Unruly teachers attempted to gain access to the House of Representatives compound on Wednesday by scaling the gate during a demonstration against poor working conditions.
The Traffic Management Center said about 1,000 teachers were expected to march to the House to demand better coordination between the central and regional governments to address teacher shortages and poor salaries and benefits.
Teachers who gathered outside the House, also known as the DPR, also threw plastic bottles into the compound.
Sulistyo, chairman of the Indonesian Teachers Union (PGRI), who met with the lawmakers, came outside to ask his fellow teachers to control themselves.
"Please climb down; if you fall you'll only hurt yourselves," Sulistyo said.
House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan then took the megaphone and promised that the lawmakers would fight for teachers' rights. "We've received your aspirations and we'll bring it to the government's attention," Taufik said.
"Thank God, the lawmakers have listened to our aspirations. Let's all go home," Sulistyo said.
Another teachers' rally also took place in front of the Ministry of National Education.
Mega Putra Ratya, Jakarta Around 200 people from the Indonesian People's Opposition Front (FOR Indonesia) held an action in which 100 candles were lit at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta to commemorate 17 years since the murder of labour activist Marsinah.
The protesters demanded that the government immediately conduct a full investigation into Marsinah's death.
According to action coordinator Nining Elitos, although 17 years have now passed, to this day there has not been one perpetrator of Marsinah's murder that has been indicted over the case.
"We have sent a protest letter to the government [calling on them] to fully resolve the case. We are asking that Marsinah become a hero of the women's labour [movement]", said Elitos on Saturday May 8.
Marsinah was known as a vocal labour activist in campaigning for workers' rights. She was found dead and mutilated in May 1993. The autopsy results showed that Marsinah had been killed after being tortured. (mpr/irw)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Nurfika Osman For 40-year-old Syarifuddin, serving in the Shariah Police in staunchly Muslim Aceh was his life's calling.
"I feel like Wilayatul Hisbah is like my second wife. I always love to go to the street with my officers to uphold the Shariah law in every nook and cranny of this province," Syarifuddin said, referring to the religious police by its official name.
He said that his telephone was on 24 hours a day, ever-ready to accept reports about violations of qanun, or religous laws, effective in Aceh.
Now a deputy commander for the Wilayatul Hisbah at the provincial level, he first joined the Shariah Police as a contract worker in 2003. He said he was paid less than Rp 1 million ($109) per month then, but did not reveal how much he was earning now.
"Look at me. I am skinny, as I love to go to the streets and monitor the people. I want them to uphold the Shariah law based on the Koran," he said.
Syarifuddin said many people, especially those who lived outside Aceh, had the misconception that the Shariah Police were eager to inflict harsh punishments on violators of religious law in the province.
"If you are guilty of violating one of qanuns, you can run away and we will not chase and lash you," he said. "A lashing is the last punishment we are going to use. We are going to first warn the people and tell them that they cannot repeat their violations in the future."
He said that a man who was caught not performing Friday prayer would be warned by an officer on the spot. "He would be punished by three lashes with a whip if he skipped prayer three times in a row," Syarifuddin said.
In the same qanun that governs the punishment for those failing to join the Friday prayers, Muslim women found with their bodies not covered in the prescribed manner on three different occasions may receive one lash.
"Basically, we want people to feel ashamed of what they are doing so that they will be good Muslims," Syarifuddin said.
Another qanun provided harsher punishment for the consumption of alcoholic beverages, including a local beer called Hijok Masam,
"The people who drink it will be lashed 40 times and the seller will be fined Rp 5 million [$545] or face six months in jail," Syarifuddin said, adding that the punishment was only meted after the second offense.
A qanun on gambling orders seven lashes for violators, but Syarifuddin said, "if they don't use money in playing cards, they will not be considered in violation."
Another qanun issued in 2003 prohibits physical closeness between members of different sexes who are not related or married. Violators face eight lashes. "Most of the perpetrators are university students," Syarifuddin said.
He said that the aim of the caning or lashing was not to hurt those being punished. "It does not hurt. People who have been lashed will meet the head of the district or mayor where they come from, and will be given a prayer mat and a Koran."
Syarifuddin said that this was what the Acehnese wanted. "They even keep pushing the executives to pass the compilation of Qanun Jinayat [criminal code] in which everything is exactly what the Koran says, such as stoning people to death," he said. "However, I think the Acehnese are not ready for this."
He said that the qanun was applicable to all Muslims, be they residents or visitors.
Hausmani, 50, an Aceh resident, told the Jakarta Globe that she did not have any problem with the religious law. "We Acehnese try to implement what the Koran says," she said. Helmi, 24, said, "we want Islam and its values to be implemented here."
Those wanting to criticize should choose their words carefully. Syarifuddin said that Acehnese would be furious if they were called crazy Muslims. "When anyone calls us crazy, we are going to be very mad; it is a strong insult," he said.
Jayapura Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar said Sunday he planned to release a number of Papuan political activists jailed for campaigning for separation from Indonesia.
The minister said during his visit to Papua that he would discuss the plan with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Widodo AS. The policy, he explained, aimed at stabilizing the restive province.
"We will see whether they were involved in major crimes such as murder or whether they were only participating in a rally," he said in Sentani Airports in Jayapura.
Human rights groups have criticized the Indonesian government for jailing Papuans for joining separatist rallies, hoisting the flag of the Free Papua Movement or campaigning for separatism.
The day before, a leading figure from the outlawed Free Papua Movement (OPM), Nicholas Jouwe, received his Indonesian citizenship documents in Jayapura on Saturday from Patrialis.
"It's impossible for Papua to separate from Indonesia and Indonesia can't be apart from Papua. We're part of the country," said the 87-year-old man, who was returning to the country after living in the Netherlands for 42 years.
He said he had returned to live in Papua and help the government develop Papua and improve welfare there.
Jakarta A leader of the Free Papua movement, Nicolas Jouwe, has become an Indonesian citizen after living in exile in the Netherlands for 50 years.
He received his certificate of citizenship from Minister of Law and Human Rights Patrialis Akbar in Papua's provincial capital Jayapura on Saturday.
"Nicolas Jouwe has come home and received his citizenship from the minister in the presence of Coordinating Public Welfare Minister Agung Laksono," the ministry's spokesman Martua Batubara said.
"Jouwe appealed to all Papuan exiles to follow in his footsteps because Papua is internationally recognized as an integral part of Indonesia".
Jouwe reportedly first discussed his intentions to return home with Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands JE Habibie late last year.
The Free Papua Movement has been waging low-level armed secessionist movement since the UN recognized the territory as part of Indonesia in 1963.
Jakarta A 25-year-old man, Tenius Tabuni, died on Friday after being ambushed by a group of people in an extended communal conflict involving two ethnic groups in Kwamki Lama village, Papua.
The victim died from fatal injuries due to arrow shots. Four other people were also injured in a related attack and were treated at a local hospital.
Antara news agency reported that the fights erupted in nearby woods at approximately 10:30 a.m. Police intervened and temporarily stopped the fight with warning shots, but the fight continued later that day. Police have deployed personnel to prevent further clashes.
Clashes erupted early this year between people from Gapura, known as the lower group, and those from Mambruk complexes, known as the upper group.
The conflict has continued sporadically as both groups continue to fight using traditional weapons, despite a traditional peace ceremony held in late January.
Jakarta Indonesia and Australia are strengthening maritime ties as a result of Exercise Cassoary 2010 (CA10). It said CA10 was a joint naval operation between Indonesia and Australia which started on May 8, 2010, an Australian embassy media release on Friday said.
CA10 is a bilateral Indonesian Defense Force led combined patrol boat exercise designed to enhance interoperability in maritime operations between the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) and the Royal Australian Navy (RAN).
Two Armidale Class Patrol Boats, HMA Ships Broome and Pirie, have been undertaking a number of maritime activities with the TNI-AL ships KRI Untung Suropati and KRI Kerapu and will arrive in Darwin for the post sea phase of the exercise on Saturday, May 15, 2010.
According to the Commanding Officer of HMAS Broome Lieutenant Commander (LCDR) Barry Learoyd RAN, the importance of Indonesia as a key strategic partner for Australia has been increasing in recent years.
The RAN enjoys a solid and deepening relationship with the TNI-AL and we are committed to developing even greater practical cooperation between our forces in years to come.
During the exercise, which began in Kupang, the patrol boats have undertaken a number of exercises in communications, tactical manoeuvres, boarding operations, small boat transfers and damage control.
LCDR Learoyd said "a key part of Australia's national strategy for defense is to promote regional stability. This is achieved through a wide variety of measures and one of the most important is exercises like CASSOWARY 2010."
"By developing an effective military relationship with Indonesia, Australia can strengthen its nation to nation ties, which is essential to our regional security," said LCDR Learoyd.
Until the exercise concludes on 18 May, Darwin will be hosting approximately 100 members of the TNI-AL.
Ulma Haryanto & Zaky Pawas The National Commission on Human Rights will conduct a special investigation into the recent spate of vandalism targeting places of religious activities, including schools and churches, an official announced on Sunday.
"We will launch an investigation into these regrettable incidents once we finish the report on the Koja riot that's due on Tuesday," Nurcholis, deputy chairman of the commission known as Komnas HAM, told the Jakarta Globe.
"We're going to record all incidents, locations, causes, estimated losses, casualties if any, and then we're going to look into how administrative problems, such as acquiring licenses and related policies, fit in.
"The investigation will also involve the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Home Affairs and the police."
Komnas HAM also urged the Ministry of Religious Affairs to initiate a dialogue with community organizations. "These organizations play a very important role, since grass-roots miscommunication can easily lead to mob violence," Nurcholis said.
Weeks after the attack on an unfinished retreat for a Christian education foundation in Cisarua, Bogor, a Catholic school in Jatibening, Bekasi, was vandalized by a mob on Thursday night.
"The mob was allegedly incensed by a Web blog disparaging Islam on behalf of the St. Bellar-minus Catholic school," Bekasi Police Chief Sr. Comr. Imam Su-gianto said.
The blog was discovered by the school's foundation two weeks ago and reported to the police soon after. The case was taken over by the Jakarta Police cybercrimes unit, and is still under investigation.
"It's difficult for us to look into because the blog has been removed," said the head of the unit, Adjutant Sr. Comr. Tommy Winston Watuliu. The attack took place at midnight, Imam said.
"About 12 people, armed with sticks, stormed the school and destroyed the building and some of its facilities," he said.
The three security guards at the scene said the attackers came on foot, and most wore shorts. "They were also heard cursing," Imam said.
Also in Bekasi, the congregation of the HKBP Filadelfia Church had to hold Sunday services on the roadside yet again after their church was sealed two months ago.
"We have been praying beneath the sky for almost five months now," Father Palti Panjaitan said.
The congregation has 500 members and was formed 10 years ago, he said. "We used to hold prayers at members' homes, but the local residents objected to it."
They then bought a shop-house for their services, but again met with protests.
"In 2007 we built a makeshift church on land we bought in Jejalen Jaya village," Palti said. "The former landowner approved and we had the consent of the neighborhood to build a church there."
However, the request for a building permit was never processed by the Bekasi administration, Palti said.
"Last December, we got a letter from the administration forbidding us from building a church there, citing a 1996 bylaw on permanent structures.
"All we had was a church made of plywood and tarpaulin. It wasn't a permanent structure," Palti said. "Plus they cited the law covering homes and other structures, not on religious activities."
Church members continue to be terrorized by a group calling itself the National Muslim Communication Forum. "After they [Bekasi authorities] sealed off our church, we held our services on the sidewalk, but nobody protested, which was weird," Palti said.
The congregation is suing the Bekasi administration for negligence. "We had our second hearing on Friday, and will have another this week," Palti said.
Ismira Lutfia As the government pushes for protection of domestic workers overseas, activists on Sunday said it must start by passing a law guaranteeing their right to fair treatment here at home.
A bill being deliberated by a House of Representatives commission would mandate certain protections for domestic workers in Indonesia, which its supporters say is a crucial step before the country can negotiate protections of its workers elsewhere.
Rieke Diah Pitaloka, a Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker and member of House Commission IX overseeing health, manpower and trans-migration issues, which is deliberating the bill, told the Jakarta Globe that the legislation would set the tone for future deals with other governments to provide better working conditions for Indonesians working in such countries as Malaysia.
Rieke said 80 percent of Indonesian migrant workers were domestic workers. Activists campaigning with the National Network for Domestic Workers Advocacy (Jala PRT) have been calling for such a law since 2004.
Jala PRT chairwoman Lita Anggraini lambasted the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration for not doing enough to help push the bill through.
The ministry denies dragging its feet on the issue. Myra Maria Hanartani, the ministry's director general for industrial relations development and workers' social security, told the Globe, "It's not that we don't support the bill or are politically disinclined to it; we just can't comment on it because we haven't seen a copy of it yet."
From 2005 to 2009, Jala PRT received 472 reports of domestic workers facing abuse by their employers, ranging from sexual harassment to withholding of wages and overwork.
Lita said the bill should include provisions for a weekly day off, standardized salaries, clear working hours and time for schooling or other opportunities for self-betterment.
Live-in domestic workers in Jakarta earn between Rp 400,000 and Rp 500,000 ($44-$55) a month, while in Yogyakarta they earn between Rp 300,000 and Rp 350,000, according to Jala PRT. The city-mandated minimum wage in Jakarta is Rp 1.1 million, but domestic workers are not eligible for it, given the lack of government recognition of the job as formal employment.
"We really need to pass this bill and get rid of the feudal system," Rieke said.
Activists demanded Saturday that Marsinah, a labor activist found dead in 1993 in East Java, be honored as a national heroine.
"Given the current socioeconomic climate, Marsinah's sacrifice and achievements can inspire Indonesia's oppressed people," they said in a statement read out during a discussion.
The discussion also heard a statement that activists claim was issued by Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar, in which the government apologized for Marsinah's murder, with the minister expressing support for labor activists' campaign to make her a national hero.
"On behalf of the government, I want to apologize for all that has happened, which eventually caused Marsinah's [death]. I also apologize to her family, who has suffered all this time because of their loss," the text read. The authenticity of the text could not be verified.
The discussion was held by the Indonesian People's Opposition Forum (FOR Indonesia) at the office of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) to commemorate Women Workers' Day. They are demanding that the government declares May 8 as Women Workers' Day.
Marsinah was a worker at a watch factory in Sidoarjo, whose murdered body was found on May 8, 1993.
She had led a 500-strong labor action to press worker demands for allowances. All protest leaders were told to resign from the company by the local military command.
Marsina's body, discovered in a hut inside a forest in Nganjuk, East Java, indicated she may have been raped and tortured before being killed. (JP/dis)
Presi Mandari Long Hubung, Indonesia. Dayak tribesman Hanye Jaang didn't know it, but he used to be part of a multi-billion- dollar "mafia" that is ravaging Indonesia's forests and, scientists say, warming the climate.
The wiry 36-year-old still cuts down trees but now he's doing it legally in a way that minimizes damage to fragile forest ecosystems.
"I don't have to play hide-and-seek with the forest police anymore. It's safe doing my job now," he told AFP in the jungles of East Kalimantan, or Indonesian Borneo.
He is also free of the powerful mafia bosses known as "cukong" who run Indonesia's illicit timber industry. "When I worked by myself I sometimes didn't get paid by the cukong. I used to earn big money but they stole my timber many times," he said.
Jaang is typical of the tribesmen who work for PT Belayan River Timber at its 97,500-hectare (241,000-acre) concession near Samarinda on southeastern Borneo.
With assistance from the US-based Nature Conservancy (TNC), the company is seeking to have its timber products certified by the internationally recognized Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) as sustainably harvested.
Key to its strategy is the adoption of a cable system to pull felled trees from the forest, rather than using bulldozers that cut a four-metre (12-foot) path of destruction wherever they go.
FSC certification will enable Belayan River Timber to sell its products more easily in Europe and the United States, where import rules have recently been tightened to stem demand for cheap, illegal timber.
But experts agree that certification alone is not going to stop Indonesia's forests disappearing at a rate of about 300 football fields an hour, according to TNC estimates.
TNC sustainable forest management specialist Benjamin Jarvis said only 1.1 million hectares of Indonesian forest were being logged according to FSC standards, or less than two percent of the land under logging concessions.
That's an improvement on a few years ago, but nowhere near enough to make a difference, Center for International Forestry Research scientist Herry Purnomo said.
"Certification is one of the most effective instruments to help stop forest degradation and destruction, but it's still far from enough to help save Indonesia's forests," he said.
A report by a coalition including the BlueGreen Alliance and the Rainforest Action Network (RAN) released in the United States this month found that 40 to 55 percent of Indonesia's timber is illegally harvested.
It warned that 98 percent of the archipelago's lowland forests could be gone by 2022. What's at stake is not only the forests and their precious plants and animals, such as endangered Sumatran tigers and Javan rhinos.
According to RAN, carbon emissions from deforestation in Indonesia account for about five percent of global emissions, or more than all the cars, planes, buses and trains in the United States combined.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recently vowed to take on the "logging mafia" but analysts doubt he will confront the powerful networks of officials, security personnel and big business who are involved.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta An environmental NGO on Monday reported seven mining firms to Environment Minister Gusti Hatta Radjasa, accusing them of polluting farms and water supplies vital to hundreds of residents based near the companies' operations.
In a letter to Gusti, the Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam) asked the minister to send letters to the regents of the regencies where the 7 companies were operating ordering them to temporarily stop the companies' operations.
"The ministry should conduct an investigation into water polluting in the area as soon as possible because hundreds of families have no access to clean water," newly-elected Jatam coordinator Andrie S. Wijaya said Monday.
He said Gusti had the authority to order regents to halt operations of mining companies deemed to be causing environment damage.
Four of the reported firms are coal mining companies operating in East Barito regency, Central Kalimantan province. Jatam said the four companies had siphoned toxic waste into paddy fields belonging to 120 families in Pangkan village.
Jatam accused a foreign-owned mining company in Pacitan regency, East Java, of polluting the Grindu River, the main source of clean water in the area. It also accused a coal mining firm in Tabalong, South Kalimantan, of polluting the Balangan River with nickel.
The latest sample analysis showed that the level of nickel in the river was 1.32 milligram per liter, far higher than the tolerable limit of 0.00 mg/l, Jatam said.
The NGO also asked the minister to investigate a gold mining company in Wanggameti, East Nusa Tenggara, where 400 local people staged a rally at the regency office to protest the company's presence in the region. The residents there claimed that the mining company had polluted and shrunk water sources in the area.
Responding to Jatam's reports, Ilyas Asaad, an environmental compliance official at the Environment Ministry, said that his office would send a team to the locations this week to verify the data.
The ministry has been under protracted pressure for failing to ensure companies comply with regulations stipulated in the law on the environment. Minister Gusti has conducted two random inspections at coal mining companies in Kalimantan.
In his statement to the press, Hatta admitted that most small coal mining enterprises in East and South Kalimantan had not issued environmental impact analysis reports.
The reports, which are used to judge whether business activities are harmful to the environment, are mandatory under the environmental law.
The ministry said that it would use its authority to revoke business permits from companies it deemed to have violated environmental standards.
Yemris Fointuna, Kupang East Sumba residents have asked the local government revoke PT Fathi Resources' gold mining permit, claiming the company's mining exploitation is threatening the regency's ecosystem and people's access to safe water for household needs.
The protesters, made up of community figures, housewives, youth, students and environmentalists, staged a rally in front of the regency administration office on Sunday.
They urged Regent Gidion Mbilijora and East Nusa Tenggara Governor Frans Lebu Raya stop the mining activities and threatened to take the law into their own hands if the authority failed to heed their demand.
"We have given the provincial administration and the company a week to cease activities. If our demands are not met, we will continue to occupy the regency office," said rally spokesman Yohanes Hamaduna in Waingapu on Monday.
The protesters threatened to forcefully stop all activities carried out by PT Fathi Resources, which began mining operations early this year.
They said they were concerned that the mine's operations, located in the Laiwanggi Wanggameti National Park in Pinu Pahar district, East Sumba regency, would damage the ecosystem and the surrounding areas' water catchments.
"The forested area would be further damaged in a month's time if mining activities continue," said Yohanes.
The protesters opted to stay at the regency office after Gidion refused to meet them for a dialogue.
Separately, Gidion said he had asked the protesters to convey their aspirations peacefully without having to stay the night at the office. He promised he would revise the mining permit if he found irregularities. Critics say the protest was politically motivated ahead of the upcoming regency election, in which Gidion is expected to one of the most popular choices.
The protesters threatened to forcefully stop all activities carried out by PT Fathi Resources.
Jakarta The National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) is demanding the government provide better legal protection for female workers both at home and overseas.
Commission chief Yuniyanti Chuzaifah, said Friday that women working overseas and those working as domestic maids as well as in the industrial and plantation sectors were the most vulnerable to exploitation.
She specifically singled out the highly unpopular outsourcing and contract systems as the factors leading most to the exploitation of female workers in Indonesia.
"Women's specific needs such as menstrual leave and reproductive rights are not fulfilled. All female workers are treated as 'unmarried' and thus denied their rightful familial benefits, such as health insurance for their children," Yuniyanti said in a media statement made in connection with Women's Workers Day that falls on May 8.
Indonesian workers observe Women's Workers Day to remember the death of Marsinah on May 8, 1993. Marsinah was a labor activist from East Java who was abducted on May 4 after she led a peaceful demonstration of some 500 workers calling for supplement payments for lunch and transportation.
Her body was found four days later with indications she had been raped and murdered. The incident drew international attention to labor conditions in Indonesia.
The commission noted the most common problems among female workers were substandard pay, extended working hours, arbitrary dismissal, torture, sexual abuse and trafficking. It also demanded the House of Representatives revise the existing laws and make them suitable for women.
Jakarta Gender-biased policies and poor implementation of health laws hinder the fulfillment of women's rights to adequate medical services, a study has found.
According to research conducted in Jakarta, Yogyakarta and Bengkulu, assessing government health policies, women who are poor or are victims' of domestic violence face difficulties in accessing healthcare services.
"There are many policies in Indonesia that impact women and their health in adverse ways," Beth E. Rivin of Uplift International, an organization that collaborated with several NGOs in Indonesia on the research, said on Tuesday.
"There are some policies that do not really help women access health information and services if they are poor," she added. Despite Indonesia's numerous laws ensuring women's right to health services, such as the 2009 Health Law, the 2004 Domestic Violence Law, a 2006 Government Regulation, the strapped health budget weakens their implementation.
The government, this year, allocated only 5 percent of the state budget to the nation's health system. At the local government level, the Jakarta administration, has allocated Rp 413 billion (US$45.43 million) this year to support health services for poor families, including victims of domestic violence.
However, according to Veronica of LBH Apik who assisted with the study's research in Jakarta, the main problem in implementing the laws was the lack of knowledge of gender issues among government officials.
"Many officials working in the field do not understand gender issues," she said. "This also happens because there is a lack of training about gender sensitivity and laws related to it," she added. The study also indicated that health services are even harder to access in the regions.
Susi Handayani of the Women Crises Center, who summarized the research results in Bengkulu and Yogyakarta, said poverty made it difficult for women to access vital services.
"Women living in poverty face difficulties accessing information, economic assistance and egalitarian use of public facilities," she said.
She also said that even though there were many regulations ensuring women's access to health services, there were many loopholes in their implementation.
"Cultural stigmas are a problem for women accessing health services," she said. "The government provides the Jamkesmas [the public health insurance scheme] for the heads of families. The assumption is that men head families, not women, so this automatically hinders widows and divorced women from access to health services," she added. (map)
Jakarta Neonatal maternal mortality rate in Indonesia is considered high despite a significant decline since 2007, with two women dead every hour during delivery.
Women's health activist Pandi said in a rally organized by the Indonesian Women's Congress (Kowani) at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Sunday both the government and the general public needed to take more actions to reduce the maternal and infant mortality rates.
"Bleeding is the direct cause of the neonatal maternal mortality," Pandi said as quoted by kompas.com
She said maternal mortality rate in Papua, West Java and West Kalimantan exceeded the national mark, which stood at 228 per 100,000 live births in 2009.
According to the Millennium Development Goals, Indonesia is expected to curb maternal mortality rate to 100 per 100,000 live births in 2015.
Armando Siahaan Despite its having endured months of attacks during the PT Bank Century bailout investigation, an independent survey released on Sunday showed the long-running saga had failed to damage the popularity of the Democratic Party.
The Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) also found that while parties that had opposed the Bank Century bailout received a small boost in popularity during the investigation, this was only short-lived.
The survey found the Democrats had 27 percent support at the end of April, 8 percent higher than the share of the vote the party managed to capture in the 2009 elections.
The LSI survey, which has a margin of error of 2-3 percentage points, was designed to measure the impact of the Bank Century investigation saga on the popularity of the major political parties. Four polls were taken at the end of January, February, March and April with between 1,200 and 2,200 people questioned in each poll.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst for LSI, argued that the Bank Century case had failed to affect Democrats' dominance because the House of Representatives' special committee (Pansus) investigating the bailout "had failed to link the bailout policy with SBY."
The Democrats' political support can only be seriously eroded if President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the main factor behind the party's popularity, was attacked, Burhanuddin said. However, the investigation by the House special committee focused its attention on Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Vice President Boediono, he said.
Burhanuddin said another reason for the Democrats' strong popularity was that the party was still enjoying a honeymoon period after Yudhoyono's win in the 2009 presidential elections. Finally, other parties had failed to produce a strong figure capable of competing with Yudhoyono, he said.
One of the key findings of the survey was that the Bank Century investigation saga had failed to increase the popularity of the political parties that vociferously attacked the bailout. This was true for opposition parties as well as for the parties within the coalition that voted to declare the bailout illegal so- called pseudo-coalition parties.
The survey also sought to measure whether the popularity of the parties was affected by how they voted in the House's recommendation in March on whether the bailout was illegal or not. At the time, six out of nine House factions voted that the bailout was illegal.
At the end of March, the Democrats enjoyed 29 percent support, 2 percentage points more than in April. According to the survey, Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which both voted that the bailout was illegal, got a small boost in popularity in March, which then declined in April. Golkar enjoyed 14 percent support in March, the same as in the 2009 election, but this dropped to 11 percent in April.
Meanwhile, the PDI-P enjoyed 14 percent support in March, compared with its 13 percent of the vote in the 2009 elections, but this had dropped to 9 percent by April. The same trend was evident in support for the opposition Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and the pseudo-coalition Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and United Development Party (PPP).
The LSI said it believed the survey was evidence that although the opposition and pseudo-coalition parties had received a boost in popularity when the House issued its recommendations in March, this was only short-lived and had subsided by the following month.
"Electorally, the support trend toward [opposition and pseudo- coalition parties] had never gone beyond their results in the 2009 general elections. It even declined," LSI executive director Dodi Ambardi said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Golkar Party's sudden U-turn on the Bank Century case in the wake of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati's resignation to take a position at the World Bank has rankled coalition partners and opposition parties alike.
Golkar's Priyo Budi Santoso, a deputy speaker at the House of Representatives, said earlier that his party could now ease off the investigation currently under way into the Rp 6.7 trillion ($730.3 million) bailout of the troubled bank in 2008, which the House ruled was flawed.
Anis Matta, secretary general of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), a member of the ruling coalition, condemned Golkar's about-face. Closing a case in progress simply by dint of a "secret political agreement" would be impossible, he said.
"The case will only end when the law enforcement agencies looking into it reach their conclusions," Anis said. "Golkar would be making a big mistake by not committing to the process."
He added that Sri Mulyani was not the only top official singled out for blame by the House. Vice President Boediono, who was central bank governor at the time of the bailout, is the target of a possible impeachment move by a group of outspoken legislators, spearheaded by Golkar and PKS.
"We know that in the Century case, Boediono is more culpable than Sri Mulyani," Anis added.
Contacted on Friday, Priyo said his earlier statement alluded to Golkar seeking a way to ease the tensions that had arisen from the Bank Century fallout. He added that this included ending talk of invoking the House's right to express an opinion, which could pave the way for Boediono's possible impeachment.
"We should calm down the fighting, and only if there's no other option should we resort to invoking that right," Priyo said.
Nonetheless, Martin Hutabarat, from the opposition Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), lambasted Golkar for flip- flopping on its commitment to pursue the Bank Century case.
He said that even with Sri Mulyani out of the picture, Gerindra would stay the course in seeing out the ongoing criminal investigation into the bailout. "We're committed to it and will keep taking whatever steps are necessary to get closure," he said.
Ganjar Pranowo, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), another opposition party, also criticized Golkar, calling its apparent change of tack characteristic of the political chicanery it perfected as the ruling party during Suharto's New Order regime.
"They will always be viewed by the public as putting their political interests above all else," he said. "Their latest move is very dangerous and very strange."
Separately, activists on Friday demanded the House investigate why a copy of its detailed findings into the Bank Century bailout had not been submitted to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which is currently running a criminal investigation into the case.
Priyo said the House secretariat would liaise with the KPK. "Let's not blow this issue out of proportion," he added.
Farouk Arnaz With police searching for further evidence against him, a new round of trouble could be looming for former chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji.
The independent police team investigating Susno, who woke up today in a Mobile Brigade (Brimob) cell block in Depok after being arrested on Monday for alleged bribe taking, is also busy probing separate cases implicating him, a police source said on Tuesday.
"Susno has received bribes not only related to an arowana fish farm in Pekanbaru, Riau, in 2008, in which he accepted Rp 500 million [$55,000] from lawyer Haposan Hutagalung via Sjahril Djohan. There are several other cases in which we suspect Susno was also involved," the source said.
He declined to provide more details, but said the team's investigators were being dispatched outside Jakarta, "to collect more information for charges on new allegations against Susno when he was still serving as chief detective and as West Java Police chief."
Susno became head of the West Java Police in January 2008, then became National Police chief of detectives in October 2008.
He already faces up to 20 years in jail and fines of up to Rp 1 billion if found guilty. He was sent to the Brimob detention facility in Kelapa Dua in Depok, south of Jakarta, on Tuesday evening. He may be detained for an initial 20 days and possibly up to 60 days.
Susno's arrest came a day after former narcotics officer Adj. Sr. Comr. Syamsurizal Mokoagouw told the Jakarta Globe he had seen alleged case broker Sjahril bribe Susno at the latter's house in South Jakarta in December 2008.
Susno's lawyer, Ari Yusuf Amir, said he planned to challenge the police decision to name Susno a suspect. "We will be file a pretrial motion against the police at the South Jakarta District Court on Wednesday [today]," Ari said.
He said Susno refused to be questioned on Tuesday because it was not explained why he was a suspect. "He has the right to know why he was named a suspect, but so far the investigators have failed to meet his right," Ari said.
Susno told journalists on Monday that he had refused to sign his arrest warrant, "because I disagree with how they are treating me." He called the arrest "baseless," but said he wouldn't ask to have his detention suspended "since I know I am not guilty."
Susno later told the Globe by text: "I will fight this arrogance, and not only through legal procedures. I will also take another option." He did not elaborate.
Meanwhile, Susno's family has fueled controversy by alleging that "a number of police generals" had illegally committed polygamy and have not been punished.
The claim, made by Susno's family spokesman, Husni Maderi, shortly after Susno's arrest, has kept online social networks buzzing with gossip. Husni said polygamy violated the marriage laws that forbade state officials, including police officers and soldiers, from having more than one wife.
Commenting on the claim, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang warned that loose talk could be dangerous. "It is their right as citizens to say something, but what they say must be based on facts and not be libelous," he said.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta After undergoing a seven-hour questioning session, former National Police chief detective Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji was detained at the National Police headquarters after being named a suspect in a bribery case.
The National Police move triggered speculation the detention was a form of "revenge" against Susno, who has testified about judicial corruption involving several police generals.
National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang, confirmed Susno had been named a suspect. "Detectives have found enough evidence to declare him a suspect. We are professionals," he told reporters.
Edward denied the allegation that Susno's detention was a form of "revenge". "Do you think this investigation is a game?" he said.
Susno was charged with bribery under the 2002 Anticorruption Law for allegedly receiving Rp 500 million (US$55,000) in bribes from suspected case broker Sjahril Djohan.
The bribe was allegedly intended to "settle" the arowana case, which was under investigation by the police during Susno's tenure as chief detective.
A recently leaked document, an alleged police dossier on Sjahril, stated the former diplomat met Susno at his house in December 2008 to hand over the bribe. Sjahril said the money was from Haposan Hutagalung, a lawyer for a company involved in the alleged fraud.
Sjahril said Adj. Sr. Comr. Syamsurizal Mokoagouw, an antinarcotics police officer, was in Susno's house when he accepted the bribe. Edward said that Sjahril, Haposan and Syamsurizal had been questioned before naming Susno a suspect.
One of Susno's lawyers, Mohammad Assegaf, said detectives only had testimonies from witnesses, but no hard evidence. "Testimonies are weak in a legal case. The detectives have no convincing proof," he said.
Assegaf said he was surprised to learn that Monday's questioning resulted in Susno's detention. "The warrant says the questioning is for Pak Susno as a witness. This is a trap," he said.
Immediately after the arrest, Susno's family members held a press conference at his house in Cinere, Depok, West Java. Susno's cousin, Husni Maderi, said the arrest was unfair.
"We will never stop supporting Pak Susno. [The police move] is part of efforts to conceal the truth. If the police want to enforce fair treatment, please investigate the police general who has more than one wife. It's a violation of the police's code of ethics," he said.
A high-ranked police officer who requested anonymity recently told The Jakarta Post that a police general at the National Police headquarters had four wives.
Two of them were in Jakarta, one in Bogor, and the other one in Bandung, the source said. "Some of the wives are case brokers that handle promotion and further education enrollment at the police force," the source said.
A 1990 government regulation prohibits any male civil servant from having more than one wife without permission from a related authority.
Last week, Susno reported "unfair" treatment by the police to the National Commission on Human Rights. On Friday, Susno also sought protection from the Witness and Victim Protection Agency as he felt the arowana case would harm him.
The arowana case first emerged after Susno himself released it to the public through an open hearing with the House of Representatives' Commission III on legal affairs last month.
He said it was another case of judicial corruption, larger than the one that implicated low-ranked tax officer Gayus Tambunan, which involved Rp 28 billion in Gayus' account.
The Gayus case has so far implicated eight suspects including a judge, police officers, a lawyer, a businessman and another tax officer. His testimony also alleged that Sjahril was a big-time case broker at the National Police who, according to Susno, worked for a now retired three-star general.
Rendi A. Witular and Nani Afrida, Jakarta When the eldest sister of the spouse of Indonesia's most powerful man walked into the headquarters of state power company PT PLN in Jakarta a year or so ago, her visit was said to have been to push PLN's management to buy coal from her mine in Kalimantan despite its low quality and uncertain supply.
Apparently based on concern of her scope of influence, PLN management eventually agreed to forge a deal and the PLN manager accommodating the deal was subsequently promoted to director.
For more than three decades, the ruling political elite (along with their families and cronies) largely fed on state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to secure continued positions in power.
While SOEs are generally in better shape and more profitable nowadays, it seems they are not free from extortion by politicians and their business cronies.
State-Owned Enterprises Minister Mustafa Abubakar told The Jakarta Post recently he could not guarantee SOEs would not be used as political cash cows, but pledged a set of measures to keep intervention to a minimum.
"The complexity and the spectrum of SOEs is just overwhelming. In spite of this, I've pledged to keep political and business intervention to a minimum."
Inefficiency undermining SOEs' performance was a daunting challenge that needed to be resolved, Mustafa said. Despite being granted various privileges, including monopolies, SOEs' performance often remains below that of peers in the private sector.
State plantation companies PT Perkebunan Nusantara (PTPN) I to XIV, for example, have a total concession of 1.4 million hectares, but with a combined return of asset (ROA) of 6 percent compared to more than 45 percent recorded by private company PT Astra Agro Lestari, that has a concession of only around 270,000 hectares.
Concessions owned by the state plantation companies are mostly near ports and highways, while Astra Agro's are tucked largely in remote areas.
State insurance and pension fund company PT Jamsostek has also reportedly failed to live up to its potential. Despite being a market leader and the nation's largest fund manager, the firm recorded an investment yield of 7 percent in the stock market, despite the industry average of 10 percent in 2007.
Meanwhile, Jamsostek's investments in mutual funds only yielded 10 percent against the 18 percent industry standard. "Inefficiency in SOEs is always attributable to corruption," economist Faisal Basri of the University of Indonesia said.
"SOEs will remain a cashcow to ruling politicians and their cronies because our election costs are unusually high. No one can offer subtle loyalty in the form of campaign funding other than SOE executives, who are also vying to remain in power," he said.
Cases of corruption in SOEs are becoming more sophisticated, Faisal said, with numerous proxies making the graft less apparent to the public.
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) executive Yanuar Rizky said those close to the power circle were the obvious players illicitly profiting from SOEs. "Those plundering SOEs must be influential figures close to the President or to powerful politicians."
Mustafa, however, denied direct intervention from the President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono men to secure projects or to seek funds from SOEs.
"Yudhoyono's message was that his wife and children were not engaged in business. But if he had a family member who was capable of having a business with state companies, they should not be rejected merely because of the family link," Mustafa said. "We have no way of knowing if the intervention has occurred directly with directors unless our internal inspectors spot it."
Farouk Arnaz The nation's former chief detective, Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, was arrested at Police National Headquarters on Monday for alleged corruption and taken into custody.
Fearing arrest, Susno failed to appear on Thursday for questioning in relation to corruption allegations, a day after he was implicated in the scandal involving former tax official Gayus Tambunan.
He said he did not trust the National Police and wanted to be questioned by an independent team from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and Attorney General's Office.
On Sunday, A middle-ranking police officer alleged that he observed Susno taking a Rp 500 million ($55,000) bribe from suspected case broker Sjahril Djohan in December 2008 in relation to a fish farm.
M. Assegaf, one of Susno's lawyers, confirmed that his client had been taken into custody but that he did not know all the details.
He said the legal team believed the arrests were "improper, irrelevant and we think that our client has been trapped". "I don't know the reason why police named our client as a suspect," he added.
Susno, once on of the nation's more despised officials because of his alleged role in a conspiracy to bring down the respected KPK, more recently implicated a number of senior police officers as well as Gayus in corruption.
Critics say that Susno's legal troubles relate to his allegations against police, which is perceived as one of Indonesia's most corrupt institutions and has undertaken few reforms.
Nivell Rayda Rampant corruption is the root cause of most poverty, hunger and suffering in East Nusa Tenggara, say activists.
During a discussion at the Indonesia Corruption Watch office in Jakarta on Sunday, Indonesia Forum for Development chairman Don K Murat blamed public officials and law enforcement agencies for the high levels of disease and malnutrition in the province.
"NTT [East Nusa Tenggara] used to be one of the biggest producers of cattle and meat in the country. But farmers chose to grow crops rather than have their cattle stolen at night and extorted by rogue police officers during the day," Don said.
But the cattle acted like an emergency bank account for farmers who would sell their livestock during droughts, he said.
In June last year, the East Nusa Tenggara health agency reported that more than 12,600 children under 5 years old were malnourished and at least 25 youngsters had died from malnutrition.
It also said the province's infant mortality rate was 31 in 1,000, with hundreds dying each year from health problems, such as malaria, malnutrition, tuberculosis, respiratory infections and dehydration.
The Health Ministry blames lack of personal hygiene and lifestyle for the high infant mortality rate while the Ministry of Agriculture blames climate change for drought and malnutrition.
Lerry Mboeik, a member of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) from East Nusa Tenggara, said that the government had done little to change the situation.
"Instead of focusing on famine prevention and establishing a climate and weather monitoring station, the local government spent money on buying new Toyota Fortuners," she said.
Roy Salam, a researcher at the Indonesian Budget Center, said that more than half, 52 percent, of the province's money is spent on public officials salaries and expenses. "Only 18.4 percent is dedicated to economic development and job creation. While only 5.4 percent is spent on social aid," he said.
Roy cited a 2008 report by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) which found that out of 1,804 expenses, 1,568 were dubbed "irregular" and some have indications of corruption.
According to a 2009 survey by Transparency International Indonesia, East Nusa Tenggara is listed as the most corrupt province in the country.
Musician Glenn Fredly, who started a foundation the "Green Music Foundation" to improve people's welfare in NTT, urged the government to pay more attention to the east.
"Eastern provinces are often neglected by the central government. People in the region have less access to education and health than their brothers and sisters in the western provinces," he said.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta The government's compensation for the victims of the 1998 May riots is useless without a concrete settlement of the tragedy, a human rights group says.
"It [the compensation] will not restore the dignity of the victims without the state's acknowledgement of the human rights violation and official apology," Usman Hamid from the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said Wednesday.
"The clear status of the victims is everything. Unless the truth is revealed and justice is served, then Indonesia's open democracy in the last 12 years will mean nothing."
Previously, Law and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar said the government had found it difficult to find and punish those responsible for the riots and therefore it would focus on compensation for families of the victims.
The May riots took place at the dawn of the New Order era under Soeharto.
Jakarta Twelve years have passed, but Karsiah, 47, and Hiratetty Yoga, 59, still do not know who shot their son to death on the day of the Trisakti shootings on May 12, 1998.
Now, Karsiah, the mother of Hendriawan Sie who was also killed in the shootings continues to strive alone for justice for her son, unassisted by the government, which has never investigated the shootings.
Tetty, the mother of Elang Mulya Lesmana, who was also killed in the incident, said the tragedy had taken away her husband, who finally died after a 12-year fight against depression from losing his son.
Hendriawan and Elang, along with two other students Hafidin Royan and Heri Hartanto, were shot dead on their campus, allegedly by soldiers, during a student protest that demanded the resignation of late president Soeharto.
Karsiah moved from her hometown of Balikpapan, East Kalimantan, to Jakarta soon after her son's death in order to seek the truth and demand justice. Her husband, who was tormented by grief for their son, eventually separated from Karsiah and started a new family.
The rector of Trisakti University at the time offered her a job on the campus' cooperative and provided her with a room in one of the student boarding house nearby. "Since 1998, we have been counting the days, the months, the years. We are suffering," Karsiah said.
The loss of her beloved son beset upon Karsiah a trauma that left her unable to speak for some time afterward. "I felt so overwhelmed that I didn't know what to say," she said.
Some students that cared for her finally took her to psychologists for therapy. "After years I still have hope. I simply ask for justice. I need clarification about who shot my son and demand that the perpetrators be punished," she said.
On Aug. 15 2005, Karsiah received an award from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on behalf of his late son, who was recognized as "reformation hero".
"The President promised me that he would gradually reveal this case," she said, adding that the promise had proven an empty one.
Tetty also told of how the tragedy had affected her. "My husband passed away in 2003. It was not because of illness, but depression," Tetty said.
In 2001, the House of Representatives issued a recommendation that the Trisakti tragedy, as well as the Semanggi I and Semanggi II shootings should not be perceived as gross human rights violations.
"Shocked and disappointed by the statement, his health gradually worsened and it led to his death," Tetty said of her husband's demise. "Twelve years is a long time. I see the government has no good will to end this," said Tetty, now the grandmother of four.
However, she said that she still hoped the case would be resolved. "Deep inside my heart I know my son is peaceful in heaven, but I do hope the case will [not disappear]," she said.
Yati Andriyani, head of monitoring at the Impunity and Victims' Rights Fulfillment under the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, said it was natural for the victims' families to feel frustration, anger and mental fatigue.
"That's why we offer to help them," Yati said, adding that legal assistance and advocacy was not enough.
She said the current government had no political commitment to solve the human rights violations, including the shootings of Trisakti students and the May riots.
"There are still systematic efforts being made by the House of Representatives to block the process to bring human violations cases to court," she said.
She cited as an example that six factions at the House had chosen not to bring a proposed investigation into the Trisakti shootings to a plenary session.
"As for the May 1998 [riots], the House has not scheduled an investigation either in a plenary session or the House's Consultative Body," she said.
She said anti-impunity sentiment negated four pillars of the country's democracy: justice, truth, rehabilitation and institutional reform.
"If the state does not fulfill these four aspects, transitional justice, which is a requirement for a country in transition from authoritarian rule to a democracy, cannot be achieved."
Ulma Haryanto The May 1998 riots that devastated the capital during the fall of former President Suharto, leaving more than 1,500 people dead and widespread reports of gang rapes, have left an indelible stain on the country's conscience.
Despite the presence of soldiers across the city, the orgy of violence that saw parts of the city in flames for days on end completely changed the face of relations between ethnic Chinese and indigenous Indonesians. But while some people seem to have moved on, others cannot forget.
Setiawan, 54, who was born and raised in Glodok, West Jakarta, told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday that the lives of the city's ethnic Chinese were turned upsidedown on May 14-15 of that year.
Together with Mangga Dua in North Jakarta, Glodok a predominantly Chinese-Indonesian neighborhood was the worst hit area during the riots. In fact, Harco Glodok market, an electronics center, still bears the burn marks 12 years later.
"Those who had the money fled the country. Those who did not have money had to carry on," Setiawan said. "I was lucky. I had time to close everything and lock my family members in the house. Once I did that, I went outside with a machete and a samurai sword in both hands."
"Good luck if you think you can find anyone here to tell you what really happened in Glodok," he added, saying most of residents could not afford to renovate their shops after the riots.
Setiawan recalled that he did not eat or sleep for three straight days. "My dad patrolled so many areas after the riots broke he is dark-skinned so was safe and called us to report back on what was happening in other areas," he said, adding that he had also joined the neighborhood patrols for the next two months.
"I don't have to tell you about the rapes, do I?" he asked. Human Rights Watch reported 130 cases of women being raped during the riots, although that did not include those who did not come forward.
A 74-year-old shop owner at Harco Glodok who declined to be identified said that when soldiers eventually did come to secure the area, they instead herded people into the center and then set it on fire.
"I saw it with my own eyes. They allowed people in to loot but then barricaded the entrances. They burned the place down," he said. "I also saw Army trucks driving away with the looted goods."
The shop owner said Harco Glodok was now mostly occupied by new owners. He added that his shop had escaped the looting because it did not have any fancy signs in the window. "Those with brands like Sony displayed in windows were the main targets," he said.
Setiawan said that when his neighbor tried calling the fire brigade, they asked: "How much can you pay us to get there?"
"It was hopeless; we were not the kind of people who were accustomed to violence," he said. "When I told my neighbors to get knives or anything else to defend themselves, nobody dared do it." Setiawan added that some of his neighbors paid a few million rupiah to soldiers to protect their houses after the riots. "But there was no way I was going to pay!" he said.
Stall owners at Glodok Market had to wait three years before they could return to their businesses, when it was finally rebuilt by city-owned PD Pasar Jaya.
It did not come cheap either, with a Rp 10 million ($1,100) down payment required from stall owners, although Pasar Jaya did offer interest-free credit for six years.
Although many of the original sellers managed to jump-start their businesses again, most agreed that things were not the same as before.
"Glodok is dead," said Teddy, 70, the owner of a jewelry stall. "I don't believe the media when it says that the economy is doing fine, or it's getting better. I don't see it here. They must have forgotten about us."
Ang Kim Soe, 78, who sells batik with his wife and daughter, said he used to own eight stalls at the market before the riots. "I started my business in 1975. I even joined an insurance program from Panin Bank. Paid Rp 850,000 every year, but apparently they did not cover riots," he said.
Dianing Sari, Jakarta Without an amendment to the Criminal Code, it is impossible for female victims of May 1998 to get justice.
The Head of the Community Participation Sub-Commission in the National Anti-Violence to Women Commission, Andy Yentriyani, emphasized this in her statement, on Wednesday (12/5).
According to Andy, the criminal code only regulates a case of rape in the form of a man's genitals penetrating a woman's genitals. But the May 1998 case, she said, the forms of sexual violence were extremely varied.
About 85 victims at that time (data from the May 1998 Tragedy Fact Finding Team), had their genitals tortured with sharp objects. "That form of violence is not yet regulated by the rape articles in the criminal code," she said.
Another difficulty, said Andy, is providing semen as evidence. "It is also hard to find semen for acts happening 12 years ago," she said, adding that not all victims wanted or dared to report such crimes or have medical examinations.
The Head of Recovery Sub Commission, Sri Nurherawati, said that the 1998 Fact-Finder Team had submitted their report to the President. Unfortunately, she revealed, no special action was taken for sexual abuse victims.
Meanwhile the article 28 H paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution regulates special treatment.
"It means that female victims of sexual abuse, the majority of them ethnic Chinese or women who have similar physical characteristics, deserve special treatment," she said.
The National Anti-Violence to Women Commission is now asking the Witness and Victim Protection Agency to develop a system of protection and support for female victims and witnesses.
The system must contain gender sensitive protocols, protection for assistants and human rights defenders and the integration of the Jakarta Protocol into the fact finding process.
Jakarta Some say time and distance will heal any wound, but not, it would seem, the trauma of watching thousands of enraged people bearing down on you and your family with destruction, murder and rape on their minds.
Many who experienced this on May 14 and 15 1998 continue to be haunted by their memories, even those who have lived in another continent ever since.
Emmy, not her real name, was about 12 when the rioting began to encroach on her housing complex in Puri Indah, West Jakarta.
Her parents took her to the roof of their two-story house and hid her there, fearing that rioters would break in, she said. There, Emmy had a clear view of the rioting mob, which had already set fire to nearby residential complexes.
Thanks to the bravery of about 20 security personnel, soldiers, neighbors and neighborhood guards, the rioters did not break into Emmy's complex, and left her and her family physically unscathed. Mentally, however, Emmy has still not recovered.
A few week's after the riots, Emmy's parents sent her to Australia. Emmy returned two years ago to be married. "I always check with my parents if it's safe to go to a certain area [in Jakarta]," Emmy told The Jakarta Post.
Emmy said that her trauma from the experience had made her cautious about making friends and traveling around in the city. She avoids taking public transportation and traveling late at night. "I guess [my parents'] trauma was greater than mine," said Emmy, now 25.
Research released by NGO Homeland Solidarity (SNB) in May 2005 reported that the shops around Puri Indah Mall, close to Emmy's housing complex, had been looted and rioters had attempted to set them on fire, but failed.
Emmy may have returned but others prefer to remain abroad, having established a new life overseas, like Anne, 25, who now lives and works in Los Angeles, California.
"I've bonded with the people and culture and have really created a life here that I intend to continue and build upon," said Anne in an email to the Post.
However, Anne still found the experience traumatic. Her neighbors, as well as the security guards in her housing complex, protected the area together. Anne lived in Ancol, North Jakarta, a residential area popular with Chinese-Indonesians.
The riots, which were infused with anti-Chinese sentiment, claimed 1,217 lives, according to data from the Volunteers' Team for Humanity. The team reported in October 1998 that areas near Ancol were among those where sexual assaults on Chinese women reportedly took place.
The government sponsored Joint Fact Finding Team later confirmed this report. "The trauma that I experienced was very much psychological and internal," added Anne, who still thinks about that day from time to time.
Anne said she was worried that the incident might occur again given the country's widening social gap in areas such as wealth and education, as well as racial prejudices that silently haunt society.
"While racial tensions may seem to have somewhat dissipated, they will always be there and political tensions can always change the course of things," said Anne. (gzl)
Any plans to revise the 2003 Counterterrorism Law should be preceded by comprehensive research on how to effectively tackle terrorism, a legal expert said on Sunday.
Speaking just days after Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, said that Indonesia would not emulate Singapore and Malaysia with an Internal Security Act, Adrianus Meliala, a criminologist at the University of Indonesia, said lack of follow-through was the primary reason why Indonesia continued to face difficulties combating terrorism.
"It seems that efforts to tackle terrorism, including plans to revise the law, are half-hearted," Adrianus said. "Terrorism is no ordinary crime. It is time for the government to see terrorism as the sequence of actions that leads to the terrorist act itself."
Djoko said on Friday that the government had plans to change the Counterterrorism Law, with revisions to be submitted by early next year, but had no plan to implement "anything like the ISA." Malaysia's ISA allows for indefinite detention of terrorist suspects without trial.
National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said plans to rewrite the law would be welcomed by law enforcers. "The time we have to detain suspects is just four months, which is very short," he said. "Not to mention the time we're given to gather evidence just seven days."
Adrianus on Sunday agreed that the time police had to investigate terrorism-related cases was far too short. "The government should change the way it views terrorism," he said. "The law only sees the terrorist act itself, but not what precedes it, such as the widespread dissemination of messages of hate."
According to Adrianus, the law also assumed that terrorism was planned or initiated by just a single person or a small group.
"In cases of terrorism in Indonesia, individuals play just a small part in the scores of roles needed for a single terrorist act, which includes the mastermind himself, the intelligence gatherers and the financiers. They all play roles," he said. "The law should define in detail the differing methods needed to tackle each role."
Adrianus said he suspected the reluctance to take a strong hand against terrorism was a perception that an attack on terrorists, would be equated with an attack on Islam.
The National Police on Friday said three terrorist suspects arrested last week would face charges of helping to fund an armed militant group in Aceh that was believed to have been planning an attack on the State Palace on Aug. 17, during Independence Day celebrations.
The suspects were members of an Islamist group, Jemaah Anshoru Tauhid, which is led by hard-line cleric Abu Bakar Bashir.
At least 14 terrorist suspects linked to JAT have been arrested in police raids across Java, including at the group's Jakarta office on May 6. However, Bashir on Sunday insisted that JAT was not a terrorist group.
"We're just a small group of Muslims in Indonesia. Outside Java, there is only a branch in Bima, West Nusa Tenggara. In Sumatra, Kalimantan and other islands, we have not established a branch office," he said.
"I wonder from where police received information that Abdul Haris [one of the arrested JAT members] supplied Rp 400 million [$44,000] to the jihad movement in Aceh? Even to pay the Rp 40 million rent on our office in Jakarta, we don't have money."
Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta Indonesian police have uncovered a plot to assassinate President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and senior government members at the presidential palace on Independence Day.
"I don't want to mention their identities, but it's known they were to carry out an attack and murder state officials celebrating August 17," police chief Bambang Hendarso Danuri said yesterday.
The plans were uncovered during anti-terror raids in Central and West Java this week, in which several suspects were arrested and others killed.
The assassination attempt was to have been carried out by snipers, General Danuri said. One man had been tasked with obtaining 21 rifles for the plan, which was thought to have been intended to bring down the government.
"With all state officials dead, they would be able to declare their own government," General Danuri said. The terrorists had also planned to attack foreigners staying in luxury hotels, especially Americans.
"It was to be like what happened in Mumbai," General Danuri said, referring to the November 2008 attacks in the Indian city where Islamist militants killed 173 people over three days.
Justice Minister Djoko Suyanto, who appeared alongside the police chief after the pair had met with Dr Yudhoyono, warned that the information about the assassination attempt "should not be underestimated".
Dr Yudhoyono issued a statement congratulating the police for rounding up the network, which began with dozens of arrests in Aceh early this year and included the shooting death in Jakarta of mastermind Dulmatin.
"We must not be indifferent, much less be defeated by the terrorists," presidential spokesman Julian Pasha said.
Farouk Arnaz & Candra Malik The National Police on Friday said three members of an Islamist group led by hard-line cleric Abu Bakar Bashir would face charges of helping fund an armed group in Aceh that had been planning an attack on the Presidential Palace on Independence Day.
The three members of Bashir's Jamaah Anshoru Tauhid (JAT) were among at least 14 suspects arrested in several locations, including the group's Jakarta office, on May 6. Late on Thursday night the police were forced to release 11 of them, saying no charges could be filed against them.
"We have named four suspects linked with funding amounting to Rp 1 billion. They are identified as Haris Amir Falah, who bankrolled Rp 400 million, Hariadi Usman, Rp 150 million, doctor Syarif Usman, Rp 200 million, and Maulana, who was providing Rp 200 million," National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said at a news conference in Jakarta.
Haris heads JAT's Jakarta chapter while Hariadi and Usman are members. Maulana was shot dead in Cililitan, East Jakarta, during a police raid on Wednesday. Bambang said the money all came from domestic sources.
Police believe Bashir himself is behind funding for the Aceh group, and when asked by the Jakarta Globe if Bashir remained on the police's radar, Bambang gave a thumbs up sign and said: "Just wait. We will prove it later."
Bashir, who is believed but has never been proven in court to have been the spiritual leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, has said that he was the real focus of last week's raids.
He founded JAT in Solo in 2008 after resigning from the Indonesian Mujahideen Council, an umbrella group pushing for Shariah law here.
The cleric denies that he or JAT had anything to do with the Aceh militants, who first clashed with security forces during a raid on their military training ground in a forested area of Aceh in February.
Police are still tracking a suspect named Mustafa, also known as Abu Tholut, who they believe acted as a bridge between Bashir and the Aceh group, an antiterrorism police source has told the Globe. With the latest arrests, he claimed, police have uncovered more about Bashir's involvement.
Bambang revealed on Friday that police believed the terrorist group in Aceh was targeting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, state officials and foreign dignitaries by planning an attack on the Aug. 17 Independence Day celebrations. He said the plans were seized in raids in Aceh's Jalin Jantho area. The ultimate aim was to create an Islamic Indonesia, he said.
"Their target was 'RI-1' [the president] and other state dignitaries. They planned to carry out attacks and to assassinate state officials at the State Palace during Independence Day ceremonies."
Bashir dismissed the claims. "It's just nonsense. The enemy of the terrorist groups is the United States and its allies. So far, the targets of terrorism have been their symbols. The statements of the police chief on the assassination issue is slanderous," he said.
Bambang said so far 58 suspects from the Aceh group had been arrested and 13 others killed since an initial raid in the province in February. Police have seized 19 weapons and 21,311 rounds of ammunition. Some weapons and bullets were found to have come from a police armory in East Jakarta.
In the latest raid, on Friday, anti-terror police arrested Herry Suranto, an administrative staff member of Al Islam High School in Solo, on charges of involvement in the Aceh group.
Local neighborhood head Hudi Martanto said Herry was known to be close to Erwin Suratman, who owns the "Abadi" auto repair shop in Solo raided on Thursday. Herry, his wife, Khotimah, and their four children live with his wife's parents.
Nivel Rayda Elite anti-terror police arrested three more people in Centra Java Thursday morning, a day after five suspects were killed in two separate clashes.
Thursday's arrests by Densus 88 squad officers took place in Sukoharjo, Central Java at a house believed to be used as a haven for an alleged terrorist group. The raids are related to operations to roll up an alleged terror network discovered some months ago in Aceh.
The state-run Antara news agency reported that those arrested were Hamid Agus Wibowo also known as Abdul Hamid; Eko Purwanto whose many aliases include Handzalah, Thoriq, Abid and Luqman; and a shop keeper identified as Erwin.
The three were flown to a police detention center in Depok, on the outskirts of Jakarta.
After the arrests, at around 8.30 am Thursday, dozens of anti- terror officers also raided an auto shop in a village of Sukoharjo. No arrests were made, Antara reported, but police did confiscate an assault rifle, a pistol and hundreds of rounds of ammunition from the mechanic shop.
Separately, a source at the directorate general of penitentiary affairs at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights said that two convicted terrorists had been moved from the Cipinang prison in Jakarta to the Nusa Kambangan maximum security prison in Cilacap, Central Jakarta in response to the ongoing anti-terror operations.
Police moved on the Cipinang convicts, the source said, because they believed they were working with terrorists outside the facility.
"At 10 am this morning, several officers from Densus 88 arrived [at the Cipinang prison] by helicopter. They contacted the warden, saying that police believe that convicts had been communicating with members of the terrorist group outside," a source told the Jakarta Globe.
A day earlier, police killed five terrorist suspects in East Jakarta and Cikampek, West Java.
Brig. Gen. Tito Karnavian, head of the anti-terror unit, told the Jakarta Globe that among those killed were two high-value targets, Maulana and Saptono, also known as Pak Tuo.
Maulana, who was killed in East Jakarta, was wanted by East Kalimantan police on weapons charges and had previously been detained under Malaysia's Internal Security Act. Saptono, who was killed during a raid in Cikampek, was the alleged new head of the Aceh terrorist group, police said. He supposedly succeeded his brother Encang Kurnia, who is also known as Jaja, who was killed by police in Aceh in March.
Jakarta The police's counterterrorism squad has captured 17 terrorist suspects alive and shot dead five others in a series of raids conducted since Thursday last week.
Spokesman for the National Police Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said the five suspects were killed in the latest raids on two separate places in Cililitan, East Java and in Cikampek in West Java on Wednesday. The police also arrested a suspect in Cikampek.
"We arrested two yesterday [Tuesday] in Jakarta," Edward said as quoted by kompas.com. He added the squad shot dead the five suspected terrorists as they resisted arrest.
All the suspects were linked to the terror network in Aceh which was raided in March after the police discovered its training camp inside a jungle in Aceh Besar regency.
Edward said preliminary investigation into the terrorist suspects arrested in the past week revealed that the group had planned an imminent strike.
"They are suspected of plotting a terror attack in the coming few weeks," Edward said, but refused to unveil their target and details of the planned attack.
However, he said the police were still anticipating a possibility that some other members of the terror group remained at large and could execute the planned attack.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Terrorist suspects grouped under Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT), who were arrested recently in Greater Jakarta, are not necessarily linked with the terrorist training camp in Aceh, a terrorism analyst says.
Police should not be too quick to link JAT, established by firebrand Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in 2008, to the Aceh terrorists, said Sidney Jones, a terrorism expert from International Crisis Group, on Monday.
"The presence of a JAT governing council member among the suspects arrested in Aceh recently may suggest a link between the organization and the terrorist group. "But we don't know exactly what the institutional link is," Jones told The Jakarta Post.
Jones was referring to Ubaid, a member of the JAT governing council who was arrested at the Aceh training camp. Jones said some people associated with Ba'asyir were involved in the camp, but said more information was required to determine what Ba'asyir's role was in Aceh.
At least 14 terrorist suspects have been arrested by the National Police's Detachment 88 antiterror squad in Greater Jakarta since last Thursday. Seven of the suspects were nabbed in a rented house in Pasar Minggu, South Jakarta, the office of JAT's Jakarta branch.
Almost simultaneously, antiterror officers also arrested a suspect at a hotel in Menteng, Central Jakarta, another suspect in Petamburan, Central Jakarta, and three in Setu Bekasi, West Java.
National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang confirmed that two more suspects had been arrested following the Thursday raid, but refused to elaborate.
Achmad Michdan, a member of the Muslim Lawyers Team (TPM), the legal adviser for the terrorist suspects, confirmed the 14 were all JAT members. However, Michdan said the organization had no connection to Aceh terrorists or any other terrorist group.
"JAT is like other Islamic groups. Their activities are only praying and studying Islam, and have nothing to do with the Aceh terror activities or the J.W. Marriott hotel bombings," he said.
Jones also said Ubaid, together with classmates from Jamaah Islamiyah School in Solo, Central Java, Urwah and Deni Suramto, had worked with a notorious terrorist figure, the late Noordin M. Top, in planning the Australian Embassy bombing in 2004, but they were arrested in July 2004 before the bombing.
"When they were released in 2007, Deni and Urwah got back in touch with Noordin almost immediately, while Ubaid joined Ba'asyir's JAT in September 2008," she said.
She said it was a bit difficult to link the Aceh group with Ba'asyir because of the involvement of Aman Abdurrahman, who was arrested in connection with the camp in Aceh, because the two had an ongoing ideological disagreement.
"Aman was expelled from JAT in early 2009 because he disagreed with Ba'asyir. If Aman's followers were involved in Aceh... the group wasn't directed by Ba'asyir.
"The group seemed to have involved people who were close to Noordin, people from Darul Islam, people from Kompak, but also Abdurrahman's followers who disagreed with Ba'asyir," she said.
Jones said the camp, which functioned to train Indonesians, Filipinos and people from other countries, was allied to other jihadi organizations.
Also on Monday, a number of TPM members came to the National Police headquarters, asking police to release the 12 arrested terrorist suspects unless they could produce strong evidence linking them to terrorist activities. (rdf)
Candra Malik & Farouk Arnaz Dozens of clerics gathered at a Central Java boarding school over the weekend to question radical religious leader Abu Bakar Bashir over last week's arrest of 12 terror suspects in Jakarta.
The 12 have been linked to a violent terrorist group in Aceh, and seven of them were seized from a building used by Jemaah Anshorut Tawhid (JAT), which police say is involved with the training of militants by the group in Aceh.
Bashir, seen as the spiritual leader of Southeast Asian terrorist network Jemaah Islamiyah, said he had been the real target of the police raid on JAT's base, a claim the clerics wanted to discuss.
JAT was founded and publicly launched by Bashir in 2008. "Bashir is the key player in JAT," said Sidney Jones, an expert on terror networks with the Inter-national Crisis Group (ICG). "He is the major figure."
The closed-door clerics' meeting was attended by members of the conservative Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in Solo, and representatives of the hard-line Solo Islamic Youth Front (FPIS) and Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).
Bashir is the leader of Al Mukmin Islamic boarding school in Ngruki, Sukoharjo, Central Java.
Conservative cleric Mudzakir, the leader of Al Islam Islamic boarding school where the meeting was held, said Bashir had told the clerics that JAT was solely a religious group involved in "spreading the knowledge of divinity," and that he was not involved in terrorism.
"We invited Bashir to hear directly from him," Mudzakir said. "We refuse to hear gossip and allegations." He said the clerics had warned police not to arrest Bashir. "Do not arrest Bashir on charges of terrorist involvement. Do not repeat the same mistakes," he said.
Bashir was convicted of involvement in a "criminal conspiracy" that resulted in the 2002 Bali nightclub bombings, but the Supreme Court overturned the verdict in late 2006 in a ruling that infuriated victims' groups. Bashir has repeatedly denied involvement in terrorist activities.
But the latest controversy brings Bashir back into the public limelight, rekindling fears that he is active in violent activities.
Police are still tracking Mustafa, alias Abu Tholut, who they believe acted as a bridge between Bashir and the Aceh group, an anti-terrorism police source told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday. The latest arrests, the source claimed, uncovered more information about Bashir's involvement.
"We will coordinate with the Financial Transactions Report Analysis Center [PPATK] that Bashir and his group, JAT, are allegedly involved in financing the Aceh military training," the source said. "We need time and hope we can arrest Abu Tholut in the near future to make clear our allegation as a legal basis to arrest [Bashir]."
ICG's Jones said the composition of the Aceh military group was complex and also contained elements who had earlier been expelled from JAT, which she said had both an above-ground presence and a clandestine arm.
Meanwhile, Bashir told the Globe by phone that he was not worried about being caught by police. "That's the risk of spreading the struggle of Islamic law. I'll keep preaching as usual," he said.
He also threatened to sue the National Police for what he called the kidnapping of the seven JAT members. "Since the police have not yet responded to our demands to free the members of the JAT and unlock our office in Jakarta, I ask the Muslim Lawyers Team to report allegations of kidnapping. We will sue the police," Bashir said.
Achmad Michdan, a Muslim Lawyers Team member, said all 12 suspects were members of a group headed by Bashir, but he denied they had any link to Aceh military training.
Achmad said the families of the accused had approached the lawyers for assistance. "They are just ordinary people who are active in a Muslim organization linked to Bashir," he said.
Candra Malik, Solo Extremist preacher Abu Bakar Bashir founded the Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid in 2008, an organization he claims is based on "true" Islamic teachings. Antiterror police on Thursday raided JAT headquarters in South Jakarta and detained at least five men over suspected terrorist activities.
With the help of his friend Abdullah Achmad Sungkar, Bashir is believed to have founded regional terror group Jemaah Islamiyah 1993 in Malaysia after fleeing Indonesia to escape prosecution under the Suharto regime. JI's goal was to create a Islamic caliphate covering Indonesia, Malaysia, the southern Philippines, Singapore, Brunei and southern Thailand.
Bashir was convicted in 2005 of conspiracy over the 2002 Bali bombings. Sentenced to two and a half years in jail, the charges were dropped in 2006.
In Friday's interview with the Jakarta Globe, Bashir explains his links to fugitive Abu Tholut, a former regional commander of JI and a military trainer in Mindanao, southern Philippines. Tholut once told police he had been involved in the bloody conflict in Poso, Central Sulawesi. He was believed to have been the target of a 2003 raid in Semarang, Central Java. Police sources on Thursday said Tholut had acted as a bridge between Bashir and an armed militant group in Aceh, whose members were recently arrested in police raids.
Do you know Abu Tholut personally?
I knew him in Cipinang [penitentiary]. We did not share a cell but we still were allowed some flexibility by wardens to meet. Particularly on Friday, Muslim inmates could gather at the prison mosque. I have received information that Abu Tholut is now a fugitive. I do not know where he is, and what case he has involved himself in.
What is Tholut to you?
Our last encounter was six months ago. He was at Ngruki [Bashir's Al Mukmin boarding school]. Abu Tholut used to teach the science of war [Asykari] according to the Koran and the Sunnah of the Prophet at Al Mukmin [Islamic boarding school in Ngruki]. We are emotionally linked as fellow clerics. He lived a long time in Afghanistan and ruled in the science of jihad. Abu Tholut is amongst those Islamic fighters who could never be careless.
Did Tholut ever receive help or funding from you to carry out terrorist activities? Was he the target of a raid in Semarang in 2003 where police managed to seize a massive cache of explosives?
I know nothing outside of affairs of Da'wah [preaching]. I have never given funding of any kind to Tholut and I do not know if he received any funding for terrorism. I and Abu Tholut agreed to struggle via the path of education and dissemination of religious teachings without violence. We conduct jihad only if we are attacked. I am sure that Abu Tholut would never approve of the way jihad is carried out by those Aceh [suspects].
Do you know who the leaders of the armed militant group in Aceh are?
I just see their faces on television. I do wonder how these boys obtain firearms so easily, considering they have no network. It is not easy for insurgents to gain access to such massive amounts of ammunition. Both the police and army must be behind this.
What do you think they were fighting for?
I am in no position to respond to the direction of the struggle in Aceh. Police need to prove whether they were really true mujahideen or just ordinary criminals. I do not know whether or not they were part of Jemaah Islamiyah. Let police answer that question.
What is happening at Ngruki now?
Police and soldiers come here to conduct searches. If members of the JAT or graduates of Ngruki conducted violent acts outside the organizations and schools, it's not our responsibility. And if members of JAT go out of bounds in that matter, they will be expelled from the organization.
How are you feeling lately?
I am always watched by the police and army. They follow wherever I go and when I give lectures at mosques. They want to narrow down my movements. But they do not interfere with my family.
Are you the leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah?
The accusations were never proven. In fact, the judge in court could never prove it. There is only Jemaah Islamiyah in Egypt under the leadership of Dr. Umar Abdurrahman. In Indonesia, whether Jemaah Islamiyah ever existed or not, I do not know.
What did you hear about the raid of JAT headquarters in Pasar Minggu?
I understand the police broke into our office without a warrant and made arrests. Police say seven. We only have five names. Two of them were guests at the office.
Did you ever visit there, and did you know the men arrested personally?
After going to Banten, Tanah Abang [Central Jakarta], Bekasi and Grogol [West Jakarta] to give religious lectures, I often spent the night at the JAT HQ at Pasar Minggu. I came and went openly. There is nothing to hide. I do not know those arrested personally. If I were asked to meet with them, I might recognize faces.
Whom do you think police were targeting in those arrests?
It is just a government agenda to enhance its image because President Obama is scheduled to visit Indonesia. The government wants to look good by arresting alleged terrorists. I feel the real target is actually me.
Zaky Pawas & Ulma Haryanto Three statuesque women carved in steel and an incident involving the Koran have both caused an uproar amongst conservative and hardline Islamic communities in Bekasi, with nearly 1,000 members of Muslim communities staging a demonstration on Friday outside the city's administration office.
"They want the statue of the three women, the Tiga Mojang Statue, to be demolished, and they want the case of Abraham Felix to be handled seriously," Bekasi Police chief Sr. Comr. Imam Sugianto told the Jakarta Globe on Friday. Imam was referring to two separate cases, one of which involves Patung Tiga Mojang, or the statue of three Sundanese women, which is located within the Harapan Indah housing complex in Bekasi.
The other case refers to Abraham Felix, a 16-year-old student of SMA 5 high school in Bekasi. Pictures of Abraham stomping on a Koran, the Islamic holy book, and one of him allegedly putting it in a toilet were posted on a blog, enraging the local Islamic community. Bogor Police arrested Abraham on Wednesday on suspicion of creating the blog. "Felix is being charged with Article 156 of the Criminal Code for religious defamation," Imam said.
Last week a Catholic school in Bekasi, St. Bellarminus, was attacked by a group of people over Abraham's suspected blog post, which displayed the school's name and posted pictures and writings defaming Islam.
Police deployed 700 officers to secure Friday's rally, including about 200 members of the National Police Mobile Brigade Unit. The rally grew to a fever pitch at about 4 p.m. before dying down.
Friday's demonstrators were drawn from over 60 Muslim organizations, including the hardline Islamic Defenders Front, or FPI, the Bekasi Front Against Apostates, the Islamic Missionary Council (DDI) and the Islamic Ummah Forum.
"The demonstrators believed that the statue had now become a symbol of Bekasi. The statue does not contain nor reflect Islamic values and attitudes. The statue does not have the proper permit," Imam said. The 17-meter-tall statue depicts three female figures wearing traditional West Javanese tops. All three women seem to be adjoined by their sarong.
"The masses marched from the Bekasi Islamic Center to the Bekasi administration office to give speeches. They were then accepted by the Bekasi regional secretary, Candra Utama," Imam said. The crowd then marched to the Harapan Indah housing complex where they came upon the statue and covered it with white cloth, and raised a flag with the inscription "Laillaha Illallah" ("There is no God but Allah").
The Bekasi administration secretary said he would follow up the requests and report them to Mayor Muhtar Muhammad on Monday. The Bekasi administration said they will then invite representatives of the crowd and the Harapan Indah developer to discuss the matter.
Bekasi Police said that they already informed the developers about the construction of the controversial statue. "We received information that the people did not want the statue to be there," Imam said.
The recent spate of attacks against Christian places of worship could be blamed on a culture of intolerance fostered over the past decade, according to observers.
Ulil Abshar Abdalla, a Nadhlatul Ulama member and the founder of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL), blamed the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) for the rise of conservatism and radicalism in Indonesia.
"They issued an edict in 2005 forbidding pluralism. This makes interreligious dialogue difficult and stigmatizes the people working toward it," he said, adding that much of the MUI board was conservative.
"Conservatism is a lot easier to digest because it's simple and doesn't require much thought. It also gives a false sense of protection from the outside world."
The country's socio-economic situation played a role in this too, according to University of Indonesia anthropologist Iwan Meulia Pirous. He said religion had an absolute authority, and the recent economic crisis made people turn to religion.
"People cling to religion in times of crisis, and radical groups use this to mobilize the people, especially those in economic hardship," he said.
Groups like this also succeed by fomenting a culture of fear and intolerance, Iwan said. "The government fears poverty could also nurture socialism, so it allows the religious right to thrive. That's why it's hard to disband such groups, because they're being nurtured by the government."
Ulil said the government and Islamic organizations often underestimated groups that promoted intolerance toward other religions.
One hard-line group that has grabbed headlines is the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Even with founder and chairman Habib Rizieq jailed for 18 months in October 2008, its ranks are not dwindling.
FPI secretary general Sholeh Mahmud Nasution told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday that the organization would always fight against what it deemed was wrong, and blamed its poor reputation on subjective media coverage that focused only on conflicts rather that their underlying reasons.
"Everything has a process. The FPI now is different. We're more principled, we accommodate discussion first, and then resort to force, but only if our disappointment has peaked," he said.
"The public is never told that the FPI tries to pursue peaceful mediation. And sometimes there are provocateurs from outside who want us to riot."
Armando Siahaan Appointing Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie to manage the daily operation of the ruling coalition will do little to stop the party's legislators from continuing to attack government policies, in particular the Bank Century bailout, analysts said on Sunday.
"The consolidation effort through the establishment of the joint secretariat won't grant the government any sway over how the House of Representatives acts," said Ari Dwipayana, a political analyst from Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University.
In theory, he went on, the secretariat could help consolidate coalition parties' stances on particular issues, but that consolidation would become fragmented once it filtered down to individual legislators.
Ari cited last week's selection of a Bank Indonesia deputy governor, where the candidate nominated by the ruling Democratic Party, Krisna Wijaya, lost to Halim Alamsyah, nominated by the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"The difference between the secretariat's wishes and how it translated to coalition legislators was apparent," he said.
Each lawmaker had their own set of factors to weigh, Ari said. "They need to consider the pressure from their party, their constituents and the public," he said.
Arya Fernandez, an analyst with consulting firm Charta Politika, said the secretariat might not give the Democrats more control over the House, particularly Golkar legislators.
Golkar won the second-most votes in the 2009 elections, giving it a solid mandate to deviate from the coalition, he said. "It will never allow itself to be seen as being helmed by the Democrats," Arya said.
Golkar has always hedged its bets, Arya said, coming across as a loyal coalition partner and at the same time allowing several of its key legislators to criticize government policies.
In the Century case, Golkar broke ranks with the coalition to vote for the resolution eventually adopted by the House that the Rp 6.7 trillion ($637 million) bailout was illegal. Golkar also opposed the government's decision to hike subsidized fuel prices in 2008, Arya said.
Center for Strategic and International Studies political analyst Sunny Tanuwidjaja said Golkar's structure differed significantly from that of the more paternalistic Democrats or the PDI-P. In Golkar, the chairman or senior members could not force other members to toe the line, which often led to rifts, he said.
"It's not easy to tame Golkar," Sunny said. "Should there be a future bone of contention between Golkar and the government, Golkar will break ranks again."
A key test for the secretariat will be the efforts by some legislators to invoke the House's right to express an opinion on the Century bailout, which could lead to the possible impeachment of Vice President Boediono.
Five legislators, foremost among them Golkar's Bambang Soesatyo, have started a petition to gather enough support to invoke the right. Of the 128 signatories so far, 26 are Golkar lawmakers, Bambang said.
Following Friday's inaugural meeting of the coalition secretariat, National Mandate Party (PAN) secretary general Taufik Kurniawan said all coalition parties were unanimous about rejecting possible impeachment proceedings. Golkar stalwarts have also said the party's official stance on the Century case was to simply monitor the ongoing criminal investigation.
However, Bambang said last week that he would not cease seeking to invoke the right to express an opinion, despite indications by Golkar veterans that the party was dropping its support for such calls following Aburizal's appointment as secretariat head.
Ari and Arya agreed some Golkar legislators would continue pushing for the right to express an opinion. "This is Golkar hedging its bets," Arya said, adding that while it was a smart move, it was also wise for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to stave off more scathing attacks by promoting Aburizal.
"If the right to express an opinion does make it to a House plenary vote, Golkar's official stance will matter a lot," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Just five days after Golkar Party chief Aburizal Bakrie was appointed managing chairman of the ruling coalition's new joint secretariat, a few member parties on Tuesday began questioning the group's unity and its future.
Achsanul Qosasih, a senior official and lawmaker in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said the commitment to the coalition by some members, especially Golkar and the Prosperous Justice party (PKS), were still questionable.
He cited Monday's election of a Bank Indonesia deputy governor where the Democrat-backed candidate, Krisna Wijaya, lost in the vote held by the House of Representatives Commission XI, overseeing financial affairs.
Instead, Halim Alamsyah, who is backed by the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), won the seat. Achsanul said that both Golkar and PKS had clearly supported the PDI-P candidate during the secret vote.
"We don't need a joint secretariat for the coalition if we always lose these races," said Achsanul, who is the deputy chairman of the commission.
Senior executives of the Democrats have said that Bakrie's role was to bridge the difference between coalition members.
Marwan Jafar, chairman of House's National Awakening Party (PKB) faction, which has been a staunch ally of the Democrats, echoed Achsanul, saying coalition members should support each other and safeguard the government's choice. "They should not just use this coalition power when they need it but shun it when it runs against their interest," Marwan said.
But Golkar's secretary general, Idrus Marham, said the coalition was not created just for its members to capitulate to the ruling party, but was rather a medium for them to discuss and debate any policies to be implemented by the government.
"This coalition is not meant to facilitate directives, but rather better communication and debate between us," Idrus said.
Hazrul Azwar, Chairman of the United Development party (PPP) House faction, also said plurality and differences of opinion must be respected. The coalition must not be seen as an effort to homogenize its members, he said, but he pointed out that a unified voice was important on some key matters.
"We agreed that the six coalition members must have the same voice when it comes to basic issues like our country's sovereignty, the Pancasila principle or the 1945 Constitution," Hazrul said.
But Marwan said that at a meeting of coalition party executives on Thursday night, Yudhoyono clearly stated that all coalition members must fall in line with any coalition agreements on certain "strategic" issues.
"Like the deputy governor issue: It's a strategic and fundamental matter because it's key to monetary and fiscal success. Or choosing a new police chief or attorney general: That's a strategic issue and all must follow the choice," he said.
Desmond Mahesa, a lawmaker from the Great Indonesian Movement party (Gerindra) which is not a coalition member, dismissed the new joint secretariat role as a short-lived scheme. He said that tension and friction between members, especially jealousy following Bakrie's appointment, and conflicting interests, all threatened the group's existence.
"For me, the basis of this coalition is just to prevent one party from revealing other members' transgressions," Desmond said.
Marwan suggested that Yudhoyono periodically evaluate the coalition. "Anyone found to have betrayed their loyalty would be reshuffled out of the cabinet as well as from the coalition. There must be rewards and punishments," he said.
Political analyst Adi Suryadi Cula predicted a quick dissolution of the coalition since each of its members were more prone to defend their own interests.
The difference in basic principles among the members would likely end in a split along the religious and nationalist lines. PKB, PKS, PPP and PAN [National Mandate Party] are more religious- oriented while the Democrats and Golkar are the nationalistic parties.
"Besides, after one year, each of them will be too busy preparing themselves for the 2014 election," he said.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Pro-government parties have voiced concern over the appointment of Golkar Party chairman Aburizal "Ical" Bakrie as chairman of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's coalition.
National Mandate Party (PAN) executive Bara Hasibuan said he was suspicious about the development, which took place shortly after the announcement that Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati would leave Cabinet to take up a position at the World Bank, starting June.
"The announcement of the deal, which took place only 48 hours after the announcement that Sri Mulyani would move to the World Bank, confirms opinions that the Bank Century bailout debacle was an effort to depose her," Bara said in a written statement sent to The Jakarta Post on Monday.
The appointment of Aburizal as the coalition executive was made public late Thursday during a meeting of coalition party leaders.
"Public suspicion has strengthened following a recent statement from a Golkar Party executive saying the Bank Century case can now end. The statement confirms public theories that the case has just been a game, instead of an effort to uphold the law," Bara said.
The House of Representatives declared that Mulyani should face due legal process for her decision to go ahead with the Bank Century bailout. The bailout eventually escalated to Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million) 10 times more than the amount originally approved in November 2008 by Mulyani and then Bank Indonesia governor Boediono (now Vice President).
Since Yudhoyono accepted Mulyani's resignation, several Golkar elites have also begun to voice softer sentiments toward the Bank Century case.
Golkar senior politician Priyo Budi Santoso had said earlier that Mulyani's departure could "politically freeze" the Century bailout case. However, Priyo said Monday that rather than "freezing" the case, Golkar would only like to make the political situation "cooler" by not neglecting the case's legal process.
"Aburizal's new job is not easy. He has to be able to make sure there will be a good communication between him and President Yudhoyono, and between the President and other parties in the coalition," Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) deputy secretary- general Fahri Hamzah said.
Fahri also said he expected Aburizal's appointment was not part of a political bargain between Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and Golkar, to end the Bank Century bailout case.
United Development Party (PPP) deputy secretary-general Muhammad "Romi" Romahurmuziy said Aburizal's appointment was a sign that Yudhoyono may have lost faith in his Democratic Party legislators following their mediocre political maneuver during the Century investigation at the House.
"This is, of course, a signal for our friends at the Democratic Party to study harder," he said.
Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) political analyst Burhanuddin Muhtadi said Aburizal's enormous influence over the coalition posed a threat to Indonesia's presidential system.
"Ical even has the authority to summon ministers, when we know ministers are supposed to be the direct subordinates of the President," Burhanuddin said. "Ical not only poses a threat to the authority of Boediono but also to the President," he said.
Armando Siahaan The surprising new structure of the Democratic Party-led coalition, of which Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie is the managing chairman of the just-established joint secretariat, promises a smoother road ahead for the government in pursuing its agenda, analysts say.
But at the same time, serious concerns are being raised over the cost of this political deal.
Closing the Bank Century Case
The most obvious political implication of this new arrangement, according to Sunny Tanuwidjaja, a political analyst from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), is the closure of the Bank Century debacle.
He said with Golkar's more prominent role in the coalition, the party's attacks over the bailout would continue to wane, and would likely iron out a significant ongoing issue: the fate of Vice President Boediono.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst at the Indonesian Survey Institute, said Golkar would no longer be vocal in pushing for the House's right to express an opinion, which is basically an attempt to impeach Boediono, even if Golkar's own Bambang Soesatyo did help initiate it.
He said Golkar was always after Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and not Boediono. Consequently, he said, the remaining opposition parties would not be bold enough to attack Boediono. "Based on political mathematics, it would be difficult," Burhanuddin said.
But Sunny said the political culture in Golkar was different to the Democrats and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), whose leaders, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Megawati Sukarnoputri, had the ultimate say over party policy.
"So there will still be members of the party who will be vocal against the Bank Century case in the legislature," he said.
Amir Syamsuddin, secretary general of the Democratic Party, said the new deal with Golkar indicated his party, as the head of the ruling coalition, had learned that political communication between the coalition members was crucial to ensure optimal government performance.
He said the joint secretariat with Golkar would help when it came to managing strategic and political issues that had the potential to cause damage within the coalition, as with the Bank Century debacle.
But Yunarto Wijaya, a political analyst from Charta Politika, said even though the Aburizal-led joint secretariat would improve communication within the coalition, it would not guarantee a government with a uniform stance on policy implementation.
"There will be dissenting opinion within the government," he said. The new structure, he said, was not so much a means to smooth government performance as a political compromise to promote harmony.
Yunarto said there would still be political conflicts between the coalition parties and ministers. He said because the joint secretariat would be led by the Golkar chairman, it was possible there would be conflicts similar to the battle between Aburizal and Sri Mulyani.
Aburizal's appointment may also affect the government's performance with a growing number of pro-Golkar policies, he added.
Another potential positive, according to analysts, is an easier time at the House of Representatives.
Sunny said that before the Century case, the government generally had had no major resistance from the House in pursuing its agenda. But since the scandal erupted, the government had faced hurdles in passing things as simple as the 2010 state budget revisions, with some legislators staging boycotts and walk-outs.
"All this time, the relationship between the government and the legislature has been damaged by the Century case, which became the main focus on the political stage," he said. "The attacks by the lawmakers became a disruption to the government's performance."
Burhanuddin said that in return for the new role, Golkar would give Yudhoyono and the government's legislative agenda full support in the House. "In terms of political mathematics, it will be easier to pass any bill in the legislature, including the controversial ones," he said.
One bill that may be affected is the JPSK bill, which the government has been trying to pass in order to give legitimacy to the Bank Century bailout. "With the JPSK bill passed, the House could justify the government's formal procedural violation over the bailout," Burhanuddin said.
He added that up to this point, Sri Mulyani and Boediono only had a government regulation in lieu of law, or perrpu, to justify their actions on Bank Century.
But Burhanuddin warned that Aburizal's new role could influence the outcome of the tax evasion cases against Bakrie companies, which were closely scrutinized under Sri Mulyani's watch as finance minister.
"In line with Aburizal's power rise, I'm concerned that the problem of Bakrie's tax evasion will evaporate just like that, especially if Sri Mulyani's replacement is someone who is close to Golkar."
Burhanuddin also questioned how much sway the new title would give Aburizal, fearing he would become too powerful. "Aburizal has said he has the right to call the ministers, with the approval of the president," he said.
Burhanuddin fears Aburizal's new position is so powerful that it will affect Yudhoyono's authority as president and how he runs the country. "We don't want the cabinet ministers to bow down to Aburizal," he said. "His position is almost like becoming a prime minister."
Armando Siahaan Senior members of both the Democratic Party and Golkar Party have consistently denied that their relationship in the ruling coalition would affect the selection of a new finance minister to replace Sri Mulyani Indrawati, but political analysts say Democrats may use the opportunity to make a fence- mending concession.
"The issue of Sri Mulyani's replacement should not be intertwined with the establishment of the joint secretariat [for the ruling coalition]," Democrat secretary general Amir Syamsuddin said, adding that the president has stated that the replacement will be someone with a professional background, not a political one.
Priyo Budi Santoso, the deputy House speaker from Golkar, has also denied claims the party would actively push forward its preferred candidates, especially with party chairman Aburizal Bakrie as the managing chairman of the coalition's new joint secretariat. "We would leave it to the president. It's up to him," he said.
But Aburizal's problems with reformer Sri Mulyani have been no secret, and speculation has been rife that Golkar's main objective in its aggressive stance in the Bank Century scandal was to push out the finance minister.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute, said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would likely capitalize on Sri Mulyani's resignation as a way to consolidate the ruling coalition that was fractured during the Bank Century bailout case, meaning he would likely try to accommodate Golkar's nomination.
He said Yudhoyono would most likely appoint Anggito Abimanyu, the head of the Finance Mnistry's fiscal policy agency since 2006 who is known for his ties with Golkar elites, including Aburizal.
In the past, Anggito was widely regarded as a strong contender for the post of finance minister. He is known to foreign investors and policy makers, and while he has a lower profile internationally, he is considered likely to continue with many of the same policies instituted by Sri Mulyani.
However, Burhanuddin said Anggito was slightly less qualified than the other strong candidate, Darmin Nasution, the current acting governor of Bank Indonesia.
Anggito has held a number of posts within the Finance Ministry and has been the head of the ministry's fiscal policy agency since 2006. He was a member of the board of commissioners of PT Telekomunikasi Indonesia (Telkom) from March 2004 to July 2008. At one point, he was also a board member of Lippo Bank and Bank Internasional Indonesia.
Darmin has held a number of senior posts in the government, including in the central bank, tax office and the Capital Market and Financial Institutions Supervisory Agency (Bapepam-LK).
He showed a reformist streak while director general of taxation from 2006 to 2009, working under Sri Mulyani. Darmin started in that post after Sri Mulyani removed then-tax chief Hadi Purnomo in a bid to reform the office.
In 2008, the tax office under Darmin collected Rp 624 trillion ($68 billion), more then double the Rp 280 trillion taken in 2006, Hadi's last year in the office. Many analysts have said the increase in revenue was largely due to the tax office's tougher stance against cheats. "Unfortunately, Darmin has no political backing," Burhanuddin said.
Sunny Tanuwidjaja, from the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that though Golkar might try to assert itself, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's appointment of Sri Mulyani's replacement would be mostly independent.
"As a president who won the election with 60 percent of the vote, he will not be dictated to by external voices, although he will consider input from others," Sunny said.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta A legislator from the Democratic Party says his party has had enough with the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP) for tarnishing the solidity of the government's coalition bloc.
They [PKS and PPP] are very hard to manage. We prefer to have the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the National Awakening Party (PKB), because they have proven that they are good kids," Democratic Party's Ruhut Sitompul told reporters at the House of Representatives on Monday.
Ruhut also said the recent appointment of Golkar Party Chairman Aburizal Bakrie as chairman of the coalition's new joint secretariat was another effort for a reconciliation.
"We want to reconcile with Golkar because they are the second largest party, and even though they give us a hard time sometimes, but they are still more polite than PKS and PPP," he said. "Frankly, we just have enough with PKS and PPP."
PKS, PPP, and Golkar were three government coalition partners that took a different stance with that of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party on the Bank Century bailout case. The three parties deemed the bailout, which rose ten times to Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million) as flawed.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Golkar Party has wasted no time in cozying up to the president in the wake of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati's exit from the nation's political stage, with its leader becoming "managing chairman" of the government coalition.
At a closed meeting on Friday between coalition parties, Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie was appointed managing chairman of the coalition, serving alongside secretary Syarif Hassan, from the ruling Democratic Party, and under chairman President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Sri Mulyani's rocky relationship with Aburizal dates back to when they both served in Yudhoyono's first cabinet. She told the Wall Street Journal late last year that the House of Representatives' inquiry into the Bank Century bailout was aimed at ousting her because Golkar officials did not agree with the reforms she was introducing.
The new coalition structure could likely serve as a exit strategy from the Bank Century scandal, which has Vice President Boediono in the crosshairs for possible impeachment.
Senior Democrat Anas Urbaningrum said Friday's meeting at Yudhoyono's residence in Cikeas, Bogor, was attended by the chairmen of all coalition parties as well as the cabinet ministers and House faction chairmen of those parties.
He said the participants had agreed on four issues: strengthening the coalition to help it better support the government; establishing a joint secretariat; establishing a comprehensive coalition in the government and in the House, without forcing coalition partners to compromise on their party lines; and discussing strategic issues within the joint secretariat that would later be implemented by all parties.
"This is the first concept of its kind in the country's political history, and a wise initiative by the president," Anas said. "It's the dawn of a new era of an organized coalition."
Hatta Rajasa, chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and chief economic minister, who was previously coordinator for the coalition, has been conspicuously left without a role in the new structure, with Anas saying he was "only a common party chairman."
Mustafa Kamal, chairman of the House faction of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said while no member of his party had been given a specific role within the new structure, he was optimistic it would be effective in galvanizing support for the government.
"The differences between the various parties are only to be expected, but this new structure represents an embryo for a better future," he said.
The new deal may ease political tensions raised by the controversial bailout of Bank Century in November 2008, which was authorized by Sri Mulyani and Boediono, who was central bank governor at the time.
Three coalition parties Golkar, the PKS and the United Development Party (PPP) opposed the government's stance that the Rp 6.7 trillion ($730.3 million) bailout was justified, and voted for the resolution that would later be adopted by the House to the effect that the bailout was flawed. The resolution also called for a criminal investigation into the bailout.
Anas said that from a "political perspective," the Bank Century case was now essentially over.
Ahmad Muzani, secretary general of the opposition Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), accused Golkar of playing up the Century case to suit its own interests.
He claimed Golkar was among a handful of other parties that built up the hype over the bailout to force the House to establish a committee of inquiry. They then used the committee's findings and the subsequent House resolution to bring pressure to bear on the government in exchange for certain concessions, he added.
"It's incredibly disappointing to see that certain groups stoked the Century fire simply to serve their own ends," Ahmad said.
Apriadi Gunawan, Jakarta Fifty percent of prospective voters in the upcoming regional elections in North Sumatra will cast their votes based on which candidate has given them the most money prior to voting day, according to a researcher.
Political observer Ridwan Rangkuti of the University of North Sumatra, said this sentiment was inevitable and constituted a trend.
He said it meant candidates had no other choice but to gratify their voters. "The more money candidates can offer, the more likely they are to be voted for," Ridwan told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
Nine regencies and municipalities in North Sumatra are set to hold regional elections simultaneously on Wednesday. They are Medan, Binjai, Serdang Bedagai, Tebing Tinggi, Asahan, South Tapanuli, Sibolga, Pakpak Bharat and Toba Samosir.
Ridwan said the finding was revealed by a recent study that was conducted in response to allegations of vote bribing in recent political elections. "The research shows that money is the motivation for between 50 and 55 percent of the voters in the province," he said.
Candidates typically offered individual voters between Rp 50,000 and Rp 200,000, he added.
Asked how the people would decide between candidates in the event that all offered money, Ridwan mentioned three factors who gives the money, how much and when it is given.
"There is a pattern that whoever gives money the latest and in the biggest sum will most likely be chosen," he said. "They [voters] also prefer to vote for someone with a better [social] background," he said.
Ridwan also said voters tended to vote based on money they had received because of previous disappointment with past candidates' failure to fulfill their promises once they were elected. "This is what is called political liberalization. Politics is considered a market," he said.
Mukhlizardy Mukhtar of Binjai municipality said that vote bribing became more intimidating the week after voting day, when candidates began demanding to see voters' ballot cards or copies of them.
He said each of the campaign teams of the three pairs of candidates running for election in his region had offered him different sums of money.
"The offers ranged between Rp 100,000 and Rp 150,000. What they asked for was just a photocopy of my voting card," Mukhlizardy said Monday. He said he had not decided who to vote for yet and was holding off to see if any of the candidates would up their previous offer.
One of the Medan mayoral candidates, Arif Nasution, an independent candidate, agreed that there had been a growing tendency for voters to favor candidates who had paid them the most. "This is especially evident in rural villages but not in urban communities," Arif said.
Asked if he would offer money to voters, Arif said he would not. "All I can offer is programs to develop Medan in the future. If this is considered old-fashioned then I can only surrender to God's will," said Arif, who is also dean of the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of North Sumatra.
Amir Tejo What happens when two wives of an incumbent district head vie to replace their outgoing husband? Hostility comes out into the open. And that is exactly what is happening in the election in Kediri, East Java.
Haryanti is the first wife of district head Sutrisno. Among others, she will be running against Nurlaila, her husband's younger wife.
Haryanti has the support of four political parties the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Golkar Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
Nurlaila's ticket is being backed by the National Mandate Party (PAN) and some other factions not represented in the national legislature.
The hostility between the two wives was evident on Thursday when all the candidates were invited to explain their vision and mission at the Bukit Daun Hotel in Kediri.
It got off to a bad start when first wife Haryanti refused to shake hands with Nurlaila. As a consequence, a member of the audience threw a plastic glass of water at the candidates. It was not clear who the target was, as it failed to hit any of the three hopefuls. But chaos ensued.
The head of the Kediri General Elections Commission (KPU), Agus Edi Winarto, said he had tried his best to hold a debate among candidates before the elections on Wednesday.
Agus said he did not believe there was a political motive behind the incident and he was certain the candidates would behave themselves in the future. He acknowledged the debate had been designed to prevent the candidates from confronting one another head on.
"We designed it with a mediator so that they could not directly argue against each other, in the hope that they would not try to attack each other," Agus said.
Hostility between the two wives has been obvious for a long time. During a presentation of the candidates' vision and mission before Kediri's Regional Legislative Council last month, the two wives previously refused to shake hands after the event. Haryanti also left the building through another door to avoid having to meet Nurlaila.
While the two wives are currently squabbling for a position now held by their husband, he is busy facing corruption allegations over the construction of the Simpang Lima Gumul monument, which ate up billions of rupiah of the state budget.
Armando Siahaan If you thought the uproar over reports that lawmakers plan to build a new tower costing Rp 1.8 trillion ($195 million) was enough to discourage them, think again.
The House of Representatives is not going to stop at a modest Rp 1.8 trillion now they want more to pay for a comprehensive face-lift of the entire legislative complex, says the deputy chief of the House's household affairs committee, Pius Lustrilanang.
"The Rp 1.8 trillion is just for the building. There will be a new budget for extensive renovations," said Pius, from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), without specifying what they would be or their cost.
Pius said renovations would only be done once the new offices were complete. The House would then meet to focus on budgeting and securing the approval from all House factions and eventually the budgeting committee.
The committee is now working with the Ministry of Public Works to refigure the cost of building the 36-floor tower, which lawmakers say would be used to house activities now in Nusantara I, the adjacent 24-story tower that is 13 years old.
Pius said the committee would follow the ministry's recommendation, even if it had to drastically cut the cost or hire a new consultant, which could lead to a new design. He said he expected construction to begin in August so the tower could be used next year.
The House budgeting committee has so far approved Rp 250 billion from this year's state budget for the construction. Pius said that would only be enough for the basement and first three floors.
He called the main reason behind the new building "capacity overload." Nusantara I can hold up to 800 people, but 560 lawmakers each need at least one assistant and one expert staff member, he said. "Then there are people like the faction staff members, and some lawmakers need additional assistants and expert staff."
He outlined complaints that lawmakers' current offices were not spacious enough. The room standard for Echelon I government officials is between 110 and 130 square meters, he said, hence lawmakers are entitled to the same treatment "since we carry the same level of burden and tasks."
He said the initiative for a new building and a face-lift started in October 2007 as part of the House effort to improve lawmakers' performance. Better facilities were a factor in achieving that, he said.
Hans David Tampobolon, Jakarta The House of Representatives did not enact any laws in the first five months of 2010 and may not meet its goal of enacting 58 laws by the end of the year.
The House's official website shows the legislative body was now deliberating seven bills covering fund transfers, reserves, immigration, money laundering, state protocol, currency and geospatial information.
The House's failure to enact laws in 2010 raised concern among legislators. Several legislators urged their peers to focus on their roles as lawmakers instead of appearing in media or criticizing the government in an attempt win public support.
Achsanul Qosasi of the Democratic Party, a deputy chairman of the House's finance commission, told The Jakarta Post on Friday he doubted legislators would meet their 2010 target. "At this pace, passing a minimum of 10 bills into laws per month is impossible," he said.
Achsanul criticized his peers, saying they scrutinized the government and focused on the House's supervisory role instead of enacting laws and deliberating the budget. "If the government makes a policy that we think wrong, it is our job to criticize it. However we must also do our other work," he said.
House Deputy Speaker Anis Matta from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), said the deputy speakers had discussed this issue.
"We will focus on our legislative and the budgetary duties for the remainder of the current legislative session. From May to November, we will focus on passing bills and the budget," he said. "We will also meet regularly with the House's Legislative Council and budget committee leaders," he added.
Legislative Council chairman Ignatius Mulyono of the Democratic Party, told the Post the council had urged several commissions to begin deliberation more bills. "Hopefully we can finish 17 bills in this session," he added.
The House's failure to meet its legislative goal has become a point of criticism for outside observers. A study conducted by Formappi, an Indonesian parliamentary watchdog group, shows the House enacted 186 laws from a proposed 284 bills between 2004 and 2009.
The study says a majority of the bills considered were about low-priority issues, such as the regional expansion laws, which were not controversial but very important to the political parties.
Formappi also noted the previous parliament failed to meet its legislative targets and many laws it enacted between 2004 and 2009 were later contested at the Constitutional Court.
Yunarto Wijaya, an expert from Charta Politika, said he doubted the current House could perform better.
Arientha Primanita The Jakarta government on Friday played down recommendations made by the National Commission on Human Rights on the deadly April 14 riot in Tanjung Priok, saying they "lacked evidence" and officials would instead focus their efforts on helping the victims.
"In my opinion, Komnas HAM [the commission] did not look at the bigger picture," Jakarta Deputy Governor Prijanto said on Friday. "The recommendations they made lacked evidence. It's unfortunate that the commission did not even bother to interview the child victims."
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo, who Komnas HAM alleged had committed human rights violations together with Prijanto and North Jakarta officials during the riot that left three people dead and at least 200 injured, declined to comment on the issue.
"The deputy governor and I will do whatever we have to do to resolve the Priok case based on the law," Fauzi said.
He was speaking after the Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) announced the results of its own investigation into the incident.
Komnas HAM and the Red Cross ran parallel probes into the violence that stemmed from an attempt by public order officials to tear down buildings on a disputed plot of land that is also the site of the tomb of a revered 18th- century Muslim missionary.
Following its investigation, which took a month to complete, Komnas HAM on Wednesday said Fauzi, Prijanto and North Jakarta Mayor Bambang Sugiyono needed to be held accountable for the violence.
Meanwhile, the Red Cross urged the police to undertake a thorough investigation of the violence and hold those responsible accountable before the law.
"Many people were hurt in this incident. It is therefore the police's responsibility to find out who started all this," Red Cross chairman Jusuf Kalla said.
Kalla, a former vice president, said the land dispute needed to be settled and those who claimed to own the land must take their case to a religious court.
The tomb of Mbah Priok, a 20-square-meter building with an adjoining 300-square-meter pavilion, is located on land disputed between state-owned port operator PT Pelindo II and the heirs of the 18th-century Muslim missionary.
The National Land Agency (BPN) earlier said the disputed land had been granted to the heirs of Mbah Priok by the Dutch colonial government in 1934. In 1979, the Indonesian government ordered all owners of Dutch-granted land to register their property with the BPN or cede it to the state, but Mbah Priok's heirs did not do so. The land thus became state property, and in 1987 was granted to Pelindo II.
Arientha Primanita The Jakarta governor and North Jakarta mayor must be held accountable for last month's riot in Koja that claimed four lives, the National Commission on Human Rights said on Wednesday.
The commission, known as Komnas HAM, made the announcement at the end of its monthlong investigation into the violence that erupted on April 14 when public order officers attempted to clear buildings from around the tomb of an 18th-century Muslim missionary located on disputed land.
Lead investigator Kabul Supriadi said four top officials were guilty of rights violations through their actions, or lack thereof. "These are the Jakarta governor and deputy governor, and the North Jakarta mayor and deputy mayor," he said.
The commission also blamed other officials for failing to stop abuses at the scene, including the heads of the Public Order Agency, Tanjung Priok Police and the North Jakarta Military Command, as well as Jakarta Police officials.
"We also found instances of individuals and local residents committing violence that resulted in death, personal injury and property damage," Kabul said.
In its investigation, focusing on the human rights aspects of the case, Komnas HAM questioned 19 people, including Governor Fauzi Bowo, and surveyed the scene of the riot, where four public order officers were killed.
Komnas HAM chairman Ifdhal Kasim said the commission would submit its findings to the governor, mayor, City Council, House of Representatives, home minister and president. "We didn't recommend any punishment for the offending parties, but we will monitor how the authorities follow up on our findings," he said.
Kabul blamed the riot on an intelligence breakdown, beginning with the security briefing at the start of the fateful day between the North Jakarta deputy mayor, the North Jakarta military commander, the Tanjung Priok Police chief and the Public Order Agency chief.
During the meeting, the military commander advised that the planned eviction proceed, saying the security forces were sufficient to disperse the "kids" guarding the tomb.
However, armed groups were congregating in the area in anticipation of the eviction. "This failure in the intelligence chain was one of the factors for the severity of the clash," Kabul said.
He also listed Komnas HAM's other findings. "First was the 2009 gubernatorial decree to clear the land, which was a major factor in the riot," Kabul said.
Second, he said, was the poor implementation of the decree by North Jakarta Mayor Bambang Sugiyono. "Third, the excessive use of force by the authorities exacerbated the situation on the ground, leading to the rioting."
Other findings included the unprofessional conduct of the 1,750 public order officers on the ground; the absence of the mayor during the eviction to coordinate efforts; the inordinate number of rights violations by the authorities and local residents; and the Jakarta Police's sluggishness in taking over security operations.
Komnas HAM has urged the city administration to ensure the victims and their families be compensated, and has called on the Ministry of Home Affairs to re-evaluate the Public Order Agency's conduct.
"The officers need to be educated on human rights and the agency needs to stop being repressive and institute a dialogue-based approach," Kabul said.
City spokesman Cucu Ahmad Kurnia welcomed the findings and said the administration would wait until two other teams had finished their investigations before studying and following up on them.
In addition to Komnas HAM, the Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) and a fact-finding team from the City Council are running separate probes into the incident.
City councilor Andyka, who is also on the fact-finding team, welcomed Komnas HAM's findings. "The governor said at a plenary council meeting that he was responsible, politically, for the riot," he said. The council will conclude its own investigation next week, Andyka added.
Arientha Primanita The public is in for some "shocking" revelations about the recent bloody clash at Tanjung Priok as the city's fact-finding team prepares to release damning evidence against those it believes instigated the violence that left three people dead and more than 170 injured, a city councilor said on Tuesday.
"We have identified the parties responsible for the clashes," councilor S Andyka, a member of the fact-finding team, told the Jakarta Globe. "We have some shocking findings."
Footage of the incident in North Jakarta provided by Tanjung Priok security officials had some scenes edited out, Andyka said, but in the remaining footage, protesters could be seen targeting law officers for violence.
"We could see that there were parties attempting to corner [members] of security forces," Andyka said.
The rioting began when some 1,750 officers from the Public Order Agency (Satpol PP) tried to carry out the city's plan to clear settlements around the sacred tomb of Mbah Priok, an 18th century Muslim cleric, which abuts the port's container yard. Brute force by Satpol officers was said to have triggered the violence as local residents resisted.
Andyka said that preliminary results of the investigation indicated that the descendants of Mbah Priok and their attorneys all allegedly played some role that led to the April 14 incident.
"There were reportedly more than 1,000 text messages and leaflets informing people that the tomb was going to be removed and that it needed protection," Andyka said.
Yan Djuanda, a lawyer for Mbah Priok's descendants, told the Globe that their attempts to protect the tomb could not be classified as provocation.
"It is quite normal for people in our community to protect what they believe in, and to enlighten others about the importance of the tomb," Yan said. "We really believed that the city was planning to move the tomb."
Andyka, who was himself injured during the clashes, said the fact-finding team would complete all formal investigations this week and would hand over its findings in a formal report to City Council Speaker Ferrial Sofyan next week. "The speaker will then provide a formal letter of recommendations to Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo."
While the Satpol chief, Harianto Badjuri, was suspended following the violence, Fauzi said during formal questioning by city councilors that he suspected provocateurs were primarily to blame for the deadly clashes in which public order officers faced heavily armed demonstrators.
Andyka said the fact-finding team was still scheduled to summon officials from PT Jakarta International Container Terminal and state port operator PT Pelindo II for questioning. He said the team also planned to summon the descendants of Mbah Priok.
Pelindo has a share in the JICT, which was granted development rights to the disputed land around the tomb by the government in 1999. The National Land Agency (BPN) said earlier the disputed 5.4 hectares had been granted to the heirs of Mbah Priok by the Dutch colonial government in 1934.
In 1979, the Indonesian government ordered all owners of Dutch- granted land to register their property with the BPN or cede it to the state, but the heirs did not do so. The land thus became state property, and in 1987 was granted to Pelindo.
Separately, a deputy chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), Nurcholis, told the Globe that the commission would wrap up its investigation today.
He said the commission's findings would focus on three issues: who was ultimately responsible for the clash; whether the government was responsible for those injured or killed in the clash on both sides (namely Satpol officers and the public); and the settlement of the dispute over the tomb.
"Even though Satpol PP officers are actually civilians, on the day of the rioting they were government officers," Nurcholis said. He added that violations of the 1999 Law on Human Rights had been found by the commission.
Ulla Nuchrawaty Usman, head of an Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) team investigating the violence, said its results would be released on Friday. She said the team had recorded 231 victims of the clash and expected the city administration to provide them with some form of assistance.
Sociologist Paulus Wirotomo, from the University of Indonesia, said results of the investigations would be a lesson to the city administration on the need to improve the workings of Satpol.
"Satpol PP should have adopted a 'civilian approach.' They should not have pitted the squad against the people. They should have known how to manage themselves," Paulus said.
He added that Satpol officers needed training in "comprehensive methods" for avoiding potential conflicts by studying field conditions first. This, he said, included learning how to use dialogue to ease tensions over evictions.
Arientha Primanita Bathing in the morning has always been a daily challenge for Holida, 35, a mother of three.
But she said that when the water stopped running on Tuesday for the umpteenth time in the past year, even she was exhausted by the ruckus that broke out in her small home in an alley in Karet Tengsin, South Jakarta.
"We had a little water saved up," Holida said. "Jeni, my second daughter, and my oldest, Astrid, are forever fighting to use the water to bathe before going off to school. Jeni insisted she needed to bathe because she was taking exams. Astrid got angry and refused to go to school."
The tap was dry until Friday, when it ran for a few hours before stopping again. "There was also just a trickle of water on Thursday. Again, it stopped, before resuming again on Friday. Then it stopped again," Holida said.
She buys gallon-bottles of water for drinking and cooking for Rp 3,500. But when it comes to showering and using the toilet, she occasionally depends on the generosity of her neighbor, who uses a jet pump to pull water from the ground.
"Luckily I have a nice neighbor and she knows my children need water. But I feel reluctant to always ask for it," Holida said. She said her family could not really afford to spend the at least Rp 5 million ($550) necessary to buy their own pump.
In recent days, when the water completely stopped running, Holida and her husband, Asep, a security guard, had to use a public bathroom to bathe and wash their clothes.
It costs Rp 1,000 for a shower and Rp 5,000 to wash clothes. "We pay too much for water and desperately wish the tap water could be more dependable," she said.
Holida is just one of thousands of the capital's residents who continue to suffer from taps running dry. Operators PT PAM Lyonnaise Jaya (Palyja) and PT Aetra Air Jakarta have both reported drastic disruptions to their water supplies. Both are subcontracted by city water operator PAM Jaya.
Holida is a customer of Palyja, as is her sister, who also lives in the area. Both families spend Rp 150,000 a month on water bills, but the water rarely comes. Water has lately been running for just a couple of hours a day, if at all.
Holida's entire neighborhood had no water for the whole month of Ramadhan last year. So she gathered up some of her neighbors and called Palyja's office from a public telephone.
"It was the fasting month. There was no water. It was outrageous," she said. "I asked my neighbors to scream in protest on the phone so that the operator could hear what was going on," Holida said.
The water started flowing two days later when officials came to repair the problem. One month, Holida was shocked to find that her water bill had reached Rp 500,000.
"I never use much water so how could my bill be so high?" she said. "I protested and Palyja told me to pay in installments."
Sum, 45, who owns a chicken noodle and juice stall in Sunter Muara, North Jakarta, said the water had not been on since Sunday night. Sum is a customer of Aetra.
Unlike Holida, Sum needs gallons of water to run her small business, so she resorts to buying jerry cans from water sellers on the road, as well as using groundwater via a pump. It cost her Rp 1.5 million just to dig into the ground. Sum said many of her neighbors had decided to use jet pumps because of Aetra's horrendous service.
"The tap water is clear but smelly, like wastewater," she said. "The family only uses it for washing dishes or clothes. Can you believe it used to be reddish in color?"
Leo, 44, who lives in Tambora, West Jakarta, said water services in his home were managed by Palyja. "The water quality is murky. So even if we spend hours collecting it, it cannot be used for drinking or cooking," Leo said.
The water had stopped since Wednesday. On Friday, only a few drops were trickling out of the faucet.
Leo said the whole neighborhood suffered. He said he was tired of calling the Palyja office because there was no improvement. "It is ironic. We pay for water but we are enslaved by it."
The disruption is due to massive silting in the water pump in Curug, West Java, and broken pumps, including one at the Pulogadung water installation. This has reportedly caused the supply to be cut by up to 40 percent.
PAM Jaya president Hariyadi Priyohutomo was replaced on Friday. The new director is Mauritz Napitupulu, former head of Jakarta's Industry and Energy Office.
Governor Fauzi Bowo summoned executives of both operators on Friday and warned them to fix the problems. Palyja promised supplies would be back to normal by Saturday night. Aetra said its services would be restored by Monday night.
Palyja vice president Herawati Prasetyo said the disruptions were not the company's fault. "Operators only receive the water and we process and distribute it. But we will try to fix the supply as soon as possible," she said.
Jakarta The Judicial Commission (KY) has received 7,450 reports of illegalities or ethical violations allegedly committed by judges across the country since it was established in 2005, said an official.
Commission chairman Busyro Muqoddas, was quoted as saying by Antara on Friday that each year the number of reports of misconduct by judges had grown, highlighting the public's wariness of the country's judiciary.
He said the commission should therefore be given greater power to oversee judges suspected of breaching the law and ethical codes.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta The government's plan to establish a corruption court in every region throughout the country has been hit by a lack of funding, mostly due to the fact that the Supreme Court's proposed Rp 400 billion (US$44 million) budget to build courts in 17 provinces has not been approved.
A spokesman for the Supreme Court, Hatta Ali, said Friday that there was not sufficient personnel to manage even the first seven courts in the country, let alone a further 17.
The Supreme Court is recruiting for ad hoc corruption court justices and has so far selected 27 judges, but needs 61.
"It is impossible to run. seven corruption courts and appeal courts. with such limited human resources. Maybe we will just open in three or four provinces with (judges) in the fourth province doubling in other provinces," Hatta said.
"We are planning to recruit more and we have asked for funding but so far it has yet to be approved. We are very sorry that we have yet to be able to come up with the next recruitment schedule for ad hoc judges."
In late April, the Supreme Court asked for a budget of Rp 400 billion to establish corruption courts in 17 provinces. The money would cover the recruitment of ad hoc judges and the land and construction costs for the court buildings.
The Finance Ministry previously turned down a proposal from the Supreme Court to provide an additional Rp 700 million to its Rp 4.6 billion budget for the recruitment of ad hoc judges.
Hatta said the court could not do anything about the funding problem that it was facing. "What can we do? In the meantime we are just going to wait and see how the government will react."
The 2009 Corruption Court Law mandates the formation of a corruption court in every regency and municipality throughout the country. The courts fall under the supervision of local district courts.
The Supreme Court has established corruption courts in seven provinces and is targeting to build courts in 10 other provinces. The remaining 13 provinces are scheduled to be completed in 2011.
But the huge amount of money needed for the formation of courts has drawn public criticism.
Emerson Yuntho, the deputy chairman of the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), told The Jakarta Post that the Supreme Court had arrived at a suspicious figure when it proposed its budget for the courts.
"What are the grounds for that calculation? Their concept is unclear. And besides, why should there be new buildings for corruption courts? Why can't they just be attached to the existing local courts?" he said.
He said the Supreme Court should rethink its strategy of building regional corruption courts.
"If there was a corruption court in every (regency or municipality), the control over them. and the supervision of judges. would be weak. And that would be the same as slowly weakening the courts," he said, adding that establishing more corruption courts in the capital would suffice.
Heru Andriyanto Attorney General Hendarman Supandji plans to rotate his deputies, officials said on Friday, in a move apparently meant to ease mounting public criticism of his failure to properly censure staff involved in the controversial trial of tax official Gayus Tambunan.
"I have asked the attorney general not to keep me in my post too long. Two years is enough," said Marwan Effendy, the deputy attorney general for special crimes.
Marwan, whose main job is to deal with corruption cases, will reportedly become deputy for internal supervision, overseeing the conduct of prosecutors. "Yes I heard that rumor, but I have not received a presidential decree on that," he said.
Deputy Attorney General Darmono confirmed the report but declined to elaborate. "Just wait, it will be announced in due course," he said.
Unconfirmed reports circulating inside the Attorney General's Office said the troubled deputy for general crimes, Kamal Sofyan Nasution, who was recently reprimanded by Hendarman for his handling of the Gayus case, would become the new deputy for civil and state administrative affairs, in place of Edwin Pamimpin Situmorang, who is likely to become deputy for intelligence.
The current deputy for intelligence, M Amari, will reportedly take over Marwan's job as the deputy for special crimes.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has the final say on appointing deputies, with the attorney general proposing names. Yudhoyono has rejected Hendarman's suggestions in the past.
Emerson Yuntho, deputy chairman of Indonesia Corruption Watch, dismissed the planned rotation as an inadequate response to the troubles inside the Attorney General's Office.
"It seems the AGO is making efforts to look as if it is taking measures post the Gayus scandal," he said. "But what is happening is nothing more than an exchange of jobs. The ranks of the deputies will be basically unaffected."
The AGO is currently under pressure for not taking legal measures against its officials who dropped the major charges of corruption and money laundering against Gayus, who was eventually acquitted of a relatively minor embezzlement charge.
Police have named two officers and the presiding judge in the trial as suspects in the Gayus case, but the AGO only gave internal disciplinary sanctions to 12 prosecutors who were involved.
"Even if sanctions were handed to the deputies, it wouldn't be enough" because the only person we want to lose his job is the attorney general, Emerson said. "He has failed to bring reform to his office and to lead the country's anticorruption campaign. We need a new attorney general."
Indonesia said Monday that gross domestic product grew 5.7 percent year on year in the first quarter of 2010 due to strong domestic demand and low inflation.
Southeast Asia's biggest economy accelerated in the January-March period at its fastest pace since the third quarter of 2008, but was only just better than the 5.4 percent in the fourth quarter of last year, the Central Statistics Agency said.
Non-seasonally adjusted quarterly growth was 1.9 percent, a reversal of the previous quarter's 2.4-percnet contraction.
"Greater growth and inflation stability should foster a more conducive environment for foreign and domestic fixed investment, which in turn bodes well for trend GDP growth," HSBC Senior Asian Economist Robert Prior-Wandesforde said in a statement.
"At the same time, investors are likely to be reassured by the country's consistent current account surplus, relatively low levels of private, external and government debt as well as its subdued fiscal deficit."
Central Bank Indonesia last week kept its key interest rate at 6.50 percent, where it has been since August, and analysts said the latest GDP figures were unlikely to prompt it to start tightening monetary policy.
James Van Zorge In more ways than one, there is disturbing evidence that Indonesia's politicians have not bothered to read the Constitution. Or, if they have read it, they prefer to pretend otherwise.
It sounds too surreal to be true, but what else could explain the fact that the president, his cabinet and most of the House of Representatives have been behaving like they are working under a parliamentary system?
Thankfully, a lot of Indonesians outside the world of politics intuitively understand the heart of the matter. When I recently asked some Indonesian friends what they thought about their president, one of them told me he felt that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is acting like a weak prime minister in what is undeniably a presidential system.
Another friend commented that although Yudhoyono is the president, his behavior suggests otherwise: "He won more than 60 percent of the popular vote, and what does he do? He turns around and gives his powers away to others. Why can't he remember we voted for him?"
A good point. But perhaps the problem isn't that the president is suffering from a bad case of memory loss.
Even for a legal layman like myself, it seems pretty clear from reading the Constitution that Indonesia has a presidential system: The president is voted directly into office by the people, he has the sole right to appoint his cabinet, he is the supreme commander-in-chief of the armed forces and he shares powers with the House of Representatives.
Now here's the critical point: Nowhere in the Constitution is there any mention of the word "parliament." For good reason: Unlike in a parliamentary system, the Indonesian executive does not need the consent of the legislative branch to form a government, and there are no mechanisms for the legislature to dissolve the government. In a presidential system, the powers of the two branches are separate. In a parliamentary one, the executive and legislative branches of government are intertwined. This is why, under normal circumstances, presidents in presidential systems don't build coalitions to govern and prime ministers in parliamentary democracies often face the necessity of bringing parties other than their own into the cabinet.
Once you understand this, a logical question would be, if this is a presidential system, then why has Yudhoyono invited party figures outside his own to populate the cabinet?
One reason might be that Yudhoyono actually believes that a coalition would guarantee support for his presidency inside the House and therefore enable him to win majority consensus on legislation. Another reason might be that because he thinks he has many enemies, he needs to curry favor to buy their loyalty.
All of those reasons, if they were true, would make for pragmatic politics. But let's look at the facts.
In spite of coalition cabinets, the House has never really supported a presidential legislative agenda. If you don't believe me, consider this irony: Because the House rarely drafts its own legislation and votes primarily on bills being proposed by the executive through its ministries, and because most of these ministries are under the direction of men and women who belong to parties other than the president's (thanks to the coalition), then what the House is basically voting on are pieces of legislation whose authors don't feel any obligation toward the president and his party.
The bottom line? By having a coalition cabinet, what the president really buys himself is support for a legislative agenda he doesn't own. The president, then, is serving everybody except himself, not to mention imparting a great injustice to the voters who supported him and his party in the elections. Once you understand this, then it is no longer a mystery why a man who ran for office on a liberal, reformist platform ends up with an administration proposing and the House voting in favor of illiberal laws.
But perhaps this was not Yudhoyono's main concern (although it obviously should have been) when setting up his so-called coalition. Perhaps the president's real objective in this whole exercise has been to ensure his survival.
If that is true if the main underlying value of a coalition is that it buys loyalty then the most obvious question is, why did the Bank Century case ever happen?
After all, it is no secret that the Century affair, which was built on the flimsiest of legal foundations and had more to do with unfounded allegations and hyperbole than facts, was nothing less than a thinly veiled attempt by Golkar Yudhoyono's main coalition partner to grab control of the Finance Ministry and the vice presidency.
More than that, Century was a classic case of extortion performed by a cast of unsavory characters with a clear message to the president: "Hand over Sri Mulyani and Boediono, or we'll go after you."
The reality is, Yudhoyono's coalition fell short of expectations, and if he ever harbored hopes of it enhancing his ability to lead, it failed horribly.
Which brings us to the current picture. Now that the dysfunctionality and perverse effects of his coalition have been exposed, for some odd reason Yudhoyono is going out of his way to maintain it. It reminds me of former US President George W Bush being asked what his back-up plan for winning the Iraq war would be if his administration's initial strategy didn't work. In other words, if Plan A failed, what was Plan B? Bush's answer was "if Plan A doesn't work, Plan B is to try Plan A again!"
Indeed. And here is Yudhoyono's Plan B: Take Golkar boss Aburizal Bakrie the same man behind the Bank Century attacks and make him the managing chairman of a new creation called the joint coalition secretariat. Hence, Yudhoyono's reasoning must be that since coalition members attacked him, the best way to deal with the problem is to try keeping the coalition together by elevating his most dangerous enemies inside the coalition to run it.
This strategy might make sense to the president maybe he believes it is better to keep closer to his enemies than his friends. Yudhoyono should be reminded, however, that Bakrie and his Golkar Party are severely limited in their ability to impeach either the vice president or the president himself. Again, reading the Constitution would be instructive, for once you understand the rules of impeachment, the more you understand how unlikely it is that the president's enemies could actually succeed in unseating him.
Now, if somebody out there could please send the president a copy of the Constitution?
[James Van Zorge is a manager of Van Zorge, Heffernan & Associates, a business consultancy based in Jakarta. He can be reached at jamesvanzorge@yahoo.com.]
Tom Allard As news spread of the shock departure of Indonesia's reform icon and finance minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, this week, one senior markets trader in Jakarta gave an almost despairing view of the country's prospects of overcoming its entrenched culture of corruption.
"It's just a massive task," he said. "It like brain surgery. No, it's more difficult. It's like you have to alter Indonesia's DNA."
The assessment was a touch uncharitable. In everyday interactions, Indonesians are almost unfailingly honest and gracious. The problem arises when they join the country's institutions that are beset with corruption.
From the legislature to the judiciary, and the Tax, Customs and Immigration departments graft and bribes are common.
Those wanting to work in these places will often have to pay up to get an entry level position and then spend the rest of their careers trying to recoup their investment, sometimes outlaying more sums as they rise up the career ladder.
The going rate to join the Jakarta police force, for example, can amount to 80-90 million rupiah ($9750 to $11,000), according to Neta Saputra Pane, the head of Indonesia Police Watch, a non- government group that monitors corruption.
"An Indonesian is a victim of corruption from the day he's born until the day he dies. When a baby has to be delivered, it is common for Indonesian families to be told there is not a room available, unless they pay. When someone dies, they will be told there is no more vacant land to bury the man. Again, when they pay, suddenly they get a grave for their loved one," Pane says.
Ordinary Indonesians are fed up with corruption, collusion and nepotism. Since the President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, asked citizens to send him text messages outlining instances of graft, he has received more than 3 million of them.
Yudhoyono was re-elected in large part because of his reputation for probity and his vow to attack corruption with vigour.
But Indrawati's resignation to join the World Bank has highlighted that the battle is far from won. The feisty technocrat has attempted to take on some of the most powerful vested interests in Indonesia, chasing down the tax debts of business tycoons and removing corrupt officials.
Some of those interests, most notably the business and bureaucratic elites that make up the Golkar Party, are part of Yudhoyono's ruling coalition.
The backlash has been intense. Indrawati's enemies accused her of illegality and corruption in the bail-out of a small financial institution Bank Century during the 2008 financial crisis. No corruption was proven despite months of investigation.
Why she chose to leave is unsure. But, as the analyst Kevin O'Rourke says: "Whether she was pushed or disgusted and walked away probably doesn't matter. It reflects badly on Yudhoyono."
Corruption blossomed under Suharto but arguably got worse after he was deposed in 1998 and power was decentralised to the regions, creating new tiers of government.
Yudhoyono's anti-corruption efforts have followed the established playbook. There is an independent Corruption Eradication Commission, and a group of officials in his office are tasked with cleaning up the "judicial mafia".
Under Indrawati, the government targeted the tax office, increasing salaries and setting up a merit-based promotion and remuneration structure, reasoning that it would promote honesty and the increased revenue could underpin future anti-corruption efforts.
But an extensive syndicate of corrupt tax officials persists, trading rulings for bribes, often in collusion with law enforcement officials.
The tax revelations followed the acquittal of a junior officer, Gayus Tambunan, who had $3 million in his bank accounts. The outrage they garnered provided a new opportunity to clean out corruption and led to new laws giving ministers the power to sack civil servants.
Defeating corruption requires a change in the behavioural equation. That is, the risks of making or taking a bribe must outweigh the benefits.
The history of anti-corruption efforts shows that there is no proven path to success. But there has been one common characteristic for success: strong and uncompromising leadership.
Traditional Javanese values, however, put a premium on harmony and non-confrontation, and Yudhoyono is the personal epitome of these ideals.
In important respects, these values help him govern an ethnically diverse nation. But they don't assist in tackling deep-seated corruption.