, on Jalan Bintaro Raya," Nurdi said. "
The masses burned four motorcycles and a Nissan van. Thirty minutes later they burned another motorcycle. The motorist was lucky to escape with his life."
Nurdi said the clashes spread to Jalan Arteri Pondok Indah, causing massive traffic jams. The clashes on the thoroughfare involved FBR members dueling with members of the Betawi Communication Forum (Forkabi), another organization.
Boy Rafli said Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Timur Pradopo met leaders of the FBR, Forkabi and Pemuda Pancasila on Sunday to discuss how to calm tensions.
Farouk Arnaz & Antara, Kuningan, West Java The forcible closure of Ahmadiyah mosques, which led to rioting in Manis Lor village in Kuningan, West Java, was most likely fueled by the political desires of district head Aang Hamid Suganda, an official from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence alleged on Sunday.
"We found a fact [regarding Aang's political designs]. We need to confirm it, but we believe it to be true," said Sinung Karto, a member of the commission also known as Kontras.
"After two years of peace, anarchy occurred last Thursday. This was triggered by instructions issued by the district head to seal off Ahmadiyah mosques," he said, adding that the commission had undertaken two days of intensive research and investigations at the scene of the violence.
Sinung said that Aang had promised to close the mosques during his campaign for the 2008 district head election, in which he won a second term. Aang's term ends in 2013, and even though he cannot run for a third term, he is believed to be preparing the way for his wife, Utje Ch, to succeed him.
Closing down the Ahmadiyah mosques, Sinung suggested, was an effort by Aang to achieve this by courting public support.
Indra Listiantara, from the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy, said that having investigated the case, Setara had come to the preliminary conclusion that Aang had ordered the mosques closed for political reasons.
"We suspect that once his term as Kuningan district head ends, Aang will run in the West Java gubernatorial election," Indra said. "He wants to keep his support base intact, and gaining political support from Muslim hard-liners by openly opposing and taking action against Ahmadiyah is key to that."
Both Indra and Sinung have called on the police to take action and investigate the mosque closures and subsequent violence.
"Even though the police were a little slow in preventing what transpired on Thursday, we have to give them credit for stopping the scuffles from degenerating into a full-blown riot," Indra said. "They should, however, find the person responsible for the incident."
Police officers, acting on orders from Aang, on Thursday sealed off Ahmadiyah mosques in Manis Lor after having failed to do so on Monday due to resistance from the group's members.
But as the protesters blocked police attempts to shut down their mosques, groups of hard-line Muslims flocked to the village and scuffles broke out.
Amid pressure from Muslim groups, the government in 2008 prohibited members of Ahmadiyah from practicing their faith in public or proselytizing, but stopped short of banning the sect.
Many mainstream Muslims consider Ahmadiyah deviant because its members recognize the sect's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, as a prophet.
Kuningan Police Chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Yoyoh Indayah confirmed that Aang issued an official letter last Thursday to seal off the mosques, "based on the demands of a certain Islamic group."
"I do not want to speculate about what was behind the letter or those demands. I don't know about political motivations," Yoyoh told the Jakarta Globe.
"Nobody was arrested because I prefer to [keep the peace]. Those who sealed off the mosques, by the way, were not locals. They were from Tasikmalaya, Sumedang and Ciamis."
Meanwhile, the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) said that if the government did not take action against the hard-liners, it was in effect endorsing further violence.
"We believe that violence against minority religious groups will continue if the government does not do anything," Erna Ratnaningsih, from the YLBHI, said on Saturday.
Ifdal Kasim, from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), said he regretted a recent statement by Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali, in which he declared Ahmadiyah haram, or forbidden.
"The government must admit to the existence of Ahmadiyah in Indonesia. It is the government's job to allow the Ahmadis to hold their prayer services," Ifdal said, a day after Suryadharma declared Ahmadiyah was haram because it was a misguided sect that did not consider Muhammad to be the last prophet.
Suryadharma urged police to take action against Ahmadis found spreading their teachings, even as he warned residents in Kuningan not to take the law into their own hands.
Hasyim Muzadi, who formerly led Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, also said that even if Ahmadis veered away from mainstream Islamic teachings, Indonesians must not take the law into their own hands.
"Violence will cause those ideologies to turn even more militant, because they are pressured through physical means," Hasyim said.
Arientha Primanita, Jakarta It is the job of every Betawi organization across the capital to ensure that all Betawi people in Greater Jakarta are able not just to secure jobs, but to excel in the land they consider theirs, says the chairman of the Betawi Brotherhood Forum, an organization fighting a reputation for thuggish behavior.
Members of the forum, known as the FBR, are routinely seen as the most virulent participants in mass demonstrations over everything from the closure of houses of worship to court disputes and forced evictions.
"We were created in 2001 to make sure that land and jobs snatched away from true Betawi residents were returned back to them," FBR chairman Lutfi Hakim told the Jakarta Globe. "We were not created because of religion.
"We have two million registered members across the Greater Jakarta area and our purpose is simple: to raise the dignity and pride of Betawi residents on their own land," Lutfi said on Sunday, a day after 32 FBR members were arrested for their involvement in a brutal armed clash in South Jakarta.
The Betawi people are the descendants of those indigenous to Batavia, the colonial name for Jakarta around the 17th century.
"We Betawi people have been pushed aside and the masters of Jakarta are people of different [ethnicities]. Our task is to ensure that our people not only have jobs, but are educated to the highest level possible and are able to survive in Jakarta. We all feel left out. Our people are just street vendors, motorcycle-taxi drivers and food vendors."
Jakarta is home to a number of so-called community security organizations set up along religious and ethnic lines. These include the FBR and the Islam Defenders Front (FPI), which pursues a religious agenda.
The groups often intimidate residents by staging demonstrations, conducting raids and protesting the legality of office buildings and houses of worship.
When asked to elaborate on the presence of their supporters in mass demonstrations, Lutfi said that his supporters were acting on their convictions.
Lutfi did not deny that members of the FBR provided security services for companies across the capital, including entertainment businesses, construction projects and small shops.
He had commented in previous media reports that the FBR supplied mostly unemployed Betawi members as bouncers for nightclubs.
In recent weeks, FBR members have made their presence felt in Jakarta's courts.
At the Central Jakarta District Court, members of the FBR routinely attend to support the Anti-Buddha Bar Forum (FABB), which has sued Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo over the presence of the Buddha Bar in Jakarta.
The bar has been the target of protests by the local Buddhist community since it opened in Central Jakarta in December 2008 due to its use of the religious figure's name and likeness.
Arientha Primanita & Zaky Pawas, Bekasi At least 300 Islamic hard-liners protested against a Christian prayer meeting in Bekasi on Sunday, in the latest show of simmering religious tensions in the area.
Police said hundreds of members of the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) from Pondok Timur Indah were praying in a field in Ciketing Asem on Sunday morning, when demonstrators appeared and demanded the worshipers leave.
Bekasi Police chief Sr. Comr. Imam Sugiyanto said 300 police officers were sent to secure the area. Police also demanded that the protesters disperse.
Rev. Luspida Simanjuntak, head of the Christian congregation, said protesters refused to budge. They only left when prayers ended, she said.
"They even threw water bottles at us," she said. "The protesters are known for their brutality and we find their actions so very disturbing. But I forgive them."
However, Murhali Barja of the Bekasi branch of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), said the protesters believed the church group was violating the law when they held a prayer service without a permit.
The FPI is a hard-line group with a self-appointed mission to protect Islamic values in the secular country.
"We want them to cool down and secure a proper permit to conduct prayers in a church. If they follow regulations, we will not interfere," Murhali said. "It is okay if they want to uphold their religion. Just don't disturb ours."
Christians in Bogor and Bekasi have been repeatedly forced to hold prayer services on the street in the absence of local permits to use their churches.
Risomas Naingolan, a church member, said they had been praying in the Ciketing Asem field since Saturday.
"We had just newspapers lined on the ground to sit on. We were in a field and not even inside a structure. I fear for the future of this country if people are not allowed to conduct religious activities," he said.
Imam said the field could be used by the church, "but it seems local residents are not very happy with this idea." The police chief noted that many locals "do not have as many problems with other churches" as with the HKBP.
Luspida said her church, which has about 1,500 members, bought a house in 2007 where they could hold their activities. Following protests from residents in December last year, the Bekasi municipality sequestered the house and sealed it from use.
The group allegedly continued to sneak into the building to hold services, however, prompting the local government to issue a warning. Authorities locked up the building on June 20. Luspida said Bekasi officials had invited her to a dialogue on July 9, where Bekasi Mayor Mochtar Mohammad reportedly promised to let the Christian group hold church activities in Bekasi's public areas.
She said Mochtar also agreed to send police to safeguard the church's activities.
At a forum organized by the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, Luspida said she and her congregation felt betrayed by Bekasi officials.
"We demand the Bekasi administration to let the public know that they [gave us] the green light to conduct our prayers here," Luspida said.
The FPI and Islamic People's Forum (FUI) in Bekasi have frequently clashed with local Christian groups over religious rights.
Norimitsu Onishi, Indonesia As the nation with the world's largest number of Muslims, Indonesia every year sends the most pilgrims to Mecca by far. In fact, about one out of 10 believers who performed the hajj last year was Indonesian.
Some 1.2 million of the faithful are now on a government waiting list to go to Mecca, filling this country's annual quota through the next six years. But if the rapidly lengthening list is a testament to the nation's growing devotion, it has also become a source of one of its perennial problems: corruption.
According to government investigators and anticorruption groups, state officials and politicians misuse the money deposited by those on the waiting list now totaling nearly $2.1 billion. With travel agents and business cronies, officials exploit the myriad requirements of the state-run hajj to fatten their own pockets, watchdog groups say. Corruption, they say, has contributed to consistent complaints about cramped accommodations for pilgrims in Saudi Arabia and catering services that stop delivering midway through the trip.
The House of Representatives and officials at the Ministry of Religious Affairs recently settled on the price of this year's hajj after unusually protracted negotiations and accusations, widely reported in the media, that some lawmakers and bureaucrats had agreed to share $2.8 million in bribes from the ministry. The annual negotiations are used by veteran bureaucrats and lawmakers to hammer out personal deals, according to anticorruption groups and media, which have labeled them the "hajj mafia."
"We can't prove the existence of the hajj mafia yet," said Muhammad Baghowi, a lawmaker who was elected last year and sits on a legislative commission that oversees religious affairs. "But given all the indications, you can really sense it."
House leaders and ministry officials have denied the bribery accusations. Abdul Ghafur Djawahir, a high-ranking official at the ministry's hajj division, said anticorruption groups had misinterpreted the ministry's procedures and handling of the deposit money. He said they had also wrongly evaluated the costs of flights to Saudi Arabia and unfairly compared Indonesia's hajj management with that of Malaysia, where pilgrims reportedly pay less and get better service.
"That's what, in the end, forms the public's opinion that there is huge corruption here," Djawahir said, adding that there was "no hajj mafia" and that the ministry was "completely clean."
Ministry officials and lawmakers pointed out that the price for this year's hajj, which is scheduled for mid-November, had been lowered by $80 to $3,342, compared with last year. But anticorruption groups argue that without graft and mismanagement the cost would be several hundred dollars lower.
Despite the convictions in 2006 of ministry officials, including a former minister, for misusing hajj funds and bribing state auditors to validate the ministry's accounts, anticorruption advocates say that little has changed.
According to Indonesia Corruption Watch, in the deal-making between the ministry and legislature, lawmakers win hefty allowances on hajj trips for themselves and their relatives, and travel agencies and other businesses with political ties are handed contracts for catering or transportation. In return, lawmakers do not question the ministry's handling of the $2.4 billion in deposits, especially the accrued interest.
"What the money is used for, we never know," said Ade Irawan, a researcher at ICW, the country's leading private anticorruption organization. "That's the people's money, public money, the pilgrims' money."
The Indonesian Pilgrims Rabithah (RHI), a private group that has long pressed for reform of the hajj management, said the ministry and lawmakers negotiated away from public forums to keep their deals hidden.
"There is never any public accountability," said Ade Marfuddin, the organization's chairman, adding, "No one knows who gets what except them."
In a recent report, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the government's main anticorruption law-enforcement agency, identified 48 practices in hajj management that could lead to corruption. Mochammad Jasin, a deputy chairman of the commission, said the KPK would wait to see whether the ministry carried out suggested reforms before considering a full-fledged investigation into possible wrongdoing.
According to quotas established by Saudi authorities, 211,000 Indonesians will be allowed to go to Mecca this year. About 17,000 of them will go on private tours costing several times the state-run package of $3,342 a sum that often entails a lifetime of savings and the sale of property or livestock.
Unable to afford the state-run hajj, Arif Supardi, 53, entered Saudi Arabia on a business visa shortly before the hajj a couple of years ago. (The Saudi government estimated that 30 percent of the 2.5 million pilgrims last year went to Mecca without valid permits.) He said he managed to complete his pilgrimage for $2,000 by becoming what he and others called "hajj backpackers". "There were many from Indonesia," he said.
Prospective pilgrims must now deposit $2,500 to register for the hajj, effectively lending the ministry that amount until their turn to go on the hajj comes up six years later. According to the religious ministry, between 15,000 and 20,000 people register every month. Interest in performing the hajj, a pilgrimage that is an obligation for any physically and financially able Muslim adult, has risen in the past decade as Indonesians have grown wealthier and increasingly given Islam an important place in their lives.
Achmad Fachin, 50, who sold his family car to go to Mecca with his wife, said he did not complain during their hajj but has grown angry about the corruption. "They'll have to take responsibility for whatever they do. We were performing our religious duty and paid the fees with sincerity," he said.
Panca Nugraha, Mataram Sixth grader Muhyidin Sayid Ahmad returned home from school wearing a sad face. His school had just denied him the right to free education that has been provided by the West Nusa Tenggara provincial administration for poor students for the past two years.
Muhyidin is one of 40 children of Islamic sect Ahmadiyah who have been living in Wisma Transito in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, for the past four years, since they were driven out of their homes by an angry mob in Ketapang hamlet, Lingsar district, in West Lombok regency.
Of the 40 children, 20 are in primary school, seven in high school and the rest are of preschool age.
The boy's father, Syahidin, said his son's poor friends were getting cash assistance from the program called the Assistance for Poor Students [BSM] from his school, the nearby SDN 42 elementary school. "But my son did not get the assistance despite the fact we're so poor," Syahidin told The Jakarta Post.
Children of other Ahmadiyah refugees suffered the same gloomy fate. "There are 40 children here. None of them received assistance for poor students," said 45-year-old Syahidin, who is the refugee coordinator at the shelter.
Under the program, which disburses cash every three months, each needy elementary school student is entitled to receive Rp 15,000 [US$1.68] a month. Junior high school students get Rp 50,000 and high school students get Rp 75,000.
The provincial administration has provided more than Rp 124 billion annually through the BSM program since 2009. However, the children of Ahmadiyah members have not been included in the program.
Syahidin said that as refugees, the sect's members had been living with a social unclear status over the past year. On the other hand, they have to survive, including to provide their children's school needs, such as for transportation, books and uniform.
Each year, he said, the condition of refugees worsened. The province's Social Affairs Office stopped providing assistance to them in mid 2008 on the grounds that the assistance was allocated for only two years.
The provision of rice and cash for dishes also stopped and the refugees now have to fend for themselves. Many of the refugees, mostly farmers, ended up doing odd jobs, such as working as construction workers.
Over the past six months, they have been living in the shelter without electricity because they can not afford to pay the bills.
"We have tried everything to be able to return home to Ketapang but to no avail. We can only resign ourselves to our fate and hope for justice from God," Syahidin said.
None of the refugees hold valid identity cards which are required to be eligible for government assistance for the poor.
"Our Ketapang identity cards have expired. It is impossible for us to apply for ID cards here since we have been rejected everywhere," Syahidin said. "Without this card, we can't apply to get free healthcare or education programs."
The province's Education Youth and Sports Office secretary M. Imhal said the BSM assistance aimed to reach every poor student.
However, he said, the program's recipients were listed by school authorities, not his office. "We get the data from schools. If the refugees' children did not get the aid, they were probably not listed by their schools."
The province's Ahmadiyah advisor, Nasiruddin, said the refugees had been aided by overseas relief groups, human rights observers and foreign embassies, not their own government.
"Why does the international community care about us, while our own government thinks we don't exist?" Nasiruddin said. "The government should not shut their eyes and ears," he said. "If they don't wish to take any notice of us, that's fine. But please take notice of the condition of our children."
Purwakarta, West Java Clerics of the Indonesian Ulema Forum staged a mass demonstration outside the local administration's office on Friday, demanding that they remove the district's statue of Javanese puppetry figure Bima.
In a speech, KH Abdullah Joban, chairman of the forum's Purwakarta chapter, urged the administration to demolish the statue, claiming "it is against the city's Islamic identity".
The huge statue of Bima stands on Jalan Baru in the Nagri Kaler subdistrict of Purwakarta. In its official statement to the administration, the Ulema Forum claimed that the statue of Bima had a negative impact on the public because it is an image of a figure which only exists in people's "superstitious beliefs."
"It is a way to recall a figure from superstitious beliefs. From the economic point of view it is wasteful and from the legal point of view it is causing public restlessness," Abdullah said, adding that the statue should be replaced with an Islamic figure. Purwakarta district head Dedi Mulyadi has apparently had two other statues based on Javanese puppetry erected in the district.
The demonstration comes less than two months after the Bekasi administration in West Java pulled down the 17-meter-tall "Tiga Mojang" ("Three Girls") statue, which took a year and at least 50 people to build, at a cost of Rp 2.4 billion ($268,800).
After pointed objections by hard-line groups, which included protesters spray-painting the statue and covering it with a white sheet, Bekasi Mayor Mochtar Muhammad ordered the developer of the complex at which the statue stood to remove it. When developers failed to do so, the Bekasi administration took the statue down in June. In mid-May, more than 1,000 members of hard-line Islamic organizations had rallied outside the Bekasi administration office to protest against the statue.
The leader of Bekasi's Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), Murhali Barda, said the Tiga Mojang statue, aside from having lacked a building permit, was un-Islamic. "The women are wearing tight costumes," Murhali said. "And above all, Islam prohibits statues and paintings that try to copy real living beings."
Tiga Mojan designer Nyoman Nuarta said his public sculptures usually portray real beings because Indonesians are generally not interested in abstract art. He also said Indonesians tend to forget their cultural roots and readily adopt anything foreign, both good and bad. "We take on American or Arabian culture as if we were not proud of our own," he said.
Ismira Lutfia, Jakarta While television stations prepare to roll out their usual Ramadan lineups of programs laden with piety, the broadcast watchdog and a council of Islamic clerics is calling for "better-quality" programming all around.
The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) joined forces with the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) and veteran actor Deddy Mizwar on Tuesday to call for a carrot-and-stick scheme to get broadcasters to improve their programming in terms of morality and values.
"We have to reward broadcasters who put out good programs and punish those who violate the public's right to enjoy high-quality and healthy programming on free-to-air TV," Asrorun Ni'am Sholeh, from the MUI's edict-issuing body, said at the KPI office.
Deddy, renowned for playing the pious father figure in Ramadan shows and in the popular "Para Pencari Tuhan" (God Seekers) soap opera, said such a system was needed to effect change.
"There must be the threat of firm punishment for such broadcasters, otherwise they'll never change," he said.
Metro TV spokesman Adjie S Soeratmadjie agreed with the idea, saying it could help "facilitate, empower and nurture television stations."
The call follows a recent outcry against so-called infotainment, or gossip shows, which most Jakarta-based stations broadcast and which are hugely popular.
The KPI and civil society groups, among others, have blamed such shows for the media circus that sprang up over the celebrity sex video scandal over the past two months.
Last month the KPI ruled that infotainment shows would be classified "non-factual," thus making them liable to censorship. The Press Council lauded the move, saying the shows lacked journalistic values, as did the House of Representatives' Commission I, for communications.
The MUI has also weighed in against infotainment shows by issuing an edict labeling them haram, or forbidden in Islam. Asrorun said this move was the result "of the broadcasting stakeholders' growing concern for the need for broadcasters to shape up."
KPI official Iddy Muzzayad said most broadcasters were cognizant of the need to tone down the sensationalist nature of their reporting, citing a hearing last Thursday between TV representatives and House Commission I, at which broadcasters pledged to clean up their acts.
Iddy said that broadcasters could use Ramadan, which starts next Wednesday, to overhaul their prime time formats to match the shift in viewer demand.
Prime time during this period will be just before dawn, when most Muslims get up to have their pre-fast meal. Viewer numbers during this time are expected to increase 1,200 percent from non-Ramadan times, Iddy said.
The evening prime time, meanwhile, will be from 5 to 7 p.m., when people gather together to break their fast. Iddy said this would be up 35 percent from noon-Ramadan times.
"The audience demographics will also shift significantly," he said. "There will be a sharp rise in the number of children from 5 to 14 years old, representing a 2,200-percent increase during the pre-dawn meal hours and a 50 percent increase during the fast-breaking hours, compared to non-Ramadan figures.
"This is one of the reasons why television shows during Ramadan need to really consider and respect the children's sensitivities."
Asrorun, however, accused most stations of just dressing up their programs with Islamic trimmings without actually conveying the true meaning of Ramadan. "Most such shows are just labeled as 'Ramadan-themed,' but fail to show the core values of the fasting month," he said.
Titin Rosmasari, the chief news editor at private broadcaster Trans7, agreed, and added that universal values of Islam should be insinuated into programs targeted at other viewers. "This is what we're doing with our programs," she said.
Broadcasters have for the most part welcomed the call to improve their programming, but say clear guidelines must be put in place on what constitutes good or bad TV.
"If we knew what the boundaries were, we could adjust our creativity to stay within them," said Hardijanto Saroso, the corporate secretary at private broadcaster SCTV.
Meanwhile, KPI chairman Dadang Rachmat Hidayat said the commission was revising the prevailing code of conduct and programming standards, for which it had enlisted help from legal experts, media practitioners and other TV stakeholders.
He said that he hoped broadcasters would continue to abide by the current code, particularly in terms of their Ramadan programming. "Ramadan or not, the code remains the same," he said.
Lima, Lampung There is no such thing as bad publicity even for a form of coffee bean excreted by a civet cat for human consumption.
Following discussions by Indonesia's main Muslim organizations that a fatwa be placed against luwak coffee, sales of the world's most expensive brew have increased 30 percent, according to one supplier.
Though the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) eventually chose not to impose the religious edict, West Lampung district coffee dealer Wahyudi Santoso said on Monday that the discussions had had a positive impact on the industry.
"The public's response is shown at a fair in Lampung, where people wanted to know more about the... coffee powder making process; the sale of the product increased by up to 70 kilograms, or more than 30 percent," he said.
He said that thanks to talk of the fatwa, coffee business operators had also been encouraged to improve the quality of their product.
Lampung's powdered luwak coffee sells for Rp 750,000 ($84) per kilogram and beans for Rp 200,000 per kilogram. The industry is becoming increasingly important in West Lampung, a local official said. (Antara/JG)
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Another sex scandal has hit the House of Representatives and may lead to the fall of a legislator as has occurred in two previous instances.
Reports surfaced Friday on social networking website Twitter that an unnamed politician from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party is facing allegations of rape.
An unnamed sales promotion girl allegedly filed a police report against the legislator for rape in Bandung last May, when the Democratic Party held a national congress to elect a new chairman.
An executive of the country's largest party speaking on condition of anonymity confirmed Friday that the party's central board of executives was aware of the rape allegations.
Democratic Party patron Marzuki Alie said, however, that he had no idea about the validity of the information. He said he would ensure that the politician in question would be dishonorably dismissed if the reports were verified.
Marzuki, who is also the House speaker, also urged police to immediately follow up the girl's report. He stressed that the Democratic Party would neither interfere with police investigations nor hamper efforts to verify the claims.
"(The Democratic Party) has a lot of things to do. Let's leave (this rape issue) to the police," Marzuki said Friday.
Deputy House Speaker Pramono Anung from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said that if the allegations were true, the legislator should be severely punished. "He has to be dismissed and punished immediately," Pramono posted on Twitter on Friday.
Sex scandals led to the downfall of two legislators in the previous term.
One of the scandals involved Yahya Zaini, who then headed the religious affairs section of the Golkar Party. A sex video featuring him and dangdut singer Maria Eva was leaked and posted on the Internet in 2006. Following intense media exposure and public pressure, Yahya resigned from the House.
The other case involved Max Moein from the PDI-P, who was depicted naked with his secretary in pictures circulating on the Internet. The House board of ethics, under the leadership of Max's PDI-P colleague, Gayus Lumbuun, dismissed the disgraced legislator after calling him guilty of sexual harassment.
At the start of the current House session, two Democratic Party legislators were implicated in sex scandals but survived due to insufficient evidence.
As if to add insult to injury, one of the House's touch-screen monitors was the target of hackers, who popped up porn websites on it earlier this week.
Aubrey Belford, Indonesia As one of the heads of the Indonesian Internet Service Provider Association, Valens Riyadi knows he has his work cut out for him.
Last month, the country's information minister, Tifatul Sembiring, said that local service providers would have to start blocking online pornography by the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, which starts Aug. 11. That deadline is fast approaching, and Valens says he still has no idea how he is going to put a filter in place.
"It's really a hard thing to do in technical terms," he said. "For me, it's almost an impossible task."
Tifatul Sembiring has won plaudits for pledging to curb online pornography in this Muslim-majority democracy of 240 million people, and for following regional peers like China, Thailand and Singapore into the fraught world of Internet screening. But the problem, Valens says, is that the minister's plan is really no plan at all.
No official decree has been issued, no list of banned sites has been published and no details have surfaced on who will pay for monitoring and screening of Web sites. The minister has, however, threatened the roughly 230 Internet service providers in Indonesia with closure if they fail to block pornographic sites for the country's 40 million Internet users.
Valens, laughing with exasperation, said service providers might be able to scrape together a block of "famous pornographic Web sites" in the coming weeks roughly 10 percent of such content. Service providers might be able to block 50 percent of online pornography in the months ahead, he said, if they were lucky.
The debate over Internet screening here has been intense. Early this year, Tifatul proposed a decree that would impose screening of sites with illegal content, including pornography, gambling and blasphemy. He based his proposal in part on two laws concerning information technology and pornography that were passed in 2008, but the announcement led to howls of opposition from secularists and free-speech advocates.
The uproar from civil society groups and in the rambunctious Indonesian media, one of the freest in Asia, prompted Indonesia's president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to rebuff the plan.
But in June, a series of videos emerged online that allegedly showed the popular rock singer Nazril Irham, known as Ariel, having sex with two female celebrities.
Amid the wild popularity of the videos and blanket media coverage of the scandal, in which the celebrities and a number of other people were declared suspects accused of breaking laws on criminal pornography and indecency, Sembiring revived the screening plan this time with backing from the president.
Tifatul says the plan will work, and in time for the fasting month. During an interview, he said that service providers would adopt a government keyword filtering system known as Trust Positif, which is already in use in many of the government's computer networks.
"Not all of the sites, all of the pornographic content, will be gone from the Internet," said Tifatul, a politician from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), a conservative Islamic group that is a member of the president's governing coalition. "But step by step, we're trying to filter pornographic content."
The filter would begin with pornography and would later be expanded to other undesirable sites. Since the keyword list has already been in use for government departments, he said, "I think after one month, our frequency of updating will be low."
But for Valens, of the I.S.P. association, the plan is simply unworkable. Blocking sites by keywords might be feasible for small networks, but it is a tricky task for larger ones, he said.
Service providers would have to collectively spend as much as 500 billion rupiah, or $56 million, to install proxy, or intermediate, servers to house the filters, he said.
Valens added that the proxy servers might not even work, and that if they did, it could slow the access to overseas Web sites by 20 percent to 30 percent, he said.
Valens said the way forward would be for the government to put together a list of blocked addresses, a laborious process that would involve tens of millions of restricted pages. But such a list has not been made public, despite requests. "I guess he's gotten the wrong technical data from his staff," he said.
For Hasan Yahya, a business consultant and blogger, the screening plan threatens both free speech and Indonesia's Internet industry.
Although there are hundreds of service providers in the country, the majority of people are clients of Telkom, the state-linked giant, and a handful of other, private operators.
Making service providers assume the burden of screening will squeeze smaller operators hard, Hasan said. Tifatul "is a Taliban copying what he thinks he knows from China," Hasan said. "It's hardly the example that we want to copy for this young and fragile democracy."
Besides, Hasan said, the plan is so vague and technically unfeasible that it will probably not even work. Unlike China or Singapore, Indonesia, with its roughly 17,000 islands, has no centralized Web infrastructure and has several links to networks overseas.
"I'd bet you my little finger nobody could make it happen," Hasan said. "Not in the next few months, not in the time frame the minister wants, before Ramadan."
Jakarta In a major embarrassment for Indonesia's House of Representatives, journalists and House staff members were exposed to hard-core pornographic images broadcast on an internal large- screen television normally used to provide information on the daily political schedule.
And despite the efforts of journalists to turn the images off, they were unable to do so until security finally succeeded about 15 minutes after the images were first broadcast.
The images are also understood to have been broadcast on similar big-screen televisions in the offices of the House leadership.
The extremely hard-core photographs and advertisements including one for "young teens" were taken from an adult Web site that is banned in neighboring Singapore and Malaysia.
The timing of the incident could not have come at a worse time for the government, with the Communications and Information Technology Ministry under minister Tifatul Sembiring hoping to pass a decree blocking Web sites it deems pornographic.
House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan has officially apologized for the incident and the House has launched an investigation.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Armando Siahaan, Jakarta Despite a spate of recent criticism over lack of action in the House of Representatives, a House budget committee on Monday proposed that all lawmakers be provided with an extra Rp 200 million ($22,400), for the construction of new offices to serve as meeting places with constituents in their respective regions.
The proposal just comes three days after a man scaled and spray- painted the roof of the House of Representatives building with the words jujur (honest), tegas (firm) and adil (fair), in a show of disgust over the body's inefficacy.
"We have established a special working committee to deliberate this proposal," said Pius Lustrilanang, deputy chief of the legislative body's Household Affairs Committee (BURT), which proposed the budget item. "We hope that the process to build these [facilities] will begin next year."
Pius said the committee had asked for Rp 122 billion to be allocated in the House's 2011 budget for the construction of what lawmakers have termed "aspiration homes." The name refers to places where constituents can have their aspirations heard.
The proposal comes on the heels of heavy criticism of House members for truancy and their continuing failure to pass priority bills into law even as they have pledged to pass 70 laws by the end of the year. They have only passed seven since October, all of them amendments to existing laws.
Lawmakers had earlier requested funds for a new Rp 1.8 trillion House building, while the Golkar Party had argued for a Rp 15 billion-per-lawmaker pork barrel fund.
Lawmaker Mahfudz Siddiq, from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said he supported the call for aspiration homes, saying they would better channel the needs of the masses.
House Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso, from the Golkar Party, also supported the idea. He said the facilities would allow legislators to clearly listen to their constituents' needs.
Priyo said allocating funding for the new facilities was only fair because the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) was granted the same thing in 2007. "Since the DPD got such funding, it's quite reasonable for the House to ask for it too," he said.
But Yuna Farhan, the secretary general of the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), said that the case of the DPD members was different.
While House members are affiliated with parties and can use party offices to host constituent meetings, he said DPD members were independent and thus required the special facilities.
Yuna also pointed out that House legislators had already been allocated funding to meet with their constituents.
According to a Fitra report, the national budget includes Rp 57.15 billion per year for programs related to hearing from constituents, Rp 173.16 billion per year for official visits and Rp 94.37 billion for intensive communication with constituents. "If approved, there will be an overlap of budget," Yuna said.
"The legislators are already allocated funding to carry out their function to listen to the people."
Some politicians have also spurned the idea. Wiranto, who chairs the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), has instructed all Hanura lawmakers to reject the proposal.
"Hanura lawmakers are welcome to use their salaries to build such facilities," he said. "It would be better if this proposed budget was instead directed toward securing health insurance for the poor."
Tjahjo Kumolo, the House faction leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said that the proposal marked another step in the legislature's shift toward "excessive individualism."
He said funding for the facilities would weaken the country's political system, as such individual privilege would reduce legislators' engagement with their parties.
Tjahjo said the money allocated for the facilities could instead be used for programs that would benefit the people directly.
"Instead of wasting hundreds of millions on aspiration homes, we could use the money to buy tractors for farmers or generators for fishermen," he said, adding that such spending would have a more realistic impact.
Budiman Sudjatmiko, a PDI-P lawmaker, said that he had built his own aspiration home in his constituency of Purwokerto, Central Java, from his House salary.
"I used the communication fees I received," he said. "Six times a year we visit our constituents, and for that we get Rp 8 million per visit. I used that money, plus my monthly salary, to build this [aspiration] home."
If the proposal was approved, Budiman said he would not take the money.
House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan, from the National Mandate Party (PAN), said the BURT should reconsider making the proposal official.
"The idea must be transparently discussed with the public before it is officially brought to a House plenary session, particularly considering that the House is currently under such heavy criticism," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Armando Siahaan, Jakarta Lawmakers facing intense public criticism over their truancy have set a new target to pass 16 bills by the end of the year, but analysts warn that the quality of the resulting laws could be so bad that they would be worse than useless.
The timing of the warning gave it an extra edge, with the House of Representatives today going into another recess, which is set to last two weeks.
"It's impossible to get both quantity and quality at the same time," said Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political researcher from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI).
He added that the House usually aimed to pass 350 to 450 bills over the course of each five-year working period. "It would be better if the House just lowered its targeted legislation for each year and made new priorities," he said.
At the start of the year, the House announced it would pass 70 bills into law this year, which the House Legislation Body subsequently revised down to 17 priority areas at the end of May.
They include the much-awaited bill on protocol and bills for legal aid, cultural heritage, horticulture and currency.
The handful of bills passed since the current crop of legislators took office in October last year included a revision to the 2002 Clemency Law, deemed urgent in light of overflowing requests, and annually recurring ones such as the state budget.
On Friday, House Speaker Marzuki Alie vowed to complete deliberations over 16 bills.
Ahmad Yani, a United Development Party (PPP) lawmaker and member of the House Legislation Body, was even more optimistic, saying on Sunday that it was still possible to meet the original target of passing 70 bills, despite effectively only having about four months left to do so.
"Each [of the 11] commissions is currently trying to complete three or four bills," he said.
Ahmad said the policy set by Marzuki to dedicate Wednesdays and Thursdays to clearing legislation had so far been working effectively. "And some working committees also work over the weekends," he added.
But the LSI's Burhanuddin warned that if lawmakers rushed the deliberation process just to meet the target, the quality of legislation would likely suffer, making the laws prone to challenges in the Constitutional Court. Inviting outside experts such as NGOs and academics to help advise on laws could help improve their quality, he added.
Eryanto Nugroho, executive director for the Center for Law and Policy Studies (PSHK), said its study had found the ideal legislative target for the House was 20 to 30 bills a year.
"The House must screen any proposed bill before finally deciding on 20 to 30 bills very urgent ones to be discussed," he said.
Andreas Hugo Pareira, a former lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said three main areas needed to be improved: legislators' competence, their discipline and the mechanisms of the legislature itself.
"Without improvements in these areas, I'm very pessimistic that the target hundreds of bills within five years can ever be met," he said. "The quality of the laws would not be good and they would just be susceptible to judicial reviews in the future."
Ahmad, however, rejected suggestions the target be slashed. "Those critics have no insight whatsoever into the realities of the legislative process," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho, Jakarta The House of Representatives' Ethics Council must censure legislators who have protested against a plan to publish a list of truant individuals, a think tank said yesterday.
Eryanto Nugraha, executive director of the Center for Indonesian Law and Policy (PSHK), said that rather than get worked up over the name-and-shame proposal, legislators should see it as an opportunity for reflection and self-evaluation.
"The House Ethics Council must officially warn such legislators to be more careful in their responses to such plans," he said.
Such resistance, he added, could be seen as an attempt to undermine the freedom of information law, which guarantees the people's right to access information and obligates the bureaucracy to provide such information.
"That's why legislators don't have any valid reasons to protest the planned publication of the list," Eryanto said. "By shouting it down, they're showing their opposition to a law that they themselves passed."
PSHK advocacy director Ronald Rofiandri called on the House Secretariat, which manages attendance lists, not to be influenced by the anger directed toward the proposal, and instead to abide by the prevailing freedom of information law.
"I'm sure this wave of righteous anger and indignation could easily cow the Secretariat into not releasing the information that the public has a right to," he said.
Ethics Council deputy chairman Nudirman Munir said any information released by the Secretariat would have to be reviewed to ensure it was up to date.
"We're still collecting all the data on legislators' attendance rates," he said, adding there was no plan in the works to censure legislators opposed to the publication of the lists.
Several legislators have criticized the House Secretariat's move to name truant individuals, claiming its attendance information remains unconfirmed. They also say the publication of the lists could be possible grounds for a defamation lawsuit.
The Secretariat previously released information showing that none of the nine parties in the House had ever had all of its legislators show for a plenary session.
The information also showed that dozens of legislators had regularly skipped plenary sessions, with 12 of them missing out on three or more sessions.
Meanwhile, University of Indonesia legal expert Irmanputra Sidin called for an end to the debate over legislators' poor attendance rates, saying that a legislator's performance should not be gauged solely by one statistic.
"While the prevailing regulations stipulate that a legislator who skips six consecutive plenary meetings without a valid excuse must be dismissed, we should never measure their performance by their attendance records," he said.
He added it would be more appropriate to measure a legislator's worth by the bills they proposed, their contributions in deliberating the state budget and how they represent the interests of their constituents.
"If the attendance rate becomes the yardstick by which we measure a legislator's performance, then we'll effectively be forcing them to come into these meetings, wait them out, and go home, without doing anything constructive during that time," Irmanputra said.
Dessy Sagita Culturally entrenched gender inequality and a lack of bargaining power has kept much of Asia, and Indonesia in particular, from meeting the UN Millennium Development Goal on reducing the maternal mortality rate, an official says.
"Gender inequality has long been a problem," Budiharja, the Indonesian Ministry of Health's director general for community health and education, said on Wednesday during a special ministerial meeting in Jakarta to review progress in the region in meeting the MDGs.
"Women don't have the right to make important decisions, even decisions that affect their own lives," he said.
Budiharja said the Indonesian maternal mortality rate was unacceptably high, even in places served by adequate health facilities, simply because most women needed permission from their husbands to seek treatment.
"The decision-making process is a nightmare for many women, and they risk death by just waiting for their husbands to get home," he said.
Indonesia's maternal mortality rate is 228 out of every 100,000 births almost 10 times as high as in Malaysia and Thailand, and 65 times that of Singapore.
Ajay Chhibber, assistant secretary general and assistant administrator at the United Nations Development Program, said gender bias was one of the most important issues that needed to be addressed in the Asia-Pacific region in order to attain the development goals.
"Asia has a very strong gender bias, in fact it's probably the worst in the world, where women don't have access to economic and political rights," he said.
Nila Djuwita Moeloek, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's special envoy for MDGs, said education and women's empowerment were the keys to addressing this gender disparity and reaching the MDGs.
"Women must be agents of change for their families because they're the ones who are responsible for educating the children," she said. "If they don't have enough information, then the whole family lacks the proper knowledge."
Chhibber said that in terms of educating women, Indonesia had shown some progress. "The enrollment is there, girls get to enjoy education at schools," he said. "But it's not enough as long as the systematic discrimination still exists."
Chhibber added that despite the improved access to education, most women in Indonesia were still paid less than men for the same jobs. He also said quotas for women in the House of Representatives and local legislatures, though a noble effort, were not being enforced.
Taufik Hanafi, director of education and religious affairs at the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas), said studies had shown that well-educated women tended to have more confidence in making their own decisions regarding maternal health.
"Educated women know more about their environment, medical facilities, as well as the kinds of health services they need," he said. "That's exactly why gender equality is a crucial issue. Indonesian women need to be educated properly."
Chhibber called for better maternal and infant health education in the provinces of Papua, Aceh and East Nusa Tenggara, where inordinately high mortality rates are keeping the national average from going down.
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta A two-day special ministerial meeting to review progress on meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the Asia-Pacific region ended Wednesday, with some activists calling the meeting's final declaration "just rhetoric".
UN Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs Sha Zukang said the 41 point declaration is concrete and represents the perspective of Asia-Pacific countries.
"The meeting has resulted in a declaration the Jakarta declaration, which stipulates commitments of Asia and Pacific countries to continue developing their efforts to achieve the MDGs," Indonesian Foreign Ministry director general for multilateral affairs Rezlan Ishar Jenie told a press conference on Wednesday.
"We have identified our achievements and failures and set plans on what to do next," he said.
According to the declaration, there has been progress in meeting some of the MDGs, but there are also areas where progress has been slow and countries may only meet those targets after 2015.
"We therefore... underscore the urgent need for Asia and the Pacific to intensify collective action, to overcome current and emerging challenges and make use of opportunities to meet the MDGs at a regional level and contribute to reaching the goals at the global level," the declaration read.
The declaration also recognizes the importance of private sector involvement, for example, through public-private partnerships and corporate social responsibility (CSR).
Private firms can play a bigger role in implementing the MDGs, for example, by using government incentives to build "basic infrastructure", such as roads, Asian Development Bank representative Shilo Chatterjee said.
The private sector could help inform the public not to throw garbage into rivers, said Nila Djuwita Moeloek, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's special envoy for MDGs.
"Companies also can provide technology to clean rivers through their CSR programs," she added.
Urban Poor Consortium coordinator Wardah Hafidz said involving the private sector in MDGs projects would result in their domination of the process at the expense of the public interest.
The declaration was just rhetoric as it said progress is slower in rural areas than in urban areas, Institute for Global Justice executive director Indah Suksmaningsih said.
"MDGs have been intended since the beginning to help those having difficulties, while everyone knows those having difficulties mostly live in rural areas," she told The Jakarta Post.
"We also have known for the last 10 years that only rich countries will be able to reduce their poverty rate. The results now speak for itself," she said, adding national progress on MDGs to date was equivalent to a painkiller, not a cure.
Migrant CARE analyst Wahyu Susilo said the declaration failed to include Vice President Boediono's critique of developed countries.
Boediono previously said developed countries had earmarked only 0.31 percent of their gross national product for official development assistance, well below a 0.7 percent target.
Nivell Rayda, Jakarta The government on Friday failed to provide satisfactory responses to the Constitutional Court about the position and legal standing of the Attorney General's Office inside President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet.
Judges Akil Mochtar, Muhammad Alim, Arsyad Sanusi, Hamdan Zoelva and Constitutional Court Chairman Mahfud MD all expressed their disappointment about the vague responses provided by Cholilah, director of litigation at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, who represented the government.
"I will submit my answers in writing, during the next court session," Cholilah said.
The judges had asked Cholilah about the exact position of attorney general inside the cabinet. "When an attorney general issues a decision, is he acting as an extension of the president's executive power? Or is he acting as an independent law enforcement official?" Judge Akil inquired.
Judge Hamdan, meanwhile, asked the ministry official about the power of prosecution inside the AGO, which oversees prosecutor offices nationwide. "In practice, all prosecution decisions need approval from the Attorney General. Does this mean prosecutor offices at the provincial and district levels have no independence whatsoever?"
Cholilah reiterated that he would provide answers to the questions in writing at the next court session.
Mahfud lambasted the official's response. "Your ministry produced the law. How can you have no idea about the system? I want you to respond to the questions now and not merely copy what you have already prepared in writing," he told Cholilah.
The court is hearing a judicial review on the Law on Prosecution, filed by Yusril Ihza Mahendra, a former justice minister and founder of the Star Crescent Party (PBB).
The AGO last month named Yusril as a suspect for his role in a fraudulent online corporate registration service at the ministry. Yusril is accused of illegally appointing Sarana Rekatama Dinamika, which allegedly swindled 90 percent of revenues from the service. The AGO estimated the scheme cost the state Rp 410 billion ($46 million). Yusril had been fighting back against the AGO's decision to charge him by questioning the legality of the position of Attorney General Hendarman Supandji.
Hendarman, Yusril said, was a member of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet during the president's first and second term but the president never officially reinstated Hendarman as attorney general after Yudhoyono was reelected in 2009.
Yusril argued that the AGO's decision to charge him was therefore illegal.
"Today's hearing shows that the Attorney General Office's position is vague. It is not really an executive body because it deals with law enforcement but at the same time not also a part of the legal system because it is under the president," Yusril said.
The AGO also charged Sarana's owner, Hartono Tanoesoedibyo, the brother of media mogul Hary Tanoesoedibyo. Former Sarana president Yohannes Waworuntu has already been sentenced to five years in prison for his role in the case.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta The legitimacy and legal power of the judicial commissioners may be called into question by the judges they supervise as a presidential regulation extending their tenure lacks legal basis, one judiciary watchdog says.
An activist from the Judiciary Watchdog Coalition, Asep Rahmat Fajar, on Monday expressed concern over the commission's authority to summon judges suspected of having committed violations.
"A presidential regulation needs a juridical ground, which means it should have been stipulated in the [2004 Judicial Commission] law that issuing such a regulation is possible. But there is no room for that in the law," Asep said.
Six judicial commissioners on Monday started the first day of their second tenure after last week President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a regulation extending their tenure until a selection committee completes the process of selecting new blood for the commission.
The commissioners' tenure expired on Aug. 2 but the committee has yet to conclude the selection process. The committee will accept candidacy registration until Aug. 9, the deadline has been extended twice due to a lack of applicants and delays in budget disbursements.
Asep said the government should have opted for revising the law to regulate on the extension of the commissioners' tenure.
Judicial Commission chief Busyro Muqoddas said he would not enter the debate. "It is outside of the commission. We don't have problem with [the presidential regulation], we'll just do [our duty]," he said at an event commemorating the commission's fifth anniversary.
He proposed turning the commission into a judicial court with the authority to supervise not only judges, but also the police, prosecutors and members of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri has used a major personnel rotation to promote several of his supporters to strategic and prestigious positions, an observer said.
"I noticed the names of several high officials who have questionable integrity, but still the National Police chief transferred them prestigious positions. It shows that this time personnel rotations were dedicated to those who have shown loyalty," Indonesian Police Watch representative Neta S. Pane told The Jakarta Post.
The only possible rationale behind the major personnel rotation was for Bambang to ensure stability at the end of his tenure, Neta said.
There were 556 personnel transfers at the National Police headquarters as of Friday, two-thirds of which involved mid-level officers. Five top officials at National Police headquarters and nine regional police chiefs were replaced.
As part of the shuffle, Central Java Police chief Insp. Gen. Alex Bambang Riatmojo will be replaced by National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang. Brig. Gen. Iskandar Hasan will replace Edward.
A source close to the police said that originally Alex was not under consideration as part of the rotation. "Everything changed when Alex was involved in the soccer game incident. The National Police headquarters decided to replace him afterwards," the source said.
Alex had intervened in a recent soccer game in Surakarta, where he came to the field and asked that the referee be replaced.
However, the National Police denied the report. "The transfers are related to organizational needs and regular promotion programs. It did not have anything to do with [the game]," National Police deputy spokesman Sr. Comr. Ketut Untung Yoga Ana said.
Edward's promotion to Central Java Police chief was done in gratitude for the successful performance of his duties, another source said. "Besides he will retire soon, thus the promotion can be considered a farewell gift from the force," the source added.
Insp. Gen. Hadiatmoko will become Bali's new police chief, replacing Insp. Gen. Sutisna. Hadiatmoko's name first emerged after Sr. Comr. Wiliardi Wizard testified at the murder trial Antasari Azhar. Wiliardi said he was persuaded by Hadiatmoko to testify against the Corruption Eradication Commission former chief in exchange for administrative punishment and immunity from criminal prosecution.
Hadiatmoko previously denied Wiliardi's testimony, saying that it was baseless.
National Police Legal Assistance division head and alleged holder of an implausibly large bank account Insp. Gen. Badrodin Hati will be East Java's new police chief, replacing Insp. Gen. Supratiknya.
Two National Police chief deputies are also replaced. The current operational deputy Insp, Gen. SY Wenas, who will retire this year, will be replaced by Insp. Gen. Soenarko DA and Insp. Gen. Yudi Sus Haryanto become the new deputy for logistics, replacing Insp. Gen. Joko Sardono.
Jakarta Expressing his concern over the high number of military personnel and police officers being picked up for drug use, Jakarta Military Commander Maj. Gen. Marciano Norman vowed Wednesday to take strict action against all offenders.
"We need to clean up our own backyard as the first step [in the fight against drugs]," he said at the opening of a joint counselling program for 200 officers at the city police headquarters.
According to Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Timur Pradopo, more than 75 police officers and 35 military personnel were caught either selling or using illicit drugs in the past five years.
Marciano said any soldier or police officer caught dealing or using illegal drugs would lose their commission and face the courts.
"We regularly have our officers provide us with urine samples to ensure they are not taking drugs," Mariano said.
He said he expected the one-day counselling program to teach officers of the dangers of drug use and encourage participants to share with others their skills and knowledge on drugs.
Last year, West Jakarta Police arrested a detective from the Jakarta Police narcotics division, Adj. Comr. Mangatur Sianturi, and one other officer for drug trafficking.
Timur lamented that the country's war against drugs was not only hampered by unscrupulous military and police personnel, citing budgetary constraints as another major hurdle.
"Out of the 650 cases we are faced with each month, we only have the funds to handle 250 cases," he claimed.
Facing these obstacles, the police say they make best of the fund by allocating a portion to hold prevention programs such as the counselling.
According to research conducted by Jakarta Police, the drug cases in the first half of this year; double the 2,960 cases uncovered in the same period last year.
"Over the past five years, City Police recorded 37,000 drug cases involving 46,000 suspects with more than half of them were between 15 and 27 years old," he said.
The National Narcotics Agency record 51,000 drug-related deaths each year, while the number of drug users in the country hit 3.6 million last year, including 1 million registered drug addicts. (not)
Camelia Pasandaran, Jakarta In response to a string of explosions involving three-kilogram liquid petroleum gas cylinders, the government is considering scrapping the subsidy on the canisters and replacing it with direct subsidies for the poor to purchase the cooking gas, officials said on Thursday.
The price disparity between the 3-kg cylinders and the commercial 12-kg cylinders has led unscrupulous traders to siphon the gas from the smaller canisters to fill the larger ones, said the coordinating minister for people's welfare, Agung Laksono.
The siphoning, done using needles and syringes, damages the canisters' valves and is now being blamed for the explosions, which have claimed at least seven lives and left scores injured. "I heard that there is a problem with illegal refills," President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Thursday.
Yudhoyono ordered ministers to check the price disparity between the 12-kg and 3-kg cylinders, which are being distributed under a government program to encourage low-income households to switch from kerosene to cheaper LPG for cooking.
Yudhoyono also asked Vice President Boediono to chair a meeting, now scheduled for Monday, to discuss the problem and seek a solution.
Agung said some traders were taking advantage of the price difference to make a profit, in the process putting lives at risk. "The price disparity has prompted irresponsible people to engage in the illegal refilling process, destroying the valves of both the 3-kg and 12-kg canisters," he said.
Previously, the government said faulty rubber hoses and regulators on the cylinders were behind the explosions.
The 3-kg cylinders are sold for Rp 13,000 ($1.50) and the 12-kg ones cost Rp 76,000 to Rp 78,000, a difference of at least Rp 2,000 per kilogram of LPG.
Agung said police investigations had found many of the leaks in both the 3-kg and 12-kg canisters were due to illegal refilling, and that most of the explosions were caused by leaks brought on by the puncturing of the valves.
Last week the government announced it was recalling as many as nine million 3-kg cylinders that did not meet Indonesian National Standards, but Agung could not say how many of these were as a result of illegal refilling.
He said a single price for LPG, regardless of canister size, would be decided on in the meeting chaired by Boediono on Monday.
Karen Agustiawan, president director of state oil and gas company Pertamina, said she wanted an "economic gas price" of Rp 7,826 per kilogram. LPG is currently sold at between Rp 4,333 and Rp 6,333 a kilogram.
"Even applying the 'economic gas price,' it will still be cheaper than kerosene," she said. The government in June scrapped state subsidies on kerosene.
Both Karen and Agung said that to offset the effect of the price hikes on the poor the government would provide them with direct subsidies.
While Karen mentioned direct cash aid, Agung cited plans to issue vouchers for poor families to buy LPG. Agung also said the program to promote the use of LPG as a cooking fuel would continue.
Dion Bisara, Singapore Indonesia's economy grew at a better- than-expected 6.2 percent in the second quarter of 2010 from the same period a year ago, thanks to strong investment, exports and steady household spending, fueling predictions that more than 6 percent growth can be achieved for the year.
Cumulatively, the country's economy grew 5.9 percent in the first half from the same period last year, accelerating from a 4.2 percent pace in 2009.
The latest growth figure exceeded analysts' forecasts of 6 percent, and was the highest figure since the 6.25 percent posted in the third quarter of 2008, thanks mainly to strong domestic consumption and exports.
The government had estimated 5.8 percent growth in the second quarter, a more conservative figure than the central bank's estimate of 6 percent.
"We expect growth momentum to remain strong in the second half of 2010, given the momentum in high-frequency indicators such as consumer confidence, cement and motor-vehicle sales," said Prakriti Sofat, an economist at Barclays Capital in Singapore.
Slamet Sutomo, an official at the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), said, "Growth in the third quarter may peak and full-year growth may be above 6 percent." A breakdown of the data showed strong growth in investment and consumption.
Indonesia's household spending remained strong, with car sales up 78 percent to a total of 196,132 units in the second quarter from a year ago.
That followed a 74 percent rise to 100,257 units in the first quarter from the same period last year, according to data from the Association of Indonesian Automotive Industries (Gaikindo).
On an annualized basis, household spending increased by 5 percent in the second quarter, up from 3.9 percent in the previous quarter. Consumption accounted for 56.7 percent of the country's GDP.
Investment also showed strong growth, rising 8 percent in the second quarter, up from a 7.8 percent increase in the first quarter. Investment accounted for 31.6 percent of GDP growth.
Indonesia has started to attract more interest from foreign investors this year, with a flurry of recent announcements suggesting the country may see far more commitments in the coming months.
Earlier this week, the state-enterprises minister said China Investment Corp. might invest up to $25 billion in Indonesia.
Exports expanded 14.6 percent in the second quarter, down from 20 percent in the first quarter. Exports accounted for 23.8 percent of GDP. Imports also dropped to 17.7 percent annually, compared to 22.6 percent in the first quarter.
"The strong rupiah in the past month may explain this drop," Slamet said.
Enrico Tanuwidjaja, a regional economist at OSK-DMG Group in Singapore, said, "Our forecast for the second half of 2010 is for the Indonesian economy to grow faster at 6.1 percent on the back of sustained employment growth that will keep domestic consumption growing, as well as encouraging signs from the recent FDI flows into the country that will continue to support domestic investment expenditure."
He added that his full-year growth estimate for Indonesia was 6 percent.
Dion Bisara, Camelia Pasandaran & Reuters Jakarta The days when small shops give change in sweets instead of contemptible Rp 100 or Rp 200 coins will be a thing of the past some day.
Bank Indonesia is considering lopping two or three zeros off the rupiah's face value in a bid to make transactions more efficient and bring the currency in line with those of Indonesia's Asean neighbors.
Incoming central bank Governor Darmin Nasution said on Tuesday that higher denominations contributed to inflation, making it easier to continually round up prices. "In countries with small denominations, prices are practically unchanged," he said.
BI spokesman Difi Johansyah said people often neglected small amounts in countries with high-denomination bills, and a redenomination would benefit savers.
"Consider how much small change you do not receive from retailers every day. It may be Rp 50 or Rp 25, too small for you to bother asking for it," Difi said. "But if you accumulate it, the amount is quite significant."
Darmin said smaller denominations would be more efficient as the country moved toward a cashless society. "It makes it less complicated for machines," he said.
The government also wanted the rupiah to be on a par with other Asean currencies as the grouping prepared ambitious plans to establish a political and economic community by 2015, he said.
However, Darmin said the central bank was in no rush, with the study not scheduled for completion until the end of this year and the redenomination process expected to take at least 10 years.
A transitional phase would begin in 2013 at the earliest, with two currencies in circulation the new and old rupiah with the latter phased out by 2020.
Other countries have tried the redenomination trick, with varying success. North Korea and Zimbabwe used it to tackle hyperinflation but failed, while Turkey and Romania, which had already brought inflation under control and were trimming zeroes to establish the value of their currencies, were successful.
Economists agreed the move would not have an inflationary impact either way for Indonesia, which just this week reported higher- than-expected annual inflation for July of 6.22 percent, just above BI's year-end target of 4 percent to 6 percent.
"Maybe there will be a rounding-up of small amounts, for example Rp 300 becomes Rp 0.3 in value, but there's no 0.3 change. But in practice, people already ignore small change like this," said Anton Gunawan, an economist at Bank Danamon.
Vice President Boediono urged the public not to be alarmed. "It is only a study."
Much time was needed to assess the potential effects of a redenomination and the government would seek public opinion. "It is only a study and the path from a study becoming a policy is a long process," Boediono said.
Bank Indonesia has introduced higher-denomination bills five times since 1964. The Rp 100,000 note is now the second-highest denomination banknote after Vietnam's 500,000 dong note, which is worth about $26, Darmin said.
James Balowski, Jakarta At around 2.30am on June 28, a group of men arrived at a major news distribution outlet in Central Jakarta. "We want to buy all copies of this magazine", said one, pointing to Tempo, hot off the press with a cover story titled "Police officers' fat bank accounts".
The men ended up buying 2425 copies. "They were police officers. They insisted on buying our entire stock, no matter what the price", said Rozak, one of the sellers, who inflated the price to 40,000 rupiah (US$4.44) from the regular 27,000 per copy. "They paid almost 100 million rupiah in cash."
Another distributor had a similar story. In all, the entire Jakarta print run of around 30,000 copies was bought that morning. Other witnesses testified that the operation continued into the afternoon with uniformed police combing the streets in marked patrol cars ensuring no copies had been missed. Similar buy-ups by police officers were reported in the West Java city of Bandung and in Bali.
Sourced on data from the anti-money laundering agency PPATK, the magazine's cover story featured a report on senior police generals allegedly amassing private bank accounts in the millions of dollars. The police whose already tarnished image had taken a lashing in recent months over a series of corruption scandals claimed the disappearing magazines were a publicity stunt by the publisher.
While this may seem a rather clumsy attempt to restrict the public's access to information, it is part of a much darker trend over recent years to curtail a burgeoning and vibrant media, ranging from draconian legislation and criminal defamation suits to intimidation and violence against journalists.
Indonesia's media grew exponentially after the overthrow of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, when the government gave up its tight control through press permits and content reviews. According to the Jakarta Globe, there are now more than 2,000 radio stations, 1,000 print publications, 115 television stations and an ever growing number of online news portals. Although around 10 prominent business groups control the majority, local publications by progressive and left-wing groups and independent web sites and blogs have proliferated. That said, Indonesia still ranked a dismal 101 out of 175 countries surveyed by the group Reporters Without Borders late last year.
Although Indonesia's constitution explicitly protects freedom of expression, the Suharto dictatorship invoked and even augmented the provisions of the criminal code that former Dutch colonial administrators used to suppress opposition to colonial rule. While some of the worst of these, such as the infamous "hate sowing" articles on insulting the head of state, were scrapped by the Constitutional Court in December 2007, the criminal defamation articles remain on the books.
"There are twice as many articles on criminal defamation today than there were in the Dutch colonial era", former Press Council deputy chairperson Leo Batubara told the May 2 Jakarta Globe. "Despite the enactment of the 1999 Press Law and the 2008 Freedom of Information Law, police continue to charge and imprison reporters for criminal defamation."
A May 3 report by the US-based Human Rights Watch (HRW), "Turning Critics into Criminals: The Human Rights Consequences of Criminal Defamation Law in Indonesia", documents recent cases in which criminal libel, slander and "insult" laws have been used to silence criticism. Charges have been filed against individuals for publicly demonstrating against corruption, writing letters to editors complaining of fraud, registering formal complaints with the authorities or publishing news reports on sensitive subjects. In many of the cases examined in the report, the complaints appear to have been used to retaliate against people who had made allegations of corruption, fraud or misconduct against powerful interests, businesses or government officials.
In one case, the Attorney General's Office (AGO) charged an anti-corruption activist who had identified possible discrepancies in its accounting of funds recovered from graft cases. The police initially did not investigate the charge, but nine months later, shortly after the activists called for the resignation of the police chief in a separate campaign, the activist was summoned for questioning on the defamation complaint.
In October 2009, after two Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) activists criticised law enforcement officials for investigating two deputies from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on abuse of power charges, police summoned them for questioning on a criminal defamation complaint that had been filed against them in January 2009. The timing suggests that authorities hoped to deter criticism of their trumped-up charges against the KPK officials, which were later shown to have been based on fabricated evidence.
Critics say dozens of people have been victimised. "The plaintiffs are mostly powerful people such as government officials, businessmen and politicians, while the accused are mostly workers, activists and journalists", Margiyono from the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) told the Jakarta Post on May 4.
HRW also found that criminal defamation investigations and prosecutions can have a dramatic impact on those accused and a chilling effect on people's willingness to express critical thoughts or opinions. Some lost their jobs and found it difficult or impossible to find new work, while others had to endure lengthy prosecutions, some of which lasted for years. "Investigations and prosecutions under criminal defamation laws can have a disastrous effect on those accused", Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at HRW, said. "The threat of imprisonment makes people think twice before speaking out against corruption and misconduct."
There are also several other laws, notably the Law on Securing of Printed Materials whose Contents Could Disturb Public Order, which gives AGO the authority to ban books deemed to "disturb public order" or threaten "state unity". Last December the AGO banned five books, including John Rossa's Pretext for Mass Murder, which contradicted the government's version of the alleged 1965 communist coup.
The Film Censorship Board has the authority to ban films on similar grounds and in November 2006 banned three documentary films about East Timor and one about Aceh. More recently, in December the Australian movie Balibo was prevented from being shown in Indonesian theatres.
In 2008 the parliament enacted the Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) Law with the harshest penalties to date for defamation that appears on line: up to six years' jail and fines of up to 1 billion rupiah (US$106,000). The law also contains the only defamation-related offence under Indonesian law for which pre-trial detention is permitted.
These penalties pose an increasingly powerful threat to private citizens expressing their views on line, as Prita Mulyasari discovered in May 2009. Mulyasari, a mother of two small children, was jailed for three weeks and spent over 12 months in the criminal justice process for simply writing a private e-mail to friends complaining about the care she had received at the Omni International Hospital.
A few days after the Tangerang District Court ruled in the hospital's favour in a civil case and fined Mulyasari 312 million rupiah ($33,072), on May 13 prosecutors charged her under the ITE law, which allowed police to imprison her while she awaited trial. Angered that someone could be jailed simply for sending an e-mail, working mother Ika Ardina created a campaign page on Facebook. The page drew hundreds of thousands of fans and led to several other similar groups and pages.
The public outrage forced politicians, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to urge law enforcers to expedite the legal process. Under growing public pressure, Mulyasari was released but then lost a civil court appeal and was ordered to pay 204 million rupiah in damages to Omni. That sparked more Facebook outrage and a movement to collect coins to pay the fine. Thousands of people pitched in, and the movement collected more than 650 million rupiah in coins, three times the amount needed. Even Yudhoyono's Democrat Party felt the need to make a contribution.
Omni eventually dropped its civil suit and in late December Mulyasari was cleared of all criminal charges. But critics say the Mulyasari case was an exception and according to AJI, the number of defamation cases related to posts on Facebook and Twitter doubled in 2009.
Gecko vs crocodile In November 2009, thousands of Indonesians took to the streets to protest the arrests of two KPK commissioners and demand that Yudhoyono take a stand against corruption. Once again the internet played a key role in mobilising the campaign. A Facebook page was launched after the pair was arrested in late October for alleged abuse of power.
Featuring the logo of the "gecko vs crocodile" a term first popularised by former national police chief of detectives Susno Duadji when he referred to the rivalry between the police and the KPK the site and the campaign that followed galvanised a public fed up with rampant corruption. Within just 10 days the group reached 1,002,000 members, with new comments posted almost every second urging the government to take action and heaping scorn on the police and AGO. The site was also used to mobilise a series of large and angry public demonstrations. Students on a hunger strike camped out in front of the KPK headquarters vowing not to leave until the pair were set free.
The two were finally released on bail after a dramatic court hearing in early November, during which a wiretapped phone conversations aired live on television indicated that members of the police and the AGO conspired with the brother of a graft suspect to frame the KPK officials.
Not surprisingly, the authorities have set their sights on the internet, although this is being framed in the more sellable guise of "protecting children from pornography". In 2009 there were 25 million internet users in Indonesia, the fifth highest among Asian countries.
Following the passage of the ITE law, the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology proposed a regulation for government control of multimedia content. Also mooted was a plan to create a monitoring team with the power to order internet service providers to block web sites that contain content it determines is illegal. Championed by communications minister Tifatul Sembiring from the conservative Islamic-based Justice and Prosperity Party, the plan was shelved in the face of widespread public opposition.
The "Peterporn" celebrity porn scandal, however, involving two explicit clips showing a popular local rock singer having sex with two models and television presenters, revived Sembiring's ambition to filter internet content. Speaking to reporters on June 10, Sembiring, who said the sex videos made him "feverish", said that the country needed a rule to ban "negative" content on the web. The proposed decree would make it illegal to distribute or provide access to pornography or gambling on the internet, as well as anything that spreads religious hatred or threats and any news deemed "misleading". It would also include a blacklist of offensive material monitored by a special task force. President Yudhoyono also signalled his support, saying on June 18 that the country must not stand "naked" before modern information technology.
On July 22 Sembiring announced that he hoped all pornographic web sites will be blocked before the Islamic fasting month of Ramadan, which starts on August 11. Speaking at the presidential palace, he said the ministry was compelled by the anti- pornography law, which stipulates "that the state should protect its citizens from the dangers of pornography". The controversial anti-pornography law, enacted in 2008, has been the subject of heated public debate, critics arguing that it is ambiguous and divisive and criminalises women.
Thumbing its nose at police, Tempo reprinted the "missing" issue along with an English edition with a cover depicting one of the piggy banks directly in the face of an anonymous senior police officer. The title of the article was changed to "Police in a Poke", a play on the idiom "pig in a poke".
A few days later police said they had decided not to file a threatened suit and would resolve the issue amicably through the Press Council. But Tempo vs the Keystone Cops turned ugly on July 6 when two men hurled three Molotov cocktails at the magazine's head office. The attack was promptly dismissed by police as the work of a third party to discredit them.
Then on July 8, ICW investigator Tama Satrya Langkun was viciously attacked by four men on motorcycles, suffering multiple wounds and a head injury from a blunt object. Tama featured prominently in an ICW investigation into the police generals' bank accounts reported by Tempo.
An independent investigation team led by the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) concluded that Tama's attack was well planned. Kontras researcher Hariz Azhar said that a police official, identified only as "S", and two staff members visited the ICW office on July 7. "Basically, S warned Tama about the possibility of an attack", Azhar told the July 21 Jakarta Globe.
Another team member added that S revealed that reaction inside the national police to the ICW investigation was pretty harsh and officers had become "restless". "S also said that 'the Molotov cocktail attacks on the Tempo magazine offices could also happen to ICW'", he said.
The police who on July 16 said they had finished investigating the PPATK report and found only two of the 23 officers had received funds from illegal sources are no nearer to solving the Tempo firebombing. On the contrary, Darwin Aritonang, a lawyer for Tempo, told the Jakarta Globe that witnesses working for the magazine claim to have been intimidated during police questioning, with one being forced to say the attack was caused by an internal rift at the magazine.
Pandaya The police's failure again on Tuesday to present the court with crucial evidence it had previously claimed to possess in the form of wiretapped conversations between Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chief Insp. Gen. Ade Rahardja and suspected case broker Ary Muladi heightened suspense in one of Indonesia's biggest legal mysteries.
The mysterious recording has become a focal point in the trial of businessman Anggodo Widjojo, who faces life behind bars for allegedly attempting to bribe KPK leaders and obstructing justice in his bid to help his fugitive brother, Anggoro, wanted for corruption.
Anggodo must have been anxious to hear the tape played back in court because it would ultimately support his statement that he had bribed KPK leaders a revelation that would kill public trust in the commission, so far touted as Indonesia's most credible law enforcement agency.
The recording would also form solid evidence to back up a much- doubted claim made by the police and the Attorney General's Office that KPK deputies Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah had attempted to extort money from Anggodo. This claim sparked an open conflict between the police and the KPK last year.
If the recording doesn't exist, the biggest losers will be two big shots who bragged in a house hearing last year they had it: Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri and Attorney General Hendarman Supandji.
Above all, their failure to prove themselves will aggravate public distrust in the police and the AGO both at their lowest ebb after their senior officials were implicated in mammoth corruption cases.
The tale of the tape was first told by Comr. Farman, who led the investigation of Bibit and Chandra on charges of extortion and abuse of power in the case implicating Anggodo.
In a hearing with House members on Nov. 9, 2009, Hendarman said he had "ample evidence" that the KPK leaders had received bribes from Anggodo as proven by bugged conversations between Ary Muladi and Ade Raharja.
"Ary claimed he didn't know Ade, and that he had visited the KPK only once, but we have evidence that shows he visited the KPK six times and made 64 calls to Ade," Hendarman told legislators.
During Anggodo's trial, the tape affair was raised again by Corruption Court prosecutor Suwarji last month. Comr. Farman, who testified under oath, clarified his previous statement and said he was not aware of such a tape.
On their part, both Ary and Ade denied having telephone conversations. The KPK, which bugged conversations between Anggodo and law enforcement officials about a conspiracy to frame KPK leaders, also denied it had the recording.
The police did not provide a formal explanation to the Corruption Court about why it had failed to produce the tape as ordered.
National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi told the media he had received the court request Monday, and needed more time to review whether it was legal and relevant to hand over the recording.
Ito's doubt about the legality of presenting the tape to court only raised more questions, because the court requested the tape as material evidence. In effect he was doubting the authority of the court. It sounded like the police were buying time because in fact they were not sure they had the recording.
Refusing to play the recording in court would only prove the common belief that the police and AGO's attempt to charge Bibit and Chandra was a sham aimed at weakening the KPK.
A lie would also remind the public of the New Order when the police and military could do what they wanted. The mystery tape has put the police's reputation on the line.
A leaked video clip from Indonesian controlled West Papua should be as unsettling for Indonesia as the Wikileaks 2007 video showing a helicopter strike in Baghdad was for the United States. It would serve as a good introduction to the discussion on West Papua at this week's Pacific Island Forum.
The clip shows a Papuan man severely wounded in the stomach, surrounded by armed paramilitary police who taunt him as lies dying from the injuries they inflicted on him. Yawan Wayeni was an escaped political prisoner in his dying moments he raised an arm to call for freedom from Indonesia, as a policeman asks "How are you going to get freedom when you are like this?" Long minutes pass before someone calls for a stretcher and a sarong to bind Yawan's wound.
Yawan died a year ago on remote Serui Island, but it is only recently that the 7 minute clip has gained international media attention it was the focus of an August 1 story in the Los Angeles Times. Gradually the conflict in West Papua is coming out of the shadows.
Despite Indonesia's restrictions on the entry of journalists and human rights activists, a small stream of undercover reports has emerged in the international media including the BBC, Al Jazeera and The Economist.
In June, the advisory Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) came out with set of radical recommendations. The MRP called for the Regional Parliament to hand back the 'Special Autonomy' law of 2001, for an independently mediated dialogue with Jakarta and a referendum on Papua's future political status. To show their support for these resolutions, Papuans mobilised in unprecedented numbers up to 20,000 and marched twice over a 17 kilometre route from the MRP base to the Jayapura parliament buildings.
Special Autonomy's package of financial and legislative measures might sound good on paper but it has delivered neither wellbeing nor empowerment. The people were promised a fairer share of the abundant wealth from their mineral and timber resources, but living standards continue to fall. In the highland areas schools and health clinics don't function because they have no staff. Due to the high level of migration from other parts of Indonesia, the indigenous people are close to becoming a minority in their own land.
The Papuan people have effectively been subjected to a dual colonisation. A border was drawn down the middle of the island of New Guinea by European colonialists at the turn of last century, with the Dutch assuming rights over the western half. By the early 1960s the Dutch had begun to cede political control to the Papuan people but Jakarta insisted that the territory should join the other former Dutch territories as part of the Republic of Indonesia. Under pressure from the United States, the Netherlands backed out and in 1969 Indonesia 'legitimated' its rule by a fraudulent Act of Self-Determination called the Act of Free Choice. At a time when the population was around a million, 1,022 hand picked elders unanimously voted for Indonesia in a process manipulated by the military. The OPM or Free Papua Movement mounted a poorly armed guerrilla resistance and over the years it is estimated that the David and Goliath conflict has led to the deaths of up to a hundred thousand Papuans.
West Papua has had consistent support from only one of its Melanesian neighbours: Vanuatu. In July, Vanuatu's Parliament passed a unanimous resolution which commits that country to concrete and practical measures to promote freedom for West Papua. These include raising the issue at the Pacific Islands Forum and calling on the UN General Assembly to ask the International Court of Justice to arbitrate on the legitimacy of West Papua's incorporation into Indonesia.
The New Zealand Government has a well-practised approach called 'quiet diplomacy' that equates to polite and ineffective representations on human rights. Under the umbrella of 'engagement' New Zealand has resumed defence ties consisting mainly of bilateral officer training exchanges. New Zealand has also provided training in community policing to the West Papuan police.
We are also complicit in the resource exploitation of West Papua. The tropical hardwood, kwila, most of it logged illegally or in dodgy concessions backed by the military, finds its way here as outdoor furniture and decking. Several New Zealand institutions such as the Super Fund and the ACC Corporation have investments in West Papua's Freeport mine, one of the most environmentally destructive in the world.
It is not too late for New Zealand to take a fresh look at the tragedy on our doorstep. The Papuans are calling for a peaceful dialogue with Jakarta and they want international mediation. New Zealand has played regional peacemaker once before for war torn Bougainville. We could do the same again either on our own or in concert with Vanuatu and other Pacific Island Forum nations.
[Maire Leadbeater is spokeswoman for the Indonesia Human Rights Committee.]
The release of the International Crisis Group's latest report again highlights the important yet often neglected issues surrounding our easternmost province.
It is ironic that only piecemeal attention has been given to a territory which has contributed so much to funding our development, holds a special place in the nation's struggle for independence and adds much to the nation's richness in biodiversity and pluralism.
The history of Indonesia's largest province has taught us four lessons since it was incorporated in 1963:
First, its problems are deeper more complex than anyone would like to admit, whether in terms of religious tensions or in integrating Papuans with migrants from other parts of Indonesia.
Authorities tend to have short attention spans. Its programs and efforts in the province have been unsustained in execution and have failed to produce tangible results. The government presumes that people will adapt, adjust and live in harmony just because they are told to do so. As in other parts of the country, the authorities in Jakarta would rather sweep convoluted ethnic, religious and societal problems under a rug as quickly as possible.
This challenge will not be fixed in days or even in years. Serious, patient and prolonged attention must be invested if the process of true "integration" and "assimilation" is to succeed.
Second, Papua has been ground zero for exploitation. The abundance of natural resources has been a scourge rather than benefit. Much has been taken, little has been returned. The prospect of riches has led to the rise of monopolies and "cartels" that are eager to exploit Papua's wealth.
Tensions frequently flare, even when discussing how to redress the problems of exploitation profit taking. A mountain of gold always attracts the greedy before the noble.
Third, there are flaws and problems with the leadership of the indigenous Papuans themselves. Papua's most senior tribal leaders and elders have profited from a status quo that has encumbered and disadvantaged its people.
Alliances of local elite figures have created divisions in their own society, restricting Papuan camaraderie to "checkbook" and tribal alliances. It is a self-inflicted divide et impera.
Many leading Papuans are as complicit, if not as culpable, as those from outside the region when it comes to profiting from Papua's wealth.
Fourth, is the international dimension. Papua has often been referred to as the next Timor Leste (formerly East Timor). Many conspiracy theorists have even suggested that 'foreign' interests are scheming to separate Papua from the republic.
While these claims may be an exaggeration, it is an indication that Papua remains very much in the minds of many international commentators. It is a reminder that Indonesia cannot take an ostrich-like approach by simply burying its head in the sand while stubbornly claiming that the issue has been resolved by a UN referendum.
These challenges will not go away. Failure to systematically address the issues through sustainable and equitable process of negotiation will only raise more international concerns. A solution cannot be found tomorrow, but there is always hope if an honest effort is made. Ultimately that is what our brothers and sisters in Papua seek from us all.
Norimitsu Onishi, Jakarta It is the political relationship that has long mystified Indonesia's chattering classes, one whose ups and downs regularly send tremors throughout the capital, and one whose future is intricately tied to this country's.
Going from allies to rivals to allies yet again, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Aburizal Bakrie, the chairman of the main opposition party and one of Indonesia's richest businessmen, appear to be enjoying a period of uneasy truce. To most political observers, Bakrie, who plays tennis every day, now has the advantage.
Yudhoyono, 60, long known for cautiousness and indecisiveness despite being re-elected last year in a landslide, has been disappointing supporters with his tepid backing of anticorruption efforts.
When Tempo magazine recently reported that high-ranking national police officials had bank accounts holding millions of dollars in allegedly illicit funds, its offices were firebombed with Molotov cocktails in the kind of attack rarely seen since Indonesia began democratizing in 1998. Yudhoyono's only response was to instruct the national police to investigate the officials itself.
Bakrie, 63, a legendary political and business survivor, has again defied gravity by orchestrating the expulsion of a highly respected reformer from Yudhoyono's government and then being rewarded by the president with a new position that hands him fresh powers.
Bakrie's family business empire prospered under Suharto, the general who ruled Indonesia until 1998, and he is considered by many to be a holdover from that era. His Golkar Party, which Suharto founded as his political vehicle, has regularly tried to block reforms in parliament, even though it is part of Yudhoyono's coalition government. In a recent speech to his party, Bakrie surprised many by urging the party's members to emulate rats. "Be like the rat that bites someone's leg without letting the person know that he has been bitten," he said.
In describing the current balance of power between the two men, aides, perhaps tellingly, have adopted diametrically opposed talking points. While Bakrie's camp plays down his influence, the president's camp emphasizes Yudhoyono's continued relevance.
Dino Patti Djalal, who is the president's spokesman and is soon expected to be named the Indonesian ambassador to the United States, told foreign journalists that Yudhoyono's cautious approach was "a virtue."
Asked about the perception in the news media here that Bakrie had outmatched Yudhoyono, Djalal responded: "I've never seen any indication that somebody or anybody has the upper hand over the president. I know that some people might think that from some events, but it's definitely not the case."
Lalu Mara Satriawangsa, a spokesman for Bakrie and a deputy secretary general of the Golkar Party, waved away reports about his boss' growing clout. He dismissed Bakrie's new position as the chief of a coalition secretariat, which is expected to have considerable influence over making policy as merely handling "communications."
In an interview in his office inside the Bakrie family's business headquarters, Satriawangsa said that the two men enjoyed "good relations" and that Bakrie was "a loyal person."
The men's relationship goes back at least to 2004, when Yudhoyono, a former general, began what at first seemed a quixotic bid for the presidency. Yudhoyono had only a nascent party, the Democrats, and little financial support. But according to news media accounts over the years, which neither men have directly denied, Bakrie became one of Yudhoyono's earliest and biggest backers, even though he was a member of Golkar.
After becoming president, Yudhoyono first made Bakrie his economic minister, a choice that raised eyebrows since Bakrie's business interests include telecommunications, finance, real estate, mining, palm oil and gas. (Bakrie has said that he has played no role in his family's businesses since entering politics in 2003, but he has openly fought for policies favorable to his companies since then.)
After Yudhoyono was re-elected to a second and final term last year, Bakrie, who is believed to harbor presidential ambitions for 2014, won the chairmanship of the Golkar Party. The party joined Yudhoyono's coalition government, but relations have grown tense, especially compared with the first term.
Bakrie's party successfully led a campaign to remove one of the most highly respected reformers in Yudhoyono's government, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, whose ministry had been investigating Bakrie family businesses because they were suspected of evading hundreds of millions of dollars in taxes. Lawmakers, led by the Golkar Party, backed an inquiry into a small bank whose bailout was approved by Indrawati and effectively forced her removal. Before leaving for Washington, where she was appointed a managing director at the World Bank, Indrawati attributed her departure to what she called a "same sex" political marriage between Yudhoyono and Bakrie.
On his blog, Bakrie wrote that Indrawati's departure, Golkar's subsequent dropping of the investigation into the bank bailout and his new position were all unrelated. Yudhoyono's critics have accused him of giving away too much to Bakrie.
Goenawan Mohamad, a founder of Tempo, the newsmagazine that was recently attacked, described recent events as the president's "defeat" to Bakrie.
"A more brutal politician would have stepped back and fought back, just like Bakrie," Mohamad said. "But the president is not a fighter. He's not a gambler. He's not ruthless."
As for Bakrie, he has been battling the perception that he is precisely too ruthless. On his blog, he wrote that his comments about rats had been misinterpreted. He said he did not urge Golkar members to adopt the rat's rapaciousness, but to emulate its reputed habit of assailing quietly and assiduously, unnoticed by its enemy.
"What I meant was the rat's tactical nature," he said, "not its greedy nature."
Despite remarkable strides in the last 11 years after the economic, social and political chaos of the Asian financial crisis, Indonesia remains to some extent caught in the coils of Suharto's New Order overly dependent on resource extraction and with its political and social institutions still inadequately developed according to an exhaustive 105-page report by a Harvard University program.
"Improving the quality of Indonesian government institutions will not be easy," the report claims, under the unwieldy title "From Reformasi to Institutional Transformation: A Strategic Assessment of Indonesia's Prospects for Growth, Equity and Democratic Governance."
"Democracy has not eliminated corruption or strengthened the rule of law. The economic oligarchy has survived the crisis intact, and its relationship to the state is largely unchanged," it says.
The report, by the Indonesia program at Harvard's Kennedy School, is bound to stir up controversy in Jakarta, which has been the flavor of the month with investment bankers for its accomplishments through the global financial crisis of 2008-09 and with a government and society in a self-congratulatory mood.
Indonesia's economic performance through the crisis was remarkably smooth, built on domestic consumption rather than exports. Although the economy slowed, Indonesia, along with China and India, became the only G-20 members to record GDP growth during the crisis.
Government planners used fiscal stimulus and monetary policy judiciously to counter the effects of the crisis.
On July 30 it was announced that for the first time car sales in Indonesia had surpassed Thailand's, rising 76 percent in the first half of 2010 to make the country the biggest auto market in the region.
Nonetheless, the report says, reformasi, which began with Suharto's fall in 1998 to create what hopefully would be a more open and liberal political and social environment, must move to the hard work of "substantive institutional transformation."
While Indonesia deals with the political and institutional legacy of the Suharto era, "the rest of the world is rewriting the rules of production and trade" and if Indonesia doesn't transform its institutions in a hurry to take advantage of globalization, it will remain mired in heavy dependency on natural resources and low-wage manufacturing.
Unfortunately, according to the report, "oligarchy and collusive democracy have left Indonesia ill equipped to respond to the challenge of globalization."
Most analysts point to widespread institutional corruption, particularly the judicial system and the police force, which have received considerable attention in the last few weeks.
In recent weeks the National Police managed to ignore evidence that top officers had bank accounts holding far more money than would have been possible given their salaries, instead attempting to buy up all the copies of a magazine that detailed the amounts in the accounts, as reported by Asia Sentinel on June 29.
Also, charges were dropped against two high-ranking officers, Brig. Gen. Edmond Ilyas and Brig. Gen. Raja Erizman, who had been indirectly implicated by the National Police's former chief of detectives, Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, for receiving bribes in relation to a case against rogue tax official Gayus Tambunan.
The current chief of detectives, Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi, told journalists last week that there was no indication of wrongdoing by the officers.
Economic oligarchy and political collusion are maintained through high barriers to entry, a dysfunctional legal system, patrimonial politics, disempowered citizens and political gangsterism, the report says.
While domestic demand carried the country through the financial crisis, that will not be enough for Indonesia to compete on an international stage.
Indonesian companies, the report says, "must be more nimble, tied more closely to the international economy and less dependent on government protection.
Barriers to entry to the formation of new firms must be eliminated, since it is likely that many of the world beaters of the future will not be the legacy firms carried over from the New Order."
Barriers to job growth and the formation of small businesses must also be relaxed to give hard-working Indonesians a chance to reduce the risk of falling into poverty and to secure their hard-won middle-class status.
Unsettlingly, Indonesia's social indicators are also trailing other middle-income countries, with the country falling behind on technological readiness, infrastructure, health, primary education, higher education and training and labor market efficiency.
Growth in manufactured exports has been slow in comparison with Indonesia's neighbors. Foreign investors are put off by the poor quality of the country's infrastructure, notably roads, ports and power.
Per-capita availability of power in Indonesia is less than in Vietnam, a problem that won't be solved unless subsidies, which place a massive cost burden on the government, are reduced.
Social indicators are bleak. Although measured poverty has fallen sharply, job creation has been hampered by lack of competitiveness and overly restrictive labor regulations.
Health care is a problem, with child mortality three times that of Vietnam. Progress in providing access to clean water and sanitation has been slow.
Nearly one-third of children suffer from moderate to severe stunting, and nearly one fifth are underweight. Mothers in Indonesia are more than three times more likely to die in childbirth than Vietnamese mothers.
The government, the report says, "does too many unproductive things and fails to act when it should. The country has squandered its natural heritage by allowing destruction of its forests to continue unchecked.
At the same time, Indonesia has underinvested in health and education. Indonesia is one of the few countries in the world that exports more raw ores than metals.
The government, it continues, "over-regulates the economy, operating a 'license Kerajaan' analogous to the license Raj of pre-reform India.
Over-regulation protects incumbent large firms and penalizes start-ups and small companies. It also forces millions of small and medium-scale companies into the informal sector."
The resulting industrial structure is dominated by a few huge companies resting on top of a sea of micro-enterprises.
The "missing middle" phenomenon is a symptom of weak legal and regulatory institutions. Inadequate protection of property rights and corrupt courts also leave small businesses vulnerable to predators with money and connections to politically powerful people.
Suharto's New Order brought military versus civilian rule, integration versus decentralization, the "floating mass" versus democratic participation, rule by law versus rule of law; and patrimonialism versus institutional development, the report continues.
"Indonesia must arrive at a fuller understanding of these legacies before the country can begin to reform its public institutions," it says.
Still, the report quotes President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as saying there were five scenarios facing Indonesia in 1999: that it would break apart, that it would become a hard-line Islamic country or a semi-authoritarian one, or even fall back into authoritarianism.
The fifth, that it would become not just a democratic country but a stable and united democratic one, was a scenario that few envisioned. Indonesia has pulled that off.