Amir Tejo, Surabaya The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) plans to hold its fourth Asian regional conference in Surabaya on Friday and Saturday, according to an organizer.
The conference will discuss crucial human-rights issues faced by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Indonesia and the rest of the world.
"We will share our experiences," Widodo Budi Darmo, program manager of private nongovernmental organization Arus Pelangi, said on Monday. "And also the latest updates of the groups' struggles in Asia will be a highlight of the conference."
Widodo said the ILGA represented 560 LGBT organizations in 90 countries, including Indonesia. He noted that even though some parts of society still rejected the existence of LGBTs in Indonesia, there was no law prohibiting sexual relations between people of the same gender.
He said that based on Article 28 of the Constitution, Article 5, Paragraph 3 of the Human Rights Law and various international conventions, Indonesia should not only accord protection to LGBTs but provide services for them.
"Even though Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world," he added, "it is not an Islamic country, but one with the principle of Bhineka Tunggal Ika," or Unity in Diversity.
The upcoming fourth Asian regional ILGA conference in Surabaya is expected to be attended by about 100 people from 20 countries. Participants plan to hold a parade after the conference to show the diversity of culture across Asia, Widodo said.
"The conference will be split in two. The part open to the public comprises plenary sessions and workshop discussions, while the closed part will only be attended by ILGA members, to discuss internal affairs and issues."
US President Barack Obama on Thursday postponed his trip to Indonesia and Australia until June as he attempts to push his historic health care reform bill through Congress.
"We greatly regret the delay of the trip," White House spokesman Robert Gibbs told reporters, but he added the "passage of health insurance reform is of paramount importance and the president is determined to see this battle through."
Gibbs said Obama had called Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and would later call Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd to tell him he would have to put the trip off to a "later date."
The president's spokesman said it was now clear that a House of Representatives vote on health care reform could not now take place until Sunday afternoon at the earliest.
Obama had already delayed his departure by three days until Sunday morning in a bid to finally pilot his top domestic priority to extend health care coverage to some 32 million Americans through Congress.
The president believed that his Democratic allies in the House would have enough votes to pass the legislation, Gibbs said.
"I think the president in the calls and meetings he's having with individual leaders is making great progress," Gibbs said, adding Obama believed his place was to be in Washington "seeing this through."
Obama had also been due to visit the US Pacific territory of Guam on the trip.
Sunanda Creagh Some things in the Central Jakarta district of Matraman have barely changed since the late 1960s, when US President Barack Obama lived and played there.
Old men train their racing pigeons on the basketball court and screaming children chase one another through the winding, grimy alleyways. But if Obama decides to drop by his old neighborhood when he visits Indonesia next week, he may notice changes around the local mosque.
It has become a meeting spot for members of the small but vocal Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), an extremist group famous for smashing up bars that serve alcohol. It also made headlines when its followers assaulted several elderly men and women at a peaceful interfaith rally in 2008.
"Now there are so many radicals around here. We don't agree with them but there are definitely more than there were before," said Ali Rully, a pensioner who was a high-school student when little "Barry" Obama lived here.
One resident, who asked not to be named, said she had detected an increasingly anti-Western tone in some of the sermons broadcast by the local mosque.
Obama is a Christian but was listed in his elementary-school records as a Muslim, probably because his father and stepfather were Muslims. As a child in Jakarta, he would have been exposed to a very moderate form of Islam by his Javanese stepfather, Lolo Soetoro, locals says.
Obama's former neighbors, however, said the revelations of new jihadist cells in Aceh showed that times have changed.
"There was nothing like that in those days, when Obama was a kid here. None of these, what do you call them, terrorists," said Agus Salam, who sells gado-gado from a stall and who remembers the president as a chubby-faced little boy.
Radical groups were kept tightly in check under Suharto. His fall from power in 1998 paved the way for greater democracy including the freedom for such groups as the FPI to express their views openly.
"Maybe our government at the moment is not firm enough. Back in Suharto's day, the government was much tougher," said Rudy Yara, 61, who remembers teasing Obama about his tightly curled hair as a child.
Not everyone has such a rosy view of the past. One Matraman resident remembered feeling scared at night in the 1960s in Bandung because of the fear of attacks by extremist group Darul Islam. Many of today's extremist groups such as Jemaah Islamiyah have their roots in DI, which was repressed by the army.
Hamluddin, Bekasi Around 300 street singers in Bekasi are demanding free health benefits from the local government. The demand was expressed in a rather unique way, which was by cleaning garbage on some major roads.
"Out of 2.000 low-income families who are entitled to health insurance, not one of them is a street singer," said Bekasi Street Singer Community leader, Ane Matahari, yesterday.
Bekasi Mayor Mochtar Mohamad promised to provide free health services to street singers. "We will accommodate their wish," he said.
Semarang, Central Java Dozens of Sragen residents staged protest at Central Java Police headquarters in Semarang Monday, calling the police to investigate charges allegedly involving Sragen Regent Untung Wiyono.
The residents, grouped under Sragen Policy and Strategy Analysis Circle, went for a long march from their regency Friday and reached Semarang Monday.
The group's coordinator Saiful Hidayat said Untung allegedly used a fake school certificate while running for his post in 2000 and 2006 as well as being allegedly involved in a corruption case worth billions of rupiah.
Sragen Regent Untung Wiyono is known as a leader who successfully reformed administrative procedures in providing public services in the regency, which is a role model for reform across the region.
Ulma Haryanto Four jaipong dancers took to the stage in Central Jakarta on Sunday morning to show off a traditional dance they say is in peril because of a law that could restrict such performances.
"The Constitutional Court will come out with a verdict on the Antipornography Law this coming Thursday. Therefore, we would like to remind the public that the law has to be annulled because it could threaten the nation's cultural and historical pluralism," Sri Nurherwati, of the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), said on Sunday.
Jaipong is a traditional West Javanese dance that features the graceful movement of the arms and hands and swinging of the hips. Last year, West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan cited the controversial 2008 Antipornography Law to criticize the dance as being too sensual.
"We are trying to educate the public as well. What is jaipong without its 'goyang, geol and gitek' [basic body movements], or as we call it, 'the 3G's'? Should we just sit and do nothing when our cultural diversity is threatened?" Nurherwati said.
Lilis, a dancer from the Mayang Arum studio in Bogor, was there to "coach" the public to move along with the jaipong dancers on stage. She said removing the 3G components destroyed the character of the dance.
"When we staged the dance, and the public danced along, they understood the beauty of the dance. The law definitely will restrict us as artists," Lilis said.
She added that jaipong bookings had fallen by half since Ahmad had criticized the dance. "This really threatens our livelihood," Lilis said.
"He said that jaipong came from slum areas. He clearly observed the wrong places if he came to that conclusion. Jaipong dances are being performed in hotels and presidential palaces. We were really offended by his remarks," she added.
Nurherwati noted that animist Papuan highlanders who wear koteka, or penis gourds, could also be sentenced to jail according to the Antipornography Law. "The law does not protect those who are victims. Look at the Bandung dancers who were jailed. They could be potential victims of human trafficking but instead they are the ones who are being criminalized," she said.
During arguments at the Constitutional Court last year, legal experts testified that the law employed a flawed definition of pornography, saying the legislation could harm culture, science and sports. The Constitutional Court has taken more than five months to come to a verdict on the law, which was backed by conservative religious groups.
Still, Nurherwati remained optimistic. "Pornography is already regulated in the Criminal Code," she noted. About 500 people attended the dance protest.
Aidi Yursal, Medan In a massive rally to defend the rights of Palestinians, thousands of supporters of the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) protested here on Sunday, calling for the eradication of all kinds of colonization and the liberation of the Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.
The masses marched from Al Maksum Grand Mosque at Jalan Sisingamangaraja to Jalan Dipenegoro, demanding that the struggle against Israel's occupation of Palestine continue and that Palestinian civilians be allowed to observe their religious duties at Al Aqsa Mosque.
The rally participants were mainly PKS supporters from villages and cities surrounding Medan. They carried banners condemning Jews, and professing "Love for Palestinians."
Along the way, the masses shouted for Palestine's freedom and the destruction of Israel.
"We as Muslims in Indonesia should not remain silent. We must resist the Zionists' barbarity against the Palestinians, and we must rescue Al Aqsa Mosque, which is now in danger of destruction," a man screamed through a megaphone.
His speech was greeted by even louder roars from the masses who cried, "Destroy Israel!"
The protesters included men and women of all ages, as well as teenagers and schoolchildren. Mothers nursing or carrying their babies were also among the crowds.
"I cannot leave my baby at home, and I feel secure and at peace to join this demonstration to support Muslims in Palestine with my baby with me," Zalia, 30, said while she marched with her baby in her arms.
"This is just part of our solidarity to the Palestinians, who are always attacked by the Israelis," said demonstrator M. Maidin, as others collected cash donations to help the Palestinian cause.
The masses maintained public order by walking on only one side of the road. The rally closed with a prayer delivered by Al Ustaz Surianda Lubis. He asked God to curse the Jews who had been tormenting the Palestinian people, and to rescue Al Aqsa Mosque.
Similar rallies were held by PKS members in other parts of the country.
In Bandung, PKS supporters on Sunday gathered at the West Java People's Struggle Monument on Jalan Dipati Ukur from where they later marched to Bandung City Square via Jalab Teuku Umar and Jalan Dago or Jalan Juanda.
Their rally also opposed Israeli aggression against the Palestinians and raised funds from PKS sympathizers and passers- by to help Palestinians.
The rally prompted the Bandung city police to tighten security at a number of locations, including Jalan Ir. H. Juanda, Jalan Merdeka and Jalan Asia Afrika.
In Padang, West Sumatra, money raised during a rally on Sunday exceeded Rp 145 million ($15,950), said Trianda Farhan, chairwoman of the West Sumatra PKS headquarters in Padang.She said the money was meant to help Palestinians overcome suffering due to Israeli oppression.
[With additional reporting by Antara.]
Jayapura Soldiers were involved in an exchange of fire with alleged Free Papua Organization members in Mulia, Puncak Jaya district, on Monday evening.
The firefight broke out after the armed group intercepted a military vehicle at about 6:30 p.m. when it was returning to its base in Puncak Senyum. Thirteen soldiers got out of the vehicle in time to defend themselves, a local resident and military sources told state news agency Antara.
"Last night's situation was terrifying, we could clearly hear the shootings," a resident said.
Puncak Jaya Police Chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Alek Korwa said the armed group might have been members of the secessionist movement, also known as the OPM, who had escaped into the hills of Mulia district.
But spokesman Air Vice Marshal Sagom Tamboen said the military had yet to identify the perpetrators. "We hope they can be arrested as soon as possible, so we know who the real mastermind of terrorism in Papua is," Sagom said.
Army spokesman Brig. Gen. Suwarno Widjonarko said that according to reports from local military intelligence officers, there had been some attacks by unidentified groups near the area. "The attacks are not only against police officers or soldiers, but also against local civilians."
He said the case was being investigated by the police. Asked whether the Army would conduct special operations in response to the attack, Suwarno said, "No, we will let the police probe the case. For us, it's just a common crime."
The military has for decades been fighting the OPM, a minor separatist movement in Papua. The group has been blamed for a string of attacks on the concession area of PT Freeport Indonesia in Timika, Mimika district, which it has denied.
Since the attacks began last year, three people have died, including a police officer and an expatriate Freeport employee. In the latest incident in January, nine people were injured.
This month, the International Crisis Group released a report saying some elements of the OPM and the National Committee for West Papua (KNPB) were behind the attacks. (Antara, JG)
Jayapura The police apprehended 15 activists from the West Papua National Committee protesting outside Waena Expo complex in Jayapura on Monday.
Deputy chief of Jayapura Police, Adj. Comr. Amazona Pelamonia, said the protesters had requested a permit to stage a protest related to US President Barack Obama's visit but their speeches had called for a referendum instead.
"Since (Obama's) visit has been postponed, the protest is no longer relevant. Besides their speeches call for referendum, so it's a totally different agenda," he said.
"Although they have a permit, their protest disrupts public order so we have to break it up."
Jakarta Around 35 representatives of students and civil society groups from Papua demonstrated on Wednesday March 17 in front of the United States Embassy and the State Palace in Central Jakarta.
The group, which was demonstrating in the name the West Papua People's Struggle Coalition (KPRPB), was not opposing the upcoming visit by US President Barack Obama but rather they were requesting Obama's assistance to overcome the poor conditions that the Papuan people are living under.
"We wish to convey our welcome to Obama," said coalition chairperson Okama Kossay. "Papua's problems still involve responsibility on the part of the US because the US is one of the sponsors of otsus (special autonomy). And, it can now be seen that otsus (in West Papua) has failed", said Kossay.
In a statement the coalition said that to this day the Papuan people's freedom of expression is still being gagged. "The people are suffering because the Indonesian government uses the law in Papua as a tool to oppress the Papuan people," said the group.
Speaking separately, Papuan People's Defense Team (TPMP) member Jhonson Panjaitan requested an opportunity to meet with President Obama. The agenda they wish to convey to the president is related to the actions of Freeport McMorran Copper & Gold Inc in taking over and damaging the people's traditional lands and human rights violations against the Amungme tribe.
The defense team, which represents Titus Natkime, the child of the chief of the largest Amungme tribe, has also reported the environmental damage cause by the US company as a result of tailings waste disposal. "The Amungme tribe is no longer able use water from our rivers," said Panjaitan.
Since 1967 to this day the Amungme tribe has never derived any direct benefits from the copper and gold mining by Freeport. They have also never received any compensation whatsoever.
"Because of this therefore, in accordance with prevailing laws in Indonesia, the Amungme tribe as the legitimate owners of the traditional tribal lands are entitled to be paid compensation", read a letter that they will present to President Obama.
The Amungme tribe has already launched a class action suit in the South Jakarta District Court against PT Freeport Indonesia and Freeport McMorran Inc. The suit dated March 8, 2010 is seeking compensation of around US$50 billion or almost 500 trillion rupiah. (edn/fer)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Nurdin Hasan The Indonesian Armed Forces on Tuesday strongly denied allegations by a foreign journalist that it was behind the killings of nine Aceh Party members in 2009 and said that it was considering filing a legal complaint.
"We would like the public to ignore any rumors being spread by certain people who want to divide our country by saying negative things about our military institutions," said Air Vice Marshal Sagom Tamboen, a spokesman for the Armed Forces (TNI).
Sagom was commenting on accusations made by Allan Nairn, an American freelance journalist, who wrote on his personal blog that the deaths of nine Aceh Party activists ahead of legislative elections in the province were part of a covert military program authorized by the government to prevent the party from seeking independence for Aceh.
Sagom said the military was considering filing a legal complaint against Nairn. "If he is a good journalist and if he does have evidence, then he should come forward with the information that he has," the TNI spokesman said.
The military, Sagom added, had never launched an investigation into the deaths of the Aceh Party members because it never received any formal complaints.
"If we had received complaints, it would have been the military's duty to conduct an investigation," he said. "But the problem is that [Nairn] hasn't been able to give us any clear evidence or tell us who his sources are. So how can we believe him?"
Sagom said the military denied in the strongest terms any involvement in the killings. "I don't know how killing our own brothers could benefit us," he said.
Sagom added that Aceh had supported President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as proven by the ruling Democratic Party's overwhelming victory in last year's elections. "The result shows that we have the support of our brothers in Aceh," Sagom said.
Teuku Adriansyah, a representative of the Katahati Institute, a nongovernmental organization based in Aceh's capital, Banda Aceh, also dismissed Nairn's claims, which he called "weak and inaccurate."
During last year's elections, police in the province investigated several attacks on offices belonging to the Aceh Party, which was founded by former members of the now disbanded Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
Police also made several arrests involving political groups headed by former GAM members over election violations. "I found that the violations they were supposed to have committed were caused mainly by competition among local parties," Teuku said.
According to senior Indonesian officials and police and details from government files, the US-backed Indonesian armed forces (TNI), now due for fresh American aid, assassinated a series of civilian activists during 2009.
The killings were part of a secret government program, authorized from Jakarta, and were coordinated in part by an active-duty, US-trained Kopassus special forces General who has just acknowledged on the record that his TNI men had a role in the killings.
The news comes as US President Barack Obama is reportedly due to announce that he is reversing longstanding US policy imposed by Congress in response to grassroots pressure of restricting categories of US assistance to TNI, a force which, during its years of US training, has killed hundreds of thousands of civilians.
The revelation could prove problematic for Obama since his rationale for restoring the aid has been the claim that TNI no longer murders civilians. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told Congress that the issue is whether there is a "resumption" of atrocities, but, in fact, they have not stopped: TNI still practices political murder.
A senior Indonesian official who meets frequently with top commanders and with the President of Indonesia says that the assassinations were authorized by "higher ups in Jakarta." He provided detailed accounts of certain aspects of the program, including the names of victims, the methods, and the names of some perpetrators.
The details cited in this piece were verified by other officials, including senior members of POLRI, the Indonesian national police. Some were also verified by the Kopassus General who helped run the killings.
The senior official spoke because he said he disagreed with the assassinations. He declined to be quoted by name out of fear for his position and personal safety.
Verified details that are known so far concern a series of assassinations and bombings in Aceh on Indonesia's western tip where local elections were being contested by the historically pro-independence Partai Aceh (PA), a descendant of the old pro- independence GAM (Free Aceh) rebel movement.
At least eight PA activists were assassinated in the run-up to the April elections. The killings were, according to the officials with knowledge of the program an attempt to disorient PA supporters and pressure the party to not discuss independence an act regarded as proscribed speech, not just in Aceh but across Indonesia under edicts from the country's president, Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. One of the PA activists, Tumijan, age 35, a palm oil worker from Nagan Raya, was abducted and found two days later in a sewage ditch. His throat was slit, his body mutilated and bound with electrical wire. His corpse appeared near an army outpost. Some of his family blamed the security forces, and, as has happened frequently in such cases, started receiving anonymous death threats.
Another PA activist, Dedi Novandi, age 33, known as Abu Karim, was sitting in his car outside his house with the drivers' side window cracked open when a plainclothes man strolled up with a pistol and put two bullets in his head.
A POLRI official with detailed knowledge of the crime called it a professional killing, employing lookouts and advance surveillance of the movements of Abu Karim.
As it happened, hours earlier, Karim had sat down with a member of a World Bank sponsored delegation and expressed his worry about the pre-election killings of PA people as well as a skein of arson and grenade attacks on PA offices.
Soon after, the BBC came to the scene of the Abu Karim murder. Their correspondent, Lucy Williamson quoted one of the neighbors as saying that she "thinks it strange the police have not found the people who killed [Abu Karim]. 'Maybe it's because there were no witnesses,' she said. 'And I think it's weird that there were no witnesses but what can I say? Everyone said they didn't see anything.' "
"Inside the house," Williamson continued, "Abu Karim's wife, Cut Dede, watches nervously over her four-year-old son. Like many people here she is in no doubt this was a political killing."
In fact, according to the senior official and the others who confirmed him, the Tumijan and Abu Karim murders were part of the TNI assassination program coordinated on the provincial level at that time by General Sunarko, the PANGDAM Aceh (chief of TNI forces in the region).
Sunarko had recently been sent to Aceh by the President, Gen. Susilo, after having been the nationwide commander of Kopassus, the TNI Special Forces. Prior to that, Gen. Sunarko had been the chief of staff of Kostrad, the TNI army's huge Strategic Reserve Command that operates across the archipelago and is headquartered in Jakarta near the presidential palace.
Sunarko had been elevated to these key posts after overseeing militias in occupied Timor. He was a Kopassus intelligence chief there during the 1999 TNI terror, an operation that included mass arson and assassinations and was launched while the East Timorese were preparing to and ultimately did vote for independence.
The '09 PA killings occurred across Aceh. The Abu Karim murder, in Bireuen, was said by the officials to have been managed for Gen. Sunarko by Lt. Col. R. Suharto, the local TNI army commander, using troops aided by civilians from the old military-sponsored FORKAB and PETA militias.
Lt. Col. Suharto has long worked with the TNI's BAIS intelligence unit, which played an integral role in these assassinations and others nationwide, and is famous for its killings and torture in formerly occupied Timor and, currently, in de facto occupied Papua.
When I asked knowledgeable POLRI officials about Lt. Col. Suharto and the killing of Abu Karim, they became as nervous as the neighbors cited in the BBC report.
They reluctantly discussed his role, but privately. We then went on the record and I asked whether Lt. Col. Suharto had in fact run the Abu Karim and other assassinations, and further asked whether he was among those still running "black operations." The key POLRI official did not deny anything but instead said "I cannot comment on that," and then insisted that his name not be attached to even that remark.
On Friday, around 10:30 pm Western Indonesia Time, I called Lt. Col. Suharto's cell phone.
There was no answer so I sent a text message and he replied by text asking who it was. I told him and we began a text message exchange that lasted until after midnight. In the midst of the texts I tried to call him five times, but each time he merely let the phone ring.
By text, Lt. Col Suharto asked me where I was, and then, how I'd gotten his number. He asked me why I wanted to speak to him. I replied, to discuss the PA assassinations, including that of Abu Karim. Suharto wrote back that that was a police matter. I asked him if TNI did the killings. Lt. Col. Suharto replied no, so then I asked by text "So, does that mean you know who the killers are?" He said no to that too, so then I asked him "So how can you know TNI wasn't involved?"
At that point, Lt. Col. Suharto disconnected his cell phone. I tried to call but got a phone company recording. I then sent a text message asking whether he, Lt. Col. Suharto, was "involved in the murder of Abu Karim, or the murders of other PA activists." Phone company signaling indicates that that message was delivered, but as of now, more than 51 hours later, Lt. Col. Suharto has not replied.
Militia members have said that Lt. Col Suharto's men also burnt and threw grenades at the PA offices. But all this was apparently only one small part of the operation.
In Nagan Raya, in another part of Aceh, the snatching and assassination of Tumijan was carried out by another TNI team, also working under Gen. Sunarko. This is according to numerous officials, including some from POLRI, and, in part, according to Gen. Sunarko himself.
In the Tumijan murder the evidence includes not just statements by inside officials, but also a complex series of actions including the unpublicized detention of some of the low-level hit men who were subordinates of Gen.Sunarko.
The senior Indonesian official who first spoke of the assassination program said that Tumijan had been taken and finished by a group of young Kopassus and other soldiers who, as in the Abu Karim case, also used civilians from TNI's old militias.
He gave the names of some of them, the soldiers Capt. Wahyu and Oktavianus, and the civilian TNI-run militia followers Muhyari, Supardi, Kadir, Herwan, M. Yasin, Suprayogi, Tahmid, and Suparno.
He then made the remarkable claim that though no outsider yet knew it, these lower-ranking killers of Tumijan had been secretly detained and held for many months as part of a sensitive political deal involving POLRI, TNI, and officials who had unexpectedly gotten wind of certain aspects of the still-secret TNI assassination program.
POLRI, he, said, agreed to take the militiamen, the military police handled two of the soldiers, and the officials who had stumbled upon the operation agreed to not discuss it publicly, as did the POLRI which never announced the detentions or attempted to charge the men.
Most importantly, the detentions were confined to street operatives in just one of the murders. The more senior officers were left untouched to continue the operation.
POLRI officials I spoke to confirmed the senior official's account. But they did so with evident reluctance, even fear. They made it clear that they had no intention of going after the "higher ups in Jakarta," or Gen. Sunarko, or even Lt. Col. Suharto, who is a mere local commander.
POLRI also kills and tortures civilians, and mounts joint task forces with TNI, but they are fierce institutional rivals, wrestling for money, power, and extortion turf, and though POLRI has recently ascended somewhat, TNI still has more guns and cash, and they lack POLRI's political burden of having to claim that they're enforcing the murder laws.
On Thursday, I reached the Aceh POLRI commander, Police Gen. Aditya, on his cell phone, and though he first said he would only speak privately, face to face, and then tried to end the conversation, he did confirm for the first time publicly that the lower level hit men in the Tumijan assassination had indeed been detained.
When I asked him if it was true that TNI Gen. Sunarko had in fact supervised assassinations of activists, Police Gen. Aditya replied "It is not in my capacity to disclose that information," and abruptly hung up the phone.
On Friday, I reached Gen. Sunarko on his cell phone and asked him about the assassinations, and Sunarko acknowledged that his TNI men had a role in the killings.
But he said that assassinations by TNI officers and men should not necessarily be classified as being official acts of TNI "as an institution." Gen. Sunarko was remarkably calm.
Though it was not yet public, he knew about the detention of his subordinates for the Tumijan murder (Gen. Sunarko raised the matter before I mentioned it), but the General indicated that he was not worried about any follow-up action by POLRI or other authorities.
Gen. Sunarko seemed familiar with the Tumijan killing, and said that Capt. Wahyu and Oktavianus, two of those detained, had worked for his, Sunarko's, then-headquarters in Aceh, the Iskandar Muda regional KODAM (the command covering all of Aceh).
When I asked specifically if he, Gen. Sunarko, was involved in the assassinations, he responded lightheartedly: "That would be the work of a crazy person," he said, "and I am not yet crazy."
When I asked Gen. Sunarko about his subordinate, Lt. Col. Suharto, he said that he knew him well, but when I asked him if Lt. Col. Suharto had run the killing of Abu Karim, Gen. Sunarko replied "I don't know," but then added: "If that had happened, I'd know."
General Sunarko also said, before I broached the matter of the assassinations, that he was an enthusiastic supporter of President Obama's plan to boost aid to Kopassus and to TNI generally. Sunarko said that the US and TNI had had a long, close partnership that had "raised the capacity of TNI," and that Obama's restoration of aid would make for "a still more intimate ("akrab") collaboration."
The general said that he was himself was a longtime colleague and admirer of US forces, having received US training at various sites in Indonesia "many times" since the 1980s.
Using the English-language names of some of the courses and of the US units that gave them, he said that US Army instructors in Mobile Training Teams (MTTs) from the Pentagon's Pacific Command (PACOM, in Hawaii) had trained him in "Jungle Warfare" and "Logistics" as well as in other subjects that he did not name. He said that his US training included special exercises in 1994 and 1998, and that his fellow TNI trainees included other Kopassus and Kostrad men. Gen. Sunarko said his most recent US training was in 2006, when he was the chief of staff of Kostrad, soon to become the Kopassus commander.
The general also suggested that the training was good for the Americans too, since it enabled TNI and the US military to "learn lessons from each other," and best situated the US to "get what it needs" from TNI.
President Obama had been due to leave for Indonesia today, but the visit has been postponed.
Still on the table is a big aid package for TNI, negotiated over recent months, the political centerpiece of which is an apparent renewal of open aid for Kopassus.
Though most every unit of TNI (and POLRI) has been implicated in mass atrocities, those of Kopassus are the most celebrated, and, as their former commander, the US-trained Gen. Prabowo, once told me, they have historically been the unit most closely identified with Washington. It was thus especially galling to TNI when US activists myself included were able to successfully press Congress to interrupt US aid to Kopassus in the 1990s.
Obama's planned give-back of aid to Kopassus is now awaited by TNI as sweet vindication, and by many of the survivors of TNI terror as America's green light for more.
But, as with most of the other atrocities by TNI, the assassination program reported in this piece involves multiple TNI components beyond Kopassus: Kopassus, but also BAIS intelligence and the mainline regional and local commands, KODAM, KOREM, and KODIM, all of them, most importantly, reporting ultimately to the national TNI commanders and other "higher ups in Jakarta."
And regardless of whether the US restores the aid for Kopassus, TNI as a whole already has the green light.
2,800 TNI men are now reportedly being trained in the US (this according to Indonesia's Defense Minister; see Olivia Rondonuwu and Ed Davies, "Interview Indonesia Sees US Lifting Military Training Ban", Reuters, March 4, 2010) and Obama's Pentagon is pushing weapons and equipment sales and US loans that would further empower TNI overall.
That being said, Kopassus does indeed have a special swagger and symbolic potency.
During the recent Obama TNI aid negotiations in anticipation of his trip, the Kopassus commanding general came to Washington and was welcomed by the Obama team. Back in Indonesia, also during the talks, a Kopassus man felt confident enough to attempt to board a commercial flight out of Aceh while carrying a pistol fitted with a silencer a classic assassination weapon. This was of interest to the Indonesian official who described the incident, because one victim in Aceh had apparently been executed with a silenced pistol, at night (The victim's roommate didn't awaken).
An airport security man affiliated with the air force took the Kopassus man's pistol away. But later, a Kopassus delegation arrived and made him give it back.
Investigative journalist and activist Allan Nairn reveals US- backed Indonesian armed forces carried out a series of assassinations of civilian activists in late 2009. The news comes as the White House moves towards increasing aid to the Indonesian military and lifting a twelve-year ban on the training of the notorious Indonesian military unit known as Kopassus. A US- trained Kopassus general who coordinated the assassinations confirmed to Nairn an Indonesian army role in the killings.
Juan Gonzalez: We end today's show looking at US-Indonesian relations. The White House is moving towards increasing aid to the Indonesian armed forces and lifting a twelve-year ban on the training of the notorious Indonesian military unit known as Kopassus. The special forces unit has been linked to scores of human rights abuses in East Timor, Aceh, Papua and Java since its formation in the 1950s.
On Monday, Jeffrey Bader of the National Security Council acknowledged Kopassus had committed human rights violations in the past, but he said the Obama administration, quote, "hopes to be able, at some point, to move past and resolve those concerns."
Amy Goodman: President Obama was scheduled to travel to Indonesia next week but the White House has announced the trip will be postponed 'til June because of the healthcare negotiations on Capitol Hill. The trip to Indonesia would have marked Barack Obama's first time returning to Indonesia since he was elected president. He lived in Indonesia for several years as a child.
Well, yesterday I reached investigative journalist and activist Allan Nairn about his new investigation into assassinations by US-trained Indonesian army and Kopassus officers. I reached him in Southeast Asia.
Allan Nairn: President Obama wants to restore military aid to the Indonesian armed forces, including Kopassus, the Red Berets. I've just come out with a piece that shows that the Indonesian army and Kopassus have been involved in a series of recent assassinations of civilian political activists. The piece names the names of the officers involved, including a Kopassus general named Sunarko. These assassinations were carried out in the region of Aceh in late 2009. They targeted activists for the Partai Aceh, which is pro-independence. In one case, the case of a man named Tumijan, he was abducted, tortured to death. His body was dumped in a sewage ditch near an army post. In another, a man was sitting in his car outside his house. An assassin walked up, put two bullets in his head through the window. According to a senior Indonesian official with detailed information on these murders, they're part of a program of political murder being carried out by TNI, the Indonesian armed forces, and Kopassus and by military intelligence. And so, these killings are still going on today. And Obama is about to give them new aid on the pretense that the Indonesian army has reformed and has stopped killing civilians, which is false.
Amy Goodman: How do you know this, Allan?
Allan Nairn: From people inside the Indonesian government, who gave the names of some of the killers and the officers they work for. And just a few hours ago, I spoke on the phone with General Aditya, who is the head of the police in Aceh, and he confirmed that his forces had in fact detained some of the assassins who were working for the army. They'd been holding them for months, but they never announced this, because they were afraid to do it. The police are afraid of the army. But when I asked him about it directly, he admitted it publicly for the first time. The Indonesian police have confirmed this. They know about it, but they're afraid to act. The Indonesian army and Kopassus are running a program of killing civilians, and it's active right now. And Obama wants to give them new US weapons, training and money.
Amy Goodman: Why does President Obama want to give them this money? I think we're hearing a lot about the war on terror.
Allan Nairn: Well, first the White House makes the argument that the atrocities are a thing of the past. The Indonesian military has killed hundreds of thousands, perhaps close to a million, civilians. But the White House argues, well, that's in the past. But as I've just described, that's a lie, that's not true. Secondly, the White House claims that they want to use the Indonesian army to fight Islamist terror groups in Indonesia. They want to use them and a special anti-terrorist unit called Densus 88.
Densus 88 is a police SWAT-style task force that was originally created by US intelligence under the initiative of Cofer Black, formerly of the CIA, now with Blackwater. Two nights ago, I met with the Densus people, who described how were they were trained in Jakarta and elsewhere by a CIA personnel in tactics including surveillance, how to pursue and snatch people, and interrogation.
Amy Goodman: Allan Nairn, talk about the significance of President Obama postponing his trip to Indonesia until June.
Allan Nairn: I think it is still possible that the deal they were making with the Indonesian army may still go forward, because for the past few days, other top US officials, including Kurt Campbell, the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia, have been in Indonesia. US generals have been in Indonesia. In fact, Kopassus generals even went to Washington and were welcomed by the Obama people with open arms. They were working out the details of this new pact. And it is possible that even though Obama himself won't visit, they will still try to push this deal through. So that means specifically that they may go ahead with their already announced plans to circumvent the US congressional Leahy amendment, which bans training for units involved in atrocities, and boost their training for Kopassus.
I think, however, politically, practically speaking, that it may
be possible to at least defeat politically that aspect of the
deal. There are various reasons to think that's possible. The East
Timor Action Network is running a campaign to stop it. Just in
the past few hours, human rights groups and survivors to
[inaudible] terror in Aceh have come out, and Indonesian national
human rights groups have come out, with a statement asking Obama
to not increase the training for Kopassus. So I think that deal
perhaps could be stopped, and people should contact Congress and
the White House, demand that the US cut off all military aid to
Indonesia. And they can to go to the East Timor Action website
Amy Goodman: But this issue of terrorism, of Islamist terror, can you expand on that more?
Allan Nairn: In Indonesia, there are currently Islamist terror groups that have killed several hundred people. They bombed luxury hotels in Jakarta. They bombed a night club. They bombed two night clubs in Bali. They've killed several hundred in recent years. The Indonesian military and police, on the other hand, have killed many hundreds of thousands. And for years, the Indonesian military and police have been sponsoring Islamist terror groups. They've been using them for their own purposes. They sent them into Poso and the Malukus. Indonesian generals back them. They went on Indonesian military transports. They use them to attack Christian villagers, while other elements of the army and police back the Christian villagers. The idea was to create chaos to try to destabilize the government of then Indonesian president Gus Dur. And it succeeded. On another occasion, the Indonesian army sent a group called Laskar Jihad, an Islamist terror group, into Aceh to try to wean people away from supporting the pro-independence movement in Aceh. They were immediately driven out by the Acehnese. The Indonesian police have backed a group called the FPI, the Islamic Defenders Front, which goes around Jakarta in Islamic dress busting up bars which don't give sufficient payoffs to the police. Then the presidential intelligence agency, which reports now directly to General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the president of Indonesia, they have in the past made payments to Laskar Jihad and sent them into Papua. Papua is a region in the eastern part of Indonesia, which is under de facto occupation by the Indonesian armed forces and Kopassus. They're conducting terror operations there, sometimes using these Islamist forces, sometimes using Kopassus men directly. There have been abductions, assassinations. And in one case, the Densus 88 antiterrorist force went into Papua and arrested a man because he had been sending SMS text messages that were critical of President Susilo. So here you have the CIA- trained supposed anti-terror unit arresting a peaceful civilian because he uses his cell phone to send out messages criticizing the President. This particular unit, Densus, is expected to be one of the groups that is focused on in Obama's visit, and he's expected to highlight their work with the US and perhaps even announce new aid for them. So what they've been doing, what the TNI and Polri, the Indonesian armed forces and police, have been doing, with these various Islamist terror groups is they've been setting them up, funding them, using them for their convenience. But also, when it is sometimes convenient, they've been killing them. And that's what they're doing right now. In the run-up to Obama's visit over the past two weeks, they've done a series of raids on these various Islamist groups. They've killed a number of them. They've arrested many others. They've arrested people from mosques, who they claim are linked to them. And as one police general privately put it the other day, they're putting on a show for Obama. They want to get new helicopters, new transport planes, new interrogation equipment and training, more computers to spy on more cell phones, more surveillance equipment. They want more of everything from the United States. And by killing people from the Islamist movement that they've been sponsoring for years, they cynically hope that that will sell America. It's actually similar, in some respects, to the situation in Pakistan with ISI, the military Inter-Services Intelligence agency. It says something about the state of US politics now that this push to renew aid or increase aid to the Indonesian military is coming under a liberal Democratic President Obama. It's coming while Obama has as his Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights a man named Michael Posner, who used to be one of the leading human rights advocates in the US. He ran a group in New York called the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, later renamed Human Rights First. They did very good work, for example, on pushing for justice in the case of Munir, the top Indonesian human rights lawyer who was assassinated by BIN, the presidential intelligence agency, by General Muchdi and General Hendro Priyono, who was a CIA asset. But now Posner is in the State Department. He's running the Human Rights Bureau. And he and Obama and others are, by all reports, getting ready to circumvent congressional restrictions and push through, restore aid to-restore training aid to Kopassus, the most notorious of the killer forces and the one of the forces that, as I'm reporting today, have been involved in this recent wave of assassinations against political activists in Aceh.
Amy Goodman: What would the effect, Allan Nairn, of full restoration of military aid to Indonesia have?
Allan Nairn: It would mean more killing, more killing of civilians, because it would make the Indonesian armed forces and police more confident. It would send the message to the Indonesian public that they have more reason to be afraid of the army and police, because now they will be able to see that those forces have the full might of America behind them. So it'll mean more death and more terror on the popular level. On the other hand, it's also the case that the situation is now different than it was in the 1990s. In the 1990s, after the Dili massacre in occupied East Timor, the massacre that we survived, a grassroots movement grew up in the United States, including the East Timor Action Network, and we were all able to pressure the US Congress to cut off a lot of the military aid to Indonesia. That was under the dictatorship of General Suharto. And that cutoff had a huge effect within Indonesia. It actually contributed to the downfall of Suharto. That's what Suharto's former security chief, Admiral Sudomo, told me. The cutoff was very damaging to them. It helped to bring down Suharto. Then, over the years after that, much of the aid has gradually been restored. But Indonesia is not now in a moment where the army's power is in the balance. Popular movements are very weak. Much of the middle class, including many middle-class NGO people, have been essentially bought off by the regime. They have very comfortable lives. Foreign expatriates have very comfortable lives. They're making the claim that Indonesia is the new model of democracy, even though the poor, who are the vast majority in the country, are being terrorized by the police on a daily basis and, in key areas like Papua, terrorized by the army. So, at this moment, it's not as if the US withheld the military aid, that could bring down the army as earlier withholding helped to bring down Suharto, but it will have a marginal effect of definitely increasing the killing and torture that Indonesians suffer. So if Obama does that, he should be held to account. It's especially outrageous on his part, because Obama is a US president who actually understands Indonesia. He was a young boy when he lived there, but in his books he makes it clear that he knew about the massacres that were going on in the 1960s, the massacres that brought the current regime to power. The army ousted Sukarno, the founding president. The US backed the terror in which more than 400,000 rural peasants, many of them members of the Communist party, were executed. The CIA gave a list of 5,000 dissidents, who they called Communists. Also they were also shot and strangled and slashed to death. And Obama knew about all this. He lived there afterwards. He wrote about it in his book. And he's a smart guy. I'm sure he knows the story of the invasion of East Timor, which was authorized by President Ford and Henry Kissinger; about the very recent terror in Aceh; about the ongoing de facto occupation of Papua. And yet, on the transparently ridiculous excuse that the TNI is the agency to fight a small Islamist terror group which is in Indonesia, he's about to supposedly restore, increase US weapons and training to this army.
Amy Goodman: After I taped this interview with investigative journalist Allan Nairn, he called and said he'd spoken to the Kopassus general who's coordinated the recent assassinations. Allan said the general acknowledged an Indonesian army role in the killings. And the general also told him he himself was US- trained and was enthusiastic about Obama's plans to make the US relationship with Kopassus and Indonesia's army, quote, "still more intimate."
To confirm Allan Nairn's statement that two military people were arrested over the murder of Partai Aceh members in late 2009, I have confirmed through a separate source that the arrested people were working for BAIS (Strategic Military Intelligence Body), who are usually members of Kopassus' Detasemen Sandhi Yudha (Den Sandha - Covert War Detachment) covert operations unit.
For further information on Kopassus, cut and paste into a google search box: se1.isn.ch/serviceengine/Files/.../032004_387_TrainingKopassus.pdf
This paper refers to when Australia was considering re- establishing training links with Kopassus, which was intended to pave the way for the US to do likewise.
Jakarta The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) is calling on the United States not to cooperate with or provide military assistance to the Indonesian government. Military cooperation would only be acceptable if the Indonesian government seriously deals with and resolves cases of human rights violations.
This was conveyed by Kontras coordinator Usman Hamid at a meeting with victims of human rights violations in Jakarta on Thursday March 18.
"We are asking President Obama not to cooperate with [the Indonesian] military, including providing military assistance, if the Indonesian government is not serious about dealing with cases of human rights violations", he said.
During the meeting, the families of the victims of human rights violations also made plans for a peaceful action to coincide with the visit by US President Barack Obama. The families also asked the US president not to cooperate with the Indonesian military.
"We want to point out that to this day the government has failed to seriously tackle cases of human rights violations," said Sumarsih, the mother of Wawan, a student who was shot in front of the Atma Jaya University in Jakarta in November 1998. (DWA/FER)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski. The second section of the article dealt with comments by Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro on US-Indonesia ties and the possibility of the US restoring military assistance to the Army's special forces Kopassus.]
John McBeth It is only when United States Ambassador to Indonesia Cameron Hume orders a cone of silence over the issue that you get a full appreciation of what is at stake as the US government explores ways to lift the 12-year ban on training with the Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus) because of its involvement in human rights abuses in the former East Timor.
But the signs are not good, with a senior White House official now appearing to pour cold water on the prospect of a resolution of the issue becoming part of a comprehensive US-Indonesia agreement the two sides are working on, ahead of US President Barack Obama's visit to Indonesia this week.
Jeffrey Bader, senior director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council, declined to give a timetable on Tuesday, saying only that the administration "hopes to be able, at some point, to move past and resolve those (human rights) concerns".
Senior US officials realise that any accord calling itself 'comprehensive' has to include a full military partnership, in recognition of the remarkable progress Indonesia has made as the world's biggest emerging democracy. Living in the past won't do.
A few weeks ago, the chances of a resolution were still 50-50. There is no indication of whether that has changed appreciably, with opposition still coming from Senator Patrick Leahy, an implacable critic of the Indonesian military, and from a vocal human rights lobby in Washington.
When Assistant Secretary of State for human rights Michael Posner paid a quiet working visit to Jakarta last month, he sought to persuade the Indonesians to commit to an undertaking that they would prosecute future cases of abuse in exchange for removing the ban.
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell may have conveyed much the same message during a delayed trip to Jakarta on Wednesday (March 17).
In what has been the only fleeting intimation of the Obama administration's approach, Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman has said the US is discussing a re-engagement with Kopassus "that is in accordance with our laws, our values and advances our interests".
The Indonesians have not been making it easy. During an informal brainstorming session, the defence ministry's director for international cooperation, Major-General Syaiful Anwar, criticised the US for continuing to vet the human rights records of officers selected for training.
"This condition has a harmful impact on the image and reputation of the Indonesian military institution and personnel," he told an audience of Indonesian and US officials and private-sector participants on February 24. "We have explained many times that such restrictions are not acceptable and relevant any longer."
Maj-Gen Anwar insisted that the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) has transformed itself over the past decade in terms of professionalism, discipline and attention to human rights. "TNI has to develop together and can't leave certain units and individuals behind," he said in a clear reference to Kopassus.
Although the new special forces chief, Major-General Lodewijk Paulus, was granted a rare US visa early this month to make a case for lifting the ban, a military spokesman indicated Indonesia would not compromise at least on the issue of past abuses.
"We have our own legal system," he declared. "It is not possible for us to apply other countries' laws against our own countrymen."
None of this could have been well received by Ambassador Hume and other officials trying to get the State Department to differentiate between Kopassus as a unit and individual officers and men who are accused of past violations.
Under the 1997 Leahy Amendment, Kopassus is banned in its entirety from the International Military Education and Training programme until adequate legal steps are taken to prosecute implicated officers.
While it will take a waiver from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to change that, some US diplomats believe she is unlikely to do so unless she wins concessions from the Indonesians that Leahy may be comfortable with.
Former defence minister Juwono Sudarsono claimed early this month that Leahy, chairman of the powerful Senate appropriations sub- committee, had "accepted" Jakarta's progress on the human rights front.
The senator himself, however, begged to differ, telling The Washington Post a day later that "it would be a mistake to walk away from an important principle that has been a consistent element of our policy through several US administrations".
Human Rights Watch has called on the US government to rethink any plan to lift the ban, saying it should be repealed only if Indonesia takes sufficient steps to raise accountability and initiate reforms to deter future abuses.
The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (Etan) weighed in as well, saying the renewal of training would set back efforts to achieve accountability for "past and recent" violations. Etan coordinator John Miller said: "This is a bad idea whose time has not come."
The reference to 'recent' violations is interesting because rights campaigners groups would be hard put to find any verifiable abuse committed by Kopassus in the past five years or more.
Miller argued that it is "impossible" to credit Kopassus with reforming itself when it retains what amounts to a handful of active duty soldiers convicted of human rights violations dating back nearly a decade.
He says the initial training offer is likely to involve the elite Detachment 81 because of its focus on counter-terrorism, noting that it was co-founded by then Captain Prabowo Subianto, who as a general would later take responsibility for the kidnapping of pro-democracy activists.
While Miller pointed out that it is the police who have had the major role in successes against Islamic militants, he ignored the fact that Kopassus remains the designated unit to tackle any hijack crisis or other major terrorist action. And to protect President Obama.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Despite claims from the Armed Forces that the United States would soon lift its ban on full military cooperation with Indonesia, a senior White House official appears to have killed such hopes.
Jeffrey Bader, US President Barack Obama's senior director for Asian affairs, said on Monday that while it would be "good if we could move to full cooperation," including counterterrorism activities with the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus), there was no timetable for any such plans.
"There is a certain history that needs to be overcome. There were human rights violations in the 1990s in the former East Timor," Badar told journalists in Washington during a briefing on Monday about Obama's upcoming visit to Indonesia.
"We hope to be able at some point to move past and resolve those concerns, [but] I can't predict at this point when that day might arrive."
Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) Chief Gen. Djoko Santoso said on Monday that he believed the ban would likely be lifted after the US government agreed to a proposal of military-to-military training involving the Kopassus anti-terror unit, Densus 81, which was barred from receiving any US assistance 12 years ago.
"We are in the middle of processing the [joint training] plan," Djoko told journalists. "So maybe the training will be conducted starting next year."
Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa also held talks on Monday with Kurt Campbell, the visiting US assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, and expressed hope that full military cooperation between the two countries could resume.
"I informed [Campbell] that the reform of the Indonesian military institution is a fact that is indisputable, is a fact of life. Now it depends on how the US responds," Natalegawa told reporters after the meeting.
The issue is likely to feature in talks between Obama and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono next week, when Obama makes his first trip as the US president to the country where he spent part of his childhood.
Natalegawa said that while Indonesia wanted the United States to reconsider resuming joint military training, Jakarta would not pressure Washington. "We will not force it because we do not want any form of cooperation that seems to be conditional," he said.
The Kopassus unit was banned from receiving US military education or training following allegations of its alleged involvement in a number of human rights abuses in Indonesia.
The Leahy Law stipulates that the US government must not train foreign military units with histories of human rights violations unless the government takes adequate legal steps to deal with the officers allegedly involved in the abuses.
The United States lifted a comprehensive ban on training the Indonesian military in 2005, though it kept the restrictions against Kopassus. Recommencing the provision of military training to Kopassus was proposed by the Bush administration in 2008.
The Washington Post reported that the Obama administration was likely to follow up on the proposal, although it said there was some opposition to the new policy from the president's own party.
Senator Patrick Leahy, a Democrat from Vermont and the main sponsor of the law that bears his name, reportedly said the Indonesian government was still required to put measures into effect to bring Kopassus members to justice for past abuses.
Human Rights Watch has urged the US government to rethink the plan to lift the ban. In letters to the US government, the nongovernmental group said military officials had not been held responsible for human rights abuses during the 24 years that Indonesia occupied East Timor, including the 1992 Santa Cruz massacre.
It also said the appointment of Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin as deputy defense minister was a cause for concern because of his alleged involvement in the "disappearance" of student activists in 1997 and 1998, and violations during the 1999 East Timor independence referendum.
The US government has placed a travel ban on Sjafrie and other Kopassus generals.
Last week, rumors spread that the US government had lifted the travel ban on Sjafrie, which was thought to be a clear sign of a change in its stance over its relationship with Kopassus. But Sjafrie told the Jakarta Globe that he had not received any notification from the US government on the travel ban.
The Indonesian military has previously said that all alleged past human rights allegations have been settled. "And the House of Representatives has also issued a decision that, while the 1998 unrest was a national tragedy, no human rights violation occurred in the incident," said a military spokesman, Air Vice Marshal Sagom Tamboen.
[Additional reporting from AP, AFP.]
Tini Tran, Jakarta The US should consider lifting a ban against working with a commando unit accused of human rights abuses a decade ago, saying Indonesia's military has undergone significant reform, a government minister said Monday.
Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa held talks with visiting US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and expressed hope that full military cooperation between the two countries could resume.
"I informed (Campbell) that the reform of the Indonesian military institution is a fact that is indisputable, is an a fact of life. Now it depends on how the US responds," Natalegawa told reporters after meeting with the American diplomat Monday.
The issue is likely to feature in talks between President Barack Obama and his Indonesian counterpart, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, next week in Jakarta. Obama will be making his first trip as an American leader to a country where he had spent part of his childhood.
Indonesia's special forces have concentrated on counterinsurgency issues in recent years, but were accused of major human rights abuses in the former Indonesian province of East Timor in the late 1990s.
Several countries, including the US and Australia, suspended joint military training in the wake of the allegations, though Sydney resumed training in 2005.
Natalegawa said Indonesia wants the United States to reconsider resuming joint training. However, he said Indonesia would not pressure Washington either. "We will not force it, because we do not want any form of cooperation that seems to be conditional," he said.
The US lifted an overall ban against training the Indonesian military in 2005, though it kept the restrictions against the Indonesian special forces known as Kopassus.
International rights groups said members of Kopassus were linked to the disappearance of student activists in East Timor in 1997 and 1998 and were never held accountable.
"President Obama should use this opportunity to ensure Indonesia curbs the sort of brutal conduct that led the US to cut off aid to Kopassus in the first place," said Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director for the New York-based Human Rights Watch.
[Associated Press writer Niniek Karmini contributed to this report.]
Jakarta The Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) said the governments's plan to clear the country's urban streets of children was too ambitious and might lead to repression.
"The KPAI objects to the Social Services Ministry's plan to ensure Indonesian cities are free of street kids by 2011," KPAI chairman Hadi Supeno, told kompas.com on Monday.
He said the plan was repressive, as proven by the recent deaths of three street children in Jakarta. The children were chased by public order officials and during their attempt to avoid arrest, they died. One jumped into a river and drowned and another got hit by a car.
He said the report from Malang, East Java, also showed the police had cracked down on thousands of street children while offering them no better alternative. Depok and Bandung have organized similar crackdowns, he said.
"To deal with the problem, one should apply measures that are holistic, not repressive or partial," he said.
Recently, street children drew public attention after Jakarta Police arrested a man who admitted to killing, mutilating and sexually harassing a number of street children.
It's Thursday afternoon, March 18, and dozens of family members of victims of human rights violations are holding another "Kamisan" (Thursday Action), a silent protest in which they hold black umbrellas with the names of human rights cases written on them.
They stand in silence in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta. "The Thursday actions have been held since January 18, 2007. For 152 weeks now," said Sumarsih, the mother of Wawan, a student who was shot dead in November 1998 in front of the Atma Jaya University in Jakarta.
These ongoing protests by families of human rights victims are like the actions of "crazy people". They continue to faithfully endeavour to shed light on the mysteries behind cases of violence and fight for a resolution to cases of human rights violations.
There is a strength that makes them faithfully struggle in silence to promote truth and justice. This strength has a mystical dimension. "I do indeed still remember and feel the presence of my child who was shot", said Sumarsih.
Efforts to uncover the mystery behind this violence and seek the truth also continue to be pursued by the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras). Since being established on March 20, 1998, Kontras has constantly carried out advocacy for activists, members of the public who have suffered state violence or the families of victims of violence during the New Order regime of former President Suharto.
Turning 12 years old on March 20, 2010, Kontras remains consistent in advocating for the victims of human rights violations, seeking a resolution to cases of human rights violations, and new cases of violence that emerge. Why is it necessary for cases of human rights violations to be resolved and not left hidden?
"Cases of gross human rights violations, such as abductions, the Semanggi case, and Munir's murder, cannot be just considered as the cost of political reform. What happened in the past, being left in the past. Cases of human rights violations cannot just be neglected like that," said Kontras Coordinator Usman Hamid.
And behind the cases of violence and human rights violations that have occurred, lie many mysteries that are yet to be exposed, such as the case of the abduction of activists in 1997-1998. After 12 years, according to Kontras' records, 13 of these people are still missing. They are Sonny, Yani Afri, M Yusuf, Ismail, Dedi Hamdun, Noval Said Alkatiri, Wiji Thukul, Suyat, Herman Hendrawan, Bimo Petrus Anugerah, Ucok Munandar Siahaan, Yadin Muhidin and Hendra Hambali.
It was for this reason that the previous House of Representatives recommended the establishment of an ad hoc human rights court. The government was also called on to seek information on the fate of the 13, in accordance with the recommendations of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM). But, the formation of a human rights court has simply marked time. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has yet to issue a presidential decree on its formation.
The families of the missing people on the other hand, continue to demand that the mystery be exposed. Indeed in the lead up to its 12 anniversary, Kontras has in fact found a key witness who can recount the story of the activists' abduction. "After 12 years have passed, there is a witness that knows about the case of the activists' abduction," said Hamid.
Uncovering the mystery behind cases of human rights violations is indeed not just related to the 1997-1998 abductions. The Munir murder case is still a mystery. "Cases of premeditated murder committed by civilians are sometimes hard to bring to light, let alone cases of premeditated murder that are suspected to have been committed by intelligence personnel," said the Deputy Executive Director of Indonesia's Non-Government Organisation Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy (Koalisi LSM), Choirul Anam.
The uncovering of and resolution of the Munir murder case however has also been obstructed. The law has yet to touch the actors that are suspected of taking part in planning the murder. A great deal of mystery still surrounds the death of Munir, the figure who pioneered the formation of Kontras.
The wait for a resolution to cases of human rights violations will indeed be a long one. But Kontras continues to handle case of violence, such as violence in legal cases and land disputes between communities and the Indonesian military (TNI).
Take the recent case of Aan Susandhi (30) for example. Susandhi claims to have been mistreated by an individual from a fishing company right in front of police officers until he collapsed coughing blood. Susandhi has already reported the alleged mistreatment along with medical evidence to the Metro Jaya regional police. Kontras and Susandhi's lawyer meanwhile have reported the alleged neglect by the police officers to the national police's Division for Professionalism and Security. (FER)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Heru Andriyanto The attorney general's plans to challenge the Supreme Court's acquittal of retired Army Gen. Muchdi Purwoprandjono accused of masterminding the murder of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib should not be allowed to proceed as it violates Indonesian law, according to legal experts and lawyers of clients who had been cleared by the courts but convicted as a result of state-launched judicial reviews.
According to the law, only convicts and their families can apply for judicial review in criminal cases, legal experts said. They also called into question the convictions of former Bank Indonesia Governor Sjahril Sabirin, Djoko Tjandra and Pollycarpus Priyanto, a Garuda pilot found guilty of Munir's 2004 murder. Both had been earlier acquitted in court before the rulings were overturned in reviews.
"Article 264 of the Criminal Procedures Code clearly states that the right to judicial review is reserved for convicts and their families," Mohammad Assegaf, Pollycarpus's lawyer, said on Tuesday. "Accordingly, in no way can prosecutors, who represent the state, request this extraordinary legal motion."
Adami Chazawi, a criminal law expert at Malang's Brawijaya University who has written a book on judicial reviews in criminal cases, agreed. "The philosophy and basic idea of the judicial review is the presumption that a citizen has been erroneously sentenced for a crime he or she never committed."
Defendants who have been acquitted by the Supreme Court should not face further legal action, Adami said.
"After a conviction is upheld by the Supreme Court, the state provides the last hope by granting the right to judicial review for the convicts. So it really shocked me when the state itself, through prosecutors, requested the judicial review challenging the acquittals of defendants in several major cases. And to make matters worse, the Supreme Court accepted the request," Adami said.
Because the Supreme Court was on top of the justice pyramid, "any mistake it made could be considered the worst mistake," he said.
Adami said Sjahril and Djoko, who were both convicted for the PT Bank Bali embezzlement scandal, and Pollycarpus had all been wrongly convicted because their convictions were based on judicial review requests lodged by prosecutors after they had earlier been acquitted by the Supreme Court. Sjahril and Pollycarpus are serving jail terms while Djoko has fled the country.
"The press and human rights groups have contributed to the malfunction of the law by pressuring the AGO to lodge a review," Muchdi's lawyer Luthfie Hakim said last week. If the review is allowed, "the country's unpredictable justice system will get even worse."
Assegaf said it was the Supreme Court's fault for acquitting the defendants but later accepting the judicial review requests from prosecutors.
"When leading a panel, Supreme Court Judge Joko Sarwoko rejected a judicial review requested by prosecutors in the case of a defendant called Mukyar from Kalimantan many years ago. He firmly argued that the Criminal Procedure Code limited the right to convicts, not prosecutors," Assegaf said.
"But this very same judge joined the panel that accepted the prosecutor's request to review Pollycarpus's acquittal and he was later sentenced for murdering Munir."
"Joko at least should have expressed a dissenting opinion to defend his honor and consistency as a Supreme Court judge, but he didn't do that when handling the Pollycarpus case," Assegaf said.
However, veteran journalist Karni Ilyas, TV One's chief editor, said he didn't fully agree the media shared blame for the Supreme Court accepting judicial reviews. Lawyers also played a role, he said. "They know, for instance, that a convicted person can ask for a judicial review only once, but the lawyers keep asking for reviews again and again."
The AGO has still not lodged its request for a judicial review of Muchdi's acquittal because the Supreme Court has not yet officially given the AGO the full text of its decision.
"We have asked the South Jakarta prosecutor's office about the copy of the verdict, and the reply was that they had not received it yet," said Didiek Darmanto, an AGO spokesman.
"The absence of the verdict hampers our preparation for the legal motion because we need it to examine the legal considerations taken by the Supreme Court in acquitting the defendant."
The first-ever judicial review called for by state prosecutors was lodged in 1996 against the acquittal of Muchtar Pakpahan, who was then chairman of the Indonesian Prosperous Labor Union (SBSI). Muchtar had been accused of inciting hatred against the government but acquitted. The Supreme Court accepted the judicial review and Muchtar was sentenced to four years in jail.
Senior prosecutor Jasman Panjaitan has said the review application in the Muchtar case "was experimental," but once it was accepted by the Supreme Court, prosecutors took it as a legal precedent.
"In post-Muchtar cases like Sjahir and Djoko, we no longer treated our judicial review as an experiment. We have secured a guidance with the acceptance," he said. Jasman was on the Bali Bank embezzlement prosecution team.
Amid mounting debate over the legality of prosecutors being able to call for judicial reviews to challenge acquittals, Jasman said the argument came down to basic legal principles.
"So why do we need the law?" he said. "To ensure that order is consistently implemented and defended, or to create justice for the people? Because often both cannot run side by side."
Ismira Lutfia & Camelia Pasandaran Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Muhaimin Iskandar said on Monday that the government would maintain its bans on sending migrant workers to Kuwait and Malaysia until it received assurances from both countries that they would ensure better treatment of Indonesian workers.
"We will object if the treatment, or the placement method [of the workers] is not fully guaranteed by the memorandums of understanding," Muhaimin said.
Indonesia is currently negotiating memorandums of understanding on the treatment of migrant workers with both Malaysia and Kuwait.
Last June, migrant workers were banned from travelling to Malaysia following reports that some workers were being abused and were not being paid. Three months later, a similar ban was applied on migrant workers traveling to Kuwait following similar reports. Most Indonesian migrant workers are maids, construction workers and plantation workers.
Muhaimin said the suspensions are unlikely to be revoked until the agreements were finalized. He said such bans might also be applied to other countries "that could not give maximum protection."
He said one of the biggest problems migrant workers faced was being forced to pay for things like transportation, recruitment costs and training.
It is a big concern because employers and workers need to determine who pays what while arranging to import the workers from Indonesia, he said.
"It is still the same problems," he said, adding that Indonesia also demanded equal treatment with local workers under the host countries' legal systems.
Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration spokesman Budi Hartawan said on Monday that Muhaimin would visit four Middle Eastern countries early next month in an effort to improve the welfare of Indonesian migrant workers in the region.
Another aim of the trip was to "expand job opportunities for skilled workers in some Middle Eastern countries," Budi said.
Muhaimin is scheduled to visit Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia to see for himself the conditions of migrant workers' shelters there, Budi said.
He would also visit Lebanon to hold bilateral talks on the possibility of establishing a memorandum of understanding about sending migrant workers there, he said.
Budi said that to make the most out of the trip, Muhaimin might also visit more Middle Eastern countries than the scheduled four. He said the ministry was still working on the minister's schedule.
There are currently 4.3 million Indonesians working in 42 countries, according to the National Board for the Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI).
That figure, however, does not include an estimated 2-4 million Indonesians working abroad illegally.
Ivansyah, Jakarta Executives of the State oil and gas company Pertamina in its facility in Balongan, West Java met protesting workers on Friday (19/3) after three days of protests to demand payrise and permanent employment status by workers.
Hundreds of workers in Balongan oil terminal in Indramayu blocked the main gate of the facility by setting up tent and occupy the area, disrupting tankers access in and out of the the facility.
Workers received in average of Rp1 million per month, far below the Rp2,5 million minimum standard in oil industry, and workers demanded raise up to the minimum level. They also demanded Pertamina to improve their employment status to permanent.
Police trying to disperse the protest finally mediated a meeting between representatives of the workers and the company. Pertamina sent Assistant Manager of Public Relation of Pertamina EP Dian Hapsari Firasati, which told workers that they would bring the demand to Jakarta. Disappointed workers continue their protest and the blocking.
The Balongan well produces around 120 barrels of oil per dayand warned that the protest would affect Pertamina's operation all over the country.
Jakarta Activists are calling on all household workers to stop working and march in the streets during the nationwide strike called for May 1-3 to push for the formulation and passage of the domestic worker law.
"This protest [is against] the government and the House of Representatives for not responding to our demands on the law," Lita Anggraini, Domestic Workers Advocacy Network (Jala PRT) coordinator, said during a press conference on the domestic workers law on Monday in Jakarta.
Lita also said it was time for the government to respond to the list of demands issued by activists on Feb. 15. "We have heard nothing concrete from the government."
The activist made four demands: The ratification of the 1990 Convention on the Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers and Their Families; Revision of the 2004 Regulation on Migrant Worker Placement; the formulation and passage of the Domestic Workers Protection Law; and the government's vote for the ILO Convention on Domestic Workers.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti After being shocked to see bulldozers destroying tribal forest areas that they call home, indigenous peoples of North Sumatra on Monday called on forestry officials to shut down pulp companies operating in their area.
Eight villagers from Pandumaan and Sipitu Huta, Humbang Hasundutan district, North Sumatra, came to Jakarta to meet with officials of the National Forestry Council of Indonesia to complain about the operations of PT Toba Pulp Lestari, formerly PT Inti Indorayon Utama, a known pulp and paper company that they claim had razed their forests without their consent.
"Forests are supposed to be the world's lungs, to help us breathe. Destroying our forests means that they have destroyed our lungs, too," said Dime Boru Lumbangaol, a 50-year-old woman from Sipitu Huta.
"The forests sit on our ancestors' land and we've lived there for hundreds of years. We love that land, so no people from Jakarta could make us move out."
The villagers have claimed ownership of the 4,100-hectare forest, locally known as Tombak Haminjon, for about 250 years, or 11 generations. Toba Pulp Lestari arrived in 2009 claiming to have obtained concessionaire rights from the Ministry of Forestry.
Mangasal Lumbangaol, a 60-year-old man from Sipitu Huta, said the trees helped the villagers to define their territory, and without trees their tribes would not know how big their land was.
The villagers have referred their complaints to local officials, Mangasal added, but none of them have responded to their pleas.
"They all said that the matter was under the central government's responsibility," Mangasal said. "That's why we are here. We want the government to shut down the company's operations because they are destroying our forests. They not only cut down our trees, they also dry up our rivers. We just want our land back."
Agus Setyarso, executive chairman of the National Forestry Council, said time was needed to solve the issue.
"There are a lots of parties involved in this case starting from local officials, the central government, the company and then you have the people. It is impossible to expect an immediate solution to all of this," Agus said.
Agus also advised the villagers to sit down with Toba Pulp Lestari officials to find a solution to the issue.
"These kinds of conflicts come and go. To come up with a solution, you need to be patient and you need to be objective. Being too emotional, holding rallies, that could negatively affect the cause that they are fighting for," Agus said.
Adianto P. Simamora, Depok Research shows customary laws that were implemented by a number of local communities were far more effective than government policies to preserve forest in efforts to deal with climate change.
For local communities, obliging traditional laws means respecting their ancestors.
Preliminary research says communities of Baduy in Banten province, Kampung Kuta people in Ciamis, West Java province and Dayak people in Kalimantan are among local communities that issue unwritten laws to preserve environment and protect the forest.
"Though such agreement is not written, local communities comply more with traditional laws than governmental law," Ali Akbar, University of Indonesia Faculty of Humanities researcher told a workshop on climate change Friday.
He said that communities implementing taboo regulations do not know about the government regulations about the forest. "The government's regulations are not efficiently implemented to preserve forests," Ali added.
The philosophy of Baduy people among others are mountains and valleys cannot be destroyed; traditional law should not be broken and taboos must not change.
"Baduy's sacred responsibility is to guard the environment and spiritual heritage of its ancestors from change. To maintain balance and harmony they must live a simple lifestyle, acting moderately," he said.
There are currently about 8,000 Baduy living in two groups of which each village is led by a supreme leader locally known as Punn.
Ali said that the community in Kampung Kuta entering sacred forests was taboo. "It is forbidden to take anything from the forest or even enter it, except on Monday and Friday," he said.
Kampung Kuta won the Kalpataru trophy in 2002 for protecting the forest.
Donny Gahral Aldian, researcher from the philosophy department at the University of Indonesia, said that Dayak culture was highly influenced by spiritual tradition called Kaharingan, a folk religion most Dayak people followed in Kalimantan.
Kaharingan sees humans and nature as an integrated spiritual whole.
"The followers believe that nature is an integral part of life and not just inorganic matter," he told the workshop. "The Dayak people's culture is a good example on how risk prevention action is inspired by local wisdom and religion."
The international conference discussed mitigation efforts needed to slow global warming, which caused climate change. Experts said that protecting forest was crucial to tackle climate change since the sector contributed about 20 percent of global emissions.
In climate talks, customary community roles has been a crucial issue in protecting forests to prevent carbon leakage once deforestation and the forest degradation scheme to reduce emissions (REDD) takes place.
The Alliance of Archipelagic Indigenous People (AMAN) predicted indigenous people had traditionally occupied about 20 million hectares of land, of which most was natural forest.
Most indigenous people rely on the forest as a source of livelihood but conflict is on the rise as many forests became valued as business projects such as plantations and mine sites, it said.
To better protect the indigenous people's rights to their customary land, AMAN has initiated a mapping project to determine boundaries of the organization's members land. Followers believe that nature is an integral part of life and not just inorganic matter.
Arti Ekawati& Reva Sasistiya After having already opened up protected forests for development, the government is now moving to allow the drilling of geothermal wells in conservation forests, as it seeks to boost the amount of electricity generated from cleaner, renewable sources.
"Either we revise the law or we issue a new government regulation in lieu of the law to allow geothermal drilling in conservation forests," Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan said on Wednesday.
Under a presidential decree which took effect on Feb. 1, mining, power plants and other projects deemed strategically important can now take place in protected forests.
Conservation forests are considered more ecologically important than protected forests and have been the most strictly protected forests in Indonesia. Based on the current Forestry Law, the only human intervention allowed in conservation forests is for education or research.
Under the government's proposal, geothermal wells could be drilled in conservation forests but geothermal power plants would have to be built outside of these areas.
Zulkifli said that because most of the country's geothermal resources are located in conservation forests, allowing geothermal wells in these areas was crucial to meeting the government's goal of generating more electricity from geothermal sources.
"Geothermal wells will not damage the environment because they are underground operations. Therefore, you do not cut down the forest," he said.
Suryadarma, the chairman of the Indonesian Geothermal Association (API), said the government needed to move quickly to allow geothermal drilling in conservation forests if it wanted to keep to its timetable for completion of phase two of its "fast-track" electricity-generation program.
Abadi Poernomo, president director of state-owned PT Pertamina Geothermal Energy, said allowing geothermal drilling in conservation forests would help accelerate completion of its geothermal projects.
PGE currently has three planned geothermal projects Kamojang and Karaha Bodas in West Java and Lumut Balai in South Sumatra for which it would like to drill in conservation forests. All three projects are part of phase two of the "fast-track" program.
"Currently, we can't start drilling geothermal wells that are located in conservation forests and it's causing delays," he said. "We are in talks with the Forestry Ministry on how to sort this out, so we could continue with our projects soon." Indonesia has 19.9 million hectares of conservation forest and 31.6 million hectares of protected forests.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta A new report by environmental activists warns that after decades of deforestation from widespread illegal logging, Kalimantan now faces a bigger environmental threat: large-scale coal mining is severely damaging the island's ecology.
Deadly Coal in Kalimantan, a report from the Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam) and Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), assessed the coal mining industry from 2007 to 2009 in East and South Kalimantan, the provinces with the richest coal deposits.
"What is happening in both East and Southern Kalimantan will be easily replicated in Southeast and Western Kalimantan unless the government immediately stops issuing new licenses to mining firms," Jatam coordinator Siti Maimunnah said.
"However, a moratorium seems unlikely as the government still favors economic development," she said.
The report said that in 1980s, East Kalimantan loggers produced 11 tons of timber, most of which was sent to China, Korea, Malaysia, Japan and Europe.
"The logging businesses have readapted to massively exploit coal deposits. Coal production reaches 120 million tons per year," the report said. "In a sense, East Kalimantan has gone from the frying pan into the fire."
The report showed there were 1,212 permits issued to small-scale coal mining companies in the last six years, with 33 licenses granted to large companies in East Kalimantan. "With 70 percent of the country's coal production coming from the province, East Kalimantan is an ATM for the central government," it said.
Business licenses for small-scale mining firms are issued by the governor, regent or mayor. Business permits for large coal mine operators are issued by the central government.
Siti said the plethora of natural resources benefited only a small group of people, mostly investors who exported the coal. She said that as of March 2007, 324,000 people, or 10 percent of the province's population, still lived below the poverty line.
The report went on to say that as of 2008 in South Kalimantan, 280 licenses for small-scale companies were issued to mine coal deposits in a 553,814-hectare area. "However, many local community have no access to electricity and poverty levels are still high," Siti said.
Analysts from the School of Democratic Economics said that the government had no right to boast of its plans to cut carbon emissions from the energy sector until the practices in Kalimantan were resolved.
Coal has been blamed as a major contributor to greenhouse gas emissions. Indonesia plans to cut emissions by 26 percent by 2020.
Jatam and Walhi also called on the government to announce the findings from its investigation into coal mining in Kalimantan.
Environment Minister Gusti Muhammad Hatta made an unscheduled inspection to South Kalimantan coal mines last month. Gusti, originally from Kalimantan, admitted that small-scale coal mines failed to comply with environmental regulations.
Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan has also threatened to revoke the business permits of mining firms who failed to rehabilitate abandoned pits.
Fidelis E Satriastanti With tigers living in ever-closer proximity to humans due to the continued destruction of their forest habitat, the number of reported attacks involving the big cats has risen steadily in recent years.
Last year alone, conflicts between humans and tigers in Sumatra claimed nine lives, with four tigers being slaughtered to help protect villagers. With the Sumatran tiger on the brink of extinction, with only some 300 left in the wild, it is a trend that worries wildlife experts.
"The conflict has escalated because people and tigers can't live in harmony, meaning that either people have entered the tigers' territory or the tigers have left their areas and roamed into nearby villages," said Ligaya Tumbelaka, a veterinarian at Taman Safari Indonesia who monitors Sumatran tiger numbers in the wild.
She said tigers were not man-eaters and would only attack humans for two reasons: because they felt threatened by people trespassing in their territory, or they were too old to hunt for prey and instead wandered into a village in search of food.
Hadi S Alikodra, a wildlife expert at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB), said tigers were solitary and nomadic animals, and their movements were not limited by human boundaries.
"Mostly they can be found in peatland areas and national parks, but they also roam outside those areas, which have now been turned into palm oil plantations, industrial forests or even villages," said Hadi, who is also director of species conservation at WWF Indonesia.
"Tigers have their own home ranges, which unfortunately have in many cases been developed for other uses. So when their home ranges have been taken over by humans, conflicts between them are inevitable."
Can there be peace?
Hadi said he believed human-tiger conflicts would continue to escalate because the country still had few pro-conservation policies to protect the natural habitat of the big cats.
"Our policies still focus on economic benefits," he said. "Forests keep being developed in areas that are supposed to be tiger corridors, people keep on building their houses in areas with tiger populations and deforestation continues at a high rate. These tigers are facing pressure from all sides not to mention from illegal poachers."
Hadi said if this situation continued, the Sumatran tiger would soon face the same fate as Indonesia's two other tiger species, the Balinese and Javan tigers, which were driven to extinction in the 1930s and 1980s, respectively.
The Sumatran tiger is one of only five remaining tiger species in the world, and is also the most endangered.
But the Ministry of Forestry's director general for forest protection and nature conservation said the government had made significant progress in securing the Sumatran tiger population.
Darori said special enclaves designated for tiger populations had been established in six national parks across Sumatra in order to separate the animals from humans.
"So don't go roaming around there. That's their area, people should respect that," he said, citing an incident last week at a national park in Jambi where a tiger attacked a villager. "If you trespass, you will get attacked. Don't blame it on the tigers."
The special tiger enclaves at Tesso Nilo, Bukit Barisan Selatan, Way Kambas, Gunung Leuser, Kerinci Seblat and Bukit Tiga Puluh national parks are off-limits to people.
Finding a way forward
Ligaya, from Taman Safari, said humans were largely responsible for the Sumatran tigers' decline, and should now take responsibility to ensure its survival. "Human interests are important but these tigers should also be given the space to live," she said.
Hadi said in light of recent tiger attacks, security should be stepped up at national parks in order to ensure tiger habitats were not encroached upon and tigers did not roam into areas settled by humans.
"The central government needs to be more aggressive in approaching local governments to help them, especially in trying to implement best management practices in conservation areas," he said.
He added that conflict-management measures, such as financial compensation for tiger attacks, should also be brought in to placate villagers and stop them from hunting tigers.
Ismira Lutfia An environmental group on Tuesday condemned lawmakers' decision this week to approve plans to build nuclear power plants in Indonesia.
Hikmat Soeriatanuwijaya, a campaigner for Greenpeace Southeast Asia, said it was too early for the country to go down the nuclear path.
"It is not the time yet" for Indonesia to turn to nuclear power to anticipate the energy crisis as fossil fuels are depleted, he told the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday. "We can try to seek other solutions because Indonesia is rich with renewable energy."
The House of Representatives on Monday gave a green light to the government's plan to build nuclear plants. The decision came after a weekend visit to the National Atomic Energy Agency (Batan) in Serpong, Tangerang.
Teuku Riefky Harsya, chairman of House Commission VII overseeing energy, technology and the environment, said the nation could no longer rely on non-renewable energy such as gas and coal to generate electricity.
Batan chief Hudi Hastowo told the Globe that the country would carefully weigh safety measures in building nuclear power plants because it is a party to the 1994 Vienna Convention on Nuclear Safety, which was established following the Chernobyl tragedy in 1986.
"There's a binding regulation that we must take nuclear reactor safety measures very seriously," Hudi said, adding that the regulations stipulate that nuclear incidents must be promptly reported to the UN's International Atomic Energy Agency so that it can take precautionary measures.
"IAEA would be very strict in issuing permits for a country to build a nuclear power plant," said Hudi. He added that an IAEA inspector in November unofficially endorsed Indonesia as having the capacity to build a nuclear power plant. Hudi said that Batan would not operate nuclear plants but would serve as a supporting partner that would provide technical advice. "We now have to convince all stakeholders to support the plan," he said, adding that building a nuclear plant was a long-term project that may take at least 10 years.
"What Batan can do is only promoting, familiarizing the public and drafting policy on nuclear energy. We need political and budget support from the government," said Adi Wardojo, the deputy head of nuclear development at Batan. He said the agency had conducted a feasibility study on the construction of nuclear plants, taking into account safety, public interests and the environment. Indonesia has uranium reserves in Kalimantan capable of producing 1,000 megawatts of electricity for 150 years, he said.
But Greenpeace's Hikmat said the government should first explore geothermal energy. Indonesia's untapped geothermal energy accounted for 40 percent of the world's total, he said.
"We could also try renewable resources such as solar, wind power or micro-hydro first," he said.
Farouk Arnaz & Dessy Sagita An anti-tobacco group on Thursday reported a current lawmaker and two former legislators to the National Police, accusing them of eliminating a clause designating tobacco as "addictive" in a health bill passed last year, and claiming to have a signed document implicating the three in the crime.
The Coalition Against Corruption of the Anti-Tobacco Clause said that the three House of Representatives lawmakers, before ending their tenure last year, had ordered that the clause designating tobacco as an addictive substance be excised.
"What we have are hard evidences and not just mere indications. We have a document signed by those people ordering the State Secretariat to 'mutilate' the clause," said Kartono Muhammad, a member of the coalition, also known as Kakar.
"We demand justice and that the police investigate this case. What is the motive to 'delete' a clause from the health bill. This is a systematic crime and should not happen again in the future," he said.
The three accused were named as Ribka Tjiptaning from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Mariani Baramuli Akib and Asiah Salekan, both from Golkar Party.
Kartono said police considered the act a crime that could be charged under the Criminal Code, and that the report to the police was delivered after the Ethics Council of the House of Representatives concluded its investigation, saying the deletion of the clause was not just an administrative matter.
Meanwhile Tjiptaning, who led the House committee responsible for deliberating the health bill, said that she was ready to face the complaint.
"I have clarified it to the House's Ethics Council so it would be better to ask them."
Tjiptaning had previously claimed that the elimination of the clause was only an administrative error, saying the House had mistakenly delivered an older draft of the bill to the State Secretariat.
Mariani told the Jakarta Globe that the accusation was ridiculous and unfounded. She said the article had only been discussed a little further to accommodate the request of some organizations that had asked the commission to reconsider the anti-tobacco legislation.
"I'm not crazy. I would never deliberately omit an article in a law that has been passed by the plenary because it's a violation against the Constitution," she said. "But it is our duty to consider everybody's importance."
Mariani said she could not understand the reason behind the accusations because the article in question was eventually mentioned in the health law that was passed in September.
"The health law is complete, there is no missing article, so I cannot understand why would they sue us," she said.
Kakar is made up by a number of nongovernmental organizations, including the Indonesian Consumer Protection Foundation (YLKI), Indonesia Corruption Watch, the Indonesian Tobacco Control Network and the National Commission for Child Protection (Komnas Anak).
The case was reported to the Jakarta Police in December but was dropped when authorities said that a case with the potential for nationwide ramifications should be dealt with by the National Police.
The Jakarta Police also said that they had difficulties finding an appropriate violation to fit the accusation.
The parents of a six-month-old baby who died after she was allegedly denied treatment by Tangerang's Sari Asih Hospital are planning to take legal action.
Elsa Ainurohmah was brought to the hospital on March 15. She was having difficulty breathing after ingesting cold medicine. Sari Asih allegedly refused to treat her because parents Paidi and Septi could not pay Rp 10 million ($1100) as a deposit toward her care. The couple say they tried to take their baby to another hospital, but she died before they got there.
The family said the hospital had apologized and given them Rp 200,000, but they were firm in their decision to pursue the case. "Nothing can return our child to us," Paidi told Metro TV. "We want justice for Elsa's death."
However, hospital director Mahruzzaman Naim said the hospital had not denied the child treatment. "We took the necessary actions for Elsa but her condition was already very bad when she got here," he said.
Jakarta Family planning programs are an unfamiliar service among city residents, especially among the poor, with an observer warning of the looming phenomenon of a lost generation.
Mersanah, 44, is the breadwinner in her family. She lives in the poverty-stricken Beting Remaja kampung, Tugu Utara, North Jakarta, and has never heard of the once widespread government- run family planning program.
"These services didn't exist [during my productive years]," the mother of seven admitted.
Looking older than her actual age, Mersanah struggles to make ends meet, earning only Rp 20,000 (US$2.18) a day, while her 55- year-old husband occasionally scavenges, but more often just stays at home "because he is old".
Her family is one of 720 in Beting Remaja. The kampung was recently under intense media spotlight following reports of child trafficking as a result of poverty.
Mersanah said poverty forced her to marry off her first four children, all daughters, at very early ages.
"They had only finished elementary school. It was better for them to get married," she told The Jakarta Post recently, saying that she now only had to provide for her three sons. "We eat rice with crackers and soy sauce most of the time," she said.
If anyone in her family falls ill, Mersanah can only afford to buy over-the-counter drugs from a nearby kiosk.
Despite her impoverished state, Mersanah manages to send all her sons to school, two to junior high and one to elementary school.
Her neighbor, Rita, carrying her child on her back, said she signed up for the family planning program but she did not take contraception pills regularly and was afraid to take hormonal contraception injections.
"I now have six children," Rita, 39, said. She also complained about the price she pays for the program, Rp 13,000 for every three months.
"My husband is a bus conductor, but he suffers from tuberculosis. He cannot work too hard so we have to survive with very little money," Rita said, adding that he only earned between Rp 50,000 and Rp 100,000 a week. Rita had to send one of her children to live with her aunt in Bali.
Her children are between 2-and-a-half and 12 years old, with three attending elementary school. "I would be grateful if I could afford to send my children to high school," she said.
University of Indonesia demographer Mayling Oey-Gardiner said the increase number of people living below the poverty line was caused by difficult access to family planning.
"There are too many people who are ignored by the government," she said.
"These people don't necessarily want lots of children, but they live in poverty and do not have access to healthcare and education. The government should provide them with a free birth control program."
She said the rising number of poor people could create a lost generation in impoverished communities.
Camelia Pasandaran The government on Monday backed the House of Representatives' recommendation that law enforcement investigators question state officials who sanctioned the 2008 Bank Century bailout.
But it said the officials involved would not be stripped of their official duties during the investigation.
Djoko Suyanto, the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, said state officials could only be fired if they had been convicted in a court of law.
"Only when they are declared defendants can they be temporarily deactivated, according to the law. Presumption of innocence remains paramount in this matter and all legal procedures must be followed accordingly," Djoko said.
Vice President Boediono, who was Bank Indonesia governor at the time, and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati sanctioned the Rp 6.7 trillion ($737 million) bailout, arguing that the bank's collapse would have posed a systemic threat to the banking system at the height of the global financial crisis.
Djoko made his comments after meeting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri, Attorney General Hendarman Supandji and cabinet ministers.
The House has recommended state officials responsible for the bailout be suspended.
Before the meeting, Yudhoyono said that if any wrongdoing or negligence were revealed, it should first be determined whether it was the result of an administrative mistake or a crime.
"To know whether the problem is administrative or legal, it is your duty as ministers and law authorities to carry out your work to uphold the truth," Yudhoyono said.
"I've said several times that those who are guilty must be sanctioned, while those who are not guilty should not be punished. We call it justice and we aim for it, because our people demand justice. The truth must be upheld."
Djoko said lawmakers should investigate all allegations of crime and corruption.
"Law enforcers will proportionally follow up the case," he said. "The copy of the House recommendation has been delivered to the National Police and Attorney General's Office, while the KPK [Corruption Eradication Commission] has accepted it. The president has assigned the National Police chief and the attorney general to find out about allegations of violations or corruption." Djoko said Yudhoyono had directed him to coordinate with the KPK.
The Attorney General's Office has said it could seek the death penalty for Hesham al Warraq and Rafat Ali Rizvi, two foreign national shareholders of the former Bank Century accused of looting the lender before fleeing the country.
But Marwan Effendy, the deputy attorney general in charge of special crimes, has acknowledged that this could interfere with the process of seizing assets it is believed the two men have stashed in overseas banks.
"Authorities in Guernsey have pledged to help us [recover the assets] on the condition the defendants do not receive capital punishment," Marwan said earlier this month. No Indonesian court has ever demanded the death penalty in a graft case.
Febriamy Hutapea The Prosperous Justice Party on Wednesday urged the government not to use the highly publicized discovery of a nest of terrorists operating in Aceh to disturb the public's focus on the Corruption Eradication Commission's investigation into the Bank Century scandal.
Hidayat Nur Wahid, a senior member of the Islam-based party, also known as the PKS, and the former head of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), questioned the timing of the raids in Aceh and Tangerang on the outskirts of Jakarta.
"There are various anomalies with the terrorist issue because it blew up shortly after the House declared its stance on the Century case," said Hidayat, currently a member of House of Representatives Commission I, which oversees defense and foreign and political affairs.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party have been under intense pressure after coalition partners the Golkar Party and the PKS determined that the bailout, approved by Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, was illegal and showed indications of corruption.
Hidayat, who the PKS had pushed to partner with Yudhoyono in last year's presidential elections, said that besides the Century case, the raids and the killing of terrorist mastermind Dulmatin also coincided with Yudhoyono's visit to Australia and ahead of US President Barack Obama's trip to Indonesia. He said the timing was curious because Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf having said the migration of terrorists to the province had been detected a year ago.
Hidayat questioned why the government had taken so long to act and acted when it did. "This has raised speculation on whether the current move against terrorists is a request or project from Australia. I just hope that it's not true," he said.
However, intelligence expert Wawan Purwanto expressed doubts that the pursuit of terrorists had been used to divert public attention from the Century case.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta Former members of House of Representatives' inquiry team on Bank Century bailout have lambasted the antigraft body for not taking the results of their investigation into the scandal seriously.
Eva Kusuma Sundari, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said Wednesday she was baffled by the fact that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) leaders thought the result of the Century inquiry could hardly be used as legal evidence.
"Indeed, the inquiry at the parliament is a political move, not a judicial process. However, the inquiry team's recommendations and conclusions also contain evidence that can be used by the KPK to support its investigation," she said.
Eva was responding to the statements made by two KPK deputy chairmen, Bibit Samad Riyanto and Haryanto Umar, who claimed the inquiry team's conclusions were no more than "additional information".
"The hardest part is to use the information we have received as legal evidence. We need more time to do that," Bibit said on Tuesday.
Haryono echoed Bibit's statement, saying that was the reason why the KPK had not yet named any suspects in the case.
"What do you expect? Our investigation needs months or even more than a year. The investigation into the Century case started only about three months ago," Haryono said.
Eva, however, questioned Haryono's statement. "The KPK previously told me it had started its investigation into the bailout case in June 2009, months before we kicked off the inquiry in December," she said.
Then chairman of the inquiry team, Idrus Marham of the Golkar Party, said he believed documents and other facts collected during the inquiry contained legal facts that would be beneficial to the KPK's investigation.
Andi Rachmat of the Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) said the KPK should worry about public pressure if the commission fails to satisfy the public. "That's my simple message to the KPK. Consider it," he said.
Eva said she would give the KPK another week before asking the House to take firm political action against the commission. "If the KPK fails to show signifcant development in the investigation by next week, I think we would use our political power to pressure them," she said.
One option the House might take was cutting state budget allocation for the KPK, Eva said. "Allocation for each institution is based on the performance."
In response, KPK spokesman Johan Budi said the inquiry's result was important for their investigation, but stressed that the lawmakers' methods in collecting facts were different from those of investigators. "The inquiry team is political," he said.
One option the House might take was cutting state budget allocation for the KPK.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati In a show of defiance, the Corruption Eradication Commission on Monday upped the ante in the ongoing standoff with the House of Representatives over the Bank Century bailout.
Despite threats by lawmakers to withhold funding for the antigraft body, known as the KPK, if it failed to name suspects in the allegedly corruption-tainted rescue of the ailing lender, the KPK said House recommendations that found indications of criminal wrongdoing in the bailout were basically worthless.
Haryono Umar, the KPK's deputy for graft prevention, said the information so far provided by the House special committee that investigated the bailout "was not sufficient."
Speaking after meeting with the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), Haryono said the House's findings, that the Rp 6.7 trillion ($730 million) rescue package approved by Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Vice President Boediono, who was central bank governor at the time of the 2008 bailout, violated laws and must be investigated, lacked compelling evidence and would be difficult to follow up.
Another KPK deputy, Bibit Samad Riyanto, said the commission must exercise caution when investigating alleged corruption cases and had to secure strong evidence, which was "not easy to do."
The KPK is not known for its speed in unravelling corruption cases, which has led to criticism that its prosecutions are selective and rarely involve charges being brought against the wealthy or politically connected.
Haryono asked for patience, saying corruption cases could take more than a year to investigate. "The KPK has been investigating the Bank Century case for just a couple of months now."
Lawmaker Mahfudz Siddiq, from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), one of the parties that found the Bank Century bailout illegal, called the KPK investigation sluggish. "The KPK must show its independence in handling this case," Mahfudz said.
He added that the KPK needed the House recommendations to back up its investigation. "The special committee could explain it directly to the KPK, if needed," Mahfudz said.
Lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari, from the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said the House expected the KPK to speed up its probe.
"The KPK should be thankful for the recommendations as they back the investigation and, in return, it should work faster and produce satisfactory results," she said.
Eva earlier said the House could use its power to withhold approval of the KPK's budget if it failed to produce satisfactory results in the case.
Lawmaker Anas Urbaningrum, from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said the KPK's view of the House recommendations was "understandable" given that the special committee had focused on investigating the policy surrounding the bailout, not alleged criminal activity.
Febri Diansyah, a researcher at Indonesia Corruption Watch, said the House recommendations did not mean anything in the context of the KPK's investigation, and that the commission could not be expected to lay charges based on the recommendations.
"It is more important for the KPK to show the public it is serious about investigating the case," he said. "But will it be courageous enough to summon Sri Mulyani and Boediono for questioning in the case?"
[Additional reporting by Antara.]
Heru Andriyanto The previously obscure case of a tax official tried for embezzlement at the Tangerang District Court turned into a national issue after former National Police chief detective Susno Duadji publicly accused his colleagues of receiving bribes from that very man, allegations that have received substantial attention from the National Police and the Attorney General's Office.
The tax officer in question, Gayus Tambunan, had a Rp 25 billion ($2.75 million) bank account. He ended up being acquitted of embezzlement, but Susno has claimed that three senior National Police officials received bribes to halt an investigation of Gayus.
"It represents the face of the overall court proceedings here," said Andri Gunawan, secretary general of non-governmental group Indonesian Judicial Watch Society (Mappi).
Prosecutors opted to drop corruption and money-laundering charges related to the Rp 25 billion account at PT Bank Panin and recommended just a single year in jail for Gayus, saying he was guilty of embezzling a mere Rp 370 million he received from a Korean businessman.
"Given the amount of the disputed money and that top prosecutor Cirus Sinaga was appointed to lead the prosecution team in Tangerang, this was a major case. But the trial was unheard of until Susno came along," Andri said.
The panel, presided over by the court's chairman, Muhtadi Asnun, acquitted Gayus after only nine hearings between Jan. 13 and March 12, citing lack of evidence.
"The case began with a suspicious transaction of Rp 25 billion, but ended with prosecutors demanding a sentence for the embezzlement of petty cash," criminal-law expert Indrianto Seno Aji said on Tuesday. "This is a big question mark to all of us."
He said prosecutors and police did not work hard enough to track the money source and simply accepted claims by Gayus that it was intended for business and had nothing to do with his job as a civil servant.
The Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force on Tuesday met with top AGO officials to clarify reports of suspected corruption in prosecutors' handling of the case and revealed a plan for a similar meeting with National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri the next day.
"The AGO is currently examining the case documents to find out if the justice system was properly implemented" in the handling of the case, Attorney General Hendarman Supandji said in a joint news conference with the task force after their meeting.
Asked whether a portion of the funds might have been channeled to the prosecution, Hendarman replied: "We will let the evidence speak for itself."
Hendarman added that an internal investigation had been undertaken by Suroso, director of legal methods and examinations at the AGO.
Task force chairman Kuntoro Mangkusubroto pledged to "take further measures so that justice is met for the people." But both men dismissed any immediate plan to hand the case to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) pending the results of an internal AGO investigation.
Susno has publicly said at least two generals in the National Police might have taken the money, identifying them by initials. The officers in question, Brig. Gen. Raja Erizman and Brig. Gen. Edmon Ilyas, have reported Susno to police alleging defamation.
In a document circulating among journalists, Raja asked the president director of PT Bank Panin to lift the freeze on Gayus' accounts because they had nothing to do with the criminal case and because prosecutors and police were investigating another account of Gayus' in a different bank.
In the letter classified as secret and dated Nov. 26, two days after Susno was dismissed as the chief of detectives, Raja told the Bank Panin director: "The evidence of the case is with another financial service provider, so the accounts...of Gayus Halomoan P Tambunan have no connection with the ongoing investigation. Accordingly the assets in those accounts can be reopened."
Raja at that time served as the director for special economic crimes at Susno's former office. The letter, a copy of which was obtained by the Jakarta Globe, also referred to the prosecutor's recommendation in asking that the freeze on the accounts to be lifted.
Susno Duadji says he has taken steps to ensure his safety after making corruption allegations against fellow officers in the National Police.
"I'm not a little boy anymore. I calculated the risks before I opened my mouth. I'm not afraid. I know the National Police institution and I have taken preventive measures," the former National Police chief detective told detik.com.
He said he anticipated the possibility of being slandered, attacked, imprisoned and even murdered. "I don't stay in one place anymore now. It's not safe for me anymore," he said.
Susno has even enlisted an NGO to sample his food lest he be poisoned. "We're guarding his health because he's under a lot of pressures," said Dr Joserizal Jurnalis of the Medical Emergency Rescue Committee or MER-C.
Susno appears to have made a remarkable comeback in the public sphere. Reviled late last year as king of the corrupt "crocodiles" in a battle against the "geckoes" of Indonesia's Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), he now presents himself as a man risking his life to battle graft. He has even been mentioned as a candidate to lead the KPK.
But talk of Susno heading the antigraft agency comes from politicians "with an axe to grind," says media strategist Ong Hock Chuan of Jakarta's Maverick public relations firm.
"The press picks up those interpretations and presents them as fact," said Ong, who dismissed the notion that Susno could actually get the position.
Meanwhile, Ong suspects Susno's actions are not a strategy to reinvent himself but simply an attempt at revenge. The longtime police officer was removed from his position in the wake of the KPK scandal.
"I think he's like a bull in a china shop, a wounded bull. It's about getting back at the people who cost him his career," he said.
Nivell Rayda & Muninggar Sri Sarasawati In the latest twist in a bribery case linked to the 2004 appointment of a central bank senior executive, a witness told the Antigraft Court on Monday that some of the alleged Rp 24 billion involved went into former President Megawati Sukarnoputri's election campaign coffers.
Budiningsih, a former lawmaker from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), told the court the defendant, former party lawmaker Dudhie Makmun Murod, had given her Rp 500 million ($55,000) soon after she voted for economist Miranda Goeltom to be appointed to the Bank Indonesia post.
Dhudie "told me that it was for the presidential campaign," she said. "I was only told that the money was for [Megawati's] campaign. That is all."
Budiningsih added that she contributed to Megawati's 2004 campaign for the presidency in East Java and Yogyakarta.
Dudhie has said that Budiningsih "knew the money was linked to the House of Representatives selection process" to fill the central bank post. But Budiningsih said she only joined House Commission IX, which oversees banking affairs, just before the voting process and had no knowledge of the alleged bribery.
Tjahjo Kumolo, head of the PDI-P faction in the House, declined to comment on Budiningsih's testimony. The court also heard the testimony of two former PDI-P lawmakers, Poltak Sitorus and Suwarno, and a current legislator, Ni Luh Maryani Tirtasari.
They said Dudhie also gave each of them Rp 500 million in traveler's checks after they cast their votes for Miranda. "We received the money at Dudhie's office but weren't told what the money was for," Suwarno told the court.
Dudhie's lawyer, Amir Karyatin, said the checks were handed over at the office of PDI-P lawmaker Emir Moeis, who chaired Commission IX.
"But all the witnesses said they received the checks at Dudhie's office," the lawyer said. "That's impossible. They couldn't even say where Dudhie's office was located."
Amir said the uniform testimony of the three "almost feels like it was orchestrated." But Tjahjo said "there was never any briefing prior to the hearing."
Miranda won her post with the backing of 41 of the 51 Commission IX members.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has identified 39 current and former lawmakers as having received from Rp 200 million to Rp 2.25 billion after voting for Miranda.
Four current and former lawmakers, including Dudhie, face charges of distributing the bribe among fellow party members.
Nivell Rayda & Muninggar Sri Saraswati After weeks of uncertainty, the Corruption Eradication Commission is officially without a leader after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Monday issued a decree honorably discharging the body's interim chairman, Tumpak Hatorangan Panggabean.
"The state secretary's office sent the decree this morning. I am officially out of the KPK," Tumpak said, referring to the antigraft commission.
On March 10, seven out of nine factions on the House of Representatives' Commission III, which oversees legal and political affairs, voted to annul a government regulation in lieu of law, or perppu, issued by the president in October. Yudhoyono issued the perppu to fill the void at the antigraft body after three commissioners were suspended because they had been accused of crimes. The charges against two were later dropped.
Tumpak, a former state prosecutor, was appointed by Yudhoyono to temporarily replace then-chairman Antasari Azhar, who was later sentenced to 18 years in prison after being convicted of masterminding the murder of a businessman.
Tumpak was a KPK commissioner from 2003 to 2007. The KPK held a modest ceremony on Monday in honor of his departure.
The KPK's deputy for enforcement, Chandra M Hamzah, said there had been speculation that Tumpak sided with the president when Tumpak first took office as the body's chairman.
"We have never doubted Tumpak's professionalism and independence," Chandra said in his address. "Tumpak has made a very significant contribution to the KPK."
Bibit Samad Rianto, the KPK deputy for graft investigations and prosecutions, added that the remaining four KPK commissioners would fill the void left by Tumpak by serving alternately as chairman.
"We have done this before when Antasari was suspended from the KPK and the system worked just fine," he said. "The KPK will continue to perform its task and function to eradicate corruption in Indonesia."
Commission III is split over the necessary process to select Tumpak's permanent replacement. The ruling Democratic Party, along with its coalition partner the National Awakening Party (PKB), both reject the need for the government to form a selection team to find the replacement.
The two parties, which supported the perppu, say the selection process should not start until the term of the remaining four commissioners ends in late 2011.
The remaining seven parties at Commission III, however, are urging the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights to form an 11- member selection team.
Meanwhile, Commission III member Bambang Soesatyo, of the Golkar Party, suggested that there would be less whispering that the KPK influences the agenda of the State Palace following Tumpak's departure. Bambang has said Susno would be strong candidate to replace Tumpak.
Anita Rachman Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, the controversial former chief of detectives at the National Police, has found an ally in a group of nongovernmental organizations critical of the government's 2008 bailout of Bank Century.
Petisi 28, a group of several NGOs, on Sunday called on people to support Susno, whom they called an important man who could help reveal the truth about the Rp 6.7 trillion ($737 million) bailout. Haris Rusly, the head of Petisi 28, said Susno, who also served as deputy of the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK), likely had key information about the bailout scandal.
"He is one of the figures who knows many things involved with the scandal, and he needs both political and moral support. We expect that the people will give him the support," Haris said after holding a news conference in Jakarta.
Susno participated in the conference via telephone from Palembang, South Sumatra.
Petisi 28 was founded in October. It has also demanded that Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati step down for their roles in the bailout.
Susno has claimed that the National Police were looking for ways to retaliate against him after he alleged that three high-ranking police officials received bribes to halt an investigation into the suspicious bank accounts of Gayus Tambunan, a mid-level official at the Finance Ministry's Directorate General of Taxation. The National Police rejected his claims.
Boni Hargens, a University of Indonesia political analyst, said Susno was being disowned by the National Police, leaving the activists as his only allies.
"He is an asset because he has much data on 'case brokers,' particularly because he is the former chief of detectives he was in the kitchen of the criminal cases," he said.
He said Susno should be guarded and that corruption allegations against him should be overlooked as long as he provides useful information for the sake of justice. "We will never see that as a problem," he said.
A divided House of Representatives this month declared that the bailout was illegal and recommended that law enforcement agencies investigate indications of corruption, as well as any officials deemed responsible for the bailout.
"Case brokers within the National Police is an important issue to be solved, but most important of all, he knows things about Century," Haris said. "Our intention is to reveal how the Bank Century case has disadvantaged people," he added.
He said it was up to Susno himself to show that he is somehow "clean," although Petisi 28 was supporting Susno at the moment. Haris said the group did not have any interest in whether Susno's objective in going public on case brokers is personal. "We don't have a problem with that," he said.
Farouk Arnaz A day after one of its former senior officials accused three high-ranking officers of accepting as much as Rp 25 billion ($2.75 million) in bribes, the National Police on Friday launched a counterattack, threatening a defamation suit and accusing Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji himself of corruption.
The former chief of detectives told a news conference on Thursday that the three officers he identified only by rank and initials Brig. Gen. RE, Brig. Gen. E and Chief Comr. E were bribed to halt an investigation into the suspicious bank accounts of a mid-level tax directorate official, Gayus Tambunan.
"Susno's statements are not supported by facts, and that is a violation of the law. This is defamation and an insult. Our legal division is now reviewing this and will ask for his evidence," National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang told reporters.
Susno on Thursday claimed that while he was still in his post, he had ordered his staff to investigate and freeze bank accounts in Gayus's name that held Rp 25 billion. But after the three officers were bribed, the probe was called off and the accounts reopened, he said.
Brig. Gen. Radja Erisman, the director of economic crimes at the National Police, and his predecessor, current Lampung Police Chief Brig. Gen. Edmond Ilyas, are believed to be the two police generals identified by Susno.
"My reputation, my family and my children have been insulted," Radja told the same news conference. "I also have evidence that Susno was the one who received money from the account."
Edmond said officers in the case had reported all developments to Susno. "He knew exactly what was going on." Edmond filed a complaint against Susno with the police later on Friday.
Adj. Chief Comr. Mardiani, an investigator with the economic crimes unit, said that the investigation found that only Rp 395 million of the funds in Gayus's accounts was illegal.
"We then named Gayus as a suspect and charged him with money laundering, corruption and embezzlement... and we transferred his dossier to prosecutors," Mardiani said. He added, however, that Gayus had not been arrested "because he was cooperative."
After transferring the dossier, police also unfroze Gayus's accounts in PT Panin Bank and PT Bank Central Asia, which still held Rp 24.5 billion in funds.
Gayus declined to state whether that money was still deposited in the accounts. He said the money belonged to a Batam businessman named Andi Kosasih, while Susno claimed the sum was actually a bribe. In a text message to the Jakarta Globe, Gayus said, "I didn't give money to the police."
Denny Indrayana, the president's adviser on legal affairs and the head of the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force, said on Friday that his team would look into the case, but said the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) should also investigate.
KPK Deputy Chairman Bibit Samad Rianto said the commission was ready to investigate the case, but an official request from the task force was needed. "Investigating [law enforcers] is within the KPK's jurisdiction," he said.
Bibit added that the antigraft agency would also require all documents that Susno submitted to the task force. "That information could be used as preliminary evidence to investigate the case," he said.
[Additional reporting by Camelia Pasandaran, Nivell Rayda & Emmy Fitri.]
Nivell Rayda Thirty-nine former and current members of the House of Representatives were formally accused in court on Thursday of taking billions of rupiah in bribes in connection with Miranda Goeltom's appointment as senior deputy governor of the central bank in 2004.
The much-anticipated release of the names came as the Anti- Corruption Court opened the trials of sitting lawmaker Endin Soefihara, of the United Development Party (PPP), and former Golkar Party lawmaker Hamka Yandhu, who were also on the list. Accused of distributing bribe money in the Miranda case, the two were formally indicted during separate court hearings and each faces a maximum sentence of five years in prison.
Only four current and former lawmakers are so far facing trial in the Rp 24 billion ($2.64 million) bribery case, but the release of the full list of names during Thursday's hearings revealed the depth of alleged corruption in the House selection process in which Miranda, a prominent economist, was appointed with 41 out of 51 votes.
Last week, the Anti-Corruption Court opened the trials of Dudhie Makmun Murod, a sitting lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and former lawmaker Udju Djuhaeri of the Police and Military Faction. The men are charged with receiving a total of Rp 11.8 billion in traveler's checks that was later distributed to members of their respective factions on House Commission IX, which at the time oversaw banking affairs.
The four defendants have all admitted to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) that they received and cashed the traveler's checks, but claim they do not know where they came from.
The list of 39 alleged recipients includes Paskah Suzetta, the former minister of national development planning and a senior Golkar member. The prosecution said Paskah received Rp 600 million. In all, 41 members of the commission are suspected of having taken bribes, but the KPK has not explained why it excluded two unidentified names from the list.
During Hamka's indictment hearing on Thursday, lead prosecutor Riyono said the Golkar politician received Rp 7.35 billion in traveler's checks shortly after voting for Miranda. Hamka allegedly kept Rp 2.25 billion while handing out the rest to 11 fellow party members who had also voted for Miranda.
Endin allegedly received Rp 1.5 billion in traveler's checks. The PPP politician distributed Rp 1 billion to three PPP members who voted for Miranda and kept Rp 500 million for himself, lead prosecutor Sarjono Turin told the court.
"The defendant received 30 traveler's checks from Nunun Nurbaeti Daradjatun through Ahmad Hakim Safari, also known as Arie Malangjudo," Sarjono said.
Nunun is a businesswoman and wife of Adang Daradjatun, a former National Police deputy chief and politician from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). The prosecution said Nunun was also responsible for disbursing bribe money to the three other defendants, who are being tried separately, including Hamka.
KPK prosecutors plan to call Nunun and Miranda to testify at the four trials. The anti-corruption body is still in pursuit of Ahmad, a former director of PT Wahana Esa Sejati, an oil plantation company owned by Nunun. "Nunun must also be charged," Endin said after Thursday's session.
Panda Nababan, a senior PDI-P politician who prosecutors said received Rp 1.45 billion in bribes, denied of receiving any money. He has yet to be indicted. "I'll explain it all in court," Panda told reporters on Thursday. "My position is safe. I didn't do anything."
Farouk Arnaz & Markus Junianto Sihaloho The National Police on Thursday rejected claims by Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, formerly the force's chief of detectives, that three high-ranking police officials received Rp 25 billion ($2.75 million) in bribes to halt a tax-evasion investigation.
During the launch of his biography last week, Susno said that before he was removed from his post last year, two police generals and a chief commissioner had received bribes to stop the case. During a news conference on Thursday, he identified the officials by their rank and initials only as Brig. Gen. RE, Brig. Gen. E, and Chief Comr. E. Susno gave no details on the tax- evasion case.
A spokesman for the National Police, incensed that Susno refused an invitation to discuss his allegations with them on Thursday, denied the claims.
"There was no police officer who received money when they were handling this case. There is no right for any police officers to withdraw that money, since that money does not belong to us," National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang told a news conference.
The National Police said the case began when its detective division received a report from the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) in October that it had found a suspicious transaction of Rp 25 billion in an account belonging to Gayus Tambunan, a tax official.
"We then began tracking it, because as an ordinary tax official who just started his career and he's just 30 years old how he could have this much money?" Edward said.
He said they were only able to prove that Rp 395 million of the total was illegal, allegedly received from a tax consultant and the consultant's client. Police then named Tambunan a suspect, but also unfroze the account, which police say still contains Rp 24.5 billion. Susno claims the sum was actually a bribe for the police officials.
"We still don't know from where Tambunan got the rest of the money, which is almost Rp 24.5 billion. According to Tambunan, that money actually is not his own but belongs to a businessman from Batam named Andi Kosasih," Edward said.
Police said Kosasih had transferred the money to Tambunan because he wanted to buy land in Jakarta. "We continued to investigate this case and we invited Pak Susno to come... but he did not appear. We are questioning why he did not want to come and we will send a second invitation letter."
Brig. Gen. Radja Erisman, the director of economic crimes at the National Police, denied Susno's allegations. "I knew that the case-broker nest was in Susno's office," he said, referring to officials who help bribe officials to stop investigations and court cases.
This isn't the first time Susno has made controversial allegations against top National Police officials. He also suggested that a police probe into the Bank Century bailout was terminated to protect the election bid of Vice President Boediono.
The House of Representatives Commission III on legal and political affairs plans to question National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri about Susno's allegations over the tax- evasion case.
Bagus BT Saragih, Jakarta The Attorney General's Office (AGO) has dropped graft charges against three officials from the Indonesian Embassy in Thailand and announced it had closed the case.
Marwan Effendy, the assistant attorney general for special crimes, said Thursday he had ordered investigators to drop the case. "We've found no convincing evidence that the suspects acted against the law," he told The Jakarta Post.
He said the suspects had handed over the allegedly embezzled money to the AGO, adding the alleged corruption was "a small administrative error".
The AGO took up the case late last year, naming as suspects Ambassador Muhammad Hatta, deputy chief of mission Djumantoro Purbo and embassy treasurer Suhaeni. Prosecutors at the time claimed to have found "strong indications" of corruption.
Investigators revealed alleged embezzlement of state funding at the embassy, costing the state an estimated 6.17 million baht (US$186,000) and $2,485 in losses.
An audit by the Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) also reported indications that the three had misused state funds. The BPKP put its estimate of state losses at Rp 7 billion ($770,000).
On Thursday, Indonesia Corruption Watch deputy coordinator Emerson Yuntho pointed out that under the 2001 Corruption Law, handing over embezzled state funds did not entitle graft suspects to be set free. He accused the AGO of favoritism, pointing out two of the suspects were prominent bureaucrats.
Hatta is a Golkar Party politician and previously chaired the party at the House of Representatives, while Djumantoro is the son of high-ranking retired Army general Purbo Sugiarto Suwondo.
Suwondo served alongside the late Army Special Forces commander, Lt. Gen. (ret) Sarwo Edhi Wibowo, the father of First Lady Kristiani Herawati Yudhoyono.
Deputy Attorney General Darmono denied any special treatment for the two by his office.
"All investigations ending in an official order to halt the investigation are under tight supervision," he told the Post. "I believe it was the correct decision."
Nivell Rayda & Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Corruption Eradication Commission took immediate fire on Wednesday after it announced it was halting an investigation of three former House of Representatives lawmakers from the defunct military faction because it had no jurisdiction to charge military officers, even though they had since retired.
Johan Budi said the commission, also known as the KPK, would forward the cases to agencies with the authority to prosecute them. The lawmakers are suspected of receiving Rp 1.5 billion ($165,000) in a vote-rigging scandal to elect Miranda Goeltom the central bank's senior deputy governor in 2004.
"There are two options. First we could submit all the evidence that we have to the Military Police," Johan said. "Second, the case could be forwarded to the prosecutors' office that has the authority to conduct a joint investigation with military auditors."
Navy Rear Admiral R Sulistiyadi, Army Maj. Gen. Darsup Yusuf and Air Commodore Suyitno, all retired, were former members of the now defunct police and military faction on House Commission IX, which at the time oversaw financial affairs.
The three, who were listed as active officers at the time, are suspected of receiving Rp 500 million ($55,000) each shortly after voting Miranda into the Bank Indonesia post.
Johan said the KPK was prohibited from investigating the three due to the Law on Military Tribunals. "The military has their own process and we respect that," he said.
Indonesia Corruption Watch lambasted the decision, arguing that the KPK could and must investigate the three.
"The 2001 [Law on Corruption] states that the KPK has the authority to investigate public officials, which include members of the House," ICW deputy chairman Adnan Topan Husodo told the Jakarta Globe. "The three were in their capacity as lawmakers when the bribery occurred."
The antigraft watchdog fears the military would fail to bring the officers to justice. "The military tribunal is infamous for giving only administrative sanctions against members charged with violating civilian laws. The tribunal also has a bad record when hearing graft cases. No member has ever been convicted for corruption before," Adnan said.
Usman Hamid, chairman of the human rights group Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said that military personnel had often escaped the reach of the law.
"There is no equality before the law when dealing with military officers. Corruption has long plagued the military and if the military is serious about reform, officers suspected of violating civilian laws must be tried in a public court instead of a military tribunal," Usman said.
Meanwhile, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) said on Wednesday that it was ready to launch an investigation of the retired officers.
"As soon as the investigation brief is handed over [from the KPK] to us, the TNI headquarters would give the case to be followed up by the Military Police," Rear Admiral Henry Willem, legal bureau head for the military, said on Wednesday.
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta Despite the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) efforts to punish graft suspects, law enforcement officials are still not upholding justice against convicted House of Representatives legislators, parliament watchdogs say.
A coalition of NGOs reported legislators Muhammad Izzul Islam from the United Development Party (PPP) and As'ad Syam from the Democratic Party to the legislative body's disciplinary council on Wednesday, demanding their dismissal as legislators due to their being convicted by the Supreme Court in criminal cases.
"As far as we know, the two legislators are still listed as active legislators at the House," Sebastian Salang from Indonesian Parliamentary Watch (Formappi) told the council's secretariat.
In November 2008, the Supreme Court upheld a lower courts' ruling that handed Izzul an eight-month suspended sentence for forging a diploma. He qualified for the 2009 elections as the election law does not ban former convicts from running for legislative posts.
The Sengeti District Court in Jambi found As'ad guilty of corruption in the Bahar River power plant project and sentenced him to four years in prison on Dec. 10, 2008. The Supreme Court upheld the verdict in January last year, but As'ad has not served any time and instead qualified for the elections in April 2009.
Izzul is a member of the House's Commission II on domestic affairs, while As'ad is a member of the House's Commission VIII overseeing religious affairs.
The coalition also reported Dimyati Natakusuma, also from the PPP, who is standing trial for his alleged involvement in a graft case during his tenure as Pandeglang regent.
"How can people already convicted by the courts sit at the honorable House?" Yulianto from the National Consortium for Legal Reform (KRHN) said. "Ethically speaking, they no longer deserve the legislative posts."
Izzul told The Jakarta Post that following a Constitutional Court ruling, his case was no longer a matter of debate. "The [Supreme Court] is no longer relevant according to the Constitutional Court ruling," he said.
He was referring to the Constitutional Court ruling issued in March 2009, which stipulates that former convicts can contest legislative elections at least five years after they serve their sentence.
Democratic Party chairman at the House, Anas Urbaningrum, was not available for comment on As'ad case. Former Democratic Party secretary-general and House Speaker Marzuki Alie said last year that the party's central executive board would take action against As'ad.
Graft cases investigated by the KPK have resulted in some political parties quickly distancing themselves from suspects by dismiss active legislators who were found guilty by the Corruption Court. Convicted legislators include Nur Amin Nasution of the PPP, Yusuf Emir Faisal of the National Awakening Party (PKB), Abdul Hadi Djamal of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Azzidin of the Democratic Party.
Parliament watchdogs also reported alleged violations of the House's code of ethics by House speaker Marzuki and Golkar Party legislators Markus Nari, Chaeruman Harahap and Nudirman Munir.
The NGOs said Marzuki unilaterally delayed a key House plenary session on the Bank Century case.
Jakarta Former National Police detective chief Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji accused several top police officers of involvement in graft surrounding the police's investigation in a money laundering and tax evasion case worth Rp 25 billion (US$2.73 million).
Susno identified the first accused as the then "second in command" of the National Police, which may refer to then National Police deputy chief Comr. Gen. Makbul Padmanegara.
Others Susno accused were Brig. Gen EI (one of Susno's subordinate in that case was Brig. Gen Edmon Ilyas), Brig. Gen RE, Comr. E, Sr. Comr. B and Adj. Sr. Comr. M, at the Special Economy Directorate at the National Police detective body.
Those police officers may at least back up the illicit practice, Susno said Saturday as quoted by Kompas' Persda Network.
He also found that a tax office inspector general identified as Gayus T. Tambunan and businessman Andi Kosasih were involved in the case. Susno, however, suspected that the latter's name had been used to cover up the recipients of the funds.
National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang and his deputy Brig. Gen. Sulistyo Ishak did not respond to The Jakarta Post's calls and texts for confirmation Sunday.
"The tax office inspector, according to an investigation by an agency, has received a suspicious transaction in rupiah and US dollar worth a total of Rp 25 billion," Susno said.
The "agency" Susno mentioned may refer to the Financial Transactions Report and Analysis Center (PPATK). Susno is a former PPATK deputy chairman. "The Rp 25 billion of funds were apparently distributed to those officers and the case investigation was stopped," he said.
Susno said that he also alleged the funds were from about four to six companies whose tax payments had been supervised by Gayus.
Susno said that when he was still serving as detective chief, police investigators found that Gayus had been involved in a money laundering case worth Rp 400 million.
"We found another graft case involving an embezzlement of tax payment worth Rp 25 billion," Susno said. "Then I ordered Edmon [Ilyas] to investigate that finding too."
In November last year, Susno was dismissed from his post due to his alleged role in legal mafia involving businessman Anggodo Widjojo.
Susno's name was mentioned in a wiretapped conversation between Anggodo, police officers and prosecutors. Since then, Susno has demonstrated defying acts against his force. During the Antasari trial, he appeared before court, wearing the uniform, implicating the involvement of National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri.
"When I was about to leave the detective body, the money laundering case was finished but the [tax payment fund embezzlement] was still under investigation," he said.
Susno said he had ordered to freeze the alleged embezzled funds when he was still at the detective body. "But I was told the funds had been liquidated since the money was claimed as Andi Kosasih's," he said.
Susno claimed he had been informed by his former subordinates that Andi was backed by the "National Police's second in command". "Andi's backing was a powerful officer. Even a detective chief was afraid to probe him," he said.
Putri Prameshwari The country has reduced its slum population by at least half in the last two decades, the fastest among Southeast Asian countries, according to a United Nations report released on Friday.
"State of the World's Cities 2010/2011: Bridging the Urban Divide," an annual report released by the organization's agency for human settlements, UN Habitat, stated that in 1990, more than 50 percent of Indonesians lived in slum conditions.
In 2000, the percentage had decreased to between 25.1 percent and 35 percent. This year, the figure has improved further with the total number of people living in slums recorded at between 15 and 25 percent, according to the report.
"Countries in Southeast Asia improved the living conditions of 33 million slum dwellers a decrease of 22 percent," the report said, noting that in the region, Indonesia and Vietnam had made the most significant strides in recent decades.
The major successes, however, were in China and India, which together saw at least 125 million people escape slum conditions over the past two decades.
However, the picture was less satisfactory globally, the report said, with the number of slum dwellers worldwide increasing by 55 million over the last 10 years to a total of 827.6 million this year.
Edy Saidi of social watchdog Urban Poor Consortium, said the report did not really reflect a lot of the reality on the ground, as the government still had an insufficient number of programs to assist slum dwellers.
"For example, when 10,000 families were thrown out of their homes under the North Jakarta turnpike, they relocated elsewhere," he said. "They scattered to create new slum areas."
Although the Public Housing Ministry has provided subsidized apartments across the country, Edy said these had not been properly planned.
"The locations are never strategic enough for the slum dwellers," he said, adding that the government often evicted them from their homes without providing new ones first.
According to the UN Habitat report, a total of 227 million people across the world have escaped slum conditions since 2000. However, it also said that "the progress made on the slum target has not been enough to counter the growth of informal settlements in the developed world."
The report also said that efforts to reduce the number of slum residents were "neither satisfactory nor adequate," with more than 50 percent of the world's population of nearly 3.5 billion now living in urban areas. It also said that in 2020, the world's slum population could grow by six million each year if no drastic action is taken.
The report was released five years before the deadline of the Millennium Development Goals, one of which is to improve the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers around the world by 2020.
Nurfika Osman & Made Arya Kencana Despite the government's claim to have succeeded in reducing poverty and social deprivation, experts on Tuesday warned that more effective social programs and better assessments of poverty were needed.
"The government should be able to create more effective programs to curb poverty in the country as we have not seen significant results. Poverty remains the biggest problem for the people, which limits them in many aspects," Endang Turmudi, a sociologist from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), told the Jakarta Globe.
However, Endang said he welcomed the government's move to temporarily stop the cash-handout program (BLT) for the poor this year.
"They need to create programs that can empower people instead of giving them cash," Endang said. "They key is that they have to be more serious in tackling the poverty level in the country."
On Friday, Coordinating Minister for the People's Welfare Agung Laksono said the government would temporarily stop the BLT this year because the economy has been improving. "For the time being, the program will not be budgeted," Agung said.
Sujana Royat, the deputy welfare minister, explained that there was now no urgent need for the BLT.
"The BLT program will be effected only when there is a dire economic situation such as a significant hike in the price of fuel or the nine basic necessities. We think we do not need to do this now as everything is relatively under control," Sujana said.
The BLT program came under fire last year when the government disbursed Rp 3.7 trillion ($363 million) to 19 million families as part of the last phase of payments shortly before the campaign season for the legislative elections began in March. The timing was criticized for coinciding with the government's election campaign.
Sujana said the National Program for Community Empowerment (PNPM), the People's Business Loans (KUR) and the rice-rations program, known as raskin, remain in place.
"Through the programs relating to people's welfare we have so far have been able to control everything. We think we have had enough good programs," he said, adding that each family received Rp 300,000 ($32.7) under the BLT.
Widjajanti Santoso, a sociologist from University of Indonesia, said the government's decision to halt the BLT program had been expected because the financial crisis had ended. However, Widjajanti said the government needed to clearly define poverty if it is to back up claims that it had succeeded in reducing the poverty level.
On Friday, Social Affairs Minister Salim Segaf Al Jufri said in Bali that there were 32.5 million poor people in the country, around 14 percent of the population.
Data released by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) showed the poverty rate at 14.15 percent of the total population in March 2009, or 32.53 million people. This was down from 15.42 percent in March 2008, equivalent to 34.96 million people. "We are expecting the number of the poor to decrease by 1 percent every year," Salim said.
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh The choice made by a group of alleged terrorists to center its training operations in the jungles of Aceh province was hopeful at best, a sociologist says.
Humam Hamid, an Acehnese sociologist, said the people of Aceh had become "conflict weary".
"The people are currently choosing to live peaceful lives over becoming involved in a jihad movement offered by a terrorist group from Java," he said.
"The Acehnese had become used to violation and conflict... but never ones vested in religion. Rather, they were about injustices between regional and central governments."
Aceh recently hit the headlines in the wake of an antiterror campaign launched by the National Police. Police raided a number of training camps in Aceh province killing and arresting scores of suspected terrorists.
Two members of the group, Muktar and Munir, have surrendered to police in the last week.
Muktar is believed to be the commander of al-Qaeda Indonesia. Upon arresting the pair, police seized an M-16 assault rifle, an AK-47 assault rifle, three pistols and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.
Munir, from Aceh, turned himself in on Thursday after being persuaded by his family. Police personnel picked him up at Lamtamot village, Aceh Besar regency.
The village is near Lamkabeu, the site of a firefight between police and the alleged terrorist group a fortnight ago, in which two members of the police's Mobile Brigade were killed.
Munir is believed to have facilitated the group's move from Java to set up a base in Aceh and provided logistics during training exercises.
Police have credited local residents for their help in providing information that helped to uncover the whereabouts of the suspected terrorists.
Humam Hamid said the group that wrongly assumed the Acehnese, with their strong adherence to Islam, would be receptive to their presence and ideology.
"They appeared to have chosen the wrong people," Humam said. "I believe terrorist groups will not try to build a base in Aceh in the future. This has been a bitter experience for them," he said.
Humam warned the Aceh administration against letting up in security efforts and urged it to take heed of the people's welfare, which, if neglected, may push them toward extremist ideologies, especially those who live in poverty.
"People who feel dejected by the state and go hungry could easily fall into a terrorist movement. The government should work to avoid this at all costs," he said.
Deputy Governor Muhammad Nazar appealed to the people to revive preaching forums in Aceh's villages.
He said he believed the forums could effectively work to weed out subversive teachings and influences. "Violent jihad is not part of Acehnese culture," he said.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta During interrogation, a recently arrested terrorism suspect said his group was aiming to build an Islamic country through military force, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said Thursday.
Edward said the statement was obtained from Ubaid, one of the terrorist suspects arrested in Aceh and now in police custody. Ubaid said the military training facility had been established to provide human resources to transform Indonesia into an Islamic state by military force, he said.
"Ubaid has admitted that the [group's] strategy was different to the bombs used by [the late] Noordin M. Top and [the late] Dr. Azahari Husein."
Ubaid's testimony also showed that the terrorist's grand plan was to make Aceh part of the Qoidah Aminah, meaning it would serve as a base to launch attacks on those working to prevent the group from turning Indonesia into an Islamic state, Edward said.
To date, police have killed seven suspected terrorists, detained 33 and are pursuing 31 others. The police had managed to confiscate 14 firearms, eight hand guns and more than 12,000 rounds of ammunition for various weapons, two notebook computers and one satellite cell phone.
Edward said the suspected terrorist group had surveyed offices in Banda Aceh that belonged to the United Nations, foreign organizations, the military and the police.
He added that a potential threat may come from a small group led by Saptono. Saptono is the brother of Jaja, who was shot dead during a recent police raid in Leupung, Aceh. "Saptono managed to escape [arrest] in Jantho because he was not present during the raid."
The suspected terrorist cell in Aceh that had established a military-style training camp in a forest was allegedly linked to a larger organization with members in other regions including Java.
The intensified crackdown suspected terrorists began in late February and resulted in the death of terrorist suspect Dulmatin, who was at the top of the police's most-wanted list. The police shot him dead during a raid in Pamulang, Banten.
The death of Dulmatin left terrorist suspect Umar Patek at the top of the list. Observers say the police should focus not only on Umar but also possible new figures.
Also on Thursday, Indonesia's Customs and Excise Office reported to have seized 60 tons of illegal explosives on a boat. Office spokesman Evy Suharyanto said the Riau Islands customs office had confiscated the boat carrying the explosives. The boat was travelling from Malaysia to Sulawesi.
"Two people by the names of Subur and La Ruwa were named suspects in the case. They are accused of transporting illegal materials into the country," he said.
When asked whether the explosives were related to the recent suspected terrorist activities, Evy said he would leave the investigations to the police.
Commenting on this, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Edward Aritonang said a group of police officers had been deployed to investigate a possible link.
Ed Davies and Olivia Rondonuwu, Jakarta Indonesia has won praise for cracking down on Islamist militants behind a string of deadly attacks and at the core of the fight have been the heavily armed black-clad officers of its anti-terrorism unit Detachment 88.
A symbol of improved security cooperation with Western nations, the unit has gained somewhat of a cult status among many Indonesians, particularly after live television images of dramatic sieges ending in a hail of gunfire.
"They've been pretty good on the investigative side and intelligence side and being able to crack down on these rings," said Ken Conboy, a Jakarta-based security analyst and author.
Police have succeeded in killing or capturing hundreds of suspected militants in recent years. Last week, Detachment 88 officers shot dead Dulmatin, a wanted militant with a $10 million bounty on his head who was tracked to a Jakarta Internet cafe.
The unit has been monitoring Islamist networks for potential threats ahead of a visit by US President Barack Obama next week. It has also joined security training exercises at key strategic sites such as five-star hotels and airports.
Detachment 88 was established after the 2002 Bali bombings carried out by militant network Jemaah Islamiah, which firmly placed Indonesia as a frontline state in the US-led "war on terror."
But the Western funding of an anti-terrorism unit in the world's most populous Muslim nation can be sensitive. There have been reports of US intelligence officers in Jakarta helping tap cell phones and reading SMS text messages of Indonesian civilians.
A US embassy spokesman in Jakarta declined to comment, but a US government document showed the unit had received technical support, training and equipment under the State Department's Anti-Terrorism Assistance (ATA) program since 2003.
An Indonesian official, who spoke on condition on anonymity, confirmed the unit got Australian and US help in advanced wiretapping technology, and also some British and French aid.
Indonesia and the United States are likely to discuss further security cooperation during Obama's visit. Washington has been considering whether to lift a ban on military training for Indonesia's notorious special forces unit, known as Kopassus.
Pair of handcuffs
Conboy said Detachment 88 got its name because a top police officer at a briefing on the Anti-Terrorism Assistance program had mis-heard "A-T-A" as "Eighty-Eight," which he thought was auspicious since eight is a lucky number in Asian culture.
There have also been reports that it was due to the 88 Australians who died in the Bali bombings, while a top Detachment 88 official said it was because 88 resembled handcuffs.
Australia worked closely with Indonesia on security and Canberra helped set up a training center to combat militants in 2004, pledging A$38 million ($35 million) over five years. The facility boasting a forensic laboratory and a Boeing 737 fuselage is in the police academy in the city of Semarang.
Indonesian extremists have become more savvy at communicating by using couriers rather than cell phones to avoid detection and analysts see limits to the usefulness of electronic surveillance.
"It has acquired good capacity to pursue jihadi elements once their existence has been detected," said Sidney Jones, an expert on Islamist militants at the International Crisis Group.
"But their ability to detect previously unknown groups is much weaker, because that information has to come from the community, not from fancy intercepts," added Jones.
There have also been controversies over how Detachment 88 operates, in particular whether they have used deadly force during raids too often, raising the risk of retaliation from militants and losing possible intelligence.
Dulmatin and another wanted militant, Noordin Mohammad Top, who is believed to have masterminded suicide attacks on Jakarta hotels last year, were both shot dead during raids. "They don't take any prisoners which I think some have noted with concern," said Conboy.
Tito Karnavian, the head of Detachment 88, told Reuters in a recent interview that officers used a response proportionate to threats under international operating procedures.
"So if the threat is lethal, we can use also the lethal force," added Karnavian, who said Noordin Top had been killed after attacking officers with an M-16 rifle and pipe-bombs.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said on Tuesday that armed militants on the run in the remote mountains of Aceh are part of the Jemaah Islamiyah regional terrorist network.
Bambang said the militants, who have been the target of a bloody three-week police manhunt across the province, had been undergoing terrorist training in Jalin Jantho, Aceh Besar district, before their camp was raided on Feb. 22.
"They are all members of the regional Jemaah Islamiyah network, who are most wanted for their role in a string of bombings," he said.
JI is a Southeast Asian network affiliated with Al Qaeda. The group is blamed for killing 202 people in Bali in 2002 and 12 others at the JW Marriott Hotel in Jakarta in 2003.
A splinter JI group led by Noordin M Top, who was killed last year in a police raid in Central Java, is blamed for bombing the Australian Embassy in 2004, as well as last July's twin bombings of the Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta.
Authorities have said the Aceh militants were linked to alleged terrorists shot dead or captured last week in Tangerang. In the past three weeks, police have killed seven people and arrested 31 in operations in Aceh, Jakarta, Banten and West Java. "We are still chasing the rest of the network's members," Bambang said.
He also dismissed earlier speculation that the militants in Aceh were former members of the defunct separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which signed a peace agreement with the central government in 2005. "It's purely Jemaah Islamiyah. The network is up to something in Aceh," he said, without elaborating.
Ansyaad Mbai, head of the counterterrorism desk at the Coordinating Ministry for Legal, Political and Security Affairs, was reported as saying last week that terrorists could be targeting the busy sea lanes in the Malacca Strait off Aceh's southeast coast.
However, Ansyaad said JI was so fractured due to counter- terrorism efforts that any militant group could claim to carry its banner.
Bambang on Tuesday visited the Leupung Police station in remote Aceh Besar to honor local officers who shot dead two alleged JI terrorists on Friday and arrested eight others. In a speech, the National Police chief identified the two dead suspects as Encang Kurnia, 31, and Pura Sudirman, a?k?a Jaja, 40, both from Bandung.
He said they were JI members and had been on the most-wanted list of Densus 88, the National Police's counter-terrorism squad.
He said Sudirman's younger brother, Tono, another suspected terrorist still on the loose and most likely in Aceh, was involved in a planned attack on the motorcade of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last year that was disrupted by police. "He [Tono] is armed with an AK-47 and very dangerous," he said.
Bambang reminded the public that the manhunt in Aceh was not over. "There are still 14 remaining dangerous men [on the most- wanted list] walking free around us who are highly skilled," Bambang said.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta Two more experts recommended Friday that the controversial 1965 Blasphemy Law be revised as critics warned of civil conflict if the law was changed.
The call came from noted intellectual Jalaludin Rakhmat and anthropologist Ahmad Fedyani Saifuddin.
Jalaludin said that while the country needed a law to regulate blasphemy, the law should not be used to criminalize those who developed new interpretations of religious dogmas.
But an expert witness presented by the government, Khofifah Indar Parawangsa, contested the views of the two experts, arguing that possible horizontal conflict was inevitable should the court decide to revoke the law.
Jalaludin said, "In the history of Islam, interpretations are omnipresent. Religion has been relevant through the ages because of new reconstructions in people's understanding [of it]. "If we allow the blasphemy law to limit the reconstruction [process], we limit the role of religion."
Jalaludin was testifying at the Constitutional Court as an expert. The court has been holding hearings since early February. Several human rights activists and pluralism supporters have contested several articles in the law, which stipulates the state's authority to dissolve religious groups whose teachings are deemed heretic by religious authorities.
"The 1965 Blasphemy Law continues to restrict religious freedom, or discriminate against certain religious groups. Even an elementary knowledge of human rights and glancing at those who have fallen victim to the law suggest that the blasphemy law has disadvantaged minority groups," he added.
Ahmad said Indonesians lived in a different condition from the 1960s, when the government focused on ensuring national integration and pacifying the revolution and the guided democracy.
"In this political context the regulations on religion were strict in order to minimize possible political chaos resulting from friction in society. This policy was considered relevant and logic at the time," he added.
But that is no longer the case, he told the court, as people in the 21st century transformed from its earlier position as an object to being regarded as a reasonable human who could, produce, create, innovate and even manipulate.
"We can call this age a time of global democracy, upholding human rights. One right is the freedom to express one's mind, feelings and aspirations, including in a religious context."
Khofifah warned that the potential danger of revoking the law was too great to ignore.
"Majority groups will apply their interpretations of blasphemy or heresy. Should this happen, the potential victims are minority groups including women and children," she said.
She also acknowledged that the 45-year-old law needed revising to ensure more public participation in dialogue between and among followers of religions in the country so that "they could advise religious sects that tend to be heretic".
Jakarta The Constitutional Court must be firm on members of hard-line Islamic groups who intimidated petitioners of the blasphemy law judicial review by issuing threats and shouting religious slogans during hearing sessions, activists said Tuesday.
"There were threats against [the supporters of the review] outside the courtroom," M. Choirul Anam, a lawyer for petitioners, told The Jakarta Post. "While protests in the courtroom were intimidating."
Anam said the hard-liners, mostly from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), who opposed the rights activists' move, continually attended hearings and often yelled at those testifying in support of the judicial review, calling them "infidels" and telling them to "repent".
"The court has the authority to take strict action against these people," he said. "It has the authority to expel them from the courtroom."
A number of activists and self-proclaimed supporters of pluralism filed the request for a judicial review of the 1965 blasphemy law last year. The move was mainly triggered by the government banning of the Ahmadiyah group, regarded by mainstream Muslims as heretical.
The law's articles in scrutiny stipulate the government's authority to dissolve religious groups whose beliefs and practices are deemed as blasphemous by religious authorities such as the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI).
According to petitioners, the law was discriminatory of certain religious groups, which have been denied their right to worship according to their beliefs.
Anam said the Court was firm in its approach at the first session of the hearings, with Court chief Mahfud M.D. asking loud visitors, dominated by FPI members, to quieten.
"But the Court has not been as firm of late," he said. "We suspect that the judges are intimidated by the protestors in the courtroom."
Choirul said activists were apprehensive the Court could not issue a fair ruling because judges were intimidated.
Hearing sessions on the blasphemy law at the Constitutional Court have often been rife with cacophony from the gallery. Ulil Abshar Abdalla, an expert supporting the review, reportedly received death threats from the gallery at Court.
Mahendradatta of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, an Islamic group opposing the review, dismissed the belief that the Court's ruling would be influenced by intimidation from visitors. "The Court will not be intimidated," he said.
He insisted that the actions of protesters at the Court had not breached misconduct. "It is tolerable. The judges have not had to expel anyone from the courtroom."
US President Barack Obama must be welcomed as a guest during his much-anticipated state visit next week, say moderate Indonesian Islamic groups, including Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah.
"The Prophet himself also had diplomatic ties with adherents of other faiths," said NU chief Hasyim Muzadi on Monday. He said Obama had shown good intentions in efforts to improve ties between the US and Islamic world.
But conservative Islamic organization Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia said on Tuesday that it rejected Obama's visit, claiming it was aimed only at boosting America's economic interests here.
HTI spokesman Muhamad Ismail Yusanto said the US enjoys Indonesia's abundant natural resources, with many US oil and mining companies operating here. The fact that Obama lived here as a child did not warrant special treatment, he added.
On day two of his March 23-25 visit, Obama will deliver a rallying call to the Muslim world, his first since a historic speech in Cairo last year. "He'll be able to speak to some of the progress that's been made and that needs to be made on the issues that he spoke to in Cairo," said Ben Rhodes, Obama's deputy national security adviser for strategic communications.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Teuku Faizasyah confirmed that Indonesia and the US would also sign a comprehensive partnership agreement during the visit. The accord, covering education, cultural exchanges, security ties, trade and investment, will be evaluated in a more structured way with "perspicuous aims and a time frame" through a ministerial forum, Teuku said. "Previously, programs were conducted based on priority in each sector."
Obama's visit was delayed by three days, and the White House has confirmed that he will not visit the schools he attended in Jakarta, or the houses he lived in.
Obama is the first US president in at least a decade to visit Southeast Asia for anything other than a regional summit, a move said to reflect an effort to strengthen ties with emerging nations.
Camelia Pasandaran The likelihood of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle joining President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party-led coalition is increasing every day, Democratic Party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok said on Sunday.
Just two days earlier, presidential spokesman Heru Lelono told the Jakarta Globe that he was "99.99 percent sure" that the party of Yudhoyono's former rival, which is also known as the PDI-P, would join the coalition.
"The PDI-P is thinking about its long-term goals. The idea [of the PDI-P joining the coalition] is becoming very real," Ahmad said.
"The idea has been lurking around for some time and has been discussed with Pak Tjahjo [PDI-P House faction chairman Tjahjo Kumolo]. If the three parties [Golkar, PDI-P and the Democratic Party] become one and the coalition is solid, it becomes the political anchor because the charms of religious-oriented parties are fading," Ahmad said.
He was referring to the Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which together with its fellow coalition member Golkar, voted against the government to seek a criminal investigation into the controversial bailout of PT Bank Century.
Analysts have said the Democrats are more likely to kick the PKS, rather than Golkar, out of the coalition because it has been a more difficult party to negotiate with.
Until now, the PDI-P's official line has been that without a clear signal from party chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri it would not join the coalition under any circumstances.
During a party meeting on Sunday, Megawati, who is in her third term as chairwoman, warned senior party members to hold on to the party's ideology to defend the people's welfare. She proposed to evaluate the performances of party members and said that any party officials who failed to adhere to the party's ideology were more than welcome to leave.
Despite Megawati's determination not to join the coalition, her husband, Taufik Kiemas, and PDI-P secretary-general Pramono Anung have indicated they would favor becoming part of the government's political bloc.
Pramono has said the PDI-P may revoke its opposition stance during its annual congress in Bali next month, scheduled for April 5-9, at which a new leader will be selected.
Ari Dwipayana, political analyst at Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University, told the Jakarta Globe that the split within the party was because some people wanted access to power, while others wanted to maintain the party's political independence.
"Being in the opposition makes them dehydrated," he said. "There is lack of access to political power resources. Moreover, there are PDI-P party people like Miranda Goeltom and Panda Nababan, who are now in trouble and need rescuing."
Ari was referring to investigations into a bribery scandal related to the appointment of Miranda as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor in 2004, which involves 19 former and sitting PDI-P lawmakers.
"The Democrats are putting political pressure on both Golkar and the PKS, who have betrayed the Democrats during the Century vote," Ari said.
However, Megawati would not give up her viewpoint easily, he said. "Indeed, she could use the momentum to clean the party of those who are disloyal to her," Ari said.
[Additional reporting from Antara.]
Febriamy Hutapea The Prosperous Justice Party, which broke ranks with the Democratic Party-led coalition during the legislative probe into the bailout of Bank Century, is accusing the government of using law enforcers to strike back at it and other rivals.
Anis Matta, secretary general of the party also known as the PKS, said the government had overstepped its bounds by using the police, state prosecutors and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to threaten its critics.
"It makes the legal process less objective. There are several past cases that have been brought up again after they had been dismissed several times," said Anis, who is also deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. He cited a case brought against PKS lawmaker Mukhamad Misbakhun regarding allegations he owed Bank Century $22 million.
Apparently at the behest of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the National Police this month launched an investigation into Mukhamad, who was one of the driving forces behind the creation of the House special committee that investigated the bailout of the bank. "Mukhamad's case is being used to pressure the PKS," Anis said.
The investigations into alleged bribery related to the appointment of Miranda Goeltom as Bank Indonesia deputy governor in 2004, Anis said, were also part of the government's reprisals. He questioned why the case was getting renewed attention when it was first brought to light by a former lawmaker of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Agus Condro Prayitno, in 2008.
Last month, Bachtiar Chamsyah, a former minister of social affairs and the advisory board chairman of the United Development Party (PPP), another coalition party that broke ranks with Yudhoyono's Democrats, was named as a suspect in a case investigating Rp 26 billion ($2.9 million) in state losses from two procurement projects while he was minister in 2004.
Anis said that bringing up past legal cases to threaten government rivals could backfire and damage the public's trust in the rule of law.
"Many of these cases are not purely legal cases, but have been politicized," he said. "If this keeps happening, it will ultimately damage the state's reform program."
But Lili Romli, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the current review of past legal cases was a "blessing in disguise."
"As long as the investigations don't stop here, I see the positive side in that many cases can now be processed," he said. "The more cases that are revealed, the better it is for law enforcement."
Maswadi Rauf, a political analyst from University of Indonesia, said that while he encouraged the government to pursue graft cases, it should not use the cases to intimidate political rivals. "It's not fair if the legal institutions are being used to threaten them," he said.
Hans David Tampobolon, Jakarta Two political foes President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle may be growing closer since the fallout from the Bank Century case, with several party officials indicating a willingness to join forces.
Recent developments, particularly in the Bank Century case, clearly showed the fragility of Yudhoyono's current coalition bloc, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) House of Representatives chairman Tjahjo Kumolo said Thursday.
"A strong government in a presidential system must be backed by a strong majority alliance in the legislative body," he said. "The recent ruling by the House of Representatives on the Bank Century case clearly showed that the government is fragile, and therefore has to be revised by [Yudhoyono]."
Following a vote, the House ruled that the November 2008 bailout was flawed and smacked of graft and that legal measures needed to be taken against those responsible for the policy, notably then Bank Indonesia governor Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Among the parties voting against the bailout were three of Yudhoyono coalition partners the Golkar Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP).
A number of top leaders of the Democratic Party expressed their disappointment at the "mutiny" and suggested coalition agreements be reviewed.
Political analyst Burhanuddin Muhtadi from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) told The Jakarta Post that Tjahjo's statement was a green light to the Democratic Party on the possibility of building the unprecedented coalition. "The statement is also Tjahjo's way of testing the water... to find out how other PDI-P members would react," he said.
Meanwhile, a PDI-P senior politician, who insisted on anonymity, said the main reason for some of his party members considering joining the government's bloc was for financial reasons.
"Let's be honest here. There is no money to be made by being the opposition. The parties that gained massive benefits from the general elections are in the government bloc," he said.
PDI-P chief advisor Taufik Kiemas has his party's upcoming national congress in Bali in April would specifically discuss the coalition issue. So far, Taufik, whose election as the People's Consultative Assembly speaker received endorsement from Yudhoyono, is an advocate for a coalition between the two political rivals.
Democratic Party secretary-general Amir Syamsuddin said the possibility of the two parties forming a coalition was "interesting".
"However, our party will remain cautious of the idea. It is not clear yet whether the idea is PDI-P's official stance or just the personal opinion of some of the party's members," he told the Post.
Amir's colleague, Ruhut Sitompul, said the PDI-P would have to control its members better should such a coalition materialize.
"I truly respect [the PDI-P] as an opposition party because they are consistent in their stance, unlike a number of our coalition partners that change their minds easily," Ruhut said.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati Still smarting over the perceived treachery of its coalition partners in the Bank Century bailout investigation, the ruling Democratic Party vowed on Wednesday to press ahead with a proposal for a sweeping overhaul of the cabinet.
Ahmad Mubarok, deputy chairman of the Democrats, said that as soon as the party's central leadership board had completed a revised coalition agreement, which would contain concrete details about the relationship between coalition partners, it would forward its recommendations to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Ahmad said the Democrats decided to draft the recommendations after seeing three of their coalition partners the Golkar Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP) vote to find the Bank Century bailout illegal.
"I won't say that ministers from the political parties are useless," he said. "But facts show that senior members of the political parties who are members of the cabinet have had no effect."
Declining to identify the parties or individuals concerned, Ahmad said that though party chairmen had apparently instructed their members about which way to vote ahead of the House of Representatives plenary session convened to determine the legality or otherwise of the bailout, the "subordinates in the House refused to follow."
Three parties voted against the government's stance that the 2008 rescue of Bank Century was necessary as the lender posed a systemic risk to the domestic banking sector at the height of the global financial crisis. Of those, only the PPP has a chairman, Suryadharma Ali, serving in the cabinet. Suryadharma is the religious affairs minister.
The PPP faction in the House has sent him a formal apology for it decision to vote that the bailout was illegal, against his order.
Ahmad, in some of the strongest hints yet from the Democrats that a cabinet reshuffle was in the cards, said the "current coalition is fat but ineffective" and that "our party wants a slim but effective coalition."
He said the Democrats had been "seriously discussing" the removal of cabinet ministers aligned to political parties within the coalition. "If their presence is having no effect, it is better to seek [new ministers] from among professionals," he said.
Ever since Yudhoyono unveiled his United Indonesia II cabinet last year, critics have savaged the president for appointing a number of officials from coalition parties to senior positions in the government despite their questionable track records and lack of many of the desired qualifications.
Ahmad acknowledged the Democrats had held "minor discussions" with the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) about it joining the coalition government, but said that the results of the discussions "should not be made public yet."
Analysts believe there is little chance of the PDI-P joining the coalition given the animosity between its chairwoman, Megawati Sukarnoputri, and Yudhoyono, though the party concedes the issue will be discussed during its national congress in Bali in May.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati The Democratic Party has been working behind the scenes to see if its governing coalition can be salvaged to ensure a workable partnership between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the House of Representatives.
Amir Syamsuddin, secretary general of the party, which has the most seats in the House, said it was evaluating the coalition and discussing ways to improve its effectiveness given the spectacular falling-out the Democrats had with key coalition members over the controversial bailout of Bank Century.
Amir said the Democrats wanted "an effective coalition that could support the government" as tensions over the bailout continued to cause it headaches.
The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Golkar Party both voted that the Rp 6.7 trillion ($730 million) government bailout, approved by Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Vice President Boediono, who was central bank governor at the time, was illegal and showed indications of corruption.
Some analysts have said the move against the Democrats was intended to gain political mileage or leverage trade-offs.
In a political twist, however, the National Police earlier this month launched an investigation at the behest of the president into allegations that PKS legislator Mukhamad Misbakhun owed Bank Century nearly $20 million. Mukhamad was one of the driving forces behind the creation of the House special committee that investigated the bailout.
Business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, the chairman of Golkar, also has an acrimonious history with Sri Mulyani, especially over allegations of tax evasion against companies connected to Aburizal's family.
Amir and a number of senior Democrats have urged Yudhoyono to consider a cabinet reshuffle to purge uncooperative members of the coalition, but he has so far resisted those calls.
Syarif Hasan, the state minister for cooperatives and small and medium enterprises, who is also deputy secretary general of the Democrats, confirmed that Yudhoyono had no plans to reshuffle the cabinet. "We are entering a new phase," he said. "Our faction in the House has built good lines of communication with the PKS."
However, this appeared to be news to Communication and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring, from the PKS, who said it was entirely up to the president to reshuffle his cabinet. "I have no problem with it," Tifatul said. "It's the right of the [Democratic] party to recommend a reshuffle."
Separately, State Secretary Sudi Silalahi said Yudhoyono had requested input from his ministers regarding the House recommendations in the Bank Century case.
"The president requested the involved ministers respond to the House recommendations," he said. Without elaborating, Sudi said Yudhoyono expected "input, suggestions and responses" to the outcome of the House probe, which included talk of forcing Sri Mulyani and Boediono from office.
Ulma Haryanto The Constitutional Court on Thursday put an end to the long and bitter dispute between the nation's two election oversight bodies, granting the Election Supervisory Board the authority to select regional elections supervisors, but denying its request to prevent the General Elections Commission from appointing disciplinary councils.
"Considering that the regional elections have to adhere to the principles of fairness and independence, the Constitutional Court... gives the board the authority to select [all] three members of the regional supervisory committees [Panwas] after the candidates go through a fit and proper test," Court Chief Mahfud MD said on Thursday.
Previously, the law allowed the commission, also known as the KPU, to select the members of the Panwas, which supervise the polls in their respective regions. Each of the 244 regional elections should have a Panwas, which means there are 732 members to be named.
During a plenary court session last week, legal experts said this process threatened the independence and fairness of the election, as the Panwas the supervisory committee should not be selected by the body it would supervise, which is the KPU.
The inability of the KPU and the supervisory board, known as Bawaslu, to settle this dispute has led to dueling Panwas bodies being set up in some regions. The vice president and the home affairs minister have tried to mediate the dispute, but to no avail. Discussions in the cabinet also have not resulted in a settlement.
The Constitutional Court, however, denied Bawaslu's request to revise an article under the same law regarding the formulation of an Honorary Council, which has the power to discipline the KPU.
Bawaslu wants the composition of the councils to be changed, arguing that three of the five members of each council are from the KPU, and are therefore biased. But the court claimed the article was an "open policy" and therefore did not necessarily conflict with the 1945 Constitution.
"However the court would like to suggest that whenever such a council is formed, the council should have the same amount of representatives from both the KPU and the Bawaslu plus one from an external party," Mahfud continued, adding that the court believed the supervision from Bawaslu itself was sufficient.
The Constitutional Court also ratified the 192 Panwas members that Bawaslu had already appointed. The KPU protested that move, claiming that it was contrary to their agreement since Bawaslu had not coordinated the inauguration of the Panwas members with the KPU.
"However, to assure that the regional election should go on as scheduled, the Constitutional Court gave its approval on the 192 members, and urged the [supervisory] committee to perform their task according to the existing law," Mahfud said.
Outside the court, Hadar Gumay, chairman of the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro), offered a mixed opinion of the decision.
"I was still a bit disappointed because they denied revision on the Honorary Council article," he said. "However we should remain optimistic. There is still a possibility for the article to be revised at the legislature. I myself think that the composition for the Council should be one each from Bawaslu and KPU and three from external parties."
Apriadi Gunawan, Medan The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) warned Thursday that direct elections across the region would be prone to corruption and reminded candidates vying for governor, mayor and regent posts to refrain from illegal methods.
The warning came from KPK advisor Said Zainal Abidin, who said the KPK has received complaints from the public on corrupt practices in the regional leadership elections.
"We have received 40,000 complaints on graft cases, from bribery to regional leadership elections," he said, without providing details.
When talking before the Medan mayoral candidates in a seminar at the North Sumatra gubernatorial office in Medan, Zainal disclosed that the elections were prone to various aspects of corruption committed in the field, such as vote-buying, which candidates could not likely avoid.
Zainal said based on KPK observations, the corrupt practices in the election process were generally due to the presence of corrupt individuals who were involved as candidate sponsors.
"The candidates should be wary of their acts. [Regional leadership candidates] are not corrupt, but others would turn you into a corrupt person."
He said many regional head candidates were initially regarded as clean, but when they took up their positions they become corrupt, adding many regional heads had been arrested by the KPK for their involvement in corruption.
Asked how many regional leaders the KPK had detained, Zainal said he did not remember the actual number, but only cited the detention of Medan former mayor Abdillah and former deputy mayor Ramli Lubis who was involved in embezzling funds from the city budget as among the examples.
He added the KPK would never suspend a case in the middle of the way, adding it is currently handling the alleged misappropriation of funds from the regency budget involving former Langkat regent Syamsul Arifin, who is now North Sumatra Governor.
Syamsul had undergone examinations at the KPK office in Jakarta several months ago.
Ulma Haryanto Two laws that give the Attorney General's Office power to ban books should be reviewed, a lawyer representing the Islamic Students Association told the Constitutional Court on Thursday, after pleas from authors whose books were banned that the laws be annulled.
"My clients include student representatives from HMI, as well as the author Muhidin M Dahlan," Gatot Goei told the court, referring to the student association by its Indonesian acronym.
"Both the 1963 law and the 2004 law must be amended, they believe, because unless both are amended, it will hamper the development of students who thirst for knowledge," he said.
"Pak Muhidin is also dis-advantaged because of these two laws. The government should not be banning his book."
The two laws being challenged are the 2004 Law on the Attorney General's Office and the 1963 Law on Securing Printed Materials (whose content could disrupt public order).
Under the 2004 law, the AGO has the task of monitoring printed material. The 1963 law on printed materials allows the office to ban distribution and to confiscate books.
"Both laws may prohibit the freedom of people to express their thoughts and feelings through writing, and writers might have to face criminalization for what they write in the future," Gatot said.
The AGO has banned five books in Indonesian, including "Lekra Never Burns Books," which was written by Roma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Muhidin.
Muhidin, who lives in Yogyakarta and did not attend Thursday's session, told the Jakarta Globe that he had never received official notification from the AGO in regard to the banning of the book.
"I only heard it via rumors, and then I saw it in the news-papers. But I never received any official notification that my book had been banned by the AGO," Muhidin said. He said he would visit Jakarta next month to attend the plenary session of the judicial review.
Presiding judge Muhammad Alim said he would give the plaintiffs 14 days to revise their filing, including to combine their request for a judicial review with Darmawan MM, another author whose has seen his writing banned.
"Both of you requested a judicial review of the same laws, so I think that your requests should be combined," Alim said.
Jakarta As online and multimedia journalism spreads across the globe, promising greater freedom and wider readership for media outlets, the specter of censorship and violence against journalists remain, a recent discussion in Jakarta has concluded.
"The number of violations against the rights of journalists is increasing every year [in Indonesia]," said Ezki Suyanto of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), during last week's launch of book Uninhibited, Robust and Wide-Open by Lee Bollinger, president of Columbia University.
She highlighted the February 2009 murder of a journalist from Radar Bali, A. A. Narendra Prabangsa, who was investigating corruption involving a government official.
Ezki said current regulations ran counter to the country's constitution that advocates freedom of expression and the right to obtain and distribute information. Ezki cited the Information and Electronic Transaction and Anti-Pornography Law as examples.
"Indonesian journalists are now facing more regulations than they would have back in 1910-1930, during the colonial era," said Andreas Harsono of Pantau Foundation.
"It is essential for the press to be uninhibited, robust and wide-open, including in Indonesia," said Endy Bayuni, chief editor of The Jakarta Post, a speaker at the discussion.
Another issue raised during the discussion was media ownership and its affect on the media's credibility. A number of large business groups or foundations in Indonesia either own or directly run media outlets.
Endy said this situation meant that journalists faced two battles; the first with the government to ensure press freedom, and the second with the vested interests of media owners to ensure the integrity of reportage.
"There is much conflict of interest in the media due to ownership issues. TV One [owned by the chairman of the Golkar Party] features heavy coverage of Golkar, while Metro TV frequently airs reports on Lapindo [mudflow disaster] and the tax problems faced by a rival business group," said Tjipta Lesmana, of Pelita Harapan University.
Andreas also pointed out the centralization of media ownership in Java as another problem. Most Indonesian newspapers are centered in either the capital city of Jakarta or Surabaya, East Java. In his book, Bollinger argues globalization intensifies the need for the press to remain free and independent so that it could report accurately on the world, from the world, to the world.
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta The United States has once again put Indonesia into its Priority Watch List of countries with rampant copyright infringement, despite claims by the government in Jakarta of progress on that front.
Eleven other countries are included on the list, such as China, India, Thailand and the Philippines.
The Indonesian government has called for the country to be struck off the list, citing its efforts to uphold intellectual property rights (IPRs).
"We sent a submission to the US [in February] telling them that we've been trying to eradicate all violations of IPRs," Gusmardi Bustami, the Trade Ministry's director general for international trade cooperation, said Thursday on the sidelines of an international trade forum held by state lender Bank Mandiri.
He said police had raided stalls selling pirated music, movies and software, among other pirated items, including in Glodok, Central Jakarta. Glodok is notorious for its wealth of pirated CDs and DVDs.
"Many of [the cases] have been brought to court," Gusmardi said. "We're serious about eradicating IPR violations."
In 2006, Indonesia was removed from the Priority Watch List, with a US trade representative praised the government's commitment to fighting piracy.
The Indonesian Recording Association (ASIRI) earlier reported there were more than 550 million pirated CDs and DVDs traded on the black market in 2008, causing up to Rp 1.4 trillion (US$154 million) in losses.
The Justice and Human Rights Ministry announced last year that software piracy alone had deprived the state of nearly $90 million in potential tax revenues in the past few years.
Agus Sardjono, an expert of trade and intellectual property law at the University of Indonesia, said poor law enforcement had long been the main cause of rampant piracy in the country.
He said raids in places selling pirated movies and music, like Glodok, were merely "cosmetic". "The government should focus on those who commit piracy, and not the vendors, because the vendors are only trying to make a living," he said.
Indonesian Consumer Protection Foundation (YLKI) chairwoman Husna Zahir said she supported the fight against IPR violations.
"But that fight shouldn't extend to violating people's right to access to knowledge through, for instance, books and software as long as it's not for commercial purposes," she told The Jakarta Post.
Officials, analysts and economists who have held fast and predicted that Indonesia's economy is destined for great things in 2010 were rewarded with a slew of good news on Wednesday, including a jump in the tax base, fresh foreign investment, rises in corporate ratings and earnings, and a surging stock market and rupiah.
The Jakarta Composite Index jumped to its highest close in two years, largely on the back of a US Federal Reserve pledge to keep interest rates low, prompting foreign funds to continue a buying spree begun last week. The rupiah surged to its highest level against the dollar since August 2008, reaching 9,115 as stock trading in Jakarta closed.
As stocks were flying, Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said more than half of the registered taxpayers had already submitted their tax returns for this year, a sign that a drive to encourage people to register and pay taxes is working. Tax payments account for around 70 percent of state revenue. Changes last year to airport-departure taxes that see those without tax registrations face punitive charges are credited for much of the rise.
Meanwhile, four Australian companies have agreed to invest more than $1 billion to expand their businesses in Indonesia this year, said Gita Wirjawan, chairman of the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM), who met with investors in Australia last week.
Not to be outdone, national flag carrier PT Garuda Indonesia announced that it expected net profit to rise by 15 percent this year on strong passenger growth, thanks to the improving economy. Two other state firms, PT Perusahaan Listrik Negara and PT Perusahaan Gas Negara, have also received good news. Rating agency Standard & Poor's raised their corporate credit ratings, along with that of state PT Telekomunikasi Selular, the country's biggest cellular network operator.
Chatib Basri, a senior economist from the University of Indonesia, said the good economic news was no accident. He traced its roots to the early 2000s.
"It's not a miracle that happened in one night, and there's nothing strange about it," he said. "Our economic recovery [after the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis] slowly started during Megawati Sukarnoputri's presidency, as the democratic process became more civilized. People have become more reasonable in looking at the economy despite political issues, such as the [Bank] Century bailout."
The JCI gave investors an 85 percent return last year, he pointed out, noting that "the first sign of a growing economy is the rise in its stock market."
He said the only remaining obstacle to Indonesia rubbing shoulders with the vaunted "BRICs" Brazil, Russia, India and China is its lack of infrastructure.
"That's the main problem, and the government must not delay," he said. "In a growing economy, demand will increase and capacity must be able to meet it."
Anyone concerned about the future of this nation must pay close attention the congress of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Islamic social organization, in Makassar this week. No one can afford to underestimate the contribution NU has made since its founding in 1926, from Indonesia's independence struggle through the early years of the young republic, to the present-day modern Indonesia.
As a network of Islamic boarding schools and their charismatic leaders, NU's biggest contribution perhaps has been in building the character of this nation of 230 million of mostly Muslim people.
Together with Muhammadiyah, the other large Islamic organization in the country, NU has helped define and shape the Muslim society that has evolved in Indonesia. Such characters as tolerance, openness, moderation and more pluralistic views are unique to Indonesia, if not across Southeast Asia, among Muslims around the world.
NU today faces tremendous challenges. How it handles them will have bearings on the future of society, especially considering that up to 70 million people in this country have family connections or have had their upbringing with the organization.
One major challenge that NU has to address is the question of how far or how deep it should be involved in day-to-day politics. NU has always been the subject of an internal struggle between those who feel that, through its political parties or its leaders, they should be active in the political decision-making process, and those who feel that NU should concentrate on its social missions in education, healthcare and promoting the economic welfare of its members.
Another issue is the ongoing ideological debate in a society caught in the modern dichotomy of conservatism versus liberalism. For an organization deeply steeped in Islamic teachings and rural traditions, NU has surprised many with some of the most liberal thoughts emerging from the group, including, most importantly, the influence that its previous chairman, the late Abdurrahman Wahid, had in this debate.
The direction NU chooses to go will depend on who the congress elects to head the executive board. Many feel outgoing chairman Hasyim Muzadi has pushed NU far into the political arena these last 10 years, continuing an earlier trend begun by his predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, who served briefly as the nation's president from 1999 to 2001.
NU is mature, wise and independent enough to know what it needs to do, and what is good for society without outside intervention. The group has its own internal dynamics that have helped the organization survive and flourish into what it is today. NU not only helped shape this republic, it even preceded it. We wish the NU leaders a successful congress.
[Note: This article was written before United States President Barack Obama's visit to Indonesia was postponed until June.]
Gary LaMoshi, Denpasar Indonesia remains one of the world's greatest stories never told. United States President Barack Obama's visit from March 23 to 25 to the country where he spent four years as schoolboy Barry Soetoro with an Indonesian stepfather provides an opportunity to enlighten Americans about this sprawling archipelago that has emerged as the world's third-largest democracy.
Indonesia is at times referred to as the world's largest Muslim country; by law it's a secular country with the world's largest Muslim population. Indonesia's overwhelmingly Muslim founders who won independence from the Dutch after World War II made a conscious decision not to create an Islamic state and chose as the national motto "Unity in Diversity" rather than "In Allah We Trust".
Those founders understood realities about Indonesia that the US must grasp today if it is to build stronger bilateral ties. For nearly half a century, US relations with Indonesia were based on Indonesia's position on key shipping routes between East and West, a position that has brought traders to these islands for centuries.
The US view was transformed by Cold War geopolitics that designated Indonesia as a potential key domino with human and natural resources coveted by both sides of the ideological struggle. The anti-communist imperative crumbled along with the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the US Congress in subsequent years restricted military aid in response to a lengthening list of armed forces atrocities and political repression.
For nearly a decade, America has looked at its relationship with Indonesia through the lens of anti-terrorism. Like its anti- communist predecessor, the focus on anti-terrorism tries to squeeze bilateral ties into a US frame that doesn't necessary fit. Creating a mutually beneficial relationship that meets the strategic interests of both sides requires better US understanding of all that Indonesia is, and all that it needs.
Indonesia's 17,000 islands, where 700 languages are spoken by hundreds of ethnic groups, sprawl across more than 3,200 miles (5,120 kilometers). At the western extreme in Aceh women are covered from head to foot in accordance with local interpretations of Islamic law.
At its eastern extreme in Papua, animist tribesmen armed with bows and clothed only in penis gourds hunt wild pig. An estimated 40 million Indonesians subsist on less than US$2 a day. Muslims comprise 86%, or about 198 million of Indonesia's estimated 230 million people. That leaves 32 million non-Muslims, larger than the entire population of Iraq.
The size of its minority population indicates that Indonesia is huge both demographically and geographically. "I've been assured only one percent of Indonesians are violent extremists," former US ambassador to Indonesia, Ralph "Skip" Boyce, used to say. "So there are just two million people trying to kill me." He was only half-kidding.
Indonesia is democratic, albeit recently so, after more than half a century under different forms of one-man rule. Founding father Sukarno instituted what he termed "guided democracy", a system that had all the trappings of democracy but none of the substance. General Suharto took over in a 1965 coup that led to more than three decades of authoritarian rule that also featured carefully controlled elections with pre-determined outcomes and a rubber-stamp legislature. Suhatro's anti-communist, investor friendly, military dictatorship fitted the US model of "our SOB".
Today's Indonesia has lived up to the demands of the reformasi movement that led to Suharto's resignation in 1998 and is arguably now the most authentic democracy in Southeast Asia. It has succeeded in the ultimate test a lawful transition of power to an opposing political camp three times since 1999.
In 2004 and again last year, Indonesians elected their president by direct popular vote, a more democratic system than even the US uses. The next milestone will come in 2014, when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono completes his second term and legally cannot run for re-election, according to the revised, post-Suharto constitution. There is little doubt that Yudhoyono, who studied in the US, will comply.
The downside of Indonesian democracy is that it has given legitimacy to calls for imposing Islamic law since Muslims are the country's overwhelming majority. However, democracy has also shown that Islamic parties attract only minority support. In 2004, they attracted an all-time high 38% of the vote, thanks to the rise of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), an Islamist party that ran on an anti-corruption platform.
PKS also benefited from disaffection with the erstwhile reformist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), whose leader Megawati Sukarnoputri played along with corruption as president. But in 2009, amid a rising tide of attempts to impose sharia law locally, Islamic parties' vote total fell to 29%. The 1945 decision to establish a secular rather than religious state seems to have been the right one for the vast majority of Indonesians.
Indonesia's history with the US is less clear-cut. The US is still widely suspected of aiding Suharto's takeover in 1965 as Sukarno became more openly aligned with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as a counterweight to Muslim groups and the military, and strengthened ties to China and the Soviet Union.
Up to 500,000 people were killed in the post-takeover purge of PKI supporters that the military and Muslim hit squads turned into a national bloodletting. American support to Suharto, including close links and generous military aid, went on for decades without questions about increasing political suppression. In 1975, US-procured weapons were crucial to Indonesia's invasion and occupation of East Timor.
On the commercial front, US companies are currently behind two of the highest-profile foreign investments in Indonesia: Freeport McMoran's massive gold and copper mine in West Papua and ExxonMobil's drilling in the Arun gas field in Aceh. These projects have relied heavily on cooperation with security forces and unsavory elements of the government. Many Indonesians consider the projects exploitative examples of US imperialism.
More recently, the US focus on fighting terrorism has alienated many Indonesians. The overwhelming majority of Indonesians former ambassador Boyce's 99% don't like terrorism any more than Americans do, particularly when it takes place on their home turf and victimizes Indonesians. But they also resent outside intrusion into their affairs and any perceived assault on their sovereignty.
US (and Australian) attention to radical cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, the alleged spiritual leader of local terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, has elevated his status and influence beyond his Islamic school in remote central Java. Meanwhile, the US-led invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan have created local perceptions that America is fighting a war against Islam.
Despite all of these grievances, Indonesians have generally remained positive about the US. According to a Pew Research survey of global attitudes, favorable impressions of the US among Indonesians fell to an all-time low of 15% in 2003 following the invasion of Iraq, but rebounded to nearly 80% following the US aid given to Aceh after the 2004 tsunami.
But in Indonesia, even that lofty approval rating leaves close to 50 million people with anti-American feelings. Now with former Jakarta resident Barack Obama in the White House it gives the US an opening to make a new start.
To make it work, the US needs to emphasize soft power. The Obama adminsitration has begun with expanding academic exchanges and bringing back the Peace Corps after a 44-year absence as English teachers in schools. But the needs go far beyond the classroom.
One soft power priority could be assistance in reforming the judiciary. Dishonest judges, police and prosecutors are not only a source of distrust of government among Indonesians, but also discourage the foreign investment Indonesia needs to build modern infrastructure and realize its vast economic potential.
The interests of Americans and Indonesians converge on developing a nation that's less poor and more equitable, with a government that's less exploitative and more responsive. That means assistance in keeping Indonesia on a democratic path, avoiding the backward slips of its neighbors in Thailand and the Philippines and preventing the archipelago from becoming a breeding ground for violent extremism.
It's a tall order, but arguably the right leaders for the job are now in place in both Washington and Jakarta.
[Longtime editor of investor rights advocate eRaider.com, Gary LaMoshi has written for Slate and Salon.com and works as an adviser to Writing Camp. He first visited Indonesia in 1994 and has tracked its progress ever since.]