"Political drama" is the reason respected journalist Goenawan Mohamad, returned the Bakrie Award he received in 2004.
"To me, the peak was during [former Finance Minister] Sri Mulyani's tenure and it was also directed at [Vice President] Boediono, when they were attacked and manipulated. It's not about their positions but because I know they're innocent. They were punished and sacrificed and I know Bakrie was behind all of that," Goenawan said during a news conference at Utan Kayu, East Jakarta on Tuesday.
However, Goenawan, known popularly as GM, said what triggered him to finally return the award was when he heard Aburizal Bakrie's statement during a meeting with bloggers at Wetiga, South Jakarta early this month.
"He said he was not guilty for what he did," Goenawan said, adding that he did not have any personal conflict with Aburizal Bakrie.
"I know him personally but I'm not close to him because I only met him at a convention in Australia and a few times at the tennis court. It was only for a few hours. There's no personal conflict," he said.
"For me, he's a political and business figure who has done a lot of violations."
He also declined the allegation that he was being used by particular parties who wanted to push Aburizal. "I'm not a messenger boy or a pizza delivery boy. Nobody told me to do this, this is purely my own wish," he said.
It took him a while to return the award because he wanted to give Aburizal a chance to change but he did not see any change forthcoming.
"Honestly, I am burdened and sad to return it because I know for sure there is a good intention behind the Bakrie Award. However, what [Aburizal] has done all this time, could not reduce my disappointment. It took me 4 months and discussions with friends before I decided yesterday to return the award and the money," he said.
"It doesn't mean that other people must follow my decision. This is a reminder not to cover rotten things with good things like this award," Goenawan said.
Candra Malik, Solo The head of the district where former President Suharto and his wife are buried has confirmed the local government will cooperate with the former first family to develop the Suharto cemetery complex into an international tourist destination.
On Sunday, the youngest son of the late president, Hutomo Mandala Putra, better known as Tommy Suharto, said he had signed off on the plan and would also develop a hotel in the area.
"I will build a hotel so that visitors do not have difficulty finding accommodation," Tommy said at the Lor In Hotel in Solo, which he owns. "They can stay longer there and not have to go back and forth to Solo because they are staying at our hotel."
Tommy said the new hotel would be managed by one of his companies, PT Hotel Anomsolo Saranatama, and would have affordable room rates.
Rina Iriani, district chief of Karanganyar, Central Java, which is about 30 kilometers east of Solo, said on Monday she got the idea from the memorial at the site where founding President Sukarno is buried in Blitar, East Java.
She said she had discussed the idea with the Suharto family and had received their permission to develop the family mausoleum, known as Astana Giribangun, in Matesih subdistrict.
Suharto, who died in January 2008, ruled Indonesia with an iron fist for 32 years, but was credited with bringing significant development and wealth to the country.
His authoritarian New Order regime has also been accused of numerous human rights abuses and corruption on a massive scale. Suharto's wife, Siti Hartinah, better known as Tien Suharto, died in 1996.
Rina told the Jakarta Globe that work was already under way to upgrade roads in the area and to hire staff members to manage the tourists expected to visit the former strongman's grave.
She said visitors to the gravesite currently stayed at hotels in Solo or Tawangmangu, a tourist area at the foot of Mount Lawu, which is about 15 kilometers from Karanganyar.
"The economic potential of the surrounding community will grow as more and more pilgrims go there," Rina said, adding that about 700 pilgrims already visited the cemetery on weekdays and many more on weekends.
William Mellor At 8am on a sunny day, industrialist Muhsin heads out for his usual workout of a swim and a few laps around a running track. His chosen location: Indonesia's most luxurious cemetery.
The 502-hectare San Diego Hills Memorial Park, which opened in 2007, was inspired by the Forest Lawn chain of US cemeteries, the final resting place of celebrities such as Michael Jackson. Yet even Hollywood's five-star graveyards cannot match San Diego Hills' adornments, which beyond the sports facilities include an Italian restaurant, a small-scale replica of Istanbul's Blue Mosque, and a man-made 7.7-hectare Lake of Angels that is dotted with rowing boats at weekends.
The cemetery also hosts wedding parties, and rich Indonesians can land their helicopters on its dedicated landing pad. Those attractions lure visitors such as Muhsin, 58, who lives nearby and owns a steel-making company.
"This is a happy place," says Muhsin, who has bought several grave sites for family members.
San Diego Hills is the latest manifestation of how entrepreneurs can profit from the world's fourth biggest consumer market by population. At least 35 million of Indonesia's 240 million citizens are middle class and above, according to calculations by the economist Cyrillus Harinowo, an independent commissioner of PT Bank Central Asia.
Along with a boom in real estate, share prices and sales of designer goods, Indonesia is experiencing a bull market in luxury burial plots.
San Diego Hills, 47 kilometres outside Jakarta, was dreamed up by the billionaire property developer Mochtar Riady, 80, who with his son, James, controls a media, financial services and real estate empire.
The Riadys bet that there would be enough Indonesians rich enough to patronise a cemetery that resembled a country club. So far, 14,000 plots have sold, and there is room for 1 million bodies. Mochtar Riady has even re-interred his parents there.
Three years ago, the cheapest single-grave plots sold for about $450. Today, the entry price is more than double that, and the most expensive memorials cost $1 million. By comparison, residential real estate prices have been rising at 10 per cent a year. Revenue from sale of graves last year reached nearly $8 million.
Three years after opening, San Diego Hills still has the luxury cemetery market to itself.
"It's a very interesting idea and totally new in Indonesia," said Natalia Sutanto, a property analyst in Jakarta."I think it will eventually give them a big profit, but I'm not sure I would want to get married there."
Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung The Bandung authority is at loss to uncover cases of covert prostitution involving junior and senior high school students, whose number continues to rise in the West Java capital.
Eli, a sex worker advocacy program mentor from the Rumah Cemara Group in Bandung, said it was hard to provide advocacy to teenagers involved in covert prostitution since most were not receptive.
The number of those involved in covert prostitution is believed to be higher compared to commercial sex on the streets, she added.
Eli has been providing support to more than 200 housewives and child sex workers over the past two years, around 20 of who are senior high school students between the ages of 15 and 16.
"They are psychologically unstable at those ages. They are hard to handle due to their strong motivation to earn money to make purchases such as cell phones and shoes," Eli said after attending the Rescue and Prevention of Child Sexual Exploitation (ESKA) program's discussion in Bandung.
She expressed concern that the spread of STDs such as HIV/AIDS, would be more difficult to prevent among the youths because the target group was harder to detect.
"They don't care about contraceptives and the risks involved in exchanging partners. Parents are also seldom aware of their activities, so they are deprived of moral and health guidance," said Eli.
The ESKA program has targeted that it could save 300 of around 1,000 children predicted by the Save The Children group from prostitution.
One child prostitution case currently being handled by the West Bandung Police involves a 15-year-old girl who sold herself for Rp 5 million (US$555), just because she wished to buy a cell phone and get dental braces.
Eko Kriswanto, program officer of the Save the Children in West Java, contributed high technology as a reason that made it hard to disclose covert child prostitution. He said since the program was initiated in Bandung in 2002, a change in the behavior of child sex workers had taken place.
"Previously, prostitution was carried out openly at redlight districts or on the street. Now, they can carry out transactions without being detected by using social networking means such as Facebook or through email and cell phone," said Eko.
"It's no longer always due to economic hardships. Sometimes they are 'on business' as an exchange for drugs, cash, phone credit or just free meals."
Neti Supriati, Child and Women's Rights Protection division head of the Women's Empowerment and Family Planning Office, said the government has only mapped out the cases and provided counseling to victims of sex violence. But the government has yet make a move to curb child prostitution, she added.
"We are just handling women and child household abuse cases only and have yet to move in that direction," said Neti.
Yogyakarta Scores of Papuans from the group Solidarity for Papua (SUP) held a protest action at the Yogyakarta monument in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on Monday June 21. The demonstrators, most of whom were students, were demanding the lifting of the military operational zone (DOM) status that has been in effect in the Puncak Jaya regency of Papua.
Action coordinator Leksi Degei said that what has been taking place in the Tingginambut district of Puncak Jaya up until now has not been reported by the media. Yet the area has been under the control of the Indonesian military (TNI) and the police (Polri) since June 7.
"We don't know why there was an agreement between the Puncak Jaya II regional government, the Trikora XVII regional military commander and the Papua police on the DOM status in Puncak Jaya. There was no publication in the media there, yet gross human rights violations have already taken place", he explained during a break in the action.
Degei added that they are calling on all groups to open their eyes to what is occurring in Puncak Jaya, where a scorched earth policy is being applied, forcing all Puncak Jaya residents to immediately evacuate the area by June 28 at the latest. It is as if Puncak Jaya residents are being expelled from the land of their own birth.
"All residential areas are being swept by the TNI, many horrible killings have occurred. We are asking for an end to this scorched earth policy and the immediate lifting of the DOM status there", he added.
The demonstrators gave the government a deadline of Saturday June 26 to lift the DOM status. If their demands are not met, they will ask for an authority status to be declared in Papua.
"The SBY [President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] government is most responsible for this situation. This action is only an initial notification. Following this, we will hold a much larger national action in Jakarta", said Degei.
During the action, the protesters marched on foot from the Yogyakarta monument to the Yogyakarta central post office. After protesting for about an hour, the demonstrators disbanded under the close supervision of the Yogyakarta district police tactical police unit. (Dhi)
SUP (Solidarutas Untuk Papua) was established in mid June and includes activists from the Papuan Student Association (IPMA- PAPUA), the West Papua Student Alliance (AMWP), the Anti Colonial Movement (GANJA), the National Student Front (FMN), the Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), the Indonesian Association of Catholic Students (PMKRI), Student Struggle Center for National Liberation- Political Union of the Poor (Pembebasan-PPRM), the Political Committee of the Poor-Peoples Democratic Party (KPRM-PRD), the Youth Organisations Union of Struggle (KPOP), the Indonesian Student Union (SMI), Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women), the West Papua Women's Liberation Movement of Struggle (GP3-PB) and the Indonesian Struggle Union (PPI).
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Mojokerto Scores of activists from the Independent Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle (FNBPI-Independent) held a protest action and distributed leaflets in front of the Mojokerto municipal government offices in East Java on Tuesday June 15.
The protesters called for Mojokerto regent elect's first 100-day program to provide prosperity to the poor. If not, they threatened to hold even bigger protest actions.
Riding motorcycles, the demonstrators began gathering at the Mojokerto City Hero's Cemetery at around 10am then moved off to the Mojokerto government offices.
FNBPI-Independent action coordinator Toha Maksum said that the leaflets are aimed at workers to encourage them to take part in an upcoming labour congress by taking up issues such as opposing basic electricity rate (TDL) hikes, fuel price increases, opposing revisions to the 2003 labour law and supporting Palestine solidarity actions as well as highlighting the situation in each region.
"We are calling for the KP-PPBI (Indonesian Labour Movement Union Preparatory Committee) to warn the regent elect over his 100-day program", said Maksum.
Aside from social welfare for the poor, the governor elect was also called on to resolve labour problems such as mass dismissals and wages.
Although there were only a dozen or so activists at the action they received a special escort from police with police officers armed with shields and wooden batons outnumbering the protesters by 10 to 1. (ron/yr)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Yogyakarta Activists from the Student Struggle Centre for National Liberation (Pembebasan, formerly LMND-PRD) opposing planned increases to the basic electricity rate (TDL) next July held an action in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta on Wednesday June 16.
Action coordinator Arie Lamondjong said that although the TDL hike will not apply to poor subscribers, this will of course have a systemic flow-on effect on the Indonesian economy with the damaging effects from the increase influencing other sectors.
"The sector that will be most damaged by the policy to increase the TDL is the industrial sector. This will of course increase the price of industrial products that will culminate in increases to basic prices such as basic commodities and education will become even more expensive", Lamondjong asserted during a break in the action.
In addition to this, the protesters also condemned the regime of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono (SBY-Boediono) for being pro-imperialist. This has been repeatedly demonstrated by government policies that are not pro- people.
"Fuel restrictions, TDL increases, the law on education legal entity and other policies are evidence of policies that are not pro-people. Replace the SBY-Boediono regime with a government of the poor", added Lamondjong.
After gathering at the Yogyakarta Monument the demonstrators then held a long march towards the main post office in the center of the city. During the march, they also stopped at the offices off the state-owned oil company Pertamina and the North Yogyakarta state-owned electricity company PLN on Jl. P Mangkubumi, where they set fire to tyres and gave speeches. (Dhi)
Pembebasan also organised protest actions against the planned electricity price hikes in the South Sulawesi capital of Makassar where they also called for free education and healthcare, and in the East Kalimantan city of Samarinda in which they criticised the PLN's poor services and set fire to tyres.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Armando Siahaan Aceh's government has failed to eradicate corruption in the province and has instead become mired in more graft, according to a scathing new survey released on Tuesday by a top watchdog.
The survey by Transparency International Indonesia shows 75 percent of the 2,140 respondents polled across the province believe the administration has failed to effectively tackle corruption, while 19 percent think it has been highly ineffective.
In another damning statistic, 38 percent of respondents said the provincial administration was the most corrupt public institution in Aceh, followed by the police force and the provincial legislature.
TII's Frenky Simanjuntak said the survey, which was conducted in March and April of this year, aimed to gauge public perceptions of bureaucratic corruption following the December 2004 tsunami and the August 2005 Helsinki peace accord.
The study showed 51 percent of respondents believed that corruption had worsened after the tsunami, while 46 percent believed the peace deal had failed to address the issue.
Tarmizi Karim, an expert adviser at the Ministry of Home Affairs, said the tsunami disaster had resulted in a huge influx of foreign aid and assistance, opening the way for mismanagement and corruption.
Meanwhile, the national Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) said the results were "in line" with its own findings.
"To date, there have been 800 reports from the public about graft in Aceh, of which only 155 have been followed up on by the local authorities," KPK official Lutfi Ganda Supriadi said.
The TII study also showed that the implementation of Shariah law in the staunchly Islamic province had done nothing to address the issue of graft. Some 48 percent of respondents said Shariah law had been ineffective in dealing with graft, and 15 percent believed it actually fostered corruption.
Between 2007 and 2009, a total of 28 Shariah-based bylaws were passed by local authorities in Aceh, but only one dealt with the issue of corruption.
Respondents were also asked how corruption should be dealt with. Sixty-seven percent called for stricter law enforcement, while 15 percent said civil servants' salaries should be raised to stop them seeking bribes.
Meanwhile, 10 percent called for antigraft principles to be taught to young people at schools and universities.
A Vanuatu government MP says it's hoped that parliament's passing of a motion to raise issues around the status of Indonesian territories of New Guinea, at the United Nations, won't upset relations with Jakarta.
The motion seeks support from the UN General Assembly in clarifying the legality of the process in which the former Netherlands New Guinea was ceded to Indonesia in the 1960s.
Vanuatu wants the General Assembly's support for the International Court of Justice to provide an advisory opinion on the process. MP Ralph Regenvanu says Vanuatu wants international attention drawn to the issue.
"We see it as similar to the (Vanuatu) claim to Matthew and Hunter Islands, which is a dispute as you know with France. We see it on that same level. Not necessarily a dispute but it's that we want to raise international attention to the issue of Wes t Papua. And it's the same as with Matthew and Hunter it's an issue that we disagree with France about but we hope that it won't jeopardise relations with those countries."
Vanuatu's Prime Minister, Edward Natapei, has said he will sponsor the issue of Papua to the Melane sian Spearhead Group and Pacific Islands Forum meetings.
He will propose that the independent movement of West Papua be granted Observer Status within these two regional bodies.
Mr Natapei was speaking during discussion on a motion seeking UN support to clarify the legality of the process by which Indonesia acquired Papua in the 1960s.
The Prime Minister also says his government will apply for Papua to be relisted with the UN Decolonisation Committee.
Vanuatu's parliament has unanimously passed a motion calling for the International Court of Justice to investigate the the legality of West Papua becoming part of Indonesia. The motion was jointly sponsored by prime minister Edward Natapei and opposition leader Maxime Carlot Korman.
It will see the country ask the UN General Assembly to direct the international court to look into the manner in which the mainly Melanesian and Christian western half of New Guinea island was incorporated into the Asian and Islamic country of Indonesia in the 1960s.
The passage of the motion by all Vanuatu MPs has been welcomed by the diplomatic representative of the Free Papua Movement in Port Vila, Andy Ayamiseba. He tells Bruce Hill that other Melanesian countries may well follow Vanuatu's example soon.
Presenter: Bruce Hill
Speaker: Andy Ayamiseba, from the West Papua Freedom Movement diplomatic office in Vanuatu
Ayamiseba: We had been struggling alone for over 40 years, very lonely, nobody and it is very hard to break the zero, Vanuatu has finally and officially passed this motion that specify clearly that Vanuatu is going to test the legality of the incorporation and want to revisit the case in the court of justice through the United Nations General Assembly.
Hill: Well, the Vanuatu Government is going to request the United Nations General Assembly to take this up, because of this motion passed in parliament, that does not guarantee the United Nations is going to do anything about it. In fact, the odds are stacked heavily against the UN doing anything, isn't it?
Ayamiseba: That is correct, but what the motion specify is that Vanuatu is going to ask the secretary-general to put it in an agenda item for this session, this year, and the particular request is to question to legality.
Hill: But this is only Vanuatu asking this. It is only one country, a fairly small country at that. Other countries involved, Papua New Guinea, Australia, Indonesia obviously and possibly even the Government of the Netherlands, the former colonial power really have shown no desire to reopen this whole colonial era can of worms, have they? They won't want this to go ahead?
Ayamiseba: That is correct, but they have to be a start somewhere, anywhere. I think Vanuatu is also a member of many, many grouping of countries, including the non-aligned movement, so there will be automatically an action plan by the Vanuatu Government.
Hill: West Papua was incorporated into the Republic of Indonesia. It has been part of Indonesia for decades now. Indonesia is a strong country. It has already lost East Timor. It is in no mood to lose another part of its country. You really not going to succeed in detaching West Papua from Indonesia, are you?
Ayamiseba: For us it doesn't really matter what people say. What about the balance of power? We are not Indonesian you see, so no matter any international law against our future or whatever, but we don't feel ourself as Indonesian, so it is our fate.
Hill: Do you think that the Vanuatu Government might be courting international disaster by standing out from the rest like this and criticising Indonesia? Don't you think the Indonesians might get a little ticked off at Vanuatu and take some sort of revenge internationally, perhaps through trade?
Ayamiseba: There is not much trade between Indonesia and Vanuatu anyway.
Hill: Is it just Vanuatu that is very concerned about this or is there widespread support for this in other Melanesian countries as well?
Ayamiseba: Well, I believe that there is a big move in Papua New Guinea at the moment with the young generations of the politicians who are looking the opposite of the old guard and the old chief, so in the Solomons as well and I believe in Fiji the same thing, so the Melanesian is going to form a block to support West Papua this time. HILL: Other Melanesian countries in particular Papua New Guinea have shown no enthusiasm for taking on the Indonesians. After all, they have got a very long land border with Indonesia?
Ayamiseba: Yeah, I think that is the view of Somare and more of his members but now we have contact with number of high profile politicians in Papua New Guinea. Their view are different.
Hill: So you think what's happening in Vanuatu today might be happening in Solomon Islands and PNG tomorrow?
Ayamiseba: I am very confident this action of Vanuatu will have a reaction in other parts of Melanesia.
Hill: Meanwhile, what do you think Indonesia might do if that starts happening, if the Melanesian bloc countries really start having a go at Indonesia over West Papua, do you think they will sit idly by?
Ayamiseba: Oh yeah, I mean this is politics. We're not declaring a war. I mean if we are an independent state next to Indonesia, it would serve the Indonesians better than now. Like it or not, we will be living side by side forever. They need us. We need them. They are our market economy. We supply them with the raw material.
More than 2,500 homes were "badly damaged" and 17 deaths in Wednesday's 7.1-magnitude earthquake in Papua, Andi Arief, the presidential adviser for social welfare, said on Monday.
"As many as 2,556 houses were badly damaged and 866 others suffered minor damage," Andi told news portal Detik.com. "According to the data we have received, there were 17 casualties. Two were in South Yapen district and 15 were in Ankaesera district."
The quake also damaged a 27-km water pipe installation, 33 places of worships, dozens of school buildings and facilities at three harbors. Andi added that 4,600 people were currently living in shelters.
He also restated the need to form a national commission for earthquakes.
"We can't underestimate earthquakes. Until now humans are still unable to create the technology that can predict earthquakes. However, based on the statistics, we actually can predict the likelihood of a quake. Statistics show that quakes in Indonesia tend to repeat within a certain period of time," he said.
The government is planning to cooperate with a team from Harvard University to hold quake-leadership training. The training will be attended by regional heads from all over Indonesia.
"We hope the regional leaders are able to take swift and proper emergency actions when disaster strikes," Andi said.
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura Around 2,000 Papuans went on a 20-kilometer march Friday to demand the Papua Legislative Council overturn the province's special autonomy status.
The protesters held a peaceful rally, some clad in traditional attire, and marched from the Papua People's Assembly in Abepura to the council building in Jayapura.
They carried banners reading "Special autonomy has failed", "The 2001 Special Autonomy Law has failed" and "There is no solution but a free Papua".
Assembly Deputy Speaker Hana Hikoyabi, who was among the protesters, handed a letter to Council Deputy Speaker Yunus Wonda.
Assembly member Robby Aituarauw said the letter contained the demands raised during a two-day forum held by the Assembly and seven tribal regions in Papua from June 9 to 10.
The demands included that Jakarta and Papua should hold talks mediated by a third party, hold a referendum and demanded the central government recognize West Papua's sovereignty.
Other demands were calls to stop all regional elections in Papua, stop the government-run transmigration program and release all political prisoners both in Papua and West Papua provinces.
Robby said many Papuans were fed up with constantly being disappointed by the failure of the province's special autonomy to improve people's livelihoods. "They are tired and desperate, so they came up with these demands."
He said there was no need to evaluate the special autonomy's implementation through studies since its shortcomings were clearly visible.
"Look at the villages and the conditions of homes. See whether people have been provided with healthcare and education. They have never benefited from these facilities, so they believe special autonomy has not been effective and should be revoked," Robby said.
The central government granted Papua special autonomy in 2001 in an effort critics call a measure to win the hearts and minds of Papuans while toning down demands for independence.
The special autonomy status and law allows Papua to keep up to 80 percent of revenue generated from the exploitation of its local resources and authorized its name change from Irian Jaya to Papua.
The law also rules the province has autonomy in the social, political, economic and cultural fields, except for defense, foreign policy, monetary affairs and the courts.
Papua is allowed to have its own flag, symbol and anthem representing its own cultural identity and has a bicameral legislature, comprising the Assembly and Council, which are authorized to issue bylaws, policies and control the executive.
The deputy head of the Council's Commission A, Weynand Watori, said the central government had not wholeheartedly granted Papua special autonomy.
"Special autonomy was given because Papuans demanded independence. After giving it to Papua, the government returned to its old position of decentralization, making the implementation of special autonomy a failure," he said.
"People have returned to their earlier demand for independence. If the trust is gone, it is very difficult to get back."
Another council member, Ruben Magai, said his commission would convey the demands to the central government after holding a plenary session. "After this, the ball is in the central government's court."
Banjir Ambarita & AFP, Jayapura An estimated 2,000 Papuans took to the streets of provincial capital Jayapura to demand independence from Indonesia, days after a local council called for the province's special autonomy to be revoked because of its perceived ineffectiveness.
The Papuans, who marched from Sentani district to Jayapura on Thursday in their traditional garb, demanded an independence referendum for the province.
They also called for a boycott of all regional elections there unless the government reinstated a 2001 law stipulating that all regional heads in the province must be native Papuans.
Forkorus Yoboisembut, chairman of the Papua Traditional Council that took part in the protest, said the central government had failed to implement special autonomy for Papua.
"Since the central government is not serious about our autonomy, we want a referendum on independence for Papua," he said.
The province was granted special autonomous status in 2001, which was aimed at handing over control of its lucrative natural- resources tax revenue from the central government to the local administration.
However, critics say the autonomy only worked on paper, while the reality on the ground is high rates of poverty and unemployment and the country's lowest rate of development.
On Monday, members of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) agreed to request that the central government repeal the special autonomy.
Markus Haluk, a protest leader from the Pegunungan Tengah Students Association, demanded that local legislators be more firm about rejecting autonomous status.
He also called on the government to close down mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia, which he claimed was exploiting local resources and discriminating against natives. "Freeport's activities here only benefit those in Jakarta," he said. "We're left with the garbage."
Papua Legislative Council (DPRP) lawmaker Ruben Magai slammed the central government for not being consistent in applying special autonomy for the province. "The government has never managed to address the widespread problems of poverty and lack of development here," he said.
DPRP Deputy Speaker Yunus Wenda pledged to respond to the protesters' demands within three weeks. "Give us time to fight for what the Papuan people want."
Since the 1960s, a low-level separatist movement in the province has resulted in some bloody clashes between government security forces and rebels. In July 2008, 46 Papuans were arrested on charges of treason after they hoisted the Morning Star flag, one of Papua's independence symbols.
Another major point of contention is Grasberg mine, the world's biggest copper and gold mine, managed by Freeport. It has long polarized residents and the government over its environmental impact and revenue-sharing.
The government restricts access by foreign media and aid workers to the province, and allegations of human-rights abuses are frequently reported by international organizations.
Indonesia has sent mixed messages about its willingness to loosen its grip on Papua, offering talks with separatist rebels on one hand while jailing and killing their leaders on the other.
Two official Papuan representative bodies in Indonesia's Papua region have announced they're "handing back" Special Autonomy status to Jakarta.
The Papuan People's Assembly, MRP, and the Papuan Legislative Council, DPRP, say they intend to formally reurn the status to Jakarta, and will ask that the international community to withhold funding to Indonesia for Papuan Special Autonomy.
Together with the Papua Presidium Council, the West Papua National Authority and the Papua Consensus Team, the representatives will announce to Jakarta that they want a democratic space for the Papuan people to decide how they want to be governed.
Jakarta granted Papua region Special Autonomy status in 2001. But most Papuans claim it's be en poorly implemented and hasn't created improvement in the delivery of basic services and rights as promised.
Meanwhile, reports from Papua say that there is a build-up of military troops around the MRP offices in Papua's provincial capital Jayapura in response to the decision.
Banjir Ambarita, Jayapura An officer of a police elite unit charged with hunting down members of the outlawed separatist group Free Papua Movement was shot and killed while on patrol on Monday.
Papua Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Wachiyono said on Tuesday that First Brig. Agus Suhendra was shot in the head while his 16-man Mobile Brigade (Brimob) squad was making a sweep through Yambi village in Puncak Jaya district.
"The victim was shot from close range, or about 3.5 meters away," Wachiyono said. "He was shot in the face and died instantly." He added that Agus's squad failed to identify the gunman.
"The squad opted not to follow into the jungle because the difficult terrain would have made them prone to more ambushes," he said.
Wachiyono said police had also investigated the site of the ambush but have not come up with evidence to identify the shooter.
Police say that the shooting was most likely a retaliatory attack for the fatal shooting of local separatist cell leader Werius Telenggen by police on May 17.
"We can't say conclusively that this was the motive, but at this point the most obvious explanation is that the attackers were Werius's followers," he said.
Since January, two other Brimob officers have been shot dead by unknown assailants, and eight firearms have been stolen from the unit.
However, Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Bekto Suprapto said security in the restive district has improved since more Brimob units were deployed to the area.
The Puncak Jaya branch of the movement, also known as OPM, is headed by Goliath Tabuni. Since taking over the branch in 2004, Goliath has alledgedly split the group, which is estimated to have 300 members, into three wings and delegated leadership to the late Werius and Hengky Wonda.
Ambushes and shootings attributed to the group by police have targeted mainly security patrols. No one has been arrested for the attacks.
Speaking in support of OPM's goals or raising its Morning Star flag are treasonable offences in Indonesia.
Sali Pelu, Manokwari (Indonesia) Three people were killed and hundreds of homes damaged Wednesday when a series of strong earthquakes hit eastern Indonesia, triggering a tsunami warning and widespread panic.
Two victims were crushed when their homes collapsed on Yapen island, close to the epicentre of the most powerful 7.1-magnitude quake off the northern coast of Papua province, police said.
The quake struck off the southeast coast of Yapen at 12:16 pm (0316 GMT), officials said. It was the second of a series of strong quakes felt across a vast but sparsely populated area including Biak island.
Another person was killed when a 5.3-magnitude quake rattled West Sulawesi province, the Antara news agency reported.
Indonesia's Geophysics and Meteorological Agency issued a tsunami warning for waters off northern Papua but it was lifted an hour later.
As night fell on remote Yapen, many residents of the main town of Serui were huddled around candles outside their homes, fearing aftershocks.
"I think many people in Serui are still afraid to go back inside their houses. Now the electricity is off, so we're using candles and lanterns outdoors," said resident Tony Theozon, 48.
About 500 homes, a church, a power station and government buildings were destroyed or damaged on Yapen, which has a population of about 70,000, police and officials said.
Biak resident Osibyo Wakum said he was driving to work when the quake struck.
"I felt a huge tremor for about one or two minutes. The car was being flung around," he said.
He said people rushed out of homes and buildings as the quake rocked the reef-fringed tropical island around lunchtime.
Thousands of people also fled their homes and workplaces in the West Papua provincial capital of Manokwari about 300 kilometres (180 miles) to the northwest of the epicentre.
"There was a swaying movement for about 40 seconds. People ran out of their homes, shouting 'get out, get out, the earth is shaking'," said an AFP correspondent in Manokwari.
Many people remained outside as a series of powerful aftershocks, the strongest with a magnitude of 6.6, shook the region.
Antara reported that the man killed on Sulawesi island was working in a sand mine when the earlier quake struck. About 50 houses were destroyed and a landslide injured several people, local officials said.
The vast Indonesian archipelago stretches from the Pacific to the Indian oceans and straddles major seismic faultlines that trigger thousands of quakes a year.
The 2004 Asian tsunami killed at least 168,000 people in Indonesia alone when the sea surged over the northern tip of Sumatra island after a 9.3-magnitude quake split the seabed to the west.
A 7.6-magnitude quake killed about 1,000 people in the port of Padang, western Sumatra, in September last year.
A 7.8-magnitude earthquake hit northern Sumatra in April but caused no significant damage.
Scientists cannot predict when the next major earthquake will hit Indonesia but they say it is only a matter of time before another catastrophe on the same or even greater scale as 2004 strikes the archipelago again.
Human Rights Watch Indonesia says a humanitarian crisis is worsening in Puncak Jaya in West Papua's Highlands amid escalation of military and police activity across the remote region.
The military, or TNI, has been conducting a so-called sweep operation around Puncak Jaya for at least two months. TNI and police are enforcing a curfew and have imposed a deadline for the surrender of guns by Papuans by the end of June.
Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch says Papuans are fleeing to the jungle as the TNI terrorises village communities in their hunt for members of the OPM Free West Papua movement.
"They're basically going everywhere, detaining and questioning people who have no Indonesian ID card. You might be considered to be an OPM supporter. They want to find Golias Tabuni, the OPM military commander."
Andreas Harsono says the TNI have been torturing people, and destroying houses and critical infrastructure.
Jakarta Unidentified gunmen shot and killed a police officer in Indonesia's easternmost province of Papua, state media reported Tuesday.
The incident took place Monday while the officer was on patrol in Puncak Jaya district, Papua police spokesman Wachyono said, according to the Antara news agency.
The victim, identified as Brigadier Agus Suhendra, died after being shot from a distance of approximately 3.5 metres, Wachyono said.
It was the latest of a series incident in Papua in recent months. Police suspected the separatist Papua Free Movement, which have been sporadically fighting Indonesian rule since the region came under Jakarta's control in the early 1960s.
The predominantly ethnic Melanesian and Christian province was a Dutch colony that Indonesia invaded in 1961.
The United Nations intervened, and Papua was handed to Indonesia in 1962. It formally became part of Indonesia seven years later after a referendum that Jakarta was accused of manipulating.
The central government restricts visits by foreign journalists to Papua.
A Greenpeace forest campaigner says immediate action is needed to stop the destruction of forests in Papua.
The Papua Forestry Office last week told the Jakarta Post it believed forested areas of the Indonesian province are shrinking even further because of new infrastructure developments and are being threatened by plans to develop a massive food estate.
Dorothy Tekwie from Greenpeace says the conversion of forests into palm oil is one of the major threats to Papua's forests and indigenous food sources.
She says the forests need to be saved now and says there's a need for moratoria on logging by the leaders of Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Papua.
"Most of these communities are not into the economy. They're subsistence farmers and hunters and gatherers. And if these forests are removed then they will be driven into poverty and extinction. So it's a threat to the indigenous people; it's a threat to the environment. The destruction of forests on this island also contributes to 20 percent of the global greenhouses that come from forest destruction."
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta The Indonesian and US governments signed a defense agreement last Thursday that may help mend bilateral ties after a US military embargo but excluded specific mention of Indonesia's special forces.
The agreement established a framework for defense cooperation on logistics, joint training, officer exchange education programs, a security dialogue and equipment procurement, said Indonesian Defense Ministry spokesman I Wayan Midhio.
The agreement did not specify if the Indonesian Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) would be involved in joint operations or other activities.
Wayan told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday that negotiators discussed the TNI (the Indonesian Military) in general but did not specifically discuss Kopassus. "Nevertheless, Kopassus is part of TNI," he said.
He said Kopassus's exclusion from the negotiations was a political decision. The US military would have to spend money to implement the agreement, which was banned by the US Congress as part of the military embargo.
The framework was signed last Thursday by Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for South and Southeast Asia Policy Robert M. Scher and the Indonesian Defense Ministry's director general for defense strategy, Maj. Gen. Syarifudin Tippe, said a press release from the US Embassy in Jakarta.
The framework is "intended to integrate existing cooperative activities in the field of defense" and is "based on the principles of mutual respect, benefit and trust", the release said.
Kopassus has been barred from participating in joint military activities because of human rights violations in West Papua and Timor Leste (then East Timor), which led to a US military embargo.
International relations experts Makmur Keliat at the University of Indonesia and Teuku Rezasyah at Padjadjaran University in Bandung said that a fair and mutual agreement should allow Kopassus to join joint military exercises.
Makmur said Kopassus could improve professionalism through joint military training.
"Human rights violations should not be an obstacle to defense cooperation," Makmur told the Post. "Both legal proceedings and [defense] cooperation should proceed side-by-side. How do we make it happen? That is what must be specified in the framework," he said.
Rezasyah said Indonesia had completed a vast defense reorganization and already punished human rights violators in the military.
However, history shows that it was former US president Gerald R. Ford and former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger who gave the Indonesian government a "green light" to send Kopassus to East Timor and ignored the use of violence, Rezasyah said.
"The Indonesian government should not let itself be lulled by the US' promises in advance of [US President Barack] Obama's visit in November," he said.
The US should also guarantee that the framework will help Indonesian weapons manufacturers, such as PT Pindad, PT PAL, IPTN and PT Dirgantara Indonesia, he added.
Jakarta The government does not feel that it needs to get concerned about military cooperation with the United States, including over assurances about continued restoration of joint training between the two country's special forces. The government, in this case the Department of Defense and the Indonesian Military (TNI) will not go begging in order to have this cooperation reopened with US parties.
Accompanied by the army, navy and air force chiefs of staff, these assertions were made by Defense Minster Purnomo Yusgiantoro and TNI Commander in Chief General Djoko Santoso when they attended a working meeting with the House of Representatives (DPR) Commission I on defense in Senayan, Jakarta, on Monday June 14.
"There is no urgency over (Kopassus, the army's elite special forces) training. Actually military cooperation between the Indonesian military and the US has continued to take place since 2001 when the embargo against us was lifted. At the time, the two countries then formed the Indonesia-USA Security Dialogue forum, which has already met eight times", said Yusgiantoro.
Tjahjo Kumolo from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) parliamentary faction called on the government to have the courage to insist on a clarification of the relationship, bearing in mind that various incidents [that have occurred in Indonesia] keep being linked with delays in the planned arrival of US President Barack Obama. Kumolo added that the government does not need to go begging to the US.
Yusgiantoro protested assumptions that link the lack of clarity surrounding the restoration of joint military relations with, among other things, the cancellation of visit to Indonesia.
"If it is said that Obama canceled his visit to Indonesia, and one of the reasons for this is linked with Kopassus, it think this perception is incorrect. Obama also canceled his visit to Australia, right, one of his country's allies, including in the defense field", said Yusgiantoro.
A similar statement was made by Santoso. He even stated that military cooperation between the two countries has become more frequent since 2008. He conceded however that for Kopassus, joint training has still yet to be realised.
"But, a number of senior military officers and the US government have indicated their desire to reopen cooperation with Kopassus. Hopefully this will come good. [Although] certainly there are still obstacles in the Congress. However, we will no go begging", said Santoso.
Santoso also asserted that it was untrue that military cooperation with US has been constrained by incidents of past human rights violations. (DWA)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta The newly enacted information access law is exposing two worrying conditions that Indonesia's excessive bureaucracy is an instrument of secrecy, and that the public is largely apathetic to state information, activists say.
"Government officials are used to a bureaucratic culture," chairman of the Central Information Commission Ahmad Alamsyah Saragih told The Jakarta Post last week.
He said most officials were used to hiding information from the public, and that the public was largely unaware of its right to access state information.
The 2008 Law on Access of Public Information, which came into effect on April 30 this year, stipulates that all public institutions including all levels of government institutions, political parties and NGOs must provide information to the public.
Recently, the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) conducted a study to test the readiness of public institutions in several regions to comply with the law.
Between May 6 and June 10 this year, the ICW worked with local NGOs in Jakarta, Aceh, Bengkulu in West Sumatra, Banten, Magelang in Central Java, Malang in East Java, Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi and Samarinda in East Kalimantan.
"In the study, public institutions failed to provide us with the information we requested," the investigation coordinator of ICW, Agus Sunaryanto, told the Post.
"These institutions mostly gave negative responses in providing information related to budgeting," Agus said, adding that only non-budgetary information was easy to obtain.
Alamsyah explained that, "Information is sensitive, especially on budgets and this hinders the implementation of the law".
He said he thought government officials might be afraid that the information they published could result in corruption charges against them.
"Even if the law clearly stipulates the boundaries and definitions for public information, government officials and their public relations staff are often afraid to make mistakes in releasing information," he said.
Since the application of the law, the Communications and Information Technology Ministry has promoted and facilitated its implementation of the law in all public institutions.
"These institutions should already know how the law works," the spokesman for the ministry, Gatot S. Dewa Broto, said.
The government, Agus said, had failed to change its bureaucratic culture, even though it had been given two years to prepare for the law since it was passed in 2008.
"How could the government possibly be ready to fully implement the law?" Alamsyah said, citing the convoluted administrative process of the existing bureaucracy.
Agus said, "The ICW plans to bring the unsettled information requests to the information commission by June 25 in order to provide input to relevant institutions".
He said the disputes were instruments to control these institutions, as well as to exercise the commission's authority in information dispute settlements. (ipa)
Jakarta Witnesses and whistle-blowers are not sufficiently protected by the law, which is open to abuse and does not stipulate the need for risk analyses, experts say.
Abdul Haris Semendawai of the Witness and Victim Protection Agency said, "we need to make a more detailed law, especially regarding whistle-blowers".
"The protection law stipulates the utilization of technology to shield witnesses, for example by conducting testimonies via video conference during a trial," Abdul said after an international seminar on witness and victim protection in Jakarta.
"However, the judges and prosecutors do not really understand this," he added.
Abdul also said the Indonesian protection law needed more provisions that would ensure greater protection for witnesses, including whistle-blowers, such as risk assessment for witnesses.
"We do not have an academic risk analysis to assess the level of danger a witness can face," he said. "The implementation of risk analysis can start within the internal bodies of an agency," he added.
There have been some cases in which witnesses were not well protected, and subsequently suffered abuse, including physical harm.
There have been several recent cases in which witnesses have faced risks of harm, in particular the case of religious rights activists Mohamad Guntur Romli and Nong Darol Mahmada and that of former National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, who revealed corruption in the police force.
In September 2008, Guntur and Nong testified in court against the Islam Defenders' Front (FPI), whose members were on trial for charges of violently disrupting a peaceful demonstration by the National Alliance for Freedom of Faith and Religion in support of followers of Ahmadiyah in June of 2008.
Some 70 religious activists were injured before the police broke up the confrontation and made arrests.
During the trial session at the Central Jakarta District Court, Guntur and Nong were harassed and assaulted by members of the FPI immediately after they testified, highlighting weaknesses in the current witness protection law.
The Witness and Victims Protection Agency cited injuries suffered by Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji in police custody as evidence for the pressing need to revise the 2006 Law on Witness Protection.
Susno was arrested and remains in police custody on charges of accepting bribes shortly after he blew the whistle on case brokers, police officers and prosecutors for their alleged roles in the release of tax official Gayus Tambunan from charges of soliciting bribes from a taxpayer.
According to the Witness and Victims Protection Agency, the current witness protection law cannot accommodate cases involving whistle-blowers who are witnesses as well as suspects.
"One of the reasons the protection law needs to be revised is because of the problems arising in the current whistle-blower case," he said.
He added that the law should include an exact definition of the criteria for determining when someone could be classified as a whistle-blower.
It is not only witnesses and whistle-blowers who are at risk of abuse. Lawyers, in particular, have been attacked, and at least one judge has been assassinated.
Recently, two members of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation, Uli Parulian and Nurcholis Hidayat, were assaulted at a court house canteen during a break during a hearing on the Blasphemy Law earlier this year.
Jakarta The Indonesian Press Council is eager for the establishment of a regional human rights court so that Indonesia can achieve greater freedom of speech and better protect journalists as rights watchdogs in a democratic nation.
"The Asia-Pacific is the only region that does not have a human rights court," Bambang Harymurti, the deputy chief of the Indonesian Press Council, said on Tuesday.
"We should be ashamed because even Africa has such a court," he said referring to the fact that some countries in Asia-Pacific, such as Indonesia, Japan and India, rank highest in terms of democracy.
"We can start by having countries that are ready to adopt the rights court," he added. "Just like they have done in Africa," he added.
Bambang said that it would be impossible to establish a regional human rights court that only included Southeast Asian nations.
"Of course, first it would have to be a consensus of all the ASEAN nations," he said. "However, I don't think that Singapore and Myanmar will agree to it," he added.
According to Bambang, enlarging the circle of countries involved to include the Asia-Pacific would facilitate the establishment of a regional human rights court by putting more pressure on press freedom.
According to the 2009 World Press Freedom Survey, Indonesia ranks 101 among 175 countries for freedom of speech. "Meaning there are hundreds more countries that have greater freedom of press," he added.
One of the highest ranking countries for freedom of press is the Netherlands which ranks seventh.
During a freedom of the press discussion on Tuesday in Jakarta, representatives of the Netherlands Supreme Court shared their experiences in achieving freedom of press with Indonesian media representatives and members of the Press Council.
"Indonesia and the Netherlands have the same articles on defamation and slander," said G.J.M. Corstens, chairman of the Netherlands Supreme Court. "However, we adopted the European Convention of Human Rights back in the 50s," he added.
"The convention stresses the importance of the freedom of the press in Europe," he added.
"So, even though we have the defamation and slander articles in the Dutch Criminal Code, the convention serves as a higher authority when it comes to press freedom," he added.
"Journalists can be sued for defamation," he said. "But, they can always lodge complaints with the human rights court," he said.
J.B. Fleers, vice chairman of the Supreme Court, said that his country put great importance on press freedom. "In the last 12 years, the Supreme Court has only handled two cases of civil lawsuits against journalists, which eventually were won by the press," he added. (map)
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta The Constitutional Court has acknowledged that the deliberation process of the 2009 Supreme Court Law bore procedural flaws, but it decided to keep the law regardless.
The court Wednesday ruled that the law was to be retained "for the sake of the legal expediency principal".
"Despite the procedural flaws in the law's deliberation, the law's material does not cause legal problems," constitutional judge Ahmad Fadlil Sumadi said as he read out the verdict.
"If the law, which has become flawed procedurally, was averred as not legally binding, the circumstances would not be better," he added.
Several NGO activists filed for a judicial review request of the law in March last year. They argue that the law's deliberation process was against the constitution.
Petitioners have presented a witness, Febridiansyah, who told the court that several legislators had tried to express their refusal to then House speaker Agung Laksono's decision to deliberate the law during a hearing at the House of Representatives last year.
House regulation says that voting is to be conducted if a hearing becomes a deadlock. The hearing that deliberated the Supreme Court law, however, never went into voting.
Febri also said that, based on his counting, no more than 96 legislators had been present at the hearing.
The number was less than half of the total number of members of the House of Representatives. House regulation says that a decision can only be made in a hearing when it is attended by at least half of the total legislators.
One of the petitioners, Danang Widoyoko from Indonesia Corruption Watch, said after Wednesday's hearing that the court's decision to keep the law would be a bad precedent of other procedurally flawed laws. "Now legislators can desert [hearings] all they like," he added.
The move to request for a judicial review of the law came in 2009 amid concerns that Supreme Court justices were outdated. Then Supreme Court deputy chief Harifin A. Tumpa, now the court chief, collapsed when inaugurating six new justices in a ceremony early last year. Harifin was then 66 years old, the oldest justice at the court.
The incident happened not long after the endorsement of the Supreme Court law, which extends the retirement age of Supreme Court judges from 67 to 70, despite that the average life expectancy in Indonesia is 65 to 67.
"The lawmakers and the Constitutional Court should be promoting young people and a Supreme Court that has a vision of corruption eradication. The old judges let corrupt officials walk free. They do not work in line with the spirit of today," he added.
Nurfika Osman Almost half of Indonesian overseas workers or three million people are victims of human trafficking, according to an annual report released on Tuesday by the US State Department.
"Indonesia is a major source country ... for women, children and men who are subjected to trafficking in persons, specifically forced prostitution and forced labor," according to the 2010 US Trafficking in Persons report.
The report, now in it 10th year, lists Indonesia as a Tier-2 country for trafficking, meaning the government does not fully comply with standards set by the US Trafficking Victims Protection Act. Tier-2 countries, however, are "making significant efforts to bring themselves into compliance with those standards."
Tier 3 is the lowest rank, with 13 countries, including Burma and North Korea, at the bottom of the scale.
Citing figures compiled by Migrant Care, a local nongovernmental organization, the report said that about 43 percent of Indonesia's overseas workers were victims of trafficking. It also said that "the number of Indonesian women who are raped while working as domestic workers in the Middle East is on the rise."
The report cited the International Organization for Migration saying that labor recruiters are often complicit in the ill treatment of workers, "leading both male and female workers into debt bondage."
The report gave several recommendations for Indonesia, including reforming the labor export system to reduce the vulnerabilities facing migrant workers.
Traffickers employ a variety of methods to attract victims, including promises of well-paying jobs and establishing sham marriages to circumvent immigration laws, the report said.
Once in a country, it said, overseas workers are controlled through threats of violence and rape, confiscation of passports, pressure placed on families back in Indonesia and back-loaded employment contracts, which are tantamount to debt bondage.
The report said some traffickers also forged partnerships with school officials to recruit young men and women into vocational programs that are fronts for forced labor.
It also criticized rampant prostitution in Indonesia and the involvement of police in brothels and other prostitution fronts that force women and children into the trade.
It cited the Dolly district in Surabaya, one of the largest red- light districts in Asia, as a problem area, and also said Indonesian women were frequently forced into prostitution in Malaysia, Singapore and the Middle East.
Efforts to protect potential victims remain "uneven and inadequate," the report said, despite ongoing government initiatives. A comprehensive 2007 anti-trafficking law is sufficient to curb trafficking, the report said, but its enforcement has been patchy.
Arum Ratnawati, from the International Labor Organization in Jakarta, said the government had not reached the most vulnerable groups, especially young women from rural areas. "It is hard to reach them, but it can be done."
Rudy Purboyo, an official with the State Ministry for Women's Empowerment and Child Protection, said the government had established task forces in 17 provinces, while also setting aside a new budget allocation of Rp 3.36 billion ($366,000) to combat trafficking through the Coordinating Ministry for People's Welfare.
"We are aware that this is a tough job but we are working to combat trafficking," Rudy said.
Jakarta Indonesia is progressing on its gender development, but not fast enough, a minister said Monday.
Coordinating Public Welfare Minister Agung Laksono reminded a number of officials from various regions during a coordinating meeting in Bekasi of the country's low increase on the gender related development index and gender improvement.
The gender development index increased from 63.9 in 2004 to 66.38 in 2008, while the gender empowerment index increased from 59.7 to 62.27 during the same period.
"The number of illiterate women is larger than men (women's being 0.62 percent and men at 0.54 percent)... in the health field, the challenge that we must face is the high rate of maternal deaths during labor, which is 228 deaths per 100,000 births, this could be regarded as high for an ASEAN country," he said.
The Women's Empowerment and Child Protection Minister Linda Amalia Sari Gumelar underlined the need for harmonization and synchronization of gender equity building between the central and regional governments. Activists have criticized the government, especially regional governments, for passing bylaws that are discriminative toward women.
Jakarta The handling of foreign refugees that enter Indonesia, which are often referred to as illegal immigrants, is still of concern. This is because Indonesia has still not ratified the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol. Indonesia also does not have a legal umbrella to regulate standards on handling refugees.
"The planned ratification of the 1951 UN Convention was actually included in the 2004-2009 National Human Rights National Action Plan. The government however has been reluctant to ratify it because it still sees the handling of refugees from other countries, as [defined] in the stipulations of the convention as a burden", said Human Rights Working Group (HRWG) Program Manager Ali Akbar Tanjung in Jakarta on Tuesday June 15.
The government's handling of refugees up until now, according to Tanjung, has tended to be simply accommodating them in detention centres or deporting them back to their country of origin. It is as if the government does not want to know whether in their country of origin, which have usually been hit by conflict, the refugees will later be tortured or not.
Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) County Director Adrianus Suyadi SJ, speaking at an event titled "Refugee Film Week" to commemorate World Refugee Day on Monday evening, said that the conditions faced by refugees accommodated in detention centres needs serious attention and the public must monitor this.
Based on the information available, the conditions for refugees in detention centers is inadequate from the perspective of human rights. On one occasion, a refugee even sent a letter to the JRS asking them to bring them poison so that they could end their prolonged suffering in the detention centre.
"Ideally the government should ratify the 1951 UN Convention and 1967 Protocol," said Suyadi. (why)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Australia's government says it's seeking more information about claims of poor conditions and ill treatment of asylum seekers including the use of a stun gun at Indonesia's Tanjung Pinang detention centre. Australia funds the centre. Australia's Immigration minister Chris Evans says he's asked his officials to inquire.
Presenter: Linda Mottram
Speaker: Pamela Curr, campaign co-ordinator, Asylum Seeker Resource Centre Melbourne; Atiqullah Amiri, former Afghan asylum seeker; Chris Evans, Australia's Immigration Minister; Sarah Hanson-Young, Australian Greens Party Senator; Nick Xenophon, Independent Australian Senator
Mottram: Last year, when the Australian government was struggling to put a halt to boats full of asylum seekers leaving Indonesia bound for Australia, Canberra funded the refurbishment of the Tanjung Pinang detention centre at a cost of eight Million Australian dollars. It also funded the International Organisation for Migration to train the guards for the centre. And it said it reached an agreement with Indonesia on how to deal with people smugglers an agreement that's never been published.
Now refugee advocates like Pamela Curr from the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre in Melbourne, say what was once a fairly benign environment for asylum seekers in Indonesia, has turned sour.
Curr: You've got guards who now have, are using electric weapons, tasers and stun guns. I can't find another detention centre in Indonesia that is using these weapons. And yet the Australian built, the Australian trained guards are using these weapons. This is deeply disturbing.
Mottram: Pamela Curr says the evidence has been obtained in conversations with people who've recently left the Tanjung Pinang centre and who were subjected to the stun guns.
One such asylum seeker is Atiqullah Amiri, an Afghan who's now been repatriated to Afghanistan. He spoke by phone to ABC television in Australia.
Amiri: More than fifteen times they gave me an electronic shock. They would do it like a gun, a small gun with an electronic shock yeah.
Mottram: He described how more than 15 times, he received an electric shock from a small gun, while other Tanjung Pinang asylum seekers have also described being threatened with what appear to have been a similar weapon.
There's been pressure on Australia's immigration minister Chris Evans, to explain whether Australia as a funder of the Tanjung Pinang centre, takes any responsibility for the observance of human rights there. Under questioning in Parliament, he's said that the head of the Tanjung Pinang detention centre and some other Sri Lankan detainees there, have denied the stun gun allegations.
Evans: I have though however asked my staff in Jakarta to make further inquiries about the issue.
Mottram: The minister was also specifically asked whether there are agreed human rights standards attached to Australia's funding of both Indonesia and the International Organisation for Migration, the IOM. Senator Evans told parliament Australia works with Indonesia to improve capacity and support for asylum seekers and with the IOM, within its mandate.
Evans: And that mandate includes the requirement to enhance the humane and orderly management of migration and the effective respect for the human rights of migrants in accordance with international law.
Mottram: Not satisfied with Canberra's response, Australian Greens Senator Sarah Hanson-Young is demanding that for the total of 33-Million dollars which Australia spends on asylum facilities in Indonesia, the terms of the agreement Australia and Indonesia reached last year should be released publicly.
Hanson-Young: We need more clarity from the government as to what our arrangements are with Indonesia, what conditions have been set down with Indonesia for how this money will be spend and indeed how people will be treated.
Mottram: Another Australian Senator, the independent Nick Xenophon has also voiced concern.
Xenophon: When it comes to refugee policy I think we need to have lot less chest thumping and deal with our international obligations. Because we've signed up to the refugee convention, we should process people quickly and humanely here in Australia, that's always been my position, but this Pacific or Indonesian solution I don't think really works.
Mottram: Pamela Curr says the ill treatment and poor conditions at Tanjung Pinang include not just the alleged presence of the a stun gun, but also poor food leading to repeated cases of diarrhoea, the separation of families, overcrowding and constant pressure from the International Organisation for Migration for asylum seekers to agree to be sent back to the countries they came from. And she says the deterioration has come in the last ten-to-twelve months as a direct result, she alleges, of Australian pressure.
Curr: The conditions in this centre are designed to put pressure on people so that they will sign to go home.
Mottram: And that, she claims is aimed at deflecting suggestions claim that Australia's involved in breaching its international commitment not to send asylum seekers back to a well-founded fear of persecution.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Nusa Dua (Bali) An insurance expert and legislators warned the government on Friday against politicizing and manipulating the huge healthcare fund for the needy, saying the so-called Jamkesmas scheme launched nine years ago was really social assistance and not social security.
Ribka Tijiptaning and Surya Chandra Surapaty, both legislators of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and members of the House of Representatives' Commission IX on Labor, Health and Social Affairs, said the government had to stop all social assistance in the education and health sectors.
They argued that not only did the assistance over-burden the state budget, it was also politically motivated and manipulated in such a way that it ran against the national social security system.
The politicians said people were in need of social security programs more than social assistance, like the school operation assistance, cheap rice and healthcare assistance (Jamskesnas), which have all been manipulated for political ends, especially in the 2009 general elections.
"The fund was raised partly from the oil subsidy and the state budget and they are not healthcare programs under the national social security system," Surya Chandra said at the ASEAN regional meeting of the International Social Security Association (ISSA).
Ribka said the House has asked the health minister to revoke a 2001 ministerial decree on Jamkesnas that she claimed had been manipulated and implemented in violation of the 2004 National Social Security System Law.
"Jamkesnas is against the law because it is carried out by the government and if it is earmarked as social assistance, it must be carried out by the Social Services Ministry, not the Health Ministry," she said.
Ribka and Surya said the government should learn from Malaysia, which collected 3 ringgits (Rp 8,400) per monthly from eligible members to cover healthcare. "In fact, Indonesia can do it too, and the people can afford it," Surya Chandra said.
Hotbonar Sinaga, the chairman of the Indonesian Insurance Companies' Association (AJSI), said Jamkesnas and other social assistance programs for the poor were not a form of social security because they were non-contributory and were not carried out by legal providers.
So far, only PT Jamsostek, PT Taspen, PT Askes and PT Asabri have been appointed legal providers to run social security programs for workers, civil servants and servicemen in the Indonesian Military (TNI), he said.
Confederation of Reformed All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI Reformasi) chairman Syukur lambasted the government for its weak political will to protect citizens, especially workers. He said social security already required rigid law enforcement, but was left unenforceable.
Syukur added that it was high time the government increased contributions from employers, gave due protection for workers injured in workplace accidents and designed a dismissal funds scheme at the expense of employers.
He said that by learning from Malaysia and Singapore, Indonesia should be able to press for an increase in workers' and employers' contributions and law enforcement to double the social security fund to improve worker protection and accelerate national economic development.
Delegates from Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines underlined the importance of their government's political will, higher contributions and law enforcement to widen social security coverage among employers and workers.
R. Vijaya Kumar, ISSA liaison officer for Southeast Asia and also an official of Malaysia's Employee Provident Fund (EPF), said the government's political commitment was no longer an issue and the EPF would bring to court all employers violating the social security act.
"With 23 percent of contributions from employers (12%) and workers (11%), the EPF has collected 380 billion ringgit in premier national security savings from 12.5 million workers and the funds have already been reinvested in strategic corporations and sectors to give maximum benefit to the workers during their retirement," he said.
Erica Bee Kuan of Singapore's Central Provident Fund (CPF) stressed that an effective and efficient collection system was a key success factor for a contribution scheme.
With 36 percent of contributions from 3.3 million workers and 116,000 employers, she said, CPF collected S$1.64 billion per month and its asset had reached $166.8 billion, a large part of which had been reinvested in strategic businesses to support the city state's economy.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Critics are divided over a judicial review request against the Judicial Mafia Taskforce filed by a number of activists grouped under the so-called "Petisi 28" movement.
The activists announced they would file a review lawsuit with the Supreme Court on Tuesday, requesting the court declare the Presidential Decree No. 37/2009 on the establishment of the Judicial Mafia Taskforce illegal.
The plan has triggered debates between those supporting the taskforce's existence and those questioning the taskforce's legal basis and its effectiveness in combating judicial corruption.
Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud MD said filing the lawsuit at the Supreme Court was an incorrect legal step, saying that a presidential decree should be reviewed by a state administrative court.
"Besides, I think the taskforce is quite beneficial. It has managed to uncover some legal scandals like the one involving former tax official Gayus Tambunan," he said Monday.
Prominent law expert Todung Mulya Lubis, who recently joined the advisory council of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, shared Mahfud's opinion.
He said the taskforce could act as a support for law enforcers since it had no authority to enforce law offenders. "The taskforce, indeed, is toothless. But its existence can put pressure on the police and prosecutors to speed up their investigation," Todung said.
Former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, however, voiced her support of the lawsuit, arguing for the legality of the taskforce.
Megawati, the chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), deemed the existing legal enforcement institutions were good but must be optimized.
NGO the Setara Institute also supported Petisi 28's plan, saying the lawsuit should aim to verify the taskforce's legality, rather than dismiss it altogether.
"The taskforce, indeed, has created public hope for better law enforcement in the country. However, with no clear legal basis or firm vision, the taskforce can be considered only as a tool to upgrade the government's image," Setara chairman Hendardi said in a press statement.
A member of Petisi 28, Haris Rusli Moti, said the taskforce was nothing more than a tool designed by President Yudhoyono to improve his image. "The taskforce is actually useless and is causing in overlapping between the legal enforcement institutions," he said.
The activists argued that the 1945 Constitution did not give a president the authority to form such a taskforce. "Law enforcement can only be carried out by institutions formed under laws, not a presidential decree," another activist, Catur Agus Saptono, said.
He said there were only three legal law enforcement institutions in the country the National Police, the Attorney General's Office and the Corruption Eradication Commission.
Commenting on the lawsuit, taskforce secretary Denny Indrayana said he understood the petition's stance. "I know many parties feel uncomfortable with us," he said.
Another taskforce member, Mas Achmad Santosa, said the attempt to review the taskforce was an attempt by the mafia to "strike back".
Nivell Rayda& Heru Andriyanto A group of activists over the weekend called the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force a front for protecting government interests and burnishing the antigraft credentials of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"The task force was established to show that the president was still committed to combating case brokers inside law-enforcement agencies," said Haris Rusli Muchti, who represents an activist group called Petisi 28, which plans to challenge the legality of the presidentially appointed group.
"And what has the task force done? They have held many press conferences but apart from that, they don't do anything worthwhile. The task force is keeping itself away from major cases involving the State Palace, such as the Bank Century scandal or corruption scandals from the elections."
Petisi 28 plans to lodge a motion against the presidential decree that established the task force late last year. Haris said the group planned to file the lawsuit in the Supreme Court on Tuesday.
Petisi 28 was founded in October last year to demand that Vice President Boediono and the finance minister at the time, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, step down for their roles in the controversial Bank Century bailout.
Haris claimed that instead of upholding the law, the task force only suggested the president was unable to manage existing law- enforcement bodies such as the National Police and Attorney General's Office.
"If those agencies were working at their best, the president wouldn't need to form ad hoc groups such as the task force, which only causes an overlap in authority with other agencies," he said.
"If anyone deserves our praise for combating case brokers, it is the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK] for uncovering embarrassing case-broker scandals at the AGO in 2008."
Haris dismissed the task force's claim that it played a key role in uncovering the scandal involving former tax official Gayus Tambunan, saying the case would have never surfaced had the National Police's Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji not blown the whistle on it. "The task force only took advantage of Susno's brave move," he said.
The task force, Haris said, had come from nowhere and now told police and prosecutors what to do. "They function like a foreman who serves only the president," he said.
Task Force member Denny Indrayana said that he respected Petisi 28's plan to dispute the legality of the body, but rejected calls for it to be disbanded.
"We must respect the legal rights of every citizen, including those petitioners who plan to lodge a judicial review against the task force," Denny said.
"However, I deplore those who want to disband the task force. Thus far, I thought only case brokers felt uncomfortable about our presence.
"We anticipated counterattacks by those who don't like us hopefully these petitioners are not being used by the case brokers," he added.
"The job of eradicating the judicial mafia is far from over. We must continue with our work until it is done."
Jakarta Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairmen Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M. Hamzah finally had their day in court Tuesday at the trial of Anggodo Widjojo, who claims that the pair attempted to extort money from him.
Their presence at the trial triggered a heated exchange after defense attorney O.C. Kaligis questioned the relevance of testimony given by the two officials. Kaligis repeatedly quoted passages from his book, Korupsi Bibit-Chandra (The Bibit-Chandra Corruption), while questioning Chandra.
Chandra refused to answer Kaligis' questions and said the defense attorney's book was not necessarily factual. Chandra also said that he never read the book.
"Do you know that this book was used as evidence during the pre- trial lawsuit [contesting the Attorney General's decision to drop the prosecution of Bibit and Chandra]?" Kaligis asked. Chandra repeated that he knew nothing of the book.
The quarrel raised the ire of presiding judge Tjokorda Rai Suamba, who ordered Kaligis to stop quoting the book and said it could not be used as evidence.
The attorney, who earlier drew laughter when he boasted that he had applied to be KPK chairman, continued to spar with Chandra. "Just carry on," a visibly impatient Tjokorda said after Kaligis and Chandra debated the KPK official's involvement in Anggodo's case.
Chandra and Bibit testified that they never met Anggodo and knew nothing about an alleged meeting between Anggodo's brother, former KPK leader Antasari Azhar and middleman Ari Muladi in Singapore.
There was more laughter in the courtroom when Tjokorda quipped that Chandra's testimony might benefit the defense more than the prosecution.
The pair also testified that they did not know who had filed charges of extortion and abuse of power against them. "I don't know if you reported that I allegedly abused my authority but I think you did," Bibit told Anggodo.
Anggodo is currently standing trial on allegations that he tried to bribe Chandra and Bibit. He is also alleged to have influenced the KPK to drop its investigation of his allegedly corrupt activities.
Both Bibit and Chandra testified that Anggodo obstructed the work of the KPK by fabricating a story that implicated them in soliciting bribes and falsifying information.
"I was in charge of the law enforcement directorate. When the police arrested me, it interfered with the KPK's performance," Bibit said.
According to the court, Anggodo and Ari Muladi tried, to frame the KPK deputy leaders on July 15, 2009.
Chandra also said that the charges hindered his duties at the KPK. "In their chronology, I was put into the position of trying to extort money from PT Masaro in relation to a corruption case involving Anggoro," he said.
Bibit and Chandra may still face prosecution by the Attorney General's Office because of Anggodo's allegations.
A prosecutor, Sumarji, told The Jakarta Post after the session that the AGO presented the testimony of Bibit and Chandra during Anggodo's trial to prove that the KPK leaders were innocent.
"How could they have solicited bribes or abused power if they never met Anggodo?" Sumarji said.
The deputy chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission, Chandra M Hamzah, denied knowing businessman Anggodo Widjojo, as well as receiving anything from him. Chandra made the statement at the Anti-Corruption Court in Central Jakarta while testifying during Anggodo's ongoing graft trial on Tuesday.
Anggodo is currently on trial for attempting to bribe Chandra and Bibit Samad Riyanto, another deputy of the commission also known as the KPK, with Rp 5.1 billion ($555,000) so that a graft investigation against his brother, Anggoro Widjojo, would be dropped. Anggoro has since fled to Singapore.
"I don't know Anggodo or Ary Muladi," Chandra said in court. "I have never met them or have had any relations with them directly or indirectly. I have never accepted anything while serving for the KPK.
"I was never at Pasar Festival on April 15, 2009 [to receive bribes from Anggodo] as [I am now being] accused of. There's a CPR [call permanent record for cellphones] confirming that I was at Rajawali Tower [at the time]. There are many people who can be witnesses [to that]. All of a sudden, I was named as a suspect."
The National Police and Attorney General's Office, however, are still insisting that the KPK deputies had extorted money from Anggodo.
OC Kaligis, Anggodo's lawyer, who is currently applying for the post of KPK chairman, refuted Chandra's statement.
"You said Anggodo has never gone to KPK. How could he have obstructed KPK's investigation if he had never gone to KPK? Please explain so I can understand, as I am a candidate for KPK chairman,"Kaligis said when he cross-examined Chandra in court.
Last year, Anggodo told police that he had given bribes to three KPK officials through middleman Ary Muladi in order for the KPK to drop a graft investigation against his brother.
Ary later recanted his police statement, saying that the money never went to Bibit, Chandra or Ade, but was instead given to a man identified only as Yulianto.
Since then, the KPK has made 67 wiretapped recordings between Anggodo and law-enforcement officials public, allegedly conspiring to frame Bibit and Chandra on trumped-up charges.
Nivell Rayda Lawyers, including some who have made a name representing corruption suspects, accounted for almost a third of the applicants to head the powerful Corruption Eradication Commission as the deadline for registration closed on Monday.
More than 500 people applied for the post, but fewer than 300 were deemed eligible or submitted necessary paperwork. Lawyers made up about 30 percent of the applicants, and active or retired public officials accounted for 25 percent. Fewer than 10 percent of applicants were women.
There have been questions about the suitability of lawyers who have represented corruption suspects to head the commission, also known as the KPK.
Among the controversial applicants was Bonaran Situmeang, the lawyer of businessman Anggodo Widjojo, widely believed to have tried to undermine two KPK deputies Bibit Samad Riyanto and Chandra M Hamzah.
The commission suspected that Bonaran was involved in an attempt to undermine the commission by trying to bribe officials from the National Police, the Attorney General's Office and several witnesses to fabricate incriminating testimonies against the two KPK deputies.
Controversial lawyer Eggy Sudjana also threw his hat in the ring on Monday. Eggy was once charged with promoting hatred against the government through some of his Islam-based rallies.
Eggy came before the selection committee with about 50 supporters wearing T-shirts saying "Eggy Sudjana should lead the KPK." His bid is also supported by renowned ex-convict Johnny Indo, who accompanied him through the whole registration process.
Other lawyers making a bid for the post are: Henry Yosodi- ningrat, one of former police chief detective Susno Duadji's lawyers; noted defense lawyer OC Kaligis, who has previously represented Tommy Suharto, the son of former dictator Suharto; Partahi Sihombing, the lawyer of businesswoman Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun, who has evaded court summonses over a Rp 24 billion ($2.6 million) bribery case; and Farhat Abbas, another lawyer who has more than a few times found himself in court defending graft suspects opposite KPK prosecutors.
However, Farhat, 34, and OC Kaligis, 68, both fall outside the age requirement, which stipulates that candidates for the KPK chairmanship must be between 40 and 65 years of age.
"The selection committee should not only scrutinize the administrative requirements of the candidates but also thoroughly check their backgrounds and track records. Only the best should lead the KPK," Transparency International Indonesia secretary general Teten Masduki said.
The selection committee holds the key to ensure that credible people would lead the commission. The committee will select two final candidates who will then be vetted by the House of Representatives, which Teten called "a political process."
"That's why it's crucial that the selection committee gets it right," he said.
Indonesia Corruption Watch deputy chairman Emerson Yuntho said: "The committee should reject lawyers who are renowned for defending corrupt officials. The committee should question these lawyers' motivation. How can a graft defender apply to be a graft fighter?"
KPK deputy chairman Muhammad Jasin said the current committee should not repeat the mistakes of the 2007 selection committee under the tenure of former Justice Minister Andi Mattalata.
"Several antigraft watchdogs had lodged formal complaints about certain candidates. However, these complaints were largely ignored, and the questionable candidates proceeded to the next phase of the selection process at the House of Representatives," he said.
The commission has been without a leader since March 21. Tumpak Hatorangan Panggabean, a former state prosecutor, has temporarily headed the KPK after the departure of Antasari Azhar, who was sentenced to 18 years in prison for his role in a high-profile murder case.
Irwan Firdaus The antiterror squad hurtled from a white van on a bustling street as their quarry three terror suspects stepped out of a taxi.
They shoved one to the ground and when he tried to shake free, shot him in the head. Another died from a bullet to the chest. The third was led away, his hands tied behind his back and his shirt covered in blood, only to turn up dead hours later.
That's not unusual in Indonesia, where US-trained forces at the core of the antiterror fight have a startling kill-to-capture ratio: One suspect killed for every four arrested.
The deaths not only raise human rights concerns, but risk fueling Islamist propaganda and tarnishing what has been a highly praised campaign that has seen hundreds of suspects arrested and convicted. The killings also mean the suspects cannot be questioned and there is no chance to gather intelligence on their networks.
Indonesia was thrust into the front lines of the war on terror in 2002, when Al Qaida-linked nightclub bombings on the resort island of Bali killed 202 people, many of them tourists. There have been several attacks on Western targets since then, but all have been far less deadly and the most recent was a year ago.
The country's elite Detachment 88 antiterror unit has received much of the credit.
Named for the 88 Australians killed in the Bali bombings, the force has been at the forefront of the fight against terror. Its officers have taken on suspects holed up in houses booby-trapped with explosives. Other wanted men have been heavily armed, wearing suicide vests as they fired or threw shrapnel bombs from their hideouts.
However, witnesses of the May 12 operation in east Jakarta told the Associated Press that none of the three suspects appeared to carry a weapon or to put up much resistance. Police deny that, saying they were armed and dangerous.
Authorities have identified only one of the suspects: Maulana, who was shot in the chest, was accused of involvement in a jihadi training camp in Aceh province and a failed plot on Indonesia's deputy house speaker, National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said.
The other two men remain unidentified and, it now appears, may have been implicated simply because they were riding with Maulana in the taxi. Police claim they were linked to the Aceh cell as well.
Dina, a 33-year-old cigarette vendor, said she watched as a police officer pounced on one of the men, who was wearing jeans and a striped T-shirt. When he tried to break free, another officer raised his gun and shot a single bullet into the suspect's head. He died in front of her, blood gushing from the wound.
"It was horrible," she said. "The sounds coming from his mouth reminded me of a goat being slaughtered."
Antiterror police grabbed another man and, when he tried to get away, smashed a rock into his face, said Edi Suyatno, a bus conductor. The officers tied the suspect's hands behind his back with a black rope and threw him into the van, he and other witnesses told the AP. "He was bleeding heavily... but he was alive when he left here," Suyatno said.
Police later said that man, too, had been killed by a bullet wound sustained during the raid.
The two unidentified men were buried last week in a cemetery that is often used by the government for the homeless and other nameless victims, with simple stones marking their graves.
The only people in attendance were a few Muslim activists, who said the men deserved a proper Islamic burial. Maulana's body was returned to his village.
Munarman, a lawyer who often represents militants and is publicly sympathetic to their cause, questioned the police methods, especially when it came to the two unidentified men. He expressed outrage, saying a human rights tribunal should be set up to investigate "extra judicial killings."
"Police didn't even know their names!" he said. "These guys shot to kill. If they were worried, why didn't they just immobilize them, shoot them in the leg or shoulder?" All major terror strikes in Indonesia since the 2002 Bali bombings have been blamed on a violent splinter group of Jemaah Islamiyah that was headed by Noordin Mohammad Top. He was shot dead in a Detachment 88 operation in September.
But no recent attack compared in scale to the Bali attacks, prompting diplomats, analysts and authorities to declare the fight against terrorism a success.
The arrests and convictions of suspects helped convince the public that Islamic militants were behind the violence.
Just as experts were saying Indonesia's threat level was significantly reduced, however, Detachment 88 discovered a previously unknown group in Aceh.
When black-clad forces raided a training camp in February in a barrage of gunfire that left three officers dead, they found a huge cache of M-16s, revolvers and thousands of rounds of ammunition. Investigations revealed the militants had been plotting a Mumbai-style terrorist attack and high-profile assassinations.
Many of the 84 suspects captured and 21 killed in the last year were linked to the Aceh group. "In every case, when you kill someone, you lose valuable information," said Sidney Jones, an expert on Southeast Asian extremists.
She noted that Dulmatin, the region's most-wanted suspect before he was shot dead in a Jakarta Internet cafe three months ago, held key information about funding, training and cross-border links.
Photos taken of the 39-year-old bomb-making expert after the siege showed Dulmatin slumped over a computer with a pistol in his lap, prompting some critics to say he could have been taken alive by Detachment 88.
"There needs to be, at the very least, an internal review by the police of each case to determine if the threat justifies the shooting," Jones said.
Indonesia's security forces were accused of mass killings and widespread abuses during ex-dictator Suharto's 32-year reign. In 2005 the United States agreed to lift a trade embargo imposed over concerns about military human rights violations partially to reward Indonesia's efforts to fight terrorism.
A government official who helps oversee the country's terror fight insisted there is no shoot-to-kill policy, as some Muslim activists have suggested.
"It is very difficult to take someone who could possibly be carrying an explosive vest and give him, as in the US, the Miranda rights," said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media.
Still, he acknowledged that officers need more training in non- lethal methods. "But the money just isn't there."
Brig. Gen. Zainuri Lubis, deputy National Police spokesman, said troops only use deadly force when there is no other option. "We can't take any risks," he said. "When they fight us, we have to take action."
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta A new government agency expected to take a more comprehensive approach to eradicating terrorism will be officially established in July, an official said, amid criticism of the government's failing deradicalization efforts.
A draft of presidential regulation establishing the National Counter-Terrorism Agency has been sent to the President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's office, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto told reporters on Tuesday.
"We hope the regulation is signed by the President in July," he said.
The agency aims at improving the function of the current counterterror desk under Djoko's office, which is currently led by Insp. Gen. (ret.) Ansyaad Mbai.
"We are facing bigger problems pertaining to the issue of terrorism, which requires the involvement of various related institutions. The establishment of this agency therefore is a must," Djoko added. The minister however refused to further elaborate the role and authorities of the agency.
The ministry's spokesman, Rear Marshal Sagom Tamboen, said the agency would be directly under the presidential office. He added it would comprise several task forces made up of related institutions.
According to Insp. Gen. (ret.) Ansyaad Mbai, the national antiterror agency was expected to coordinate and allocate resources needed in the battle against terrorism. He said when it came to deradicalization effort, for example, the agency would have the authority to form a deradicalization division comprising officials from many institutions, including the Religious Affairs Ministry.
To date, deradicalization efforts have been carried out sporadically, if personally, by a number of police officials and human rights activists. This proves to be ineffective with most of those who have gone through the programs reoffending.
Meanwhile, National police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said the police were planning to upgrade the size and function of their antiterror squad Detachment 88.
"The issue of terrorism has become more complex than it used to be. We need to improve the size and function of the special detachment so that we will be able to tackle terrorism more effectively in the future," he said.
He said the special detachment would be soon separated from its mother institution, the national detective agency, and become a single entity directly under the National Police chief. He said the special detachment would be led by a two-star police general.
University of Indonesia criminologist Adrianus Meliala said the plan to upgrade Detachment 88 would undermine the planned terror agency.
"The idea to set up the coordination agency is to have the special detachment that will serve as an effective tool to prevent terror attacks. Thus I fail to see the importance to upgrade the special detachment right now since we have already agreed to develop the counterterrorism agency," he said, adding he feared the functions of the two agencies would overlap.
Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang, dismissed such criticism. "We will be more than willing to cooperate with the national counterterrorism agency once it is established," he answered.
Ulma Haryanto, Zaky Pawas & Made Arya Kencana - A day after the Bekasi government sealed another Protestant church because of constant pressure from hard-line groups, the Islamic Defenders Front said on Tuesday that it would insist that the city issue policies in line with its view of Islam.
The Jakarta suburb is increasingly becoming a religious battleground as hard-line Islamists claim that Christian zealots have targeted the community.
On Sunday, as a conservative Islamic congress discussed a plan to bring Bekasi more in line with its interpretation of Islam, city officials sealed the HKBP (Batak Christian Protestant Church) Pondok Timur Indah church in Mustika Jaya subdistrict.
"The congress officially set down 32 points of recommendation that it will forward to the Bekasi city administration to strengthen Islamic values. We are going to announce the final version of those recommendations this Sunday and issue them," Abdul Qodir Aka, an official from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), told the Jakarta Globe.
"One of the two primary recommendations is that we want the administration to work toward a Bekasi that is in line with Islam's principles. The other one is that the local administration must avoid making policies that will hurt the Muslims of Bekasi."
The administration pulled down the "Tiga Mojang," or Three Girls, statue on Saturday. The statue at the Harapan Indah residential complex was dismantled after demonstrations by hard-line pressure groups that deemed the sculpture at odds with conservative Muslim views, despite its artistic merit in the eyes of many.
Abdul said the Islamic congress in Bekasi was held after a number of Islamic organizations including the FPI and the Bekasi Islamic Missionary Council (DDI Bekasi) made it known to Bekasi Mayor Mochtar Mohammad that more demonstrations would target his office if the congress was not allowed.
He said that on June 13, Mochtar signed an agreement with FPI Bekasi frontman Mur-hali Barda on behalf of hard-line groups that contained four primary points, one being that the "Tiga Mojang" statue must be removed as soon as possible and that the HKBP Pondok Timur Indah church must be sealed.
Bekasi administration spokesman Endang Suharyadi acknowledged that closing the church was part of the June 13 demands.
"But we acted on it because the congregants held prayers in a place where they were not supposed to. So the demands [of the Islamic organizations] had a legal basis," Endang said.
HKBP Pondok Timur Indah members have been worshipping in a house at Mustika Jaya since 2004, after their request to build a church was ignored by the local administration. The congregation's 1,500 members have since been meeting in private houses.
Bekasi secretary Tjandra Utama Efendi said: "We've warned them [members] over and over but they never listened. We also offered them a hall at the Bekasi Social Agency."
The Rev. Gomar Gultom of the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI) on Tuesday demanded that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono act on the intimidation and threats suffered by certain religious groups.
"Last month there were text messages that went around calling all Bekasi Muslims to gather strength because Bekasi has been besieged by churches," he said.
"Those are baseless accusations. If churches have increased in number, it is normal, because the population is growing, not because of Christianization."
In his keynote speech at the Islamic congress on Sunday, FPI leader Habib Rizieq said Christianization in Bekasi had been conducted in a number of ways, including "through social and humanitarian services, medical and free education, scholarships and employment, hypnosis and impregnation, and construction of illegal churches."
Rista Iwanti, 35, a housewife who lives at the Harapan Indah complex where the statue was taken down, said she had never heard of the supposed "Christianization of Bekasi."
"I never experienced anything like that here. I never think bad of people, especially when it comes to faith and religions. To me faith is a private thing."
Iwan Dwi Setiawan, 39, a machine-shop owner, said: "Even in Islam we have 'for me it is my religion and your religion is for you.' I think the government should be more assertive toward certain groups. Like the 'Tiga Mojang' statue, most people I know feel it's a shame that it was removed."
Fredy Yanto, operational director of the Harapan Indah developer, PT Hasanah Damai Putra, said the statue was currently "resting" at its office until the company decided what to do with the now- famous artwork.
Bali Governor Made Mangku Pastika denied reports that he wanted to buy the statue.
Ulma Haryanto In a sign of increasing religious tension in Bekasi, members of hard-line groups gathered on Sunday to discuss a coordinated response to bring the city neighboring Jakarta more in line with Islamic principles.
The meeting on Sunday of the Islamic Congress of Bekasi came after video circulated on the Internet showing a high school student in the city defacing the Koran, and after a Web site bearing the name of a local Catholic school displayed pictures and writings seen as disrespectful to Islam.
It also follows the removal of a controversial statue of three women at a Bekasi housing complex.
Abdul Qodir Aka, a local official with the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), told the Jakarta Globe that the congress's objective was to "create recommendations for the Bekasi administration on what steps it should take in the wake of recent incidents of defamation" of Islam.
Abdul Qodir was referring to Abraham Felix, a 16-year-old student of SMA 5 high school in Bekasi. Pictures of Abraham stomping on a Koran, the Islamic holy book, and one of him allegedly putting it in a toilet were posted on a blog, enraging the local Islamic community.
Police arrested Abraham in May on suspicion of creating the blog. He was charged with Article 156 of the Criminal Code for religious blasphemy.
That same month, the St. Bellarminus Catholic school in Bekasi was attacked by a group of people over another blog post, suspected to be Abraham's work, which displayed the school's name and posted pictures and writings that defamed Islam.
Abdul Qodir said on Sunday that the Islamic Congress was supported by the Bekasi administration, and was the culmination of talks between members of the local FPI chapter and Mayor Mochtar Mohamad.
"We also demanded the removal of the "Tiga Mojang" ["Three Girls"] statue. It is known as the Three Flashy Ladies, according to an Islamic boarding school in Bekasi," Abdul Qodir said.
The statue in the Harapan Indah residential complex was taken down on at 12 a.m. on Saturday by the Bekasi administration, following pressure from the FPI, which deemed the statue, which some called "pornographic," at odds with conservative Muslims' views.
The Islamic Congress of Bekasi is scheduled to continue on June 27 at the Al-Azhar mosque in Kalimalang. "We have more than 200 people attending from various Islamic organizations, educational institutions, Islamic study groups, women's groups and mosque representatives from Bekasi, so this is not an FPI congress, even though [FPI leader] Habib Rizieq Shihab delivered our keynote speech this morning," Abdul said.
"According to Habib Rizieq, the phenomenon of 'Christianization' is happening not just in Bekasi but all over Indonesia."
Also on Sunday, the congregation of the HKBP Filadelfia Protestant church in Bekasi, which has been holding services on the roadside after the city prohibited the church from holding religious activities, faced angry demonstrators demanding they pray elsewhere.
"Around 6:30 a.m., there was an announcement at the mosque next to our church calling people to demonstrate. Half an hour later around 200 people crowded in front of our church with drums, shouting statements about jihad," said the Rev. Palti Panjaitan, leader of HKBP Filadelfia. He called the police, who drove the protestors away at around 8:30 a.m.
"When the protesters saw some members of the congregation they hurled terrorizing statements. A lot of my members cried and immediately went home, refusing to come back to church. The protesters called us names, calling us haram [forbidden by Islam], and threatened to kill us," he said.
Peter Gelling, Jakarta Indonesia's Constitutional Court held dozens of hearings and heard testimonies from more than 50 religious experts of all stripes during its six month review of the country's divisive blasphemy law.
And there, protesting outside every last hearing was the enigmatic Islamic Defender's Front a violent militant group most famous for attacking a peaceful rally for religious pluralism in Jakarta in 2008.
When the court ruled in its eight-to-one decision April 19 that the blasphemy law is in fact constitutional and should remain on the books, members of the front shouted "God is great" in Arabic both inside and outside the courtroom.
It was the second time in a month that Indonesia's highest court ruled in favor of a law that analysts say is at best undemocratic.
In the first ruling, the court upheld the country's anti- pornography law. Also championed by conservative Islamic groups, the anti-pornography law broadly defines inappropriate forms of dress, dance and even behavior.
Perhaps most worrying, human rights campaigners say, the rulings appear to be in lockstep with the country's prevailing political climate.
"I think the decisions are consistent with the predominant views posed by both the legislative and executive branches of government and their desire to stick with the status quo to simply not deal with the fundamentalist movement," said Holland Taylor, founder of LibForAll Foundation, an American and Indonesian NGO that promotes religious pluralism.
Although Indonesia has made major inroads in its battle against Islamic terrorism, it has been less successful combating fundamentalist ideologies, which often come from outside the country, that continue to influence Indonesia politics, legislation and society.
The blasphemy law, passed in 1965 by then-president Suharto, limits the number of recognized religions here to six: Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Confucianism. It then further calls for up to five years in jail for anyone who "distorts" or "misrepresents" any of those religions.
Human rights groups argue that the law is not in line with the country's 1945 constitution, which nominally guarantees freedom of religion.
In practice, the blasphemy law is applied primarily to perceived offenses against mainstream Islam. Almost 90 percent of Indonesia's 240 million people are Muslim, the vast majority of whom are moderate in their beliefs.
"One of the problems is that radical and literal-minded Muslims use the law as justification to take things into their own hands, while the police are reluctant to intervene," said Azyumardi Azra, an Islamic scholar at Indonesia's Islamic State University who testified against the law.
Azra pointed specifically to the Islamic Defender's Front and several other groups that have attacked Islamic sects whose beliefs deviate from the central tenets of Sunni Islam such as the belief that Mohammad is the last prophet.
The 1965 decree was cited in 2008 when the government all but banned Ahmadiyah, an Islamic sect that believes in a prophet after Mohammad, after pressure from radical Muslim groups. The Islamic Defender's Front has repeatedly set fire to Ahmadi mosques and in some cases to their homes but have rarely themselves been arrested or charged with a crime.
In 2007, the Indonesian Supreme Court sentenced Abdul Rachman, who is the No. 2 leader of a religious group known as Lia Eden and who claims to be the reincarnation of the Prophet Muhammad, to three years in prison under the blasphemy law.
Police also arrested Ahmad Moshaddeq, the leader of an Islamic sect known as Al Qiyada, on charges of blasphemy in 2007, even after he declared from the steps of a central Jakarta police station that he had realized his teachings were misguided and would return to mainstream Islam.
The attorney general's office banned Al Qiyada that same year. Moshaddeq, whose house was burned down by a mob, has said that he is the next Islamic prophet and does not require his followers to pray five times a day or toward Mecca.
Other Islamic sects have also faced persecution under the law. Uli Sihombing, a human rights lawyer that helped file the constitutional review, estimates that hundreds of people have been jailed, including a number of journalists.
"This is a major setback for Indonesian democracy," Sihombing said, adding that under Indonesian law, the decision can't be appealed. "Indonesians are not allowed to interpret their own religions."
The court's chief justice, Mohammad Mahfud, argued in the majority opinion that the law is needed to prevent religious conflict a sentiment shared by the majority of parliament as well.
"This law helps maintain the harmony between religions," said Abdul Kadir Karding, chairman for parliament's commission on religious affairs. "People should not have the freedom to desecrate other religions."
Taylor said both constitutional court decisions were politically motivated, pointing to what he says is a disconnect between what the Indonesian government says publically, both domestically and internationally, and what it does in reality.
Indonesia has been embraced by the United States and other Western democracies as a successful example of a moderate, Muslim-majority democracy. But as Indonesia's growing economy propels it onto the world stage, human rights groups are increasingly concerned that past government abuses and still unresolved human rights issues like religious freedom are being cast aside.
"There needs to be an absence of money politics and there needs to be an independent judiciary. These things do not exist in Indonesia right now," Taylor said. "In order for Indonesia to be active on the world stage it will be necessary to mobilize the strengths of its society instead of just articulating ideas that sound good but aren't backed up by reality."
Armando Siahaan The country's various Islam-based political parties must consolidate their splintered ideologies and find a strong figurehead if they are to bounce back from their poor showing in last year's general elections in time for the polls in 2014, party insiders and analysts have said.
Romy Romahurmuzy, deputy secretary general for the United Development Party (PPP), said on Tuesday that Islamic parties had failed to distinguish themselves from the major nationalist parties on various issues.
"There's no central issue in society on which we differ from nationalist parties," he said. "Fringe issues like Shariah banking or the haram-halal debate don't attract much public or media attention."
Romy said voter behavior had also contributed to the decline of religious parties, pointing out that in most cases, the more devout a person was, the less likely they were to vote for a religion-based party. "The voters may have faith, but not in faith-based parties," he said.
Mahfudz Siddiq, a lawmaker from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), agreed that voter behavior showed little confidence among Muslims in parties espousing the faith. Therefore, he said, it was important for Islamic parties to do away with religious concepts and focus on programs that were "objective, inclusive and modern."
M Qodari, a political observer from pollster Indo Barometer, said a 2008 study on public perceptions of Islam-based parties showed 43 percent of respondents believed there was no policy difference between Islamic and nationalist parties. He suggested that labeling a party Islamic automatically alienated voters of other faiths and narrowed down its voter base.
Qodari said one way to address the issue would be for the various Islamic parties to unite. Although most parties would likely be hostile to the idea, a proposal currently in the House of Representatives to double the threshold needed for parties to hold legislative seats could lead to some consolidation among the parties, he added.
Qodari said another key reason Islamic parties had failed to make good on their strong initial showing in the 1999 polls was their failure to produce strong leadership. "Three of the most popular leaders in the country's history are Sukarno, Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono," he said. "None of them came from an Islamic party." Mahfudz said the popularity of Islamic parties had waned following the withdrawal from the limelight of iconic leaders such as Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and Amien Rais.
Romy agreed that Islamic parties had come to prominence in 1999 on the popularity of such leaders, and singled out Gus Dur as a unifying leader who helped popularize Islamic parties while espousing pluralism. However, Gus Dur's failed presidency later proved a handicap, tarnishing Islamic parties' standing with voters, he added.
In the 2009 polls, Islamic parties took a combined 29 percent of the vote, down from 38 percent in 2004 and 37 percent in 1999, according to Indo Barometer.
Historically, no ruling party has ever been an Islamic one. The most successful showing by such a party in the polls was by Gus Dur's National Awakening Party (PKB), which won 12 percent of the vote in 1999, finishing third behind the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Golkar Party.
The PKS was the most successful Islamic party in last year's polls, but it won less than 8 percent of the vote to finish fourth overall behind the Democratic Party, Golkar and the PDI-P.
National Police have charged Peterpan frontman Nazriel "Ariel" Irham under Indonesia's strict Anti-Pornography Law in relation to the Peterporn sex tapes scandal.
Speaking at National Police headquarters, National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi told journalists on Tuesday that Ariel had been detained. "He did not turn himself in but he was turned in by his lawyers on Tuesday morning. He is under arrest," Ito told Detik.com.
Ariel is the only suspect charged in relation to the production of three videos, two featuring current girlfriend and television presenter Luna Maya and a third starring Cut Tari, the host of gossip show "Insert."
Ito said Luna and Cut Tari, who is married, are still classified as witnesses. He said that Ariel was being charged under the Anti-Pornography Law, but would not say what chapter he was being charged with.
According to Chapter 29 of the law, anyone who produces, makes, disseminates, broadcasts, imports, exports, offers, sells, rents or provides pornography can face a minimum six month or maximum 12 year jail term. Fines range from Rp 250 million ($27,700) to Rp 6 billion.
Police as yet have still not been able to determine how the graphic pornographic clips became to be published on the Internet.
Also answering a police summons on Tuesday was Ariel's friend and former Peterpan keyboardist Andika.
He told the reporters that he had been summoned as a witness. "As a good citizen, I am answering the police invitation," Andika said. He declined to comment on the videos. "I don't know, I haven't seen it yet," he said.
Ismira Lutfia & Dessy Sagita Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring has launched another tirade against pornography, this time linking it to the country's rising HIV/AIDS rate in comments that were immediately attacked by activists who work in the field.
Tifatul said on Thursday that increased access to pornography had fueled a surge in promiscuity, which he claimed was responsible for a rise in HIV/AIDS infections in the country.
The minister, who has courted controversy in the past with statements such as the ones he made last November linking immorality and natural disasters, said the money used on HIV/AIDS programs could be better spent elsewhere.
"Every year the state spends Rp 180 billion [$19.6 million] to deal with the problems caused by [sex outside of wedlock], such as the spread of HIV/AIDS," Tifatul said. "The budget could actually be reduced and the money allocated for other things that are beneficial to the country."
However, Adithya "Edo" Wardana, the program manager for the Stigma Foundation, an NGO focusing on HIV/AIDS harm reduction, said government funding was already insufficient. "It's ridiculous to even think about reducing the budget and allocating it to other programs of dubious merit," he said.
Edo said an assessment of HIV/AIDS-related programs this year had concluded existing funding would cover just 60 percent of needed programs, while the rest would have to be covered by foreign donors.
He conceded watching pornography could lead to casual sex, but said the main cause of the spread of HIV infections was unsafe sex.
"I'm not saying casual sex is OK in Indonesia, where traditional Eastern values still prevail," he said. "But to directly link pornography to HIV is just wrong." Omar Syarif, an HIV/AIDS activist from the Indonesian Network of People Living With HIV (Jothi), said the minister's statement was in stark conflict to a decree issued by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in Bali earlier this year.
He said Yudhoyono had then instructed all regional administrations to increase their efforts to tackle the rising HIV/AIDS transmission rate. "For the minister to call for the national HIV/AIDS budget to be reduced is both baseless and unwise," Omar said.
Kemal Siregar, deputy for program development at the National AIDS Commission, also said there was no reason to slash the HIV/AIDS budget, saying it had been drawn up after long and careful consideration.
"We considered every single aspect to achieve the targets set by the UN in its Millennium Development Goals," he said.
Ismira Lutfia Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring has used an incident in which a teenager had sex with a cow in Bali as an example of why sex outside of marriage is a social problem.
Addressing a news conference convened to discuss the media's reporting of the ongoing Peterporn sex tapes scandal, the minister from the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) said sex outside of wedlock was not acceptable.
"Sex outside of marriage is a social problem," he said, citing as an example an 18-year-old teen's sexual encounter with a village cow and offender's marriage to the victim to cleanse the village.
He also said he disagreed that two sex tapes allegedly starring Peterpan frontman Ariel and current girlfriend Luna Maya, as well as a third allegedly featuring Ariel and Cut Tari, was a "private affair."
"I disagree that sex outside of marriage is considered to be a private affair because I am a man of religion," Tifatul said at the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology.
Sex out of wedlock is not a crime in Indonesia, though extramarital sex is. Ariel and Cut Tari could be charged under this law if police determine the celebrities were indeed those in the videos and if Cut Tari's husband lays a complaint with police.
Tifatul urged police, a representative of whom was at the media briefing, to investigate the case thoroughly. "This is a bad precedent. If it's really them in the video, I won't be the only person who will disappointed. They are the idols of more than 10 million teens in Indonesia," he said.
Tifatul also asked the television not to broadcast snippets of the sex tapes. "Even if the visuals are blurred the audience can still see the movements," he said.
Ahmad Ramli, chairman of the National Legal Development Agency (BPHN), said at the same event that if the sex tapes were made for private purposes, those who made the films could not be charged.
"According to the Anti-Pornography Law, if anyone makes a sex video for a private collection, he or she does not break the law. It's the people who distribute the videos who must be criminally charged," Ahmad said.
The minister also talked about the need to establish comprehensive laws to minimize the distribution of pornography in Indonesia. Police said they are continuing to investigate but could not comment on the progress of the case.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The appointment of noted human rights activists as members of the Democratic Party's new leadership structure is nothing but "window dressing" to cover the ruling party's failure to improve the country's human rights records, activists say.
The party's newly appointed chairman, Anas Usbaningrum, who is also a former Muslim activist, recently announced the party's new team, which included noted rights activists Todung Mulya Lubis and Rachland Nashidik.
Todung, the chairman of Transparency International Indonesia (TII) and founder of rights group Imparsial, was appointed a member of the party's advisory council. Rachland, who once led Imparsial, was appointed secretary of the human rights protection and development department.
Anas also approached rights activist Usman Hamid to join the board, although Usman turned down the offer just prior to the announcement of the line up.
Setara Institute chairman Hendardi said President Susilo Bambang Yudhyoyono's Democratic Party was attempting to project the image that the party was concerned with human rights and democracy by putting a number of activists in its organizational committee.
"Yudhoyono's human rights record is poor. No serious efforts have been made to probe past rights abuse cases," he said.
Hendardi said the party was hoping the involvement of Rachland in the party would boost Yudhoyono's unimpressive human rights record. "The decision by the activists to join the party was an individual choice.
But to transform this oligarchic party is a dream. The country's political cartel will undermine activism. The activists have been trapped. They will have no significant influence," he said.
Rachland was a former executive director of Imparsial, one of the largest rights groups in the country. He left the NGO in April to enter politics. He was not available for comment Sunday.
Imparsial executive director Poengky Indarti said Rachland's appointment would not hamper the NGO's struggle to promote human rights. "Just like its name, Imparsial will remain impartial and independent," she told The Jakarta Post.
Poengky praised Rachland's decision to resign before officially join the party. "Hopefully he will bring an understanding of and promote human rights in the party," she said, adding that Rachland's decision to join the party was his own choice and not endorsed by Impartial.
Usman, the coordinator of the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), confirmed that Anas had offered him a post in the party, but declined it.
He said he had frequently spoken with Anas in the past few weeks about ideas on human rights and protection for marginalized people.
"I've made up my mind. I think it would be better both for me and Anas to split the job. I will use non-political means while Anas uses political ways," Usman told the Post.
Anas said the move to involve activists was proof that the Democratic Party was an open party. "We are looking at all available potential leaders in order to create a strong political entity for the benefit of this party in the future," he said.
Armando Siahaan High-ranking members of the country's three largest political parties on Monday said they were not threatened by the Prosperous Justice Party's declared ambition to finish among the top three in 2014 elections.
The Islamic-based party, known as the PKS, said during its second national caucus, which ended on Sunday, that its two main goals were to become an inclusive and pluralist party and to finish in the top three in the next national elections.
Achmad Mubarok, deputy secretary general of the Democratic Party, which won the most seats in the last election, said: "We respect their target, but we do not feel threatened. Golkar has also stated that it wanted to pass [the Democrats]."
Mubarok said the PKS had reached a plateau: In 2009, despite gaining more seats in the House of Representatives, the number of votes it received actually decreased. In the upcoming election, the battle will still be among the Democrats, Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the top finishers in 2009, he said.
Similarly, PDI-P secretary general Tjahjo Kumolo said his party, which came third in the 2009 elections, was not troubled by the PKS's ambition. "PDI-P has its own commitment, political line, ideology and strategy," he said, implying that PKS's new direction did not affect the PDI-P's stance in the upcoming election.
Priyo Budi Santoso, House deputy speaker from Golkar, said that although he appreciated PKS's goal of getting into the top three, "I predict that PKS's new direction will disappoint the conservative voters and they will move their votes to other Islamic parties such as PPP and PKB," referring to the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
As the PKS is known for its religious values, a switch to being a moderate Islamic party could be perceived by its traditional members as entering nationalist territory and no longer accommodating Islamic aspirations, he said.
Mubarok agreed that the PKS's new direction could hurt the party, currently the largest Islamic party in the country, as it has been known as conservative and traditionalist.
"PKS is very charismatic as an exclusive party, and many of its supporters are considerable fanatics," he said. "If they open themselves up as an inclusive party, they will become just another nationalist party. The PKS's fanatic members will leave."
Romy Romahurmuzy, the deputy secretary general of the PPP, said the PKS's new orientation did not guarantee an ability to grab non-Muslim members, but would certainly lose it support from Islamic members.
Mubarok said that from the perspective of the coalition, the Democrats welcomed the PKS's decision to become a moderate party. "It would strengthen the coalition as centered, moderate and nationalist."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Ignoring a storm of criticism over the nomination of a well-known human rights activist and government official to the Democratic Party's advisory board, party cadres said on Monday that they would support President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's decision.
Todung Mulya Lubis, a lawyer, human rights advocate and anticorruption activist, who currently sits on the selection committee to find a new chairman for the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), has been announced as a candidate for the party's steering committee.
But critics have pointed out a conflict of interest in that move because of the influence Todung carries in his current position.
Anis Matta, a lawmaker with the Democratic Party of Struggle (PKS), said Todung must leave the committee "immediately" to guarantee its independence.
Activist Danang Widoyoko from Indonesia Corruption Watch said Todung was appointed as member of the selection team to represent the public in the election of the KPK chairperson. "As a selection team member he could be influenced by the Democrats. It's different from when he represented common civilians," Danang said.
Todung, who did not respond to calls seeking comment on Monday, is a longtime transparency activist himself. He served on the advisory board of the Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and founded Transparency Indonesia. He represents civil society on the KPK selection committee.
Todung's close aide, Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, also member of the selection committee, said he was confident Todung would immediately resign from the team.
Yudhoyono has stayed tight-lipped about the composition or structure of the party's 2010-15 advisory board, but the party has publicly courted other human rights activists, including Usman Hamid and Rachland Nashidik, to sit on the board.
Meanwhile, those in the upper echelons of the Democratic Party have so far not acknowledged the criticism, simply expressing support for the president's decision.
"I think it will not be a problem for us," said Saan Mustopha, the Democrats' deputy secretary general. He said that as long as board nominees had "commitment, competence, integrity and credibility," party cadres would accept them "with open arms."
In addition to Todung, Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo and East Java Governor Sukarwo have been nominated to the advisory board. The governors of the two largest provinces in the country both ran for office as independents, enjoying multiparty support.
Armando Siahaan The Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party's national congress ended Sunday with a big push toward pluralism and a goal of becoming the third-largest party in the country by 2014, but analysts are doubtful.
Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, who was inducted as the party's president after serving as acting head since October, said that a new policy of accepting non-Muslims would broaden the party's base.
Looking down his nose at the fuzzy warmth coming from former Islamist firebrands, Burhanuddin Muhtadi, an analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), said: "The change [toward a moderate party] is merely political marketing, nothing more than that."
As part of its new branding, the party, known as the PKS, also said it was ready for dialogue with the West.
The congress at the Ritz Carlton Hotel in Mega Kuningan, South Jakarta, even hosted a seminar on the US view of Islam, with Ambassador Cameron Hume as the key speaker.
Hilmi Aminuddin, the chairman of the PKS consultative body, or Shura Council, said he was aware that engaging the US may seem at odds with the party's support for the Palestinian cause. But he said that the plight of the Palestinians is a "is a universal problem" that transcends religion.
The PKS is not just opening a dialogue with the US, Hilmi said, noting that the party has also built a strong relationship with the Australian Labor Party, the Chinese Communist Party and a number of European parties. "This is evidence that the PKS is seeking to enter the world's mainstream," Hilmi said.
Mustafa Kamal, the party's leader in the House of Representatives, said the PKS was talking to US representatives but also reserved the option to criticize Washington.
"That is our democratic right," he said. Given that the PKS is part of the Democrats' ruling coalition led by a president wanting to build a "strategic partnership" with the US, the party seems to have its eye on 2014 and a desire to wield greater political influence by becoming more moderate.
During the congress's opening ceremony, Luthfi declared that the party's goal was to become one of the nation's top three parties.
"That means one of [the leading parties] must be eliminated," he said, referring to the Democratic Party, Golkar and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Party secretary general Anis Matta said the party also aimed to reach two million members by 2014, almost triple the current 700,000.
Hilmi said the party was sincere and denied that the moderate turn was a political tactic. "Becoming an inclusive and moderate party is not a strategy, it's an implementation of Islamic teaching," he said.
Distancing himself from the party's fervent roots as an fundamentalist religious movement, Hilmi said the Koran dictated that Muslims must be pluralistic. Exclusivity does not reflect Islamic values, he added.
Hilmi, however, acknowledged that the PKS in its earlier years branded itself as strictly Islamic to "build identity and integrity."
Fahri Hamzah, a PKS lawmaker, said the inclusion policy was a sign of political maturity and the desire of the PKS to channel public aspirations and eventually govern the country.
Secretary general Anis said opening the door for non-Muslims was not entirely new, as the party already had non-Muslim supporters from Eastern Indonesia with 20 of them serving in regional legislatures.
Hilmi also denied that the PKS was attempting to Islamicize its non-Muslim cadres, saying they are expected to follow the party's agenda, not religious values.
For 2014, lawmaker Mahfudz Siddiq said the party would also expand its base among young people, because new voters would be a massive source of votes. The party also wants to focus on grabbing votes outside its traditional base in urban Java.
Political analyst Yunarto Wijaya argued that the PKS's friendlier stance was a consequence of the steadily declining popularity of Islamic parties as voters seek substance over ideology.
The opening to secular and non-Muslim supporters could backfire, Yunarto said, if the traditional base of activists and voters seeking a strong Islamic voice leave the suddenly moderate party.
The LSI's Burhanuddin was deeply skeptical that the PKS could be a top party. Using the 2009 election result as a reference, he said that in order for the PKS to edge out No. 3, PDI-P, "they have to double their current numbers." In 2009, the PKS aimed for 20 percent of the vote but only received 7.8 percent. PDI-P had about 15 percent.
Burhanuddin said despite the moderate direction, it is unlikely that non-Muslims would support the PKS. "Because their [party] programs are still associated with an Islamization agenda." He cited statements by Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring as examples.
Tifatul, the party's former president, recently made a statement on Twitter that the sex videos allegedly involving rock singer Nazril "Ariel" Irham, TV personalities Luna Maya and Cut Tari were related to the differing ways that Islam and Christianity see Christ's crucifixion.
The comment unleashed a wave of criticism, with some calling him insensitive to other faiths. Tifatul apologized for the remark.
Last week, Tifatul was also criticized for saying increased access to pornography had caused a rise in HIV infections. Last year, he received a barrage of criticism for saying that the nation was suffering natural disasters as punishment for rampant immorality.
"These incidents show that the PKS will still be seen by non- Muslims as a party that spreads orthodox, Islamic values," Burhanuddin said.
The PKS still has trouble penetrating even the mainstream Muslim audience, as it has on-going differences with the country's largest Islamic organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, Burhanuddin said.
Noting the distance between big goals and reality, Hilmi said during the congress, "PKS likes to have big dreams, which can come true in stages."
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) may have a plan to embrace pluralism and become more inclusive in order to woo more voters, but a senior member's verbal gaffe showed the party had an uphill challenge ahead of it.
Former PKS president and current Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring recently made a controversial statement when he compared widely circulating sex videos allegedly featuring three celebrities with the crucifixion of Jesus.
Tifatul said during a breakfast meeting at his ministry that if the celebrities allegedly acting in the video were only "look-a- likes", it would have long-lasting and heavy implications.
Critics say the statement hinted that Tifatul believed the idea was similar to the difference in interpretations between Muslims and Christians on the crucifixion of Jesus. Islam perceives that the crucified man was a look-a-like, whereas Christianity holds that it was indeed Jesus.
Tifatul issued an apology after his remarks aroused controversy on Twitter.
Research Institute for Democracy and a Prosperous State (Pedoman) director Fadjroel Rachman told The Jakarta Post on Friday that the public would cast doubt over the party's commitment to pluralism following the incident.
Fadjroel also said the PKS would be unable to convince the public unless its leaders dared to break conservatism by, among others, greeting other believers on their religious holidays
"How could you expect to be a pluralist party if both your former and current president [Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq] refuse to greet people of other religions on their religious holidays?" Fadjroel said, referring to an incident in which Tifatul refused to greet Christians on Christmas.
A PKS executive speaking on condition of anonymity said Tifatul's antics could hinder the party from its goal of becoming a pluralist party.
PKS deputy secretary-general Fahri Hamzah suggested that Tifatul clarify his remarks and apologize if there was indeed a mistake that could offend people.
Despite the setback, PKS president Luthfi said on the sidelines of the party congress at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Jakarta that the party was indeed serious about accepting non-Muslims as members and appointing more non-Mulims in the party's new structure either at the central or regional level.
"Our motto has always been clean, caring and professional. Non- Muslims with these qualities exist. As long as an individual possesses these qualities, they deserve one of the PKS' executive posts," he said.
Fahri added that some changes would be made to make it easier for non-Muslims to join the party and hold executive posts. One of the changes involves the obligatory citation of the Islamic creed by those appointed to the PKS executive body.
During a press conference at the hotel, several Christian PKS officials said they believed their party would be able to become more pluralist.
"What we saw by joining the PKS is that we were given the chance to do our bit for the community. We see no problems at all on the issue of religious differences," Agus Yando, a chairman of a PKS regional branch in Papua, said.
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Democratic Party chief patron Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono lashed out at the Golkar Party for resorting to threats to have its so-called pork barrel proposal approved by members of the government coalition.
While addressing a press conference at the State Palace in Cipanas, West Java, on Friday, the President said Golkar's recent threat to leave the newly established coalition joint secretariat, which is headed by the party's chairman, Aburizal Bakrie, constituted "immaturity" in politics.
"I believe that making threats so easily shows immaturity in politics. We have the joint secretariat, so please consult the problem [with other coalition members] there instead of making threats.
"Threats are indeed utilized in political dynamics, but I would not allow myself to make them," the President said.
Upset with a lack of support from other coalition members for its proposal, Golkar Party deputy chairman Yamin Tawari recently voiced his intention to ask the party's leadership to leave the coalition's joint secretariat.
"Given the condition, Golkar being on its own, perhaps it is better that Golkar leave the joint secretariat. We will suggest this to the chairman," he said.
Yamin's statement, however, was immediately denied by another Golkar deputy chairman, Priyo Budi Santoso, but not before it was widely reported by the media.
Golkar proposed that each of the House of Representatives' 560 members be given Rp 15 billion (US$1.65 million) to help develop the regions that elected them.
Five other coalition members, including Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, rejected the proposal amid strong public criticism that the scheme constituted money politics and would lead to corruption.
Yudhoyono said the proposal ran against the existing development funding mechanisms, which are under the auspices of ministries, other government institutions and regional administrations.
"If the House members want their regions [namely those who've elected them] to be given attention for, let's say, project A or B, they can suggest this to regional administrations or through the national development planning conference," the President said.
"It will be difficult if there is suddenly another scheme besides the existing two systems... This is the government's stance to avoid the emergence of new problems," he added.
Finance Minister Agus Martowadojo has said Golkar's pork barrel scheme would not be part of the deliberations on the 2011 state budget. House Speaker Marzuki Alie has also voiced his opposition to the controversial scheme.
The Golkar Party, however, remains upbeat their proposal will be approved. "A politician has to be optimistic. The Golkar Party is upbeat that in the end we will get the approval," party secretary-general Idrus Marham said as quoted by detik.com news portal on Friday.
He insisted that the so-called "aspiration funds" would help develop disadvantaged regions. "This is the need of the people. The House should respond to the people's aspirations."
The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) opened its congress Thursday with a vow to remain in the ruling coalition led by the President's Democratic Party and to become more inclusive in a bid to garner more votes in 2014.
The chairman of the party's consultative body, Hilmi Aminuddin, said the coalition with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party was "permanent".
"Many parties want to end [the PKS coalition with Yudhoyono]. But we will continue to coalesce," he said.
The President, in his opening speech at the congress, underlined the importance of strengthening the coalition among pro- government parties to support national development programs.
"I believe this nation is now on the right track, but we need to work harder to provide welfare for all citizens," he told the congress, which was also attended by leaders of other political parties in the coalition, including Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum, National Mandate Party chairman Hatta Rajasa and Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie.
The solidity of the ruling coalition has recently been tested by political bickering centering on the government's controversial decision to bail out an ailing bank in 2008 and more recently Golkar's "pork barrel" proposal.
Yudhoyono highlighted three development goals that the government wanted to achieve: better economic welfare, stronger democracy, and justice for all citizens without discrimination.
He called on all to build a "good society" with strong characteristics including respect for religious values, social norms and human rights.
"The people who live in a good society also have high tolerance and avoid conflict when solving problems," he said.
The PKS' second national congress runs from June 16 to 20, during which the party will elect its new national board members and discuss the party's strategy in the next five-year term.
Party president Luthfi Hasan Ishaq said the PKS was committed to building an open nation as formulated by the country's founding fathers.
"The PKS is an inseparable part of this nation and of the international community," he said, adding that the party would be actively involved in nation-building strategies.
Though it espouses Islam as its basic ideology, the party claims to be inclusive and would involve non-Muslims in its leadership.
It recently announced plans to forge closer relations with the US to "broaden its political base" despite persistent anti-US sentiment in the world's most populous Muslim-majority country.
The party's new tagline, "PKS for All", is expected to help re- brand the Islamic-based party, which is still viewed with suspicion by some critics for its alleged links to the Muslim Brotherhood movement.
PKS supporters are mostly members of the so-called tarbiyah movement, which was inspired by Egyptian Muslim ideologue Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Luthfi said the party had grown stronger since first taking part in general elections in 1999. It aims to finish in the top three in the 2014 election.
"It's our responsibility to achieve the target," he told the more than 5,000 party members at the ceremony.
In the 2004 election, the party won 45 seats in the House of Representatives, while in the 2009 election, the party won 57 seats.
Jakarta The tentative steps taken by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) toward forging links with the US at its national congress, which will run from June 16 to 20, could help counter its current exclusive image and broaden its political base, a political expert said Wednesday.
Arbi Sanit, of the University of Indonesia, explained the party was currently struggling with its image as a conservative religious party among an increasingly globally aware populace, who are suspicious of such exclusiveness.
According to him, the party needs to become more inclusive to expand its political base.
As part of its national congress, to be held at Ritz-Carlton Hotel in South Jakarta, the party plans to hold an international seminar on "The US' View of Islam" on Saturday. The seminar will feature talks about perceptions of Islam by US Ambassador Cameron Hume and German Ambassador Norbert Baas.
"The PKS might want to show that it can be a pragmatic political party, not a fanatic one as many people perceive it as being," he told The Jakarta Post.
He also pointed out the possibility that the party's traditional supporters, urban Muslims, might leave the party if it became more inclusive or made closer ties with the US.
The party is well known for its critical stance toward US foreign policy, especially its support of Israel in relation to Palestine.
The chairman of the party, Mahfudz Siddiq, said that forging links with the US was very important for the party since the bilateral relations between Indonesia and the US were very strategic and benefited both countries.
"The dialogue between the West and Islam is vital to a building mutual understanding and eliminating confusion," he told the Post.
He said Indonesians, and Muslims in particular, needed to develop diplomatic solutions with Western countries to address Palestine and other issues in the Islamic world. Saying he believed the only way to do that was through dialogue.
PKS secretary-general Anis Matta said the party aimed to finish among the top three parties in the 2014 election. Therefore, he said, the party was attempting to broaden its political base not only among Muslims, but among non-Muslims also.
"Our motto is 'PKS for all'," he said during the Advisory Council meeting in the party's National congress on Wednesday.
Anis said the party aimed to recruit 1.2 million new members over the next five years. "Currently, we have about 800,000 members and we hope the number will reach as high as 2 million," he told reporters.
One of the party leaders, Agus Purnomo, said that at its national congress, the party would discuss many national issues including the heatedly debated plan to increase the electoral threshold from 2.5 percent to 5 percent.
"In this issue, our position is moderate. We want to keep the threshold at 2.5 percent but to apply it at the provincial and regional levels, as well as national," he said.
The congress committee has also scheduled a "Letter to Obama Competition" in which the children of participants who attend the congress can write a letter to US President Barack Obama. (rdf)
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Stubborn Golkar Party says it will continue proposing the controversial pork barrel financing scheme, also known as aspiration fund, despite opposition from numerous political parties and civil society groups.
"We appreciate any response from other parties, however, we only see the judgment as an individual stance, not that of the party, because so far, no official stance has been addressed to Golkar," Golkar chairman at the House of Representatives, Setya Novanto, told reporters in Jakarta on Thursday.
"This program [the financing scheme] is completely pro-people. We hope all of our friends will support it eventually," he added.
Originally, the scheme would provide Rp 15 billion (US$1.62 million) billion to each of the 560 House legislators to develop their respective constituencies. Most of the political parties represented at the House have rejected the initiative, citing its vulnerability to misuse.
Despite the opposition Golkar has claimed the spending scheme would be proposed to the House plenary for approval.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Democratic Party leaders have shrugged off criticism as they appointed Edhie "Ibas" Baskoro Yudhoyono as secretary-general of the country's largest party for the next five years.
"There is no other alternative for the secretary-general post," Saan Mustopa, a close aide of party chairman Anas Urbaningrum, said Tuesday.
Saan said Ibas, the youngest son of party co-founder President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, would be responsible for consolidating not only the party's internal organization but also building communication with external ones, such as other parties and the media.
The party leaders also named House of Representatives Speaker Marzuki Alie the party's deputy to chief patron Yudhoyono. The full lineup of the party's structure will be announced later, Saan added.
Criticism had previously mounted on Ibas' nomination as the party's secretary-general post given his lack of experience in politics. Ibas also campaigned for Anas' rival Andi Mallarangeng during the race for the chairmanship post last month.
But Saan said he was confident 30-year-old Ibas could undertake the tough job despite being a newcomer to politics. "He will receive assistance from several deputies," Saan said.
Saan admitted that Yudhoyono was originally reluctant to allow his son to hold such a crucial post. "Pak [Yudhoyono] said he thought Ibas was too young. However, we believe in [Ibas] and named him secretary-general," Saan said.
Ibas practically now stands in the same playing field with Golkar Party secretary-general Idrus Marham, a well-honed politician, and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) secretary- general Tjahjo Kumolo, who has more than 20 years of experience as a legislator from two different parties.
Observers believe Ibas' catapult to the secretary-general post is nothing more than a political compromise between Anas, who wants to modernize the party and make it less dependent on Yudhoyono, and the powerful chief patron who still wants to maintain his grip on the party that he helped found.
Charta Politika political expert Yunarto Wijaya said Ibas' appointment demonstrated the Democratic Party was not ready to become a modern party.
"This option can be seen as part of Anas' accommodative strategy by maintaining the SBY-ism variable," Yunarto told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
"The secretary-general post is strategic and normally goes to someone who possesses skills in management and organizational consolidation. The post is not a training ground for a newbie."
Yunarto added the appointment of Ibas had driven the Democratic Party to a personality cult, which also happened in the PDI-P, the National Awakening Party (PKB), and the National Mandate Party (PAN).
"This situation can also reduce people's sympathy toward Anas, who is expected to shift the [Democratic Party] into a modern party," Yunarto said.
Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) political expert Burhanuddin Muhtadi said Ibas' appointment looked like a double-edged sword.
"On the one side, [Ibas' appointment] is positive for Anas, because it will provide legitimacy from Cikeas [famous reference to Yudhoyono's clan] toward Anas' leadership," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Democratic Party is considering recruiting two prominent human rights activists, Usman Hamid and Rachland Nashidik, to sit on its national leadership board for the 2010-2015 period.
Achmad Mubarok, who headed party chairman Anas Urbaningrum's successful campaign team, said on Tuesday that it was highly possible the activists would become members of the party's leadership structure.
"We do have plans to recruit some human rights activists," Achmad said, adding that the new leadership board would be announced soon.
Usman declined to comment when asked about the issue. However, his deputy at the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Haris Azhar, said that a top Democrat had contacted Usman, offering him a position with the party.
"But Usman has yet to confirm whether he will accept or reject the offer," Haris said.
Rachland, former executive director of human rights watchdog Imparsial and former aide to slain prominent human rights activist Munir Said Thalib, also declined to comment. "I will only comment when the party officially announces its new leadership board," he said.
Rachland earlier said he had been removed from Imparsial's executive board. He was also seen several times at the office of political consultancy Fox Indonesia, which advised Andi Mallarangeng in his ultimately failed bid to take on Anas for the Democrat chairmanship.
Meanwhile, House of Representative Speaker Marzuki Alie said he would be made deputy chairman of the party's advisory board, serving directly beneath President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the board chairman.
"Maybe it's because of my seniority in the party," he said. He said some former members of his campaign team, including Max Sopacua and Achsanul Qosasih, would also be involved in the leadership of the party.
Marzuki defended a plan to include prominent entrepreneurs in the party's leadership, saying it was normal for members of the business community to provide political assistance to parties. "I hope no one sees this as a big problem," he said.
Anita Rachman & Markus Junianto Sihaloho Despite weeks of controversy that seemed to kill off the idea, the Golkar Party's proposal to provide billions of rupiah in pork barrel funds to lawmakers is to be included in a House of Representatives Budget Committee report that will go to the government later this week.
The report, which was completed on Tuesday, details the committee's recommendation for the 2011 state budget.
Golkar's Harry Azhar Azis, who chairs the Budget Committee, said its members had agreed to bring the proposal to the president as a program supposedly focused on regional development. Other committee members, however, say they rejected the idea as a wasteful Golkar ploy.
When first aired publicly, the idea was to give Rp 15 billion ($1.64 million) to each lawmaker for development projects in their constituency. Harry said the current proposal did not contain a specific rupiah amount.
"The figure would be a rational one, meaning we are still open to discussion," Harry said. "Each party should be responsible for any ideas they propose.
"The president has been very wise in this matter," he added. "In further talks on how to formulate the 2011 state budget bill, it's no longer the House's domain; it's up to the government."
Harry denied that calling the proposal a development program was an attempt to deflect public criticism. He said the spirit of the proposal, which critics have called corrupt and wasteful, is to assist in balanced regional development. Lawmakers, he insisted, would not personally handle the money.
"A failure to understanding our budget system aroused suspicions. In fact, this is a rational process that will get [us] closer to fulfilling the people's aspirations," he said.
Harry invited other House factions to weigh in on the appropriate amount to be doled out for individual lawmakers to earmark. He said the Rp 15 billion, which would amount to an Rp 8.4 trillion budget expenditure, was still rational and basically insignificant in the total state budget of Rp 1,200 trillion.
Harry will report on the committee's recommendations before a House plenary session on Thursday.
He said that while the budget committee was firm on its decision, he expected the government to treat it as a suggestion not a demand. The plenary, he said, was certain to approve the committee's report. Harry added that follow-up meetings to discuss the proposal would be held between August and October.
Syarifuddin Sudding from the opposition People's Conscience Party (Hanura) said his faction opposed the proposal but was not big enough to stop the idea. The Golkar-chaired ruling coalition is likely to approve the idea, he said. "I think the president will take a safe position."
Lawmaker Hasrul Azwar of the United Development Party (PPP) said the proposal was far from a done deal and that the vigorous protests against it could still result in defeat. "It's still possible for it to be rejected," Hasrul said.
Andi Rahmat from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which also opposes the proposal, said his party remained committed in its objections to the idea.
Meanwhile, the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said it opposed the proposal during the budget committee deliberations, stressing that only Golkar fought for the idea.
The PDI-P's Olly Dondokambey, said: "We rejected the idea. This Golkar idea was only included as a small footnote. The other factions rejected it."
Aubrey Belford, Pacitan (Indonesia) In Indonesia, a singing politician is hardly a novelty. Candidates belting out karaoke are a common sight and even the dour president, ex-general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has a string of albums under his belt.
But the cleavage-out, hip-thrusting style of model/actress/singer Julia Perez hardly fits the usual script. The 29-year-old, popularly known as Jupe (pronounced: joo-pay), is causing controversy in Indonesia by running for local government in President Yudhoyono's home district in Pacitan, in eastern Java.
Final candidates for the position of district head, or bupati, are yet to be decided and the election will not be until December. But Jupe's candidacy doesn't go down well with many conservatives who like to see Muslim-majority Indonesia as a moral nation. This is, after all, the woman whose last album, Kamasutra, came with free condoms and whose biggest hit, Belah Duren (Splitting-open the Durian), is laden with graphic innuendo.
More importantly, her candidacy has become the latest focal point for fretting over the spread of celebrities in Indonesian politics a symptom, critics say, of a system where venal politicians and policy-free parties have left democracy looking hollow just over a decade after the 1998 fall of dictator Suharto.
Reached by a narrow ribbon of road through lush, forest-covered limestone hills, Pacitan itself is a rustic, slow-paced place. Most people live off farming or fishing. The main tourist draws are some caves and a beautiful, windswept and flotsam-strewn beach that is unsafe to swim.
The day I turned up was meant to be a big appearance by Jupe, but at the last minute, she was a no-show. Sutikno, the local head of the Hanura party of ex-general Wiranto (who has been indicted, but never tried over crimes against humanity in East Timor), is open about his disappointment. He speaks darkly of Jupe receiving "extraordinary pressure" from unnamed individuals not to come.
Still, Sutikno is upbeat about Jupe. The incumbent from Yudhoyono's Democrat Party, who was elected in Indonesia's first local elections in 2005, is a failure, he says. A coalition of nine parties, including some Islamic parties, is wooing Jupe to challenge the Democrats.
"The law doesn't say sexy artists can't be candidates," Sutikno says, using the Indonesian catch-all term for female starlets.
"Jupe came and I tested her. She was dressed like this," he says, smoking a clove cigarette and gesturing the outline of a tank top and hotpants. "I was happy. If she came wearing a headscarf I wouldn't have been pleased, she would've been faking it."
Sutikno says he thinks Jupe who speaks Indonesian, English, French and Dutch will be able to draw in foreign investment. And he thinks local voters will forgive her for showing a little flesh if she can guarantee she won't put her hand in the public purse.
"If I said lacking in morals is identical with clothing, I'd be wrong. Corruption is immoral and Jupe has never been corrupt," Sutikno says.
Another local party boss, Nur Sigit Effendi, who gives his interview flanked by pseudo-paramilitary Hanura party guards, says largely the same thing.
When I finally catch up with Jupe herself at a Starbucks on the outskirts of Jakarta she freely admits she initially had "zero" capacity to be a politician. But she says she's convinced investment in infrastructure will help local farmers and fisherman, and eventually transform Pacitan into a tourist haven like Bali or Monaco.
If people want to talk about public morality, they should talk about Indonesia's entrenched graft, she says. "You can't eat, not because I'm using a bikini. You can't eat or you can't go to school or you can't do anything if someone steals money from you."
"At least with an actress candidate, they know the person. 'Ah, this is Julia Perez, we know she's only a sexy image blah blah blah, but we know that she will never be corrupt," she says.
Still, Jupe's candidacy has been broadly criticized and lampooned in the media. Some party bigwigs in Jakarta have flat-out opposed her candidacy. The home minister, Gamawan Fauzi, earlier in the year floated the idea of imposing minimum experience in public service as a condition for hopefuls for public office. The move has widely been interpreted as a response to Jupe's candidacy.
Political analyst Mohammad Qodari says Indonesia's bewildering array of dozens of parties coalesce and compete without coherent policies, alliances or ideologies. In the confusion, personality politics has arisen and celebrities have become choice recruits to tempt an electorate that can often seem disillusioned.
But Qodari says Indonesian voters are smarter than politicians think, and tend to reward or punish officials based on past performance.
"The main motivation is they [political parties] want to win and they have this main assumption, sweeping assumption, that all celebrities are popular and all celebrities have high electability and high probability to win, which is not the case," he says.
In Pacitan itself locals seem ready, if sometimes grudgingly, to give Jupe a chance. Islam is the overwhelming religion here, but it is mixed with elements of Hinduism and animism.
Alexander, a fisherman at the local port, says local sailors would have few objections to a sexy woman as their representative.
"But it's got to be the right way. If she's sexy at the right time, that's OK. But if we meet her as an official, if she's carrying out her duties, she has to value her position," he says. "Sexy is nothing. What's important is don't just promise, promise, promise."
Even at one of the town's main mosque, the local prayer leader, Tumadi, is conciliatory. "As a good Indonesian citizen, I appreciate and respect democracy. Whoever wants to become a candidate in this country can do it so long as they fulfil the conditions," he says.
But, he says, choosing his words carefully, under Islam it is always preferable that men, rather than women, should lead.
Panca Nugraha and Yemris Fointuna, Mataram/Kupang A rally to protest the result of the Bima regency election on Monday ended in a brawl between protesters and police in which 12 people were injured, including two police officers.
The police arrested 61 protesters. "The 12 injured people are still receiving treatment at Bima Public Hospital," West Nusa Tenggara Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Sukarman Husein told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
Sukarman said 800 protesters flocked to the Bima regency General Elections Commission (KPUD) office on Monday afternoon, demanding a recount and alleging voting fraud at the district level that led to heavily skewed results.
Sukarman confirmed the police were forced to fire warning shots to disperse protesters, but denied that police fired on protesters. "They were just warning shots. Any injuries were the result of stones being thrown," he said.
On Tuesday afternoon, Sukarman said the situation in Raba City, Bima, had returned to normal. The police, however, were still maintaing a strong presence at the Bima KPUD office. "We call on supporters of defeated candidates to accept the election result. If there are voting irregularities, they can be addressed through legal means, not violence," he said.
Four candidates were contesting the post of regent on June 7. Results showed that Ferry Zulkarnain and running mate Syafruddin M Nur, who were running on a Golkar Party ticket, won 70 percent of the votes.
In East Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, the Kupang State Administrative Court (PTUN) ordered the regency KPUD on Monday to reinstate incumbent Simon Hayon and running mate Frans Diaz Alfi as candidates for the regency election.
In the verdict read out by Judge Mariana Ivan Junias, the court accepted the appeal filed by the pair, who were nominated by the Golkar Party, Gerindra and PKPB.
The court also annulled the list of candidates decided by the East Flores KPUD in its plenary session, which disqualified Simon due to incomplete paperwork.
"The East Flores KPUD must now annul that decision," Mariana said
The verdict was greeted with a rally by East Flores university students in Kupang, the capital of East Nusa Tenggara, demanding the regency KPUD carry out the PTUN verdict as soon as possible.
Vitus Pehan Hally Makin from the Alliance of Students for East Flores Democracy, urged the provincial KPUD to finalize the composition of the honorary council established to examine alleged violation of ethical codes by the East Flores KPUD.
"The chairman and members of the East Flores KPUD should resign to show their moral accountability," Vitus, the rally coordinator, said.
East Flores KPUD lawyer Philipus Fernandez said his side would appeal.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta Incompetence and a lack of independence at every level of several election bodies has led to polling violence, says a watchdog group.
A majority of the 92 elections at the governor, regency and mayoral levels held after April 2010 have erupted into conflict and decreased democracy in the country, said Indonesian Civilized Circle (Lima) director Ray Rangkuti.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Council (Bawaslu) have failed to learn from the conflict and polling violations that occurred during the 2009 elections, he added.
"The KPU has the authority to revise election guidelines and discipline its offices at the provincial and district levels but it failed to do so. Bawaslu has a similar problem."
Ray said the violence was followed by an increase in election- related complaints filed with the Constitutional Court. "Twenty- nine election cases were filed at the Constitutional Court in the last two-and-a-half months, as compared to only 14 in 2009."
Ray said the Bawaslu had "no teeth" and failed to sue regional election commissions that favored candidates. The Baswalu also failed to pursue local election commissions that supported incumbent candidates instead of Indonesian law and the KPU, he said.
Indonesian Election Committee (Kopi) coordinator Jerry Sumampow said the inability of the local branches of the KPU and the Bawaslu to handle polling violations led to conflicts in Samosir regency, North Sumatra; Bengkayang regency, West Kalimantan; Paser regency, East Kalimantan; and Toli-toli, Southeast Sulawesi.
The KPU local branch in Samosir regency did not act against a candidate for regent who allegedly deployed ineligible voters from Medan, Jerry said. The action generated a strong protest from the supporters of the incumbent regent, who was running for reelection.
"Tension is increasing in Toli-toli regency after the public set fire to the local KPU branch to protest its issuance of a contentious decree," he said.
Fraudulent voter registrations were the most common poll problem recorded by Kopi and comprised 13.1 percent of reported election violations, followed by vote buying, (8.70 percent), vote rigging (7.60 percent), riots and intimidation (7 percent) and other complaints (15 percent), said Jerry.
Legislator Arief Wibowo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said local elections should be suspended until the House of Representatives completed deliberation on the local election bill. Local elections should also be integrated with national legislative and presidential elections.
"Integration is needed to avoid different coalitions and to pursue political consistency in public administration," Arief said.
KPU commissioners and Bawaslu members were not available for comment Monday.
Councilors and city officials from Padang in West Sumatra have been chastised for failing to show up on time for an important meeting on Thursday morning because they were too tired after watching the football World Cup match involving Spain and Switzerland.
Yultekhnikal, speaker of the Padang Legislative Council (DPRD), was forced to adjourn the meeting for 30 minutes because the required two thirds of the council needed to establish a quorum were late.
The speaker said each party faction in the DPRD had been expected to outline their respective positions on the ratification of a number of pieces of legislation and internal mechanisms, including, ironically, an Honorary Council with the power to discipline wayward council members.
However, he said, the councilors failed to arrive in the desired numbers because "they watched the football last night." He hoped discipline would improve after they formed the honorary council.
Jakarta The law that serves as a basis for the Attorney General's Office (AGO) to ban the circulation of books is no longer contextual or relevant under the current situation.
"The law was made because [Indonesia's first President] Sukarno needed to control things that conflicted with the spirit of the revolution from within and outside the country," said National Human Rights Commission Chairperson Ifdhal Kasim during a seminar titled "Monitoring Media Regulations and Regulators: Caring for Press Freedom and Democracy" held by PR2Media on Tuesday June 15.
The law he was referred to is Law Number 4/PNPS/1963 on the Securing of Printed Materials Whose Contents could Disturb Public Order. None of the conditions that served as a basis for this law exist any more. Problems related to books, such as defamation or blasphemy can be dealt with under criminal law.
Author Taufik Rahzen highlighted the fact that since the time of Dharmawangsa, the last king of Medang, there has been attempts to control the written word in order to maintain and legitimise power. The current banning of books is still within this context. "These book bannings are counterproductive in terms of improving the foundations of the nation-state", he said.
Historian Asvi Warman Adam said that there were no book bannings in 1998-2005. Between 2006 and 2009 however, book bannings have resurfaced. These bannings, according to Adam, are mistaken in several ways. He gave the example of the banning of history books that were prohibited in 2007 because they failed to mention the 1948 Madiun affair or only mentioned 1965 30 September Movement without mentioning the Indonesian Communist Party. "Three volumes were banned, yet the first and second volumes were about the archipelago's kingdoms and colonialism, only the fourth book was about Indonesian independence", he said.
Another speaker, Godang Riadi Siregar, who is an intelligence researcher with the AGO, said that the AGO works in accordance with the authority given to it by Law Number 4/PNPS/1963. (EDN)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta Chairman of the National Commission of Human Rights Ifdhal Kasim denounced Tuesday the Attorney General's Office's right to ban books as unconstitutional.
According to him, 1963 Law on Monitoring Printed Materials with Content that Could Endanger Public Order and the 2004 AGO Law, which grant the judicial body the right to supervise and ban books, both contradict the 1945 Constitution.
Ifdhal cited Article 28 of the Constitution (Second Amendment), which grants freedom for all citizens to "express their thoughts through verbal and written media".
"Article 28 E, point 3, stipulates that every citizen has the freedom to express opinions," he told a national seminar held by the Media Regulation and Regulator Watch at Wisma Antara in Jakarta.
The seminar was held to coincide with the official launch of the Media Regulation and Regulator Watch led by press freedom activist Amir Effendi Siregar.
Ifdhal suggested that if the AGO was concerned that a book was a threat to public order, it should take the matter to court and let judges decide through a transparent trial process. He added that the AGO could not ban books arbitrarily.
"The prosecutors should prove to the public that the book has violated the law. The author and the publisher also have rights to defend the book," he said.
Between 2006 and 2009, the AGO banned 22 books, including Lekra Tak Pernah Membakar Buku: Suara Senyap Lembar Kebudayaan Harian Rakjat 1950-1965 (Lekra Never Burned Books) by Muhidin M. Dahlan and Rhoma Dwi Aria Yuliantri; Dalih Pembunuhan Massal Gerakan 30 September dan Kudeta Soeharto (Pretext of Mass Murder: The Sept. 30 Movement and the Soeharto Coup d'etat) by John Roosa; and Suara Gereja bagi Umat Tertindas: Penderitaan Tetesan Darah dan Air Mata Umat Tuhan di Papua Barat Harus Diakhiri (The Voices of Churches for Suppressed People: Blood and God's Tears in West Papua must be Ended) by Cocrateze Sofyan Yoman.
The authors of some of the banned books filed a judicial review request with the Constitutional Court in early March this year. They demanded the Court cancel the laws granting AGO the right to ban books.
A senior journalist, Atmakusumah Astraatmadja, said he believed that books were less dangerous than hastily prepared press releases.
Press releases, he continued, were made within a limited time frame often with a lack of research, while books usually contained comprehensive materials based on years of research which could facilitate better understanding for readers.
The AGO, he argued, could not censor books or the press. "Like the press, authors can be sued in courts, but the AGO has no right to ban their books," he said.
Another expert witness and a member of the Presidential Advisory Council, Adnan Buyung Nasution, said the 1963 law was a product of the past and needed to be revoked.
"Activists have expressed their anger at the [1963] law because it contradicts the people's conscience," he told the hearing. (rdf)
Jakarta Chairman of the National Commission of Human Rights Ifdhal Kasim said Wednesday that the Attorney General's Office (AGO) should not have the right to ban books on the basis of threat to public order because this runs counter to the constitution.
According to him, Law No. 4/PNPS/1963 on Pacification of Printed Goods with Content that Could Endanger Public Order and Law No. 16/2004 on the AGO, which grant the AGO the right to supervise and ban books, both contradict the 1945 Constitution.
Ifdhal cited Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution (Second Amendment) that grants freedom for all citizens to "express their thoughts through verbal and written media".
"Article 28 E, point 3, stipulates that every citizen has the freedom to express opinions," he told a national seminar held by the Media Regulation and Regulator Watch at Wisma Antara in Jakarta.
The seminar was held to coincide with the official launching of the Media Regulation and Regulator Watch led by press freedom activist Amir Effendi Siregar.
Ifdhal suggested that if the AGO was concerned that a book was a threat to public order, it should take the matter to court and let judges decide through a transparent trial process. He added that the AGO could not ban books arbitrarily.
"The prosecutors should prove to the public that the book has violated the law. The author and the publisher also have rights to defend the book," he said. (rdf)
Freedom of information & internet
With millions of Indonesian absolutely transfixed for almost a month over the widespread distribution of homemade videotapes involving three popular local celebrities involved in hardcore sex, the matter has started to take on more ominous overtones. Last week President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said he would lend his support for a filter to block pornography on the Internet.
Given Indonesia's uncertain flirtation with a more conservative Islamic society, the videotapes are raising concerns among liberals that the pace will pick up. An Anti-Pornography Act was pushed through in 2008 more because Yudhoyono and his nominal allies believed they needed the conservative Islamic vote in 2009 elections than because of any public outrage.
Prosecutors, the judiciary and the police largely ignored the law, saying it was too vague to enforce in a variegated country made up of a vast collection of ethnic groups and religious groupings ranging from largely Hindu Bali, where village traditions remain strong, to Papua, where penis gourds are still common in the hinterlands; to Jakarta, with its nightclubs, malls and glitz; and to liberal, largely Christian north Sulawesi.
Today, however, in the House of Representatives lawmakers now are lining up behind plans by Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring of the conservative Islamist Prosperous Justice Party to use the scandal to revive a move to filter the Web for content deemed "negative" and immoral. Sembirang said he would promulgate a decree by the end of the year to "save the young" from Internet porn. Religious leaders, parents and others have been lining up to support controlling the Web as well. On Sunday, Megawati Sukarnoputri, the leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, added her voice, saying the law should be enforced in the video case.
"This case has caused many women concern, including me. Why do the public and the younger generations consume this kind of thing?" Megawati told reporters.
Even China has backed away from an Internet filter. But Indonesia, 86 percent of whose 243 million residents are Muslim, has been alternatively scandalized and titillated by the online release of the films, which allegedly featured Nazril Ilham, 28, an Indonesian rock star known as Ariel, and television personalities Luna Maya, 26, and Cut Tari, 32. All have denied being in the films, saying those filmed were someone else. Because Ariel sings with a group called Peterpan, the films have inevitably been dubbed Peterporn.
The ubiquity of the films, in three episodes, is astonishing. They have seemingly been watched by half the country, with whole offices in Jakarta watching them together in the days since they apparently were uploaded for the first time on May 22. Some 40 million Indonesians have access to the Internet. Schools have been searching students' pockets to confiscate DVDs. They have appeared not only on the Web but on cellphones and emails, spreading to social networking sites and local Internet forums, where links to downloads of the video were widely shared. The videos began appearing on BlackBerries, Twitter and Facebook.
The three celebrities have been hauled in for questioning, the latest last Friday, to emerge again before the television cameras, looking alternatively remorseful and intimidated. Police had said they planned to physically examine Ariel and Luna, presumably to try to match distinguishing body features with those seen in the clips.
None of the three have confessed to being in the films and police have declined to say who the actors in the videos are. "Ariel and Luna still have not admitted that the videos are theirs," said Brig-Gen Saud Usman Nasution, the director of transnational crime, adding that the police will not push them to confess. They could face up to 12 years in jail.
Six other individuals, however, have been hauled in for questioning. "The six have not been arrested," Saud said. "They are being questioned until we find out who was the first person to upload the videos. We are assisted by six experts and we are applying scientific methods."
Yudhoyono had so far been careful to steer away from the scandal. But on Friday, cornered by reporters, he said he supports the steps taken by the police.
"They have investigated who duplicated the videos and distributed them," Yudhoyono said. "Whoever did it, the law must be upheld. I will keep supporting it."
Then he went on to say that "In relation to an open society, an information society, we have increasingly realized that the country should not stay naked and be steamrolled by an information technology frenzy, as the stakes are huge. Other countries have already have regulations on this... The incident has made us think about the best thing that should be done. Negative impacts on our society should be avoided."
The fact is that in Indonesia, supposedly a conservative Islamic country, amazing numbers of teenagers not only regularly watch pornography but engage in sex regularly. Indonesian Child Protection Commission vice chairwoman Masnah Sari reported in May that a survey of 4,500 teenagers aged between 14 and 18 in Jakarta, Bandung and Surabaya, found that 93 percent had engaged in oral sex and 21.2 percent of the girls had had an abortion.
The survey was almost immediately disowned by Hadi Supeno, the head of the child protection commission, who said no such survey had been conducted. Nonetheless, Supeno told reporters, a much smaller survey found that 32 percent of teenagers in several cities claimed to have had sexual intercourse and that they had easy access to pornography through either the Internet or DVD sellers. Teenagers from upper middle class families told the survey they had learned about sex from their nightlife, going to night clubs. Certainly anecdotal evidence indicates that pornography is available right down to the lowest village level and is watched by everybody boys and girls as well.
Jakarta Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said Friday his country must not stand "naked" before modern information technology, signalling his support for an Internet filter to block porn.
The world's most populous Muslim-majority country has been scandalised by the recent online release of homemade X-rated videos apparently showing popular local celebrities engaging in hardcore sex.
The celebrities rock singer Nazril Ariel and television personalities Luna Maya and Cut Tari deny uploading the clips but could still face up to 12 years in jail for breaches of the country's 2008 anti-pornography law.
Until now Yudhoyono had steered clear of the scandal, but when reporters asked him to comment the normally taciturn ex-general unleashed a torrent of criticism at the Internet and its supposed threat to Indonesian values.
"We have increasingly realised that our nation should not stay naked and be crushed by the information technology frenzy, because there will be many victims," he said.
The scandal highlighted the need for further regulation of the Web, he said. "Other countries have already have regulations on this... The incident has made us think about the best thing that should be done. Negative impacts on our society should be avoided," he said.
Communications Minister Tifatul Sembiring, of a conservative Islamic party, has used the "Peterporn" scandal named after Ariel's band Peterpan to revive plans to filter the Internet for content deemed "negative" and immoral.
Sembiring received the backing of influential lawmakers this week and has promised to issue a ministerial decree by the end of the year to "save the young" from Internet porn.
Indonesia is the world's fourth most-populous country and has about 40 million Internet users, according to Internet World Stats.
Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring vowed on Thursday to issue a decree by the end of the year to "save the young" from pornography on the Internet.
The mainly Muslim country has been scandalized by the recent online release of homemade sex videos involving three popular celebrities, breathing new life into proposals to filter the Internet for pornographic content.
Communications Minister Tifatul Sembiring, chief of the Islamic Prosperous Justice Party, said he would draft a new decree in consultation with lawmakers after an earlier version was shelved due to widespread opposition.
"The porn video 'allegedly' consisting of three artists... has insulted the nation's constitution and Pancasila," he said, referring to the founding national philosophy that enshrines belief in the "one and only God."
"We have beliefs in the 'Oneness of God' and a 'Fair and Civilized Humanity' as aspects of Pancasila. Our teachings have been tainted by the distribution of those videos."
Citing a 2007 survey showing 97 percent of Indonesian high school students had watched or accessed pornographic Web sites, the minister said he could no longer stand back and watch while the country was "poisoned."
His proposed decree, which received the backing of lawmakers on Wednesday, would include electronic filtering of the Web and the creation of a "blacklist" of offensive material that would be monitored by a special task force.
"There will be a team to observe whether a Web site contains points from the blacklist. The team will assess whether such Web sites truly contain pornographic material," Tifatul said.
"If it does, we'll ask the Web site to delete the points included in the list, but we won't ban the whole Web site."
Tifatul also implied a link between Internet pornography and HIV-AIDS, and questioned whether state funds used to fight the spread of the disease could not be better spent.
"The country has dispersed Rp 180 billion rupiah [$19.6 million] to curb HIV-AIDS. The budget should actually be reduced so the money can be allocated for other things that are beneficial for the country," he told reporters.
Anita Rachman & Farouk Arnaz The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology may find the recent sex video scandal to be a blessing in disguise, with lawmakers on Wednesday advising the ministry to restart work on a controversial bill to regulate multimedia content.
Kemal Azis Stamboel, chairman of the House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees defense and information, said it had ordered the ministry to resume work on the stalled draft and expected to receive updates after the month-long House recess beginning this weekend.
"We agree with the concept, however there should be a selection of what should be monitored, especially pornography, so that it will not spread as is happening today," said Kemal, a Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) legislator. "And [the ministry] should make sure that [the monitoring] does not pose threats to the freedom of press."
Commission members Roy Suryo, from the Democratic Pary, and Golkar's Tantowi Yahya also backed Kemal during a hearing with officials from the ministry to discuss the sex tape scandal, which many say have put the nation's morals at risk.
Previously, the government said it was committed to "totally revising" the proposed bill to monitor Internet content. The legislation's main objective is supposedly to reduce the dissemination of disturbing content on the Internet.
But media organizations, bloggers and Internet service providers said it would result in Web censorship have criticized it for emphasizing controlling illegal content while ignoring ways to develop positive material.
Kemal said the commission had not touched the subject following the initial public backlash to the plan. "There has been a cooling-down period, but with [the release of sex videos] happening it had sparked discussion again."
Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring, from the Islam-based PKS party, said the ministry would follow up on the commission's recommendation.
The scandal, however, was not the only reason the ministry would take up the bill again, he said. The ministry had received much support from the public about the proposed measure, Tifatul said.
He said the bill would not be as strict as the 2008 Information and Electronic Transactions Law (ITE), with only local Web sites and specific content, such as pornography, to be monitored.
Meanwhile, National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri told a hearing with House's Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, on Wednesday that he would take firm action against whoever had starred in the sex videos.
"We don't want to be careless. This case not only has legal consequences but it also has a social and cultural impact. God willing our team will name the tape maker in the near future and we will make an arrest," he said.
Bambang said his team had encountered difficulties in determining whether the three individuals in the tapes had breached the Anti-Pornography Law, the ITE Law or the Criminal Code.
"But we have overcome the difficulties. We already have the legal basis to name those individuals as suspects and arrest them," he said. "Just wait."
National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi said police would summon the three celebrities who allegedly appear in the tapes pop singer Nazril "Ariel" Irham, actress Luna Maya and TV presenter Cut Tari again this week.
He said that the police took a scientific approach to determine who was in the videos. "We used several experts to the examine those videos. We used face recognition experts, forensic experts and IT expert to freeze the videos and analyze them," he said.
Jakarta Indonesia's communications minister said Wednesday a celebrity sex video scandal showed the Internet was a threat to the nation and vowed to issue a decree to curb its use.
"We want to minimise the negative impact from the Internet as it will destroy this nation," Communication and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring, from the Muslim-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), told reporters.
The mainly Muslim country has been titillated and scandalised in equal measure by the appearance on the Internet of two explicit clips showing a popular local rock singer having sex with two models and television presenters.
The stars have claimed they are being defamed but have not denied it is them in the videos, amid a police probe that could see them jailed for lengthy sentences under a controversial anti-porn law passed in 2008.
Sembiring has condemned the celebrities and used the scandal to revive his ambitions to restrict access to morally suspect sites on the Internet, after an earlier plan was shelved due to widespread opposition.
He said the decree would be dusted off and issued soon after receiving the backing of lawmakers in the parliament's Commission I, which is in charge of communications and information affairs.
The decree would make it illegal to distribute or provide access to pornography or gambling services on the Internet, as well as anything that spreads religious hatred or threats, and any news deemed "misleading".
Web content which "humiliates the physical condition or abilities... of other parties" also could be blocked, along with anything which violated privacy by, for example, disclosing someone's educational background.
Sembiring said he would also implement a request from the commission to require all Internet cafes and schools to install software to filter websites with content listed as negative. "This is very good... we will implement it soon," he said.
Critics say the measures have not been thought through and represent a throwback to the era of information control under the dictatorship of military strongman general Suharto, who was ousted in 1998.
Report Aria Danaparamita The doors to the airport open and the heat hits you in the face. As your eyes adjust to the light, you are bombarded by men offering to carry your luggage, followed by the incessant shouts of cab drivers. Welcome to Jakarta.
Indonesia's capital is home to about 9 million people in the city proper, while the population of Greater Jakarta is about 22 million, most of whom have never left the mega-metropolis.
As such, most Jakartans are used to the skyscrapers, slums and smog. But how do people see the Big Durian which today celebrates its 483rd anniversary through fresh eyes?
Thousands of Jakartans return to the city each year after time abroad. Jakarta is also home to a sizeable expatriate community. New arrivals and returning residents share their thoughts about the city.
"There are just small things that I have always known but didn't really register initially," said Satrio Wicaksono, 21, who has just returned after completing his undergraduate degree in the United States.
"For example, driving down from the airport, you see a lot of slums right next to expensive apartments. I always knew that they were there, but it only just struck me how sad and strange it is."
Peter Riddell-Carre, 31, a British national, said: "What surprised me was the amount of people who could fit onto one ojek [motorcycle taxi]. A whole family, on one ojek, without helmets!"
Some people find driving on Jakarta's streets to be a perplexing experience. "I got confused about the exhaust from the buses. I thought, 'What is that? Why is it black? Why are these buses even still allowed to run?'?" said Bevina D Handari, 48.
The University of Indonesia math professor felt this way after spending four years in Australia. "Then, go around Jakarta and you see a lot of people, mostly men, just sitting on sidewalks or at kiosks. What are they doing, just sitting there, smoking and talking? I just couldn't understand it. But I guess that this is a big problem for Jakarta the overpopulation and unemployment," Handari added.
The consensus on the most frustrating aspect of the city? "Traffic. Always the traffic," Riddell-Carre said. "The key to working in Jakarta is to live near your office. Saves me from a lot of headaches."
Bureaucracy is a close runner-up when it comes to frustrating experiences. "Oh, don't even get me started," Handari said. "You can never get anything done. There are never any clear rules, and when there are, they are never obeyed."
Cuk Imawan, 48, who spent a few years living in Germany, said: "Here, you try going into any office and you end up being ping- ponged back and forth."
Then, there are the public utilities. "What is that? Water? Coming out in little droplets like that even though it's so expensive?" Handari said. "And the electricity, it just dies all of the sudden, without warning. Plus, the price keeps increasing."
So the city's management may be questionable. But what about the people of Jakarta? Ridell-Carre is of the opinion that "people here are very warm and engaging."
Handari, however, begs to differ. "Here, people don't know how to say hi. In fact, if someone even approaches you for a bit, you immediately think they're trying to rob you," she said.
Wicaksono said: "Jakarta's public buses are infamous for pickpockets. I've lived in Cairo and Beijing, places that aren't safe either. But here, in my own city, I don't feel safe. Isn't that a pity?"
Imawan finds that in Jakarta, there always seems to be a lack of order. "People just don't know how to queue," Imawan said. "When I first came back here, I always waited nicely in line. It was awhile before I thought, 'Hey, when's my turn?'?"
But there is always a silver lining, even in Jakarta's smog- covered skies.
For Riddell-Carre, it's rendang. While the dish, which usually involves beef cooked in coconut milk and spices, is originally from West Sumatra, for Riddell-Carre it represents what is great about the city.
Food from all over Indonesia and the world can be found here and is available at all times.
Handari said: "Here, at 11 p.m., when my stomach starts rumbling, I can hear the ting ting ting and then there's mie ayam, ketoprak, sekoteng, all complete."
Imawan agrees that Jakarta is a foodie town. "When I was in Germany, shops closed on weekends," he said. "Once, I forgot that my fridge was empty so I starved on Saturday and Sunday. That would never happen in Jakarta."
One also rarely runs out of things to do in the Big Durian. "It's a really lively city, that's what I love most about it. Even at two in the morning, there are still activities going on and people moving about," said Rey Royono, 29, who has spent a year in Thailand.
"Outsiders always think that their malls are better. That's just not true," Rey added.
And for those who aren't exactly mall rats? "The museums are really nice, like the new wing of the National Museum, where the displays are just as good as at the Smithsonian [in Washington]," Wicaksono said.
What is the final verdict then? Love it or hate it? "Objectively speaking, there isn't really much to like, is there?" Imawan said, laughing. "But I don't know, there's just that something that draws you. I guess that's why people always come back."
It is, after all, one gigantic, congested, exciting mess of a city. Some like it, some don't. But for most people, as much as they complain about how things are in Jakarta, they keep coming back for more.
Ulma Haryanto Humala Tambunan was feeling ambitious on Monday morning. "I'm aiming to net at least 40 people," said the mustached public order chief for Gambir in Central Jakarta, adding that officers in Cempaka Putih had only caught 24.
Humala was speaking to the Jakarta Globe about an hour after his officers began conducting raids to round up suspected hoodlums and buskers. Similar operations were being conducted across Central and North Jakarta as part of a monthlong effort to clear the city's streets of "unsavory" elements.
Conducting raids along Jalan Kebon Sirih, Humala's men had only caught 15 buskers by noon. Unhappy, he accused Effendi Anas, the newly appointed chief of the city's Public Order Agency, or Satpol PP, of leaking news of raids to the media.
"They knew we were coming," Humala grumbled before revealing he would change tactics next week. "We might conduct raids in the afternoon instead of at 10 a.m. We received reports that this is the area where pickpockets meet up and divide the fruits of their 'labor.'?"
He said those who "fit the cut" of the criminal-type would be handed over to the police, while the remainder would be sent to social rehabilitation centers in Kedoya, West Jakarta, and Cipayung, East Jakarta.
Irfan Kesuma, 20, was busking when he was stopped by public order officers in Gambir. He said he had to busk because his job as a janitor at an office of a private bank was not enough to cover his family's living expenses.
"I only get paid Rp 27,000 [$3] a day. But when I busk just for three hours, from 9 a.m. until noon I can earn an extra Rp 15,000," he told the Globe, adding that he and his elder sister both worked to feed their younger siblings and to give money to their mother.
"I only recently got the job in the bank. I actually had to work today, but now I've been caught. I don't know if they will release me any sooner than usual," he said.
Despite his young age, 14-year-old Panji Sentosa, another busker, said he had already been caught at least three times by public order officers. "I'm not afraid anymore," he said. "They usually let me stay at the rehab center for a couple of days before letting me go."
Panji said that once released he would go straight back on to the streets, and simply live and busk in other areas. "My dad has no job and I have three younger siblings," he said. "I only busked for an hour today and I got Rp 20,000."
During Monday's operations, the Gambir Satpol officers managed to catch someone they called a "suspicious character."
Rafli Sondak, a lean 35-year-old dressed in a tattered T-shirt and sporting tattoos down both his arms, said he had been busking when he was caught. "I usually sing religious songs," he said before belting out a few bars.
Rafli said he was originally from Manado, North Sulawesi. "I just came here a year ago. I used to help out in the traditional markets before I decided to busk," he said. "I have no family here and no home. I normally sleep at Gondangdia Train Station in Central Jakarta.
"I busk from early morning till 10 a.m. before going back to sleep. I can get Rp 30,000 to Rp 40,000 from busking alone."
Tatang, head of Satpol PP's rehabilitation division, said all of the buskers caught on Monday would be questioned before it was decided what would be done with them.
"If they have family here in Jakarta, we will return them to their family. They have to make a statement that they will not go back to the streets again though," he said. "Those not from Jakarta have to go back to where they came from."
Tatang said the buskers would be detained for at least 24 hours before being released. "We have to catch them and make sure that they don't disturb the public," he said, adding that raids in East and West Jakarta were expected to start today.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Armando Siahaan The House of Representatives is divided once again, this time over a renewed date over whether soldiers should win back their right to vote.
Anis Matta, House deputy speaker from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said he supported allowing members of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) to vote.
The right was removed by the late former President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid after the fall of President Suharto.
Under the New Order era, the doctrine of dwi fungsi (dual function) turned the TNI into a powerful institution that wielded control over the country's political and economic spheres.
Anis said progress had made the ban obsolete. "Our political system is already solid, and the dualism is long gone, so it would not be a problem," he said. The TNI had been restructured and reformed "even better than other institutions."
Priyo Budi Santoso, House deputy speaker from Golkar, said the party had long backed the move. Golkar was Suharto's "New Order" political vehicle. Priyo said allowing the TNI to vote would not revive militarism but the party would ask if they were ready for the change.
Defense Ministry spokesman Brig. Gen. I Wayan Midhio said the military was weighing the issue. "It's alright for anyone to have opinions on the issue but we must wait for the military to complete the study first," he said.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said last week that in principle, voting was a fundamental human right for every citizen, including those in the TNI. But he was worried that giving the military the vote might cause divisions in the institution.
Yudhoyono said the issue had to be studied further by all camps, including the government, the House, the public and the TNI itself.
However, House Speaker Marzuki Alie, of the Democratic Party, said society had yet to fully eliminate poll violence and money politics. He feared the Army might be provoked to join in. "The political stability would then be disturbed," Marzuki said.
National Awakening Party (PKB) chairman Marwan Jaffar said the military and police should remain neutral, serving as guardians to all civilian groups. "It's better for them to keep politically neutral," he said.
Syarifuddin Sudding, of the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), said the country should not return to a time when the military and police had dual functions.
If soldiers were given the right to vote it could divide them into political groups, he said. "We are still reviewing the plan. But for us, it's better for the security agencies to keep their current stance," Sudding said.
Jakarta The human rights monitor, Imparsial, says it is willing to support the provision of the right to vote to individual members of the military as early as the 2014 election if the military reforms its tribunal system to prevent abuse of power and ensure that justice is done.
Al-Araf, Imparsial's program director, said Tuesday that before the state granted the military members the right to vote, it would have to ensure that they were bound by civil law like any other citizen.
"For instance, if military members carry out violent actions against civilians, they will have to be tried at a civil court, not at the military court," he told reporters at the Imparsial office in Jakarta.
He added that the current military court system was prone to abuse of power, because all legal processes, from investigation to trial, were carried out by military officers. He said that the military tribunals were the source of the military's impunity in the face of any charges of wrongdoing under the law.
"The effort to reform the military court system has stagnated. The Justice and Human Rights Ministry has not even included the amendment of the Military Tribunal Law into this year's national legislation program," Al-Araf said. (rdf)
Indonesian Military (TNI) personnel may get to vote in the 2014 elections with most parties supporting the idea to end a decades-long policy banning soldiers from casting ballots.
"The situation has changed and the reform within the TNI has been good, even better than in other government institutions," Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) secretary-general Anis Matta said Sunday.
He added that soldiers had a right to vote, just like other citizens. "The TNI no longer plays a dual role," he said, referring to the military's heavy presence both in security and politics during the New Order.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said last Friday it was possible for military personnel to vote and run for political office. TNI personnel have only voted once in post-independence Indonesia, during the 1955 legislative elections.
During the New Order era, the military automatically received up to 100 seats in the House of Representatives. The loyalty of the military wing was squarely for then president Soeharto and his ruling Golkar Party.
The reform era saw mounting protests from student activists to put an end to the military's dual role, which at that time paved the way for state-endorsed military violence.
The TNI and National Police wing at the House was later dissolved in 2004 while the 2003 Election Law banned TNI personnel from voting in the 2004 elections. Golkar legislator Tantowi Yahya said the current crop of TNI personnel were different. "In the past, the military was a tool for securing the political interests of certain groups. But things have changed," Tantowi told The Jakarta Post.
"What is the difference between [TNI personnel] and civilians?" he said, pointing out that military personnel were also citizens. "A transparent mechanism can ensure their independence in relation to their involvement in the political arena," Tantowi added.
A deputy head of the House Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs, Tubagus Hasanuddin from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said he welcomed the TNI's plan to conduct a feasibility study on the military voting in the 2014 elections.
Last week, TNI Commander Gen. Djoko Santoso said his institution was considering implementing a policy that would allow active soldiers to vote.
"We need to clarify the election law to stipulate whether the military is capable of independently taking part in elections," Tubagus said. He added there would be consequences if the military was given the right to vote, therefore clear regulations were needed.
The 2009 Election Law does not explicitly bar military personnel from voting, but they could not vote in last year's election due to internal military regulations.
"I think the TNI will be ready to vote if we educate them on their right," University of Indonesia defense analyst Andi Widjajanto told the Post. He added that to avoid vote buying, the government should also address soldiers' welfare.
"The TNI, the National Police and civil servants are the same: they are vulnerable to being used as tools for any political interest, therefore we have to prepare the TNI well," he said.
However, National Mandate Party (PAN) legislator Muhammad Najib said it was better to stick to the status quo, with the military remaining impartial. "They should carry on their duties [without getting involved in politics]," Najib said. (ipa)
Erwida Maulia, Cipanas, West Java President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said Friday military personnel might be allowed to vote in the 2014 legislative and presidential elections, ending decades of state policy banning soldiers from casting ballots.
He said that as any other citizen, military personnel had a political right that should not be violated, and that their counterparts in other countries could vote.
"It is the (election) law, however, that will determine whether or not they can finally vote. The government and the House of Representatives will deliberate the law," Yudhoyono said.
The President said his administration had no objection to giving military personnel the right to vote, but added that there should be conditions imposed.
"In the past, TNI (Indonesian Military) personnel were not allowed to vote because of concerns it could lead to cracks in the institution, which would then affect their security function, including in securing the elections.
"If this is no longer an issue, then they should be allowed to use their right to vote," the President said.
In country's history, TNI personnel have only voted once, during the 1955 legislative elections. During the New Order era, the TNI and police had their own wing in the House, one of the main reasons why they were not given a vote, as they were already represented.
The TNI and National Police wing was later dissolved in the reform era, and the 2003 Election Law banned TNI personnel from voting in the 2004 elections.
While the law on the 2009 elections does not explicitly strip the military personnel right to vote, they were not able to vote in last year's eelction due to internal military regulations.
TNI chief Gen. Djoko Santoso, however, said earlier this week that the TNI would soon study the possibility of TNI personnel participating in elections.
"There is still a long way to go before we decide whether we want this option. I have to discuss this matter with all key military officials," Djoko said Wednesday.
Activists doubt the military is ready for the right to vote, saying the move would undermine the country's young democracy.
"We should wait at least another 30 years because we are still in the process of developing our democracy," Hendardi of the Setara Institute said.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Indonesian Military (TNI) Commander Gen. Djoko Santoso says his institution plans to conduct a feasibility study into military participation in the 2014 general elections.
He said the TNI was mulling implementing a policy that would allow active soldiers to vote and run for political positions.
"There is still a long road out there about whether we want to take this option or not. I still have to discuss this matter with every military high official," Djoko told reporters Wednesday.
He said the military would also ask external parties to participate in the study by providing a second opinion regarding the proposal.
The Indonesian military has never been allowed to vote but under the New Order regime, they received an automatic allocation of 100 seats at the House of Representatives. In 2004, however, the Military/Police party at the House was dismissed.
In military guidelines, it is stipulated that soldiers have to stay "neutral" in politics.
Hermawan Sulistiyo of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) welcomed the idea of the military intention to participate at the upcoming elections, saying that participating at general elections should be considered a citizen's right.
"Even a convict is still given their political right. If the military is considered to be guilty of misconduct in the past, it should not prevent us from giving them their political rights," he said.
The executive director of the Institute of Defense Security and Peace Studies (ISDPS) Mufti Makarim concurred with Hermawan, saying that in many countries with an established democracy, such as the US, the military could exercise their political rights.
"In every general election, military officers from all ranks could cast their votes without having to worry about different political preferences with their superior officers," he said.
But then Mufti added that such a condition was still far from reality for Indonesia since the country was still learning to develop and improve its democracy. "We must prepare and then establish a solid democratic system first before we invite the military to participate," he said.
Al Araf, executive director of Imparsial, an NGO that often shares different standpoints with the military especially over human rights issues, said that he was not too happy about the proposal.
"The military political rights are prone to manipulation and abuse of power due to their strong background of hierarchy," he said.
For example, if a military leader asked his subordinates to cast their votes on the leader's favorite candidates then it would be most likely that the subordinates would obey their leader instead of risking their career by choosing other candidates, he said.
Hendardi of Setara Institute said that granting the military political access would be a political setback for this country. "We should wait at least another 30 years because we are still in the process of developing our democracy," he said.
Heru Andriyanto Major law agencies appear to be used increasingly by their leaders to pursue personal interests, avenge rivals and protect their cronies while paying little heed to upholding justice, according to legal experts.
Revenge and attempts to protect troubled members of those agencies were overshadowing their real mission of fighting crime, experts said over the weekend.
They highlighted many controversial cases, from the murder trial of Antasari Azhar to the charges against two antigraft commissioners and the rise and fall of the National Police's Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji.
"While this continues to happen, a graft suspect like Anggodo Widjojo could win a case against the Attorney General's Office while sitting in his cell and force the court to order the trial of two antigraft officials," said Andri Gunawan, secretary general of nongovernmental group Indonesian Judicial Watch Society (Mappi). "This is of course not what we expect from our judicial system."
He said law agencies such as the National Police and the AGO were themselves prone to internal rivalries because senior officials tended to group with colleagues of the same graduation class or who came from the same region, noting that the inner circle at the AGO was dominated by officials from Central Java.
"They form small factions inside the agencies so that's why they don't appear as solid entities," Andri told the Jakarta Globe. "Such a phenomenon is also true in the military, but they can manage the issue much better."
There is a growing belief that law-enforcement agencies often bring charges against their own members or others out of vengeance and with the intention to show which agency is stronger.
Antasari said he was targeted in a murder case because of his role as head of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). He has said prosecutors eagerly pursued the death sentence in his trial because his first major achievement in the agency had been uncovering a humiliating bribery scandal at the AGO.
Antasari, now serving an 18-year jail term, was an AGO official for 25 years before taking the helm at the antigraft body.
"KPK at that time successfully uncovered major corruption cases involving government officials, lawmakers and law enforcement officials," Antasari said in his Jan. 19 defense against the death sentence demand. "But why should someone's life be sacrificed just to see the KPK rid of me?"
Susno, the former chief of detectives, was detained by police as a graft suspect not long after he implicated his colleagues in the controversial trial of tax official Gayus Tambunan, whom he said had paid billions of rupiah to law enforcers who fix the case. Susno also openly accused two police generals of taking bribes from the taxman.
"Susno is the whistle blower and because of his information many law enforcers, including police, were implicated in the case. If he didn't hit the police, would he become a suspect in another case? If the answer is no, then Susno's arrest was nothing but a retaliatory measure," said Muhammad Assegaf, a lawyer for both Susno and Antasari.
"As for Antasari, prosecutors sought the death sentence for him, while in many other murder cases they only recommend a jail sentence. I think you know the reason why."
Susno earlier made news in September when he controversially slapped criminal charges against KPK deputy chairmen Chandra M Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto.
In an interview with a local magazine before the two became suspects, he compared the KPK-police rivalry as the battle between a gecko and crocodile, police being the latter, but he later denied having said so.
In an e-mail supposedly written by Susno circulated at that time, he described how he was offended by the KPK's tough measures against a former police chief and that the commission was so powerful that everything it did was accepted by the public. Susno neither denied nor confirmed writing the message.
When the Chandra-Bibit case fell apart following indications that police and prosecutors helped fabricate the case, Susno was removed from his post amid mounting public pressure and he later shocked police with his report about Gayus.
"It's not the first time police have got tough on their own members deemed as not loyal. During the leadership of Bimantoro, he detained eight mid-ranking officers who had opposed his nomination for police chief by then president Gus Dur [Abdurrahman Wahid]," said Neta Pane, chairman of nongovernmental group Police Watch.
"They were detained for three months without trial when Bimantoro eventually won the top post." But Susno was the first three-star police general to become the target of "institutional revenge," he said.
Low pay is often blamed as the main reason for corrupting prosecutors or policemen, but Amdri disagreed.
"If they were paid more, then people would just have to increase the bribe for their service," he said, half-jokingly. "I agree they should increase the budget for police and the AGO to a reasonable level, but don't just give a carrot while forgetting the stick."
The AGO's tough approach into the Antasari case, Susno's anger at the KPK, police's measures against Susno and the counterattack by the disappointed detective "might have constructed a pattern, but we need to remain fair in making the judgments," said Andrianus Meliala, a criminal law expert from the University of Indonesia.
"We cannot build a theory based on a series of events that already happened, because it might prove wrong in future events. I still believe the country's judiciary system is on the right track toward the supremacy of law."
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta The police monitoring commission should scrupulously examine candidates for the next police chief, a human rights NGO said, highlighting the fact that most declared hopefuls are known to have bad track records.
"I strongly encourage the commission to examine their track records to ensure that we get candidates with integrity," Al Araf, the program director of Imparsial, told a discussion Friday.
Hosted by Imparsial, the discussion aimed to find a credible candidate to head the police and carry out reform in the corruption-riddled body.
National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri will retire in October this year. Under Bambang, the police force has come under public scrutiny for a number of scandals, including its quarrel with the Corruption Eradication Commission late last year and recent bribery allegations implicating high-ranking officers.
Novel Ali of Kompolnas admitted that the commission, which is tasked with filing recommendations to the President, had not thoroughly perused records of the candidates.
"We usually examine the character requirements of those who deserve to be named the next national police chief," he said.
Al Araf said that as of Friday at least eight police generals were considered eligible to land the position. They are Comr. Gen. Gorries Mere, Comr. Gen. Yusuf Manggabarani, Comr. Gen. Iman Haryatna, Comr. Gen. Nanan Soekarna, Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi, Comr Gen. Susno Duadji, Insp. Gen. Oegroseno and Insp. Gen. Timur Pradopo.
The first three generals will retire this year, he said, adding that the rest were known to have "bad records".
Comr. Gen. Nanan Sukarna, for example, was responsible for the police's failure to prevent a rally in North Sumatera from turning into a riot that led to the death of the province's parliament speaker Abdul Aziz Angkat early last year. He was then the province's police chief.
Al Araf said that Comr. Gen. Ito Sumardi was believed to have had close relations with some local gambling and illegal logging syndicates when he served as police chief in Riau and South Sumatra. He has denied the allegations.
Oegroseno is known to have refused then police chief Sutanto's order to execute three Poso death row convicts: Fabianus Tibo, Dominggus Da Silva and Marinus Riwu. He was later replaced by then Sr. Comr. Badrodin Haiti.
"As for Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, I am not obliged to provide a statement as I believe that the people are still aware about the crocodile versus gecko incident and all the allegations that led to the indication of his involvement in several cases later on," Araf said.
Insp. Gen. Timur Pradopo, he added, was the West Jakarta police chief during the 1998 Trisakti shootings, which claimed the lives of four students from the University of Trisakti. Timur has not given a clear explanation of the incident, Al Araf said.
Hong Kong. Moody's Investors Service raised the outlook on Indonesia's local and foreign debt to positive from stable, underlining the country's ability to sustain strong economic growth and praising the stability and effectiveness of its fiscal and monetary policies.
It has a rating of Ba2 on south east Asia's largest economy, two notches below investment grade.
"A series of external disturbances, culminating most recently in instability in several European sovereign debt markets, have had no serious implications on Indonesia's credit fundamentals, which remain on an improving trend," the agency said in a statement.
The agency said the Indonesian government remained committed to political and financial stability. This was reflected in the recent crackdown against militant groups in the country and appointments and nominations at the Finance Ministry and the central bank.
Rival Standard and Poor's has a foreign currency rating of BB, two notches below investment grade, while Fitch has assigned a BB-plus rating, the highest speculative grade rating.
Knut D. Asplund, Oslo Despite the postponement of US President Obama's visit to Indonesia, the debate regarding full restoration of military cooperation between Indonesia and the US has re- emerged.
One main issue of contention is whether the Indonesian Military (TNI) is still able to act with impunity in committing gross violations of human rights, or whether military cooperation can be restored on the basis of reform within the TNI and its increased respect for human rights.
The TNI is increasingly engaging in human rights trainings, and respect for human rights now extends to its doctrine and tactics.
Military cooperation with the US has been limited due to the "Leahy Law". This piece of legislation prohibits assistance to foreign military units "if the Secretary of State has credible evidence that such unit has committed gross violations of human rights" and that the state in question has not been "taking effective measures to bring the responsible members of the security forces unit to justice".
A system of vetting has accompanied this law, where the records of both individual officers and military units are assessed to ascertain whether they have committed human rights violations in the past. Those whose record is found to be questionable are barred from taking part in any training provided by the US.
US military support and training to the TNI will thus be barred until "all necessary corrective steps have been taken" against units or individuals that have a record of committing gross violations of human rights.
Thus, what bars US military assistance to Indonesia is not so much whether the TNI today engages in human rights training and asserts the importance of human rights, but rather the question of impunity for past human rights violations: Have past human rights violations been properly dealt with? Have perpetrators been identified and brought to justice? Have victims have been sufficiently compensated? Has there been an institutional admission of guilt?
"Retired officers still seem able to influence their former units and may even be able to employ military capabilities outside the chain of command."
Since 2007, the Indonesia Program at the Norwegian Center for Human Rights has been involved in providing training in human rights and humanitarian law to Indonesian Army units including the Special Forces (Kopassus) and the Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad).
Little doubt getting involved in such cooperation might be deemed controversial; particularly if it creates the impression that a human rights institution such as ours through these trainings is giving the TNI a stamp of approval.
However, "the proof of the pudding is in the eating", the English proverb says, and so also with TNI reform and human rights compliance. It is not the number of hours cadets spend in human rights classes that counts, it is their performance in the field during military operations. To this end, in cooperation with the TNI, we run human rights trainings that focus on applied knowledge and best practice in challenging situations.
TNI (or then ABRI) was an intrinsic part of the political regime that fell in 1998. It should therefore not surprise anyone that early in the reformation period TNI was seen as a reluctant reformer.
However, little-by-little reforms have taken place, and the TNI should be commended for these reforms.
The removal of seats specifically allocated for the TNI in the DPR was an early and important step towards depoliticizing the TNI, as were clear statements of impartiality from TNI commanders during general elections. Separating the police from the military, and abolishing the dwi-fungsi doctrine and the Sociopolitical Affairs Section of the Army were also important steps towards reform.
The position of armed forces commander in chief has rotated between the three service branches and the seconding of military personnel to civilian posts, known as kekaryaan, has been significantly reduced. While commitments have been made to lessen the military's role in internal security to focus on external defense and to end TNI's involvement in business, both have proven more difficult to implement in practice.
But on the other hand, Law No. 34/2004 on the TNI stipulates that as professionals, TNI soldiers should obey political decisions, and abide by human rights, national law, as well as international law that has been ratified by Indonesia. All these developments indicate that reform has indeed been initiated.
From my interaction with TNI officers, it is also my clear impression that the recognition of the importance of human rights is on the rise within the TNI. Most of today's young Army officers are far less dogmatic than "the old school" and seek to carry out their duties in a professional manner, much in line with how it is defined in the TNI Act.
Whereas 10 years ago "human rights" was tantamount to a dirty word in military circles, today human rights compliance is a repeated expressed goal for the TNI. The trainings we arrange in cooperation with the TNI indicate a genuine commitment to reform and to respect human rights.
Still, many challenges remain for the TNI. A deep-seated reluctance to report misdemeanors exists.
The general attitude is that misconduct should be handled internally, but as we know: Self-accountability is no accountability. If a case is reported, the mechanisms for taking legal actions against military personnel who have engaged in unlawful acts are still under-developed.
In addition, retired officers still seem able to influence their former units and may even be able to employ military capabilities outside the chain of command. Equally worrying is the prevailing attitude that in certain "black", intelligence-driven operations, human rights standards can be put aside.
Finally, there is the abovementioned issue of impunity and lack of accountability for past gross human rights violations. If not adequately dealt with, this ghost will continue to haunt this nation and the military now and in the future. It may also hamper the full restoration of military cooperation between TNI and the US.
[The writer is program director at the Norwegian Center for Human Rights, Oslo.]
Mangadar Situmorang The call for Papuan independence remains strong. Although activists are likely to exaggerate the number of independence supporters, it is fair to say that the idea is widespread among those who have experienced the drawbacks of four decades of integration.
Alongside the call for independence is a demand to review the 1969 Act of Free Choice, the referendum that saw 1,025 hand- picked delegates vote in favor of integration with Indonesia.
Many still lament the fact that the UN recommendation for "one man, one vote" went unheeded, and as such they describe the 1969 act as undemocratic and illegal, deserving of its nickname, "the Act of No Choice."
The first call is rightly seen as threatening to Indonesian territorial sovereignty. The second would challenge UN credibility and Indonesian political authority together. Neither has received an adequate response.
Then there is third demand, which enjoys even broader support, for fair and democratic development in Papua. Many Papuans desire a much more level playing field, for their own development and for the sake of Indonesian integrity.
There is no doubt that the Indonesian government and the international community have the power to make this happen.
Unfortunately, after almost a decade of special autonomy, the fair go Papuans are waiting for is still far away, particularly as special autonomy continues to benefit only a few local politicians.
Despite the Special Autonomy Law that grants a greater role for native Papuans in district and provincial legislative councils, such leaders have not necessarily delivered the goods any better than Jakarta-appointed representatives in the past.
The role of native Papuan leaders is largely symbolic, and this situation is only getting worse. They are prone to power abuses and corruption.
Many people complain that the real people in charge of running the district and provincial administrations and more specifically of deciding development projects and allocating the autonomy budgets are not indigenous Papuans and that therefore their commitment to the Papuan people's development is suspect.
The social marginalization and alienation of indigenous Papuans, in addition to the excessive exploitation of natural resources, is a cause of frequent strife.
The presence of the military and police in massive numbers in the region (supposedly to fight a separatist insurgency or to maintain social order and secure development programs) also has had undesirable results.
Ordinary people and students who rally for democratic policies and good governance run the risk of arrest, torture and even death.
Human rights and development activists and NGOs share the belief that the current deprivation is not merely a violation of international human rights, but is also undermining the national government's interest in preserving its sovereignty.
More voices for the Papuan cause are needed without delay. The argument is simple, but both humanitarian and nationalist: As an integral part of the nation, Papuans have the right to seek out assistance and support from the rest of Indonesia.
Allowing Papuans to go without their basic rights is morally wrong and socially irresponsible. It is time for all national elements to join together for the sake of Papua.
Students across the nation need to engage and join the call for security and development in Papua. Discussions outside Jayapura are of great worth.
Jakarta, Bandung, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, Medan and Makassar have to have their say about the problems in Papua. And the national media will need to play a greater role in raising awareness and creating national solidarity.
A call for national solidarity in support of Papuans should not discount the efforts the central government has made for the good of region.
Despite the continuing problems, there is no doubt that the government has considered ways to improve the situation. Blocking these improvements, however, is Jakarta's indecisiveness and its lack of commitment.
Three central needs continue to permeate the lives of Papuans: for protection and respect, social and economic development, and the enforcement of good and accountable governance.
That President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his cabinet members are aware of both the problems and the proposed solutions is also clear.
The State Ministry for the Acceleration of Development in Underdeveloped Regions, the experts who advise the president about problems in the region, the Home Ministry and the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas), together with the Armed Forces and the National Police, are all institutions that play a crucial role in improving the conditions in Papua.
While the last two entities are responsible for the reduction of coercion, the others hold the power to ensure the social and economic life of the people.
Of the obstacles to achieving improvements in Papua, resistance from within state institutions is a major threat, with the president's irresolute decision-making being the biggest obstacle of all.
This has, according to some Papuan figures and activists, generated anxiety among officials from ministries down to regional bodies.
In addition to personal leadership, all the old characteristics of the New Order regime centralized, patrimonial and bureaucratic seem to be in place.
The post-Suharto era might be called the era of reform, but the administration's guiding characteristics seem to have survived and been passed down.
As such, it is hard to see how lower-level administrations could be proficient enough to take the initiative to bring the Special Autonomy Law into full effect.
The military and the police are also reluctant to comply with public demands to change their approach.
There is no evidence the president has given the order for the military's commander and the National Police chief to review their massive presence in the region and scale back excessive security operations.
In order to maintain a united country and lockstep toward development, as Yudhoyono and his administration continue to say are their intended aims, all people concerned with the Papuan cause need to support the government.
It is only the united voice of the nation that can bring about change.
[Mangadar Situmorang is a senior lecturer at Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung.]