Nurfika Osman Noted political dissident George Junus Aditjondro and his book alleging Bank Century bailout money was siphoned off by the Democratic Party are in trouble with the law but not for the contents of the book.
Aditjondro is to be charged with using his book "Unraveling the Cikeas Octopus" to assault Democrat lawmaker Ramadhan Pohan when during the book's formal launch the author went for a second more impromptu launching and allegedly threw the book in the face of the startled lawmaker.
South Jakarta Police Chief Gatot Edy Pramono told the Jakarta Globe on Sunday that they would charge Aditjondro with "offensive treatment," including battery as defined by Article 335 of the Criminal Code and "minor maltreatment" of another person as defined by Article 352. The former offence is punishable by up to a year in jail, the latter a maximum sentence of three months in jail.
Pohan had arrived uninvited at the launch to defend President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono against allegations made in the book that some of the Bank Century bailout money was used by the Democrats or Yudhoyono ahead of last years legislative and presidential elections. The moment was captured by television cameras.
"We have evidence, including testimony from witnesses and the recording of the smack," Gatot said. "We hope Aditjondro can come in for questioning on Monday [today]."
Aditjondro's lawyer, Panca Nainggolan, said his client had not received any summons. "We think it's strange that the police are saying they summoned our client when we haven't received anything."
Panca said Aditjondro first heard the news on Saturday and called him, saying that as a good citizen he would obey the summons. "We'll confirm this matter with the police on Monday," he said. "There's a possibility I'll come to the police office."
He also said that there was a chance of confirming this to the police by telephone. "We're going to respond to the summons," he said. "George is not going to come to the police office, but our client intends to be cooperative."
Separately, Aditjondro's aide told the Jakarta Globe that George was not available for comment as he was focusing on his second book, which is about campaign financing irregularities. "He can't be disturbed at the moment," the aide said. "He knows that the police have named him a suspect, but he's fine with that."
Haris Rusly Moti, the head of the Petition of 28, an umbrella group of nongovernmental organizations and individuals who supported the investigation of the Century case said "it seems that this case [naming Aditjondro as a suspect] is more important than investigating the Rp 6.7 trillion bailout fund."
Bagus Budi Tama Saragih, Jakarta More than a decade after the fall of Soeharto, Indonesia's fledgling democracy is yet to fully benefit its people, an expert says.
"The essence of democracy is to improve people's welfare. Is this the reality of democracy in Indonesia?" said Partnership's cluster chief for public service governance, Agung Djojosoekarto on Friday.
The civil society organization, through its program called LEAD Indonesia (Leveraging and Educating Accountable Democracy), which was launched in Jakarta on Friday, aims to reform the country's political system in an effort to establish what it calls "substantive democracy".
Agung said the government's inclination to recentralize the nation's political system indicated Indonesia's "unhealthy democracy". "The grand design of regional autonomy governance is yet to be completely achieved."
The Dutch government has donated US$16.5 million to finance the program. The memorandum of understanding for the donation was signed by Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi and Dutch Ambassador to Indonesia Nikolaos van Dam, on Friday.
The Partnership said it had also obtained $500,000 from the Danish government and US$9 million from other donors to fund the massive program.
Agung said the program would establish 12 Sekolah Demokrasi (democracy schools) in five provinces to support the program. Partnership will also train 150 facilitators to work in the schools.
The democracy schools will be open for young activists, journalists, college students and teachers as a place to learn substantive democracy in interactive sessions.
Agung said the program also aimed to help promote bureaucratic reform across the country at all levels, "from the central government to the village level".
The Partnership will cooperate with the National Development Planning Ministry as well as local administrations to upgrade the capacity of civil servants, particularly in the regions.
"We have a special program to reform the governance system at the village level, called the VIGOR or the village governance reform," Agung said.
One of the key issues in the poor quality of civil servants in Indonesia is the lack of integrity that leads to corruption, he said. The Corruption Eradication Commission recently revealed that officials in the regions had received gratuities, kickbacks and even bribes for decades.
The director of law and human rights at the National Development Planning Ministry, Diani Sadiawati, said the ministry would take part in the LEAD Indonesia program to improve the integrity of civil servants at regional levels.
"The key to public integrity is transparency and accountability. The National Development Planning Ministry has implemented a transparent budgeting system that can be imitated by local administrations," she said
Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta One of the first rules of being in the public eye is not to give away free kicks especially when your public is already disposed to seizing any opportunity.
It seems Indonesia's easily offended President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has yet to learn the lesson.
As protests mount over last year's Bank Century bailout, and speculation builds as to how long Dr Yudhoyono's coalition will last, the retired general made a stern pronouncement. Whatever people might think, he was not as "fat, lazy and stupid as a water buffalo".
Given he romped back into office last year, Dr Yudhoyono must have thought he had a bit of goodwill to burn.
The hurt tone came down to a buffalo that protesters brought all the way from Bekasi, on the capital's outskirts, to central Jakarta last week to mark what they branded the failure of Dr Yudhoyono's first 100 days in office.
The dumb beast had a large sign painted on it, declaring its name to be Si BuYa a wordplay using a Malay term of respect for a community leader but which, from a distance, looked just like the President's widely used nickname, SBY.
Responding to his chiding, the activists tried to bring their prop to town again on Wednesday, now with SBY photos pasted to its flanks and a sign declaring a new name: Si LeBaY Tambun, or the fat foolish one.
The moniker comes from a West Sumatran folk tale about a community leader so venal and indecisive, he always ends up missing out entirely.
Police quickly declared that no more water buffaloes, or anything else likely to disturb the peace, would be allowed to join protests.
Given that such events are largely attended by either pro- or anti-government crowds paid to be bussed into the capital where they bring traffic to even more of a standstill than usual, defining "disturbing the peace" is a challenging task.
A ruling has yet to be made on whether the traditional public slaughtering of chickens to ensure good governance is now to be ended.
Erwida Maulia and Dicky Christanto, Cipanas/Jakarta The ongoing gubernatorial meeting has added an unusual topic to its agenda: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's question on what the government could do to civilize street protesters.
Opening the two-day conference at Cipanas State Palace, which is supposed to focus on what the government will do over the next five years, Yudhoyono complained that people often forget civility when they take to the street to express their dissatisfaction.
Yudhoyono took offense at recent anti-government street demonstrations, in which protesters hurled profanities at him and his Cabinet ministers.
"We will also discuss how people in this country of Pancasila demonstrate in the street. We will discuss how people can conduct peaceful protests and respect others."
The President was specifically referring to a demonstration at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Jan. 28 marking his 100 day in office.
The protesters led a water buffalo with a large picture of Yudhoyono attached to the animal's left buttock. "Get down!!!" was the caption scribbled on top of the picture.
"[Protesters] screamed 'SBY thief, [Vice President] Boediono thief and Cabinet ministers thieves'.
"Then there was a group of protesters leading a buffalo. They said 'SBY is lazy, big and stupid, like a buffalo.' Was that really a demonstration? Let's discuss it," he told the 33 governors in attendance.
Yudhoyono said that as part of political reforms, democracy is practised in a more dignified way.
The protests on Jan. 28 ended peacefully with no arrests.
In Jakarta, police named two activists with the Bastion of Democracy (Bendera) as defamation suspects for publicly accusing Yudhoyono's son and legislator Edhie Baskoro's re-election campaign team of accepting illegal funds.
Jakarta Metro Police spokesman Snr. Comr. Boy Rafli Amar identified the activists as Mustar Bonaventura and Ferdi Semaun. They will be summoned for questioning on Thursday for allegedly "defaming state officials".
Bonaventura and Ferdi were in hot water after they told the media they had evidence that Edhie and Yudhoyono's Democratic Party presidential campaign team had received illegal funds from the troubled Bank Century.
Yudhoyono's campaign team was made up of senior government officials, such as Coordinating Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Djoko Suyanto, Youth and Sports Minister Andi Mallarangeng and lawmaker Edhie Baskoro.
A political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Syamsudin Haris, has said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should not have over-reacted to the anti government rallies that took place recently.
"The president shouldn't have complained. He should have just responded to it casually," Syamsudin Haris told RCTI on Wednesday. The rallies were held to mark Yudhoyono's first 100 days in office during his second term. Even though the rallies were conducted peacefully, Yudhoyono said he was concerned to see demonstrators burning photos and mocking state officials.
Syamsudin said that some participants may have conducted unethical acts, but argued that rallies are needed to control policy. "If demonstrators broke the rules, police should have taken firm action," Syamsudin said.
On Tuesday, Yudhoyono raised the issue of the rallies during a discussion at Cipanas Palace. He said that freedom of expression must be maintained in a democracy, but it must be accompanied by cultural, social and legal values.
"Let's talk about good things without disturbing democracy and freedom of expression, but social, legal and social values must be kept intact," Yudhoyono said.
He was referring to rallies in which participants burned the pictures of Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani, in relation to their alleged involvement in the Bank Century scandal. Some demonstrators at the January 28 rally in Jakarta also brought along a water buffalo to a protest to symbolize the president.
"What good could possibly come from rallies with big loudspeakers shouting 'SBY's a thief, Boediono is a thief, ministers are thieves,'" Yudhoyono said.
Camelia Pasandaran President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has called on the public to make its protests more polite.
The president said he had asked for information about whether recent demonstrations were "decent or not" and had discovered that people were calling the president, Vice President Boediono and ministers thieves over a large loud speaker. "Nothing can be done about it," Yudhoyono said.
"There were (demonstrators) that carried along a buffalo, (implying) that SBY's body was as big, lazy and stupid as the buffalo that was being carried," he said.
"Is it freedom of expression to step on photos and burn things everywhere? Please hold discussions with a clear mind to save our democracy, to save our culture and to save the national civilization."
On Jan. 28 during a demonstration, one group bought a buffalo to the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, however police turned them away. The protests were held to coincide with the end of the first 100 days of Yudhoyono's second term. The protesters numbered about 7,000 in Jakarta and up to 1,000 in other big cities.
The president's statement came in an opening speech during a working meeting bringing together with his ministers, governors, the presidential advisory board and legal institutions to discuss the National Mid-Term Development Plan, known as the RPJMN.
Among the six issues that will be discussed are bureaucracy reform, law enforcement, democracy and security.
Yudhoyono said that as a nation which has culture, values and a good civilization, demonstrations such as those held at the end of January should be expressed in a positive way without hindering democracy or freedom of expression.
"Let's talk about it in a nice way," he said. "We should also keep social order, legal order and decency."
Yudhoyono said that the outside world could also see what happened in Indonesia due to sophisticated information technology.
"The spirit is not to cease democracy, as democracy is part of reformation and it is part of our will for a dignified democracy, in order to support togetherness and our unity," he said. "With public security, development will run well."
Police have thwarted an attempt at a protest comeback for a controversial buffalo that offended Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
On Wednesday, the same buffalo that offended the president when it appeared at a rally on January 28 protesting Yudhoyono's first 100 days in office was scheduled to make a return to the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta.
However police stopped the pick-up vehicle transporting the animal from Bekasi, West Java, in Kalimalang, East Jakarta, and said that the animal was not allowed to join the rally because it would disturb public order.
Yudhoyono complained on Tuesday that protesters who used the buffalo as a depiction of him during a protest were being uncivilized.
"The [demonstrators] brought a buffalo, [implying] that SBY's body was as big, lazy and stupid as the buffalo," he said on Tuesday, to the amusement of journalists.
But the president's complaint seems to have only stirred up his bovine-wrangling opponents, who had pledged to bring the buffalo to a protest on Wednesday.
Rally organizer Yosep Rizal told detik.com that the buffalo was named "Si Lebay," which is slang for overreacting. He borrowed the beast from a friend and said it was a seasoned protester that had joined three rallies so far.
"The first one was the rally at the KPU (General Election Committee), the second was on January 28 and the third will be today," he said.
Yosep said the buffalo was not meant to symbolize anyone. "It has many meanings so it's up to the people to decide. The fact is, SBY concluded for himself that he is fat and slow," Yosep said.
He added that Yudhoyono shouldn't have reacted so seriously to the buffalo's appearance. "If he doesn't feel like that (fat and slow), then he shouldn't feel offended," he said.
Yosep earlier told detik.com that he was not worried or afraid if the police tried to block him and his buffalo from taking to the streets. "If they banned us, it would mean the government violated our rights to freedom of expression," he said.
Hery Winarno, Jakarta As usual, Jakarta will again be marked by protest actions by people wishing to convey their demands. Once again, the parliament building and the State Palace will be the favorite locations for people to voice the public's hopes.
According to the Metro Jaya regional police Traffic Management Centre (TMC) for Wednesday February 3, at least seven protest actions will besiege the capital today.
The first will take place at 10am at the offices of the Department of Department of Home Affairs on Jl. Merdeka Utara in Central Jakarta, followed by a protest at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle on Jl. MH Thamrin, also in Central Jakarta, and finally at the offices of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on Jl. HR Rasuna Said.
The next protest action will occur between 10am and 3pm at the House of Representatives (DPR) building on Jl. Gatot Subroto in Central Jakarta.
A third group of demonstrators will hold an action between 10am and 4pm, also at the DPR building, which will be continued at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, and end at the State Palace on Jl. Merdeka Utara in Central Jakarta.
A forth group will also visit the DPR building at 10am followed by an action at the State Palace.
During a fifth action, which will start at the same time, protesters will 'patrol' the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle then go on to the KPK offices.
In the afternoon, the West Jakarta Kebon Jeruk Housing Foundation will be visited by protesters at 1-3pm.
At 1.30, a different group of demonstrators will be protesting in front of the Carrefour Supermarket on Jl. MT Haryono in Jakarta.
Later in the afternoon, at 3.30-6pm, the 2009/2010 Super League Soccer Match will be held at the Bung Karno Sports Stadium in Senayan, Central Jakarta.
For those who do not wish to be caught in long traffic jams, you are advised not to pass through these areas while the demonstrations are taking place. (her/Rez)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Muhammad Taufik, Jakarta Hundreds of residents in East Java Regency of Mojokerto joined a protest on Wednesday (3/2) at a local flour factory to demand compensation over environmental damages around the factory.
Residents of Perning Village in Mojokerto occupied the main gate of the flour factory in the sixth protest over the issue halting the company's transport transport movements of the company's.
They said waste from the factory have caused terrible smelling while the factory sent industrial dust and disturbing noise around the factory.
They demand compensation of Rp400,000 a month for each family and have reported the company to local authorities which locals said appeared to heva sided with the company.
Amanda Ferdina, Jakarta Greater Jakarta will be rocked by five protest actions today, which will be held at a number of different locations.
Based on data from the Metro Jaya regional police Traffic Management Centre (TMC) for Tuesday February 2, the first action will take place at 7am at the Tanjung Priok International Container Terminal in North Jakarta.
At 8am, a group of protesters will also be 'patrolling' Tangerang City Mall on Jl. Jendral Sudirman, Tangerang city.
The offices of the Forestry Ministry on Jl. Gatot Subroto in Central Jakarta and the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights on Jl. HR Rasuna Said in South Jakarta will also be the target of actions between 9am and 3pm. The protesters will also visit the North Jakarta District Court on Jl. Ancol Selatan, North Jakarta.
A protest action will also take place at 9.30-11am in front of the Indosat horse statue and the Constitutional Court building on Jl. Merdeka Barat in Central Jakarta.
The final action will be at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) offices on Jl. Rasuna Said in South Jakarta, which will be visited by demonstrators at 11am. (amd/rdf)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Angus Thompson Fed up with protests snarling Jakarta's already chaotic traffic, the authorities in one of the world's most congested cities plan to build a park dedicated to keeping public demonstrations off the streets.
The park is also a sign that democracy has taken hold in Indonesia, when demonstrations were almost out of the question during the 32-year rule of autocratic former President Suharto until public frustration with his leadership led to mass protests in the late 1990s that eventually drove him from power.
Since then, colourful and noisy demonstrations have become a common occurence in Indonesia. While they are seldom violent, these protests can sometimes make the capital's already bad traffic even worse, especially when activists march around a landmark roundabout near Hotel Indonesia.
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo now wants to build a speaker's corner, with room for 10,000 people, near Indonesia's National Monument, spokesman Cucu Ahmad Kurnia told Reuters on Tuesday.
"We want to make it so everybody has a place to speak their mind, and so they know the right place to do that," said Kurnia.
The Presidential Palace, the Vice President's office and the Governor's office are within close range of the monument, in the centre of Merdeka Square.
The protests make getting around Indonesia's sprawling capital and suburbs, home to some 14 million people, even more time-consuming and arduous as they add to the traffic jams caused by rising motorcycle and car ownership, as well as heavy flooding during the rainy season.
Bowo last year banned rallies around the Hotel Indonesia after clashes between opposing demonstrators.
The park, which Kurnia said will be completed some time next year, would also be equipped with a stage for concerts.
The mayor of Jakarta, Sylviana Murni, said it was the government's responsibility to allocate an area for people to criticise those in power.
"We must do that for our people to be satisfied," she told Reuters, adding that the inspiration had come from the famous Speaker's Corner in Hyde Park, London.
Sidoarjo, East Java Five victims of the Sidoarjo mudflow forced the workers from the site to protest against PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya for the lateness in paying their compensation.
The company was to have paid each of them Rp 15 million, 80 percent of the amount agreed to be paid as compensation. The workers were building an embankment at the mudflow site in Porong to anticipate mud overflow when the residents ordered them to stop.
"We are protesting against Minarak Lapindo Jaya as they have been late in their obligation to pay the remaining fees. It was due on Jan. 3," said Hasan, one of the protesters.
He added others had not got the money at all while their homes were already inundated by the mud.
Anton Septian, Jakarta Students continue anti-graft protests in Jakarta on Monday. About 100 students staged a rally outside the Corruption Eradication Commission to demand the commission to arrest and try the lawyer of the largest curtomer of the troubled Bank Century.
Protesters said the commission should arrest Lucas, a lawyer for Boedi Sampoerna the largest customer of Bank Century, and Commissioner General Susno Duadji who the students said helped Lucas to win back his deposits in the bank, months after the bank was bailed out by the government.
A protester said Lucas is the key person in the scandal to uncover the case.
Boedi Sampoerna reportedly divided his deposits into smaller time deposits to the limit guaranteed by the government to secure his deposits. He is a member of the Sampoerna family who supported Yudhoyono's Democratic Party newspaper, Jurnal Nasional.
The bank was allegedly to have contributed to Yudhoyono's campaign in 2009, and that several state owned enterprises have admitted publicly that they deposit some of their fund in the bank.
Nurdin Hasan Aceh still remembers Tjut Nya Dien, one in a long tradition of heroes who tirelessly fought against the Dutch. But since independence, Acehnese fighters have been more interested in turning their arms against the central government than on any outside force.
Shortly after Indonesia declared independence in 1945, charismatic Muslim leader Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureu'eh declared war on the new government under Sukarno.
He saw the first president as having gone back on his word after Aceh provided valuable financial and military assistance against the Dutch. Beureu'eh wanted to make Aceh a special, autonomous province that would be run as an Islamic theocracy, but at the end of the struggle, autonomy failed to come.
Beureu'eh and his Darul Islam movement revolted against the young nation to establish an independent Muslim state that recognized Shariah as the only law. They fought the Indonesian Army in a guerilla war that continued until a peace deal granted Aceh autonomy but not independence in 1962.
Fourteen years later, however, another separatist movement headed by another charismatic leader shook Aceh. This time it was former Darul Islam devotee Tengku Hasan Muhammad di Tiro, who gave a speech on Dec. 4, 1976, that launched the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
Young Acehnese, inspired by Tiro's goal of total independence, fought the Indonesian military in the jungles of Sumatra. Tiro and his followers claimed Jakarta exploited Aceh's nature resources but gave back little to the Acehnese people.
More than 25,000 people were killed in the nearly 30-year armed conflict between GAM and the Indonesian military. Tiro himself was injured in 1977 and went abroad, landing in Stokholm, where he stayed for almost 30 years.
In the first years of Suharto's New Order, violence seemed to lull in Aceh, but vague reports of increasingly intense conflict between the government and rebels continued to emerge. The province was virtually shut off from the outside as armed conflicts took their toll not only on the lives of many Acehnese, but also on the island's economy.
Suharto's downfall brought change to the province as President BJ Habibie halted military operations. Later, however, President Megawati Sukarnoputri would resort to using the military once more to stamp out smoldering anti-government sentiment in the province.
It was under Abdurrahman Wahid in 2002 that the central government initiated peace talks with GAM leaders. Former Vice President Jusuf Kalla, who was then state minister for people's welfare, led the negotiations, but made little progress.
While efforts to create peace were under way, a powerful earthquake and tsunami brought Aceh to its knees on Dec. 26, 2004. More than 200,000 people were killed and hundreds of thousands of others injured. Both sides agreed to a cease-fire to allow humanitarian work.
As aid poured into the province, Tiro proposed new rounds of talks, to be mediated by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, a 2008 Nobel Peace Prize laureate and United Nations diplomat who helped end the Kosovo war. Ahtisaari brokered a peace deal that was signed in Finland, and in 2005 Indonesian soldiers left Aceh as independence fighters laid down their weapons.
The country's easternmost territory has been a bane of security and development for a long time. With Timor Leste separated from the republic and Aceh peacefully consolidating itself, Papua remains an enigma despite the numerous political initiatives taken at various levels.
The Jakarta Post's Ridwan Max Sijabat and Markus Makur look at the latest efforts to resolve the complex issues holding back this resource-rich region from realizing its development potential.
Yet again, on Jan. 24, 2010, shootings occurred in the vicinity of the PT Freeport Indonesia mining site in Timika, Papua. Fortunately, no one was killed. But the aftermath resulted in customary finger pointing.
The pro-independence Presidium of Papuan Council (PDP) and the West Papuan National Authority (WPNA) have been quick to blame the continued aggravation on the Indonesian Military's (TNI) use of a "militaristic intelligence" approach to handling problems in the province.
"Papua is becoming tense. People are afraid to go out of their homes," PDP chairman Tom Beanal told the Post. "Authorities know what's going on, but turn a blind eye while maintaining a repressive militaristic approach," he claimed.
Every incident, it seems, is rubbing salt on the open wound of injustice and unresolved issues blighting Papua over the past four decades from militarism to human rights; social injustice to economic exploitation; autonomy to independence.
Franz Kapissa, a member of the WPNA whose existence was endorsed by the second congress of the Papuan Customs Council (DAP) in Jayapura in 2000, places the root problems back to what he sees as the controversial referendum, called the Papuan People's Free Choice (Pepera) in 1969, and most recently the failure of special autonomy to "Indonesianize" Papua and its 1.5 million indigenous inhabitants.
The absence of significant progress in the past four decades, he claims, was a measurable parameter showing the failure of integration "since the main problems of poverty, backwardness and human rights still linger". "Papua will continue to be an issue without a solution," he said.
The most identifiable form of secessionism emerged during the New Order era through the Free Papua Movement (OPM). The perceived threat of the OPM led to frequent campaigns by the TNI through much of the 32-year New Order rule.
In the wake of the reform era in 1998 and the events in then East Timor in 1999, the political voice of Papuans grew louder. The government rejected calls for an East Timor style referendum and instead in 2001 granted special autonomy.
The tension slightly abated when then president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid took the initiative by recognizing the Papuan people's communal rights, allowing them to celebrate Papuan day by raising the Morning Star flag and "rebaptized" the land by renaming Irian Jaya with the more colloquial Papua.
Nine years into special autonomy the voices of discontent remain unsettled. There has been marginal improvement in welfare despite the annual allocation of an estimated Rp 5 trillion to the special autonomy fund. Since then, the territory has also been controversially carved into two separate provinces.
While the situation seems to be at a standstill, quiet talks have begun behind the scenes between Jakarta and Papuan representatives.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has tasked the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) to make a complete inventory of the problems and design a roadmap that could ultimately lead to what has been described as a "comprehensive solution" to the Papua problem.
Muridan S. Widjojo, a LIPI researcher who has been in Papua for two years to prepare the roadmap, stressed that the issue is far too complex to simply be viewed merely from a "security perspective".
Without going into specifics, Muridan said that a permanent, comprehensive and elegant solution must be immediately sought to address the complex issue in a bid to maintain Indonesia's sovereignty over the province.
But as in the past, any initiative has its detractors, and LIPI's own efforts may not be receiving the full blessing or coordination from other elements within government.
Over the past seven months the Indonesian Intelligence Agency (BIN) have held their own series of talks with pro-independence Papuan figures, facilitated by the Coordinating Political, legal and Security Affairs Ministry.
Another approach involves the Indonesian Resilience Institute (Lemhanas), National Defense Board (Wantannas) and the Home Ministry.
Tom and Franz confirmed the behind the scenes meetings but insisted that limited, if any, progress had been made. Such was the apparent frustration that Papuan figures on Dec. 1, 2009, issued a petition to the President, asking for an amendment to the constitution that could pave the way for at least three alternatives in resolving the Papua issue.
According to the petition obtained by the Post, the three alternatives were: creating a federal national state, one nation two systems or confederation.
Papua native and Golkar Party legislator Yorrys Raweyai squarely blamed the Papua issue on the central government and the TNI, whom he said showed no political will to deploy a humane approach and achieve true change in Papua.
"After 47 years, Jakarta has failed to 'Indonesianize' Papua's indigenous people. The mounting demand for separation now comes from young Papuans born when the territory was already integrated as part of Indonesia. (Indonesia) did not learn from its mistakes in East Timor," he lamented.
Yorrys, also a member of the defense, information and foreign affairs commission at the House of Representatives, said his commission would back efforts by LIPI.
"The central government should suspend military operations. It should stop making Timika a training ground for 1,700 elite soldiers and drop plans to establish a new military command in West Papua," he appealed.
While some contend that separation or a stronger autonomy is the answer, others insist that it is not.
Jayapura regent Habel Melkias Suwae maintained that the integration issue was final and the challenge was how to carry out economic development to improve the people's social welfare under special autonomy.
"Like Timor Leste, Papua will fall into crisis and be in a stateless condition if it is separated from Indonesia," he argued.
Camelia Pasandaran A controversial nationalist organization got its way on Monday when the Constitutional Court approved part of its judicial review request on the number of legislators allowed in the Papua Legislative Council.
Barisan Merah Putih, or Red and White Civil Militia, which has been accused of human rights abuses in Papua and of violence during East Timor's independence vote, sought a review of the 2001 Law on Special Autonomy for Papua Province, arguing that the law led to poor representation of the province's original residents, the tribal groups.
The court found merit in the request. Court chief Mahfud MD said the current 56 members voted to the Papua Legislative Council (DPRD) for the 2009-14 period were "legitimate based on the law," but that an additional 11 councilors should be elected.
Ramses Ohee, head of Barisan Merah Putih, admitted to paying a Rp 85 million ($9,000) bribe to win the case after a man who identified himself as "Mahfud" phoned him and asked that he transfer the money into a bank account owned by Riska Handayani, whom the caller claimed was his wife. The caller turned out to be a fake.
Asked in court by Mahfud why he trusted the person, Ramses said that he was from Papua and would do anything to win a case for Papuans.
The 2001 Papua Autonomy Law allows for 25 percent more councilors than other provinces to better reflect the cultural diversity of the region. It rules that 45 councilors are directly elected while 11 others are appointed as representatives by local groups.
The ruling is another black eye for the much criticized General Elections Commission (KPU), which last year decided to allocate all the seats on the council through direct elections.
Akil Mochtar, another judge, said the decision by the KPU was "beyond its authority and in breach of the Constitution."
Ramses said he was pleased with the decision and that it would bring peace to Papuans. "We harvest what we've planted," he said. "The ruling is God's voice to save indigenous Papua people. There will be no conflict because those who are loved by our people will be at the legislative council."
But Sebby Sambom, an activist working for Papuans, questioned the court ruling, saying the move was an attempt by the militia, which he alleged was close to the military, to gain more power. He said most of the DRPD members were already of Papuan origin.
Mualimin Abdi, legal head of the Home Affairs Ministry, said the government had to respect the decision of the court. "It is now for the local people and governor to conduct a meeting to draft a special regional regulation," he said. "The ruling is meant for the Papuan people to participate in their region's development."
Hudaiva gazed into the distance as she spoke about her son Arif, who disappeared in Jakarta in May, 2008. A day later police found the mutilated remains of a boy in a cardboard box at a bus station.
But it was only a few weeks ago that Hudaiva found out those remains were of her seven-year-old son. "I was shocked and fainted many times," she said softly, as she cradled a younger son in her arms.
Police said Arif was killed and dismembered by 48-year-old Baeduni, also known as Babe or "father", who has confessed to at least 14 other rapes and murders since 1995, all of boys who lived and worked on the streets of Jakarta.
Another man, known only as "Abang Kaca Mata" or "brother with glasses", is accused of raping more than 15 street children.
The killings have shocked Indonesians and prompted many to wonder why, after a decade of democratic reform and economic prosperity, the government still cannot protect the country's most vulnerable citizens.
Twelve-year-old busker Ela Nurilasari remembered Arif as a kind boy who would share some of his own earnings with her if she was thirsty and didn't have enough money for a drink. "Some men only approach boys. I remember Arif told me Babe always asked to shower with him," Ela told AFP.
Every morning, Ela walks along a narrow divider near a busy intersection in east Jakarta, her pink bag slung over her shoulder and a ukulele covered with brightly coloured stickers in her hands.
"I can play two songs," she said with a grin, her hair sticking to her forehead after hours of walking under the sun. That's enough to earn about 20,000 rupiah (a little more than two US dollars) in a nine-hour day.
After working on the streets for five years, Ela is no stranger to physical and sexual harassment.
"Once, there were two men on a motorbike. One said: 'Come follow me, just hop on my motorbike. Just have some fun and I'll give you money'," she said.
"One man offered me 50,000 rupiah. I was afraid he'd rape me, so I ran away. These men always try to pick on us, so one day 10 of us got together and threw stones at them. They jumped on their motorbikes and took off."
Street children like Arif and Ela have long been seen as outcasts by Indonesia's status-conscious society, and most seem to accept their hardships with grim resignation.
"I dream of being a doctor one day. But how can I when I spend all day working?" said Ela, a pretty girl with long, straight hair. "My parents are road sweepers and they don't earn enough money. If I don't work, we can't eat. This is my lot in life."
Indonesia is home to 4.4 million children in need some are orphans, others victims of domestic violence of whom more than 300,000 are registered as street children, according to the latest government statistics.
But officials and human rights groups say many more are not counted, and there is even less data on sexual abuse of such children.
Poor regulations and the lack of oversight mean almost anyone can set up a private shelter for homeless children. Babe reportedly operated such a "sanctuary" from his home, where he claims he killed many of his victims.
"When communities push children to the edge of society they look for someone to care for them, so someone like Babe appears to accept and love them," National Commission for Child Protection official Arist Merdeka Sirait said. "That's why there are a lot of Babes."
Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta A string of murders, mutilations and corpse rapes of Indonesian street children has prompted outrage and led political leaders to question the lack of a safety net for the country's estimated 100 million people living below the poverty line.
A confessed sex-killer, 49-year-old Bayquni, reportedly admitted at the weekend to having murdered and defiled four more children, bringing the number of victims discovered since his arrest three weeks ago to 14. Authorities fear the toll could rise further. At least one friend of a victim is still missing.
Bayquni has told investigators his rampage began in 1998 with the strangling death and sodomy of a street child.
Many of his victims were children who Bayquni had taken under his wing. Boys at a Jakarta youth halfway house told a newspaper reporter in recent days they thought he was a "good man" but that he had a habit of turning violent when provoked.
The boys said they regularly handed over part of their busking earnings to Bayquni, popularly known as "Babe" (pronounced bah- be) a word that means father in local Betawi dialect.
Police are collecting statements from at least 15 children who were associated with Bayquni, some of whom told them he forced himself on them sexually and insisted on bathing them.
However, Bayquni's main fetish seems to have been to have sex with boys he had killed: the murder that prompted his arrest was that of a nine-year-old street child who died and was mutilated last month after refusing to be sodomised by the man.
Indonesia's director of rehabilitation services in the social affairs ministry, Makmur Sunusi, told a parliamentary committee last week there were an estimated 233,000 street children nationwide, from a total population of around 230 million.
This figure was up from just 36,000 in 1997 the period at the end of the reign of the late dictator Suharto, under whom Indonesia's extremely wealthy prospered but also a period when, in the view of many, the poor were taken care of. Mr Sunusi admitted that current government funding designed to address children's problems was able to reach only about 4 per cent of those at risk.
"The increase in the country's child population, which is in excess of the budget's ability to provide for them, is the reason for the number of children with problems increasing," Mr Sunusi said.
The capital, Jakarta, while home to some of Indonesia's wealthiest people, also counts some of the country's poorest in a constantly shifting population of anything up to 20 million.
Poverty is generational, and many of the city's thousands of street children are sent out by their parents to busk, beg or sort garbage, returning to cardboard and corrugated iron slum homes at night.
Many more have nowhere safe to live at all, surviving on scraps in the shadows of the city's hotels and boom-economy office blocks.
Community-run halfway houses attempt to provide some kind of social services, including basic education, but officials recognise they face a losing battle.
Authorities, including Jakarta governor Fauzi Bowo, admit a recent plan to give street children medical checks to determine whether they had been sodomised was probably missing the point. "We need better programs to educate them and empower them," Mr Bowo said.
Or, as Atma Jaya University psychology lecturer Irwanto noted yesterday: "The absence of a basic, complete and systemic child protection system creates an opportunity for ad-hoc, reactive and project-oriented approaches... which validate violations of (street children's) rights for the public good."
Putri Prameshwari, Cipayung The room is not big, but there's just enough room for Fariba to let her four children run around with dolls in their hands. However her youngest daughter, a tired and cranky 2-year-old, clings by her side.
"Playing here is all they do every day," said Fariba, who didn't use her real name for security reasons.
The Iranian woman and her children have lived for four months at a refugee shelter operated by Church World Service and located in the hills of West Java, about an hour's drive from Jakarta. Several thousand miles from home, Fariba said she gambled with her fate so that her children could have better lives.
"It's difficult for me to live as a refugee with four kids," she said.
Fariba uprooted her family from Iran to follow her then-husband, an Iraqi who was seeking asylum in Indonesia. Because their father is not Iranian, their children weren't recognized as citizens there, and weren't entitled to public schooling or any other state benefits.
"At that time I thought I'd follow my husband to Indonesia and get my children educated," she said.
However, she recently separated from her husband for reasons that she would not divulge, and remains alone with her children, hoping they will be resettled in a third country. It's a far different and more uncertain world than Iran, where she worked as a makeup artist in a salon.
"All I want is education for my children," Fariba said. They can't attend the local Indonesian schools because of the language barrier. The family have no idea when they might be granted refugee status, which is what all asylum seekers hope for.
According to Siti Mariam, a team leader for Christian World Service, every asylum seeker can submit an application through the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees agency. If they meet the criteria, they can be granted refugee status and eventually resettled in another country.
In the case of "Ahmad," 31, anywhere but Iraq would be fine. He fled from there in 2007, bound for Syria. Ahmad eventually arrived in Indonesia by boat in 2009 through a "good friend from Pakistan who knows people" meaning human smugglers. He paid $300 to get from Malaysia's Port Klang to Medan, North Sumatra.
In Malaysia, he waited in vain for a year for refugee status, but said he felt his hopes fading with no answers from the UNHCR. From a friend, he heard that the staff of the UNHCR in Jakarta was more "respectful and helpful." So off he went on a wooden boat, hoping he was traveling towards a new life.
"I received murder threats in my own country," said Ahmad, a former freelance photojournalist. His father was kidnapped in Iraq and remains missing, which helped convince Ahmad that he had to get out at all costs. He's now within a stone's throw of Australia, even though he had no intention of going there when he fled home. "I just want a safe place, a safe country, a free country," he said.
He's now waiting for his refugee application to be approved, and in the meantime stays at a small hotel in Cipayung for Rp 350,000 ($37.45) a month, paid out of an allowance he receives from UNHCR. "I hope I will leave to Australia or Canada soon," he said, adding that he had several relatives in Canada.
Maroloan Barimbing, a spokesman for Indonesia's Directorate General for Immigration, said there were more than 1,500 asylum seekers like Ahmed and Fariba scattered across Indonesia, waiting. Some of been here for years, while others came in 2009 as part of a huge spike of boat people arriving in the country.
"We place them in our 13 detention centers," Maroloan said, "and we also work together with UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration."
However, Maroloan said the centers had long since exceeded their capacity of 1,000 people.
Indonesia saw a phenomenal increase in illegal immigrants last year. According to the Immigration Department, 2,504 people arrived here in 2009, compared to only 369 recorded in 2008. "Most of them came from Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran and Burma," Maroloan said.
Among the most well-known case of 2009 was that of 78 Sri Lankans who were picked up by the Australian customs ship Oceanic Viking off Riau Islands last October. They have since left after a protracted standoff to be resettled in several countries, including Australia and Canada.
A group of 255 Sri Lankans who also arrived last October remain aboard a ship docked at Cilegon, Banten. At present, they are still refusing to disembark.
Earlier in 2009, around 400 Rohingyas were found stranded off the coast of Aceh, saying they had fled their military-ruled homeland of Burma. More than half of them escaped from detention centers there and remain at large. The remaining 195 were transferred to an immigration shelter in Medan last December.
Ahmad and Fariba are among the luckier ones. They are free to roam and are given monthly living allowances. Most asylum seekers are put in detention centers with minimal facilities.
In an effort to combat overcrowding at the centers, Maroloan said the central government had opened a new 600-person shelter in Tanjung Pinang in the Riau Islands.
It's understandable that Indonesia is a choice destination for asylum seekers. Some interviewed by the Jakarta Globe said it was easy to get an Indonesian tourist visa in their home countries or Dubai or Kuala Lumpur, where refugees with money from Afghanistan and Iraq tend to go first. Or they can pay smugglers to take them by boat from Malaysia to Indonesia.
After months or sometimes years of waiting, some refugees get desperate enough to pay to be taken by boat to the northernmost shores of Australia.
Ahmad said that these days refugees pay up to $8,000 for a boat trip to Australia, thinking that they have a better chance of being resettled there if they are in an Australian detention center. But Indonesian waters can be very hazardous for small boats to travel through, and overcrowding often leads to fatal accidents.
"There is the issue of security in our outer-lying islands," Maroloan acknowledged.
The problem of refugee seekers using Indonesia as a stepping- stone to Australia has become a serious concern, said Teuku Faizasyah, spokesman for Indonesia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
He noted that Indonesia and Australia continued to address the refugee issue through the Bali Process, an agreement that came out of a 2002 conference on human trafficking. The process calls for greater cooperation between Indonesia and Australia to combat human smuggling, including intelligence sharing and using law enforcement to go after smuggling networks.
But critics, including police and immigration officials, say Indonesia lacks the capacity to shut down smuggling operations by itself. They say Indonesia can't be a dumping ground for refugees wanting to get away from their violent homelands. "This is not only Indonesia's problem," Teuku said. "This is the problem of the origin, transit, and destination countries."
Under the highly controversial Indonesia Solution, Australia is providing financial aid to help Indonesia intercept and detain refugee boats and their passengers.
However, the policy has come under fire from activists who highlight the poor quality of Indonesia's detention facilities, and its failure to sign the UNHCR's 1951 Refugee Convention on the status of refugees.
"Instead of funding detention centers, the Australian government could be providing humanitarian aid for housing and welfare," The Asia Pacific Solidarity Network said on its Web site.
A representative of the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service said that unstable political situations or ongoing armed conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and other countries have forced people to seek resettlement in more democratic nations.
"This is a regional problem which requires a regional solution," said the representative, who declined to be named, via e-mail.
It's not impossible that one day Ahmad or Fariba might take their chances on a boat instead of waiting for that one phone call from the UNHCR. Their dreams are the same: To find freedom and a better life. And until they get that in their homelands, people like them will always try to find it elsewhere.
[With additional reporting by Eras Poke.]
Tom Allard The notorious Indonesian people smuggler Abraham Louhenapessy, better known as Captain Bram, is likely to receive only a fine for attempting to bring 254 Sri Lankans in an overcrowded boat to Australia last year.
Despite more than a decade of organising boats to Australia and being caught on the vessel which he owned with the asylum- seekers, he has been charged only with breaching Indonesia's sailing laws. The offence of failing to have the correct documents for the boat, its crew and passengers carries a maximum two-year sentence.
But the lead prosecutor, Fransiscus Pakpahan, who likened the offence to driving a car without a licence, told the Herald "in cases like this, it is usually a fine". "If he can't pay the fine, he may be jailed," he said. "But it is all up to the panel of judges."
Mr Louhenapessy is not short of cash after a long career sending boats laden with irregular immigrants to Australia. He is thought to have arranged the passage of more than 1500 people. The Sri Lankans say they paid up to $12,000 each to make the trip to Australia.
As he awaits this month's trial, Mr Louhenapessy is living in a middle-class housing estate in Bekasi, outside Jakarta, along with tattooed men from his native Ambon. One of the men, the human trafficker's nephew Yance Louhenapessy, described himself as a "debt collector" and warned the Herald to stay away.
Mr Louhenapessy's human cargo, meanwhile, are living in desperate conditions in the port of Merak, refusing to disembark since they were intercepted by the Indonesian navy following a personal request from the Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, almost four months ago.
A spokesman for the ethnic Tamils at Merak, Sanjeev "Alex" Kuhendrarajah, said the people smuggler had told them he regularly paid bribes to officials and was confident he would not be imprisoned after they were detained in October.
Their wooden boat was apprehended by the Indonesian navy when it stopped after missing a rendezvous to let Mr Louhenapessy board a smaller vessel so he could avoid entering Australian waters. He was found on the larger boat on its return to Indonesia. He faces up to 20 years in prison if caught by Australian authorities.
"He had to save himself so he put the lives and futures of 254 people in danger," said Mr Kuhendrarajah. "Right now, our lives are hanging by a thread but he seems to be doing just fine." A 29-year-old asylum-seeker involved in the stand-off died last month after suffering a seizure. Diarrhoea and fever are commonplace on the boat.
A toddler on board was "continuously screaming" yesterday due to an ear infection, said Mr Kuhendrarajah.
Mr Louhenapessy first came to the attention of authorities in 1999. His arrest for various immigration offences in 2007, described as the "most significant breakthrough in years" by the Howard government, led to just 20 months in prison, where he is believed to have continued to run a people-smuggling network.
Within months of his release, he was captured on his boat, the Jaya Lestari 5, with the 254 Tamils. The meagre single charge he faces was blamed by one prosecutor on a woeful investigation by the Indonesian navy.
But it also highlights Indonesia's lack of people smuggling laws that have hindered efforts to crack down on syndicates.
Such laws have been mooted for almost as long as Mr Louhenapessy has been in business but have yet to eventuate, although Indonesia has promised action this year. Australia's ambassador for people smuggling, Peter Woolcott, is in Jakarta this week "holding general discussions" with authorities. (With Karuni Rompies)
Ulum, Jakarta Thousands of workers of the state steel producer Krakatau Steel rallied outside the Cilegon Regional Legislator's office on Tuesday (2/2) to demand immediate completion of interest payment from workers insurance account managed by the regional authorities.
Head of the Krakatau Stel Workers Union Isomudin said the total interest from their insurance accounts reached about Rp14 billion which partially had been distributed. "There are 4,000 workers who entitled for the interest," Isomudin said after the rally, explaining that every worker have received so far about Rp4.5 million of their full right of Rp6 million.
They urged the Community Social Welfare Development Agency, a body under the regional manpower office to distribute remainings of the interest.
Workers also criticised the government's handling over their insurance and demanded the government to handover the insurance management to private companies, saying "Cirebon regional authorities do not qualified to manage the fund."
They also used the opportunity to slam four outsourcing companies which supply workers for Krakatau Steel for what the workers seen as the companies' failure in improving worker's condition.
Jakarta Five hundred contract workers from PT Jakarta International Container Terminal (JICT) staged a protest on Monday in front of the main gate of Tanjung Priok Port in North Jakarta, demanding permanent employee status.
"We have been working at the firm's main division for 15 to 20 years, but we have not become permanent employees yet," JICT contract worker association chairman Sutimanto said as quoted by kompas.com.
"The labor law bans companies from using contract workers at its main division."
The protest caused traffic congestion on Jl. Yos Sudarso.
Adisti, Jakarta Activities at Jakarta main seaport disrupted on Monday as around 400 workers staged a protest at the gate of Tanjung Priok Port to demand settlement of several industrial relation problems.
Workers especially those from docking and loading/unloading section denounced inconsiderate treatment by the Jakarta International Container Terminal regarding their level of wage and dismissal, resulting from their status as outsourced workers.
They demanded the management of the port to adhere to the employment regulation and called for the Labor Commission at the House of Representatives to help solve the dispute.
The protest caused delays in loading and unloading activities at the port since 6 am (+7GMT), and caused traffic jam around the port up to 2 kilometers.
A coalition of some of the country's well-known NGOs has called on the Corruption Eradication Commission to investigate cases of alleged corruption in the forestry sector.
The coalition includes the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), Forest Network Rescue Riau (Jikalahari), Mining Advocacy Network (Jatam), Save Our Borneo (SOB), Forest Watch Indonesia (FWI), Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW), Sawit Watch, Kontak Rakyat Borneo and Silvagama.
"[The commission] KPK must make corruption cases in the forestry sector one of its priorities," M Teguh Surya from Walhi said on Friday.
Teguh said there were nine major cases suspected of causing losses to the country of Rp 6.66 trillion ($710 million). The coalition, he added, wants the KPK to form a special task force to investigate cases involving forestry destruction.
"Illegal logging activities are controlled by top mafia and transnational crime syndicates. The worst damage to the forests is done by the illegal conversion of forest land and behind this activity are bad investors and top officials," Teguh said.
Most illegal forest clearance was done to facilitate mining activity and new biofuel plantation areas, he said.
Under Central Kalimantan province's revised Spatial Layout Plan for 2009, an estimated 7.8 million hectares of forest have been turned into palm oil plantations and mining areas, Teguh noted.
According to the Forestry Consolidation Bureau at the Forestry Ministry, 5.8 million hectares of forest in Papua have been damaged over the past six years. If that trend were to continue, the report estimated Papua would lose all forest covering by 2020.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta A coalition of activists called on the government to take stern action against forest mafia masterminds to combat corruption in the forest sector, which has caused financial loss to the country.
The activists, including Febri Diansyah and Ilian Deta Sari from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), came to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) on Thursday to push the latter to investigate corruption in the forestry industry.
They said that government officials and businesspeople had damaged the country's forest through illegal logging and license brokering for forest conversion.
"The government needs to root out masterminds of the forest mafia," ICW coordinator Emerson Yunhto said Wednesday.
Activists, including from the ICW, Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), Kalimantan-based Save Our Borneo, Sawit Watch and Riau Forest Rescue Working Network (Jikalahari), formed a coalition to address forest mafia Wednesday.
Coordinator of Jikalahari, Susanto Kurniawan said that license brokering for forest conversion had accelerated the deforestation rate in Indonesia, which currently hit around 1.08 million hectares per year.
"Forest mafia exists due to weak law enforcement and commitment to protect forests," he said. He added that overlapping authority in handling the forest had furthered accelerated the conversion of forests into plantations and mining areas.
The Forestry Ministry said the country suffered financial losses of at least Rp 30 trillion (US$3 billion) per year from illegal logging.
A report from the International Forestry Research Center (Cifor) said that many countries with an abundance of forests had weak governance structures to control corruption.
The Forestry Ministry said that the office targeted to reduce illegal logging to only around a dozen cases and less than 600 cubic meters of timber. The latest data reported from 2008 that there were about 700 cases of illegal logging.
"Such a target cannot be reached if forest mafia is untouchable," Abet Nego Tarigan, deputy director of the Sawit Watch Indonesia, said. He also warned corruption from license brokering by "unruly" officials was rampant in the plantation sector.
An investigation by the Sawit Watch Indonesia found businesspeople spent an illegal fee of an average Rp 750 million to gain a permit to 1,000 hectares of plantation. "It's easy to trace forest mafia. Many plantations have no land-use certificates," Abet said.
Lilian Budianto, Jakarta Indonesia will file a demand to Australia asking for compensation after the latter's oil rig leaked in Indonesian territory in Timor Sea, says the Indonesian Ambassador to Australia, Primo Alui Joelianto.
Primo said the demand would be submitted Feb. 22 when a team led by the Foreign Ministry visited Canberra.
"We are still finalizing details to ensure the amount accurately compensates for the destruction we have encountered," Primo told The Jakarta Post at the sidelines of an ambassadors' on meeting in Jakarta on Thursday.
The crude oil spill in the Timor Sea occurred August last year when an oil platform in the Australian Montara oil field exploded, spilling around 500,000 liters, or about 1,200 barrels of crude oil each day.
The accident has impacted on the environment and the income and health of fishermen in East Nusa Tenggara province.
"We have a strong legal standing given the extent of damage it has caused, and may continue to cause, to our country," Primo said. "The compensation demand has a basis in international law and it will not affect our relations with Australia."
The Australian government said last year it would respond to the incident according to international law, including launching an inquiry into the accident. The inquiry will conclude its report in April.
"To ensure that environmental impacts from the oil spill are understood and appropriately addressed in the long-term, a robust, scientific monitoring plan has been agreed between the Australian government and the company responsible for the wellhead platform," it said.
Rumbadi Dalle, Jakarta A group of fishermen in Riau Islands, Sumatra, have launched a legal complaint against and demand for compensation to an Asian consortium-owned mining equipments company for disrupting the coastal ecosystem and their fishing activities.
PT SMOE Indonesia a wholly subsidiary of SMOE who is constructing an offshore drilling plats according to fishermen have polluted the coastal area, destroyed coral reefs, and scared away fishes in Tanjung Batam Island, in Riau Islands Province.
Regional authorities also said MOE Indonesia have not been granted permission for the construction.
"Its difficult for us to catch fish near the beach," a local fishermen told Tempo on Friday (5/2) while most of them do not owned the required boats to fish in deep waters. While head of Batam Municipal Environment Control Office Bapedalda Dendi Purnomo said the company have not obtained permit for the project however no measure from the regional authorities to halt the project.
They also demanded a Rp1.4 trilion compensation for 18 months of disruption to be distributed among 39 fishermen. The fishermen were represented by a local law firm which based their measure and demand on Law No. 27 of 2007 on Management of Coastal Areas and Small Islands.
A lawyer with the Ahmad Dahlan & Partner, Khaeruddin, said fishermen have decided to use legal councillor after fishermen claimed that verbal and murder threats have been sent to them to stop local fishermen from continuously exposing the dispute.
SMOE Indonesia refused to comment but said in a previous interview that the company have reclaim about 6.5 hectares of 22.3 hectares of sea planned for oil exploitation.
Nivell Rayda Corruption was the root cause of the country's rapid pace of deforestation, threatening to hamper the government's effort to cut at least 26 percent of Indonesia's carbon emissions by 2020, environment groups said at a meeting on Wednesday.
Susanto Kurniawan, the coordinator of Forest Rescue Network Riau (Jikalahari), said that there were a multitude of brokers inside the central and local forestry offices that supplied the necessary land-use permits in exchange for bribes.
"Nearly all permits issued by the Ministry of Forestry have indications of corruption. The number varies from one place to another and depends on circumstances," Susanto told the Jakarta Globe. "Corruption occurs at almost every level, including securing permits, obtaining concessions and overlooking irregularities."
Susanto pointed out that during the regional elections, the number of permits issued increased substantially. "The major logging companies pocketed politicians and incumbent governors or district heads by financing their campaigns. We can say that it is a form of state capture," he said.
A study released in 2009 by New York based Human Rights Watch showed that the Indonesian government loses about $2 billion annually in unpaid taxes due to illegal logging and forest mismanagement. The group also found that about half of the country's timber was logged illegally.
The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) said the Forestry Ministry protects the major players in illegal logging. "We found there were at least 90 cases last year where the ministry failed to sanction major companies for operating in protected forests or other restricted areas," Walhi researcher Teguh Surya said.
"Instead of sanctioning them the ministry gave them logging permits. This would not have occurred if the ministry was serious in fighting corruption and eradicating illegal logging."
In 2007, the Riau Police charged 200 people from 14 major logging and paper companies with illegal logging but none of the cases made it to court.
"Arrests are only for show, [to make it seem] they have done something to combat illegal logging. The seized wood is auctioned back to the major companies, often at a third of the normal price," Susanto said. "So major players benefit from crackdowns, while the law only punishes small companies and individuals."
But loggers are not the only party responsible for the rampant graft. Environmental group Sawit Watch said the palm oil industry was also to blame.
"The forest to plantation conversion rate reaches 400,000 hectares per year. Most of the companies have not secured a forest conversion permit, but were given a license to operate on a lend-lease basis by the local authorities," Sawit Watch director Abet Nego told the Globe. "On paper the areas are still considered forests, but in reality they are palm oil plantations."
The meeting also highlighted the lack of transparency and accountability as one of the factors contributing to the problem.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has so far declared six members of the last House forestry commission as corruption suspects. The lawmakers were suspected of receiving bribe money in exchange for their backing in the conversion of protected forests in South Sumatra and the Riau Islands. Three have already been found guilty by the Anti-Corruption Court.
Adianto P. Simamora At least 10 provinces have submitted proposals for revisions of spatial planning bylaws to convert forests into commercial land despite mounting calls for a moratorium to protect the ailing environment.
Senior officials from the Forestry Ministry pointed out the possibility that local administrations had converted the forests before submitting proposals to revise their spatial planning bylaws.
"An integrated team is currently evaluating proposals of forest conversion before deciding whether to agree with the proposed revision," Ali Arsyad, secretary at the ministry's National Planology Agency (Bapelan), told The Jakarta Post.
The final decision over the forest conversion will be made by the House of Representatives based on recommendations from the forestry minister.
He said the ministry had submitted revisions of the spatial planning law in Central Kalimantan and Gorontalo provinces to the House for approval.
Many local administrations rely on businesses such as mining, logging and plantations, which frequently occur in forests, for their local income.
The House has so far approved the revision of spatial planning in Lampung, South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi, he said.
Ali said that one of the main criteria in the assessment was to study what impact such revisions would have on the level of greenhouse gas emissions. "One thing is for sure, converting virgin forests for commercial use is prohibited," he said.
The 2007 Spatial Planning Law allows local administrations to make their own spatial planning laws.
Nur Masripatin, an official at the climate change unit at the ministry, said that forest conversion would worsen climate change and threaten Indonesia's commitment to reducing emissions."Any forest conversion will threaten our emission-reduction targets," she said.
Indonesia, the world's third-largest forest nation, has promised to cut 393 million tons of emissions released from logged forests and 280 million tons from peatlands by 2020. Both represent about 14 percent of the country's pledge to reduce emissions by 26 percent.
Indonesia has long been under pressure to protect its forests and stop deforestation, with an estimated 1 million hectares logged each year.
The National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas) has also proposed a moratorium on forest and peatland conversion to deal with climate change.
A 2009 study by Bappenas recommended a moratorium on peatland conversion and land-swap schemes to relocate existing licenses from the peatlands to prevent the expected release of over 1 billion tons of carbon dioxide from the area.
Indonesia has around 21 million hectares of peatlands, mostly in Sumatra and Kalimantan.
A study by Greenomics Indonesia also found that forest conversion reached an alarming level with more than 10 million hectares of protected forest converted for commercial use.
Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan admitted that many protected forests had been converted for commercial use.
Sukmawati, Makassar The South Sulawesi Moslem Women for Islamic Shariah Enactment Corps has asked that women be involved in formulating Islamic Shariah local ordinances (Perda).
"We want good quality regulations that are free from discrimination against women," said Andi Mariattang, Head of the South Sulawesi Muslim Women Corps.
The demand is based on the reality that up until now, women have never been given the opportunity to be involved in making regulations, including Islamic Shariah ordinances.
The Bulukamba Regional House of Representatives member said she considered that Islamic Shariah regulations should be in line with local socio-cultural conditions.
"What is being carried out in Aceh should not necessarily be applied in South Sulawesi," said Mariattang to Tempo in between a Muslim womens' dialogue event yesterday.
As an example, she said that the restriction for Aceh women to go outside at night should not be applied here. "Is it true that the social condition of this area does not allow women to go outside at night?" she said.
Marriatang added that the Muslim Women Corps in the Fourth South Sulawesi Islamic Congress this coming Saturday will propose regional ordinances on women's roles in preventing corruption, drug abuse and social diseases.
For example, housewives should provide moral education to their children and remind their husbands to not steal or get involved in corruption.
During the dialogue, the Head of the Nahdatul Ulama Muslim Women Nurul Fuadi said that women should not be worried about the Islamic Shariah enactment.
The reason is that women are much respected in Islam. "The Islamic Shariah regulations will free us from social vices," she said.
Several regencies in the province have applied Islamic Shariah regional ordinances in the last few years. Among them are Bulukamba, Wajo, Pangkajene Kepulauan and Gowa. The regulations include appealing for the use of Muslim clothing, the ban on drinking alcoholic beverages, and the ban on engaging in illicit sex and gambling.
Bagus Budi Tama Saragih, Jakarta A group of NGOs have lambasted the government for failing to give women more of a voice in politics despite the ratification of the UN's anti- discrimination law 26 years ago.
The group, calling themselves the Civic Alliance for Equality and Democracy, comprises 15 NGOs, including the Indonesian Conference for Religion and Peace (ICRP), the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice (LBH Apik), the Indonesian Political Caucus for Women (KPPI), the Center for Women's Empowerment in Politics, the Indonesian Network for Women and Politics and Mitra Perempuan.
Representatives of the NGOs held a press conference on Saturday, asking President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration to be consistent in implementing gender equality in its policies and development programs.
Parliament ratified UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw) in 1984, Titi Sumbung from the Indonesian Network for Women and Politics said.
"The law obliges the government to provide women with special treatment in order to pursue gender equality. But women are still treated as second-class citizens to this day," Titi said. The alliance cited the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which in 2009 ranked Indonesia 91st out of 144 countries on it's Gender Development Index.
The same UNDP report put Indonesia at 89th place out of 186 countries on Gender Empowerment Measurement. "Our public policies are still not women-oriented enough," she said.
Titi reiterated that special treatment for women was necessary to allow for more opportunities for women to take part in politics and hold decision-making positions in the government.
"Women have been left behind for years. We cannot compete with men now since gender inequality has been going on for so long. Therefore, special privileges are needed to encourage women to participate," Titi said.
A representative from the Center for Women's Empowerment in Politics, Sjamsiah Achmad, said the House of Representatives had actually issued a number of laws that included the obligation to allow more space for women's participation.
A 2008 law on political parties stipulates that at least 30 percent of a political party's officials should be women. Another 2008 law on general elections also says women should fill at least 30 percent of legislative candidates. "The fact is, however, most of officials of political parties are still men, particularly those at the top-level."
The 2009 general election resulted in only 98 women being elected of 560 legislators. It is higher than the result of 2004 general elections where women filled only 11 percent of the 550 House seats. In the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), 27 percent or 36 out of 132 seats are women.
"We need more women legislators to play active roles in accommodating the aspirations of all women," she said, adding that the proportion of government did not represent the reality that more than half of Indonesia's population were women.
Titi said the government had failed to make regulations to enforce the laws. "In addition to the lack of regulation, the laws themselves don't stipulate anything about sanctions. So the political parties that don't have 30 percent participation rates [for women] can stay that way without fear of punishment."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Muninggar Sri Saraswati President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's increasingly flustered Democratic Party says it plans to hold a meeting with the leaders of its coalition partners to threaten the revocation of cabinet positions if they fail to back the government over the Bank Century case.
Democratic Party secretary general Amir Syamsuddin said the Democrats had been forced to take the measure because the House of Representatives special committee investigating the Rp 6.7 trillion ($710 million) government bailout was "not purely aimed at uncovering the truth in the case."
He said the commission which had initially been expected to issue its preliminary findings on Thursday but now may not do so until March 2 in order to allow secret negotiations to run their course was biased as it only summoned witnesses who opposed the bailout. "Our suggestions to invite certain bankers and economists fell on deaf ears," Amir said.
Amir said he and other members of the Democratic Party were enraged that the coalition partners had failed to respect the president. "Our view is that the president, as a symbol of the state, has been treated improperly. They haven't even shown any sympathy," Amir said, adding that the coalition members had failed to support the government in improving social conditions.
The comments are clearly directed at the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which have sent conflicting messages about whether they will back Yudhoyono or call for the impeachment of Vice President Boediono or the dismissal of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Akbar Faizal, a lawmaker from the opposition People's Conscience Party (Hanura), criticized the Democrats' call for a leadership meeting to settle the Bank Century case, saying that it would be seen as a "betrayal" of the people.
"Currently, the public is waiting for the government and its coalitions parties to abide by their consciences in settling the case," Akbar said.
Senior Golkar politician Idrus Marham, the chairman of the special committee, indicated on Thursday that the committee would continue to push for the removal of Sri Mulyani, who many analysts see as the nemesis of party chairman Aburizal Bakrie.
"Since the very beginning, Golkar supported the commitment of the coalition to develop a new Indonesia that is clean from corruption," Idrus said, indicating that the party would continue to press that charges be brought against those responsible for the allegedly illegal bailout.
He said coalition parties were concerned about addressing rumors involving the flow of the money from the Bank Century bailout.
There have been allegations, which have been strongly denied, that some of the money went to people in the Democratic Party and Yudhoyono's re-election team. "We want to clear this up as one of the rumors has pointed to the president and his family as the recipients [of the bailout money]," Idrus said.
Fahri Hamzah, a PKS lawmaker, said the meeting would not affect his party's actions in the Century investigation. "We are members of the coalition, but we have an obligation to the people who voted for us. We have to uncover the truth," he said.
Meanwhile, the United Development Party (PPP), a member of the ruling coalition, criticized the Democrats for their poor attempts at communicating with coalition partners. "There is no coalition, no follow-up," PPP secretary general Irgan Khoirul Mahfidz said.
Irgan said the Democrats appeared to be following their own path. "The PPP remains a part of the coalition, and we are on track to implement the coalition agreement," he said. "But it appears that the Democrats want to walk alone."
Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Rajasa, who chairs the National Mandate Party (PAN) and is a close aide of Yudhoyono's, said there were no communication problems among members of the coalition as party leaders often met to discuss a range of topics, including the Century case. "We have no problems with communication. We met last week," he said.
Febriamy Hutapea & Muninggar Sri Saraswati How should the PT Bank Century scandal be settled? Why have preliminary recommendations not been declared by the House of Representatives' special committee investigating the bailout?
Both lawmakers and analysts suggested to the Jakarta Globe on Wednesday that the finger of blame should be pointed at the country's top political lobbyists, who were reportedly busy trying to strike back-room deals to come to a mutual settlement over what the final recommendations of the House special committee will be.
Tjahjo Kumolo, a senior official of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), said representatives of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party had been trying to strike a deal with the PDI-P over the Bank Century bailout investigation.
"No agreement has been reached as yet," Tjahjo said, even as his party officially stated on Tuesday that it has not found any evidence to implicate Yudhoyono in connection with the bailout.
"We will not just stick on the point of whether or not Yudhoyono needs to be impeached. There should be some responsibility shown, and whether violations of the Criminal Code or existing regulations had indeed occurred."
House Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso of the Golkar Party said Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie and Yudhoyono were involved in "intensified" and ongoing communication on the issue.
"There is intensive communication ongoing between the two. For us, that's normal. Nothing wrong and not prohibited," Priyo said, without specifying the content of the communication.
Priyo said Golkar had officially asked Aburizal to stay out of any meetings held by Yudhoyono's coalition members, unless Yudhoyono himself attended.
Golkar would instead send its secretary-general, Idrus Marham, to attend such meetings on Aburizal's behalf, he said. Idrus heads the House special committee investigating the bailout.
Golkar sees the lobbying process as an attempt to secure an "agreement for the larger interests of the nation."
Priyo acknowledged that the party was facing pressure from many sides to remove outspoken party member Bambang Soesatyo from the House special committee. Although Golkar has found at least 58 indications of possible crimes related to the bailout, Priyo said the party had not yet reached a final conclusion on how to proceed.
PDI-P member Hendrawan Supratikto said some members of the special committee have started to shift stances as the committee prepares to conclude its probe.
"I believe some members of the special committee who come from [parties of the ruling] coalition have been under pressure from their respective factions and party leaders," Hendrawan said.
His said the PDI-P has found 45 violations involving four state institutions in the bailout process: Bank Indonesia, the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK), the Coordination Committee (KK) and the Deposit Insurance Agency (LPS).
The PDI-P's stance is contrary to that of the Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the second-largest opposition group in the House. Gerindra has stated that the inquiry had found more than enough evidence to begin impeachment proceedings.
Sulastio, executive director of the Indonesian Parliament Center, is convinced that Vice President Boediono is the primary target.
The bailout was approved by Sri Mulyani Indrawati, as finance minister and head of the KSSK, and Boediono, who was central bank governor at the time.
"From the questioning over the past couple weeks, even the public can read where the committee is heading. Boediono is the target and with all the inquiries, the committee has more than enough ammunition to lay the guilt on Boediono," Sulastio said.
Sulastio added that Sri Mulyani might escape relatively unhurt because she was only endorsing Boediono's recommendation to bail out the bank.
Former House special committee member Anna Muawanah, a member of the National Awakening Party (PKB), said lobbying was common in the political process, including cases such as the settlement of the Century investigation.
[Additional reporting by Markus Junianto Sihaloho and Emmy Fitri.]
Bagus Budi Tama Saragih, Jakarta Lobbying between politicians has intensified and observers now say the President, the Vice President and Finance Minister, in the hot seat over the Bank Century bailout case, will probably all retain their positions.
Golkar politician and House of Representatives deputy speaker Priyo Budi Santoso said on Wednesday that party's chairman Aburizal Bakrie had frequently met with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
"The communication between the two has been intensifying," he said. He added there had been higher and lower level contacts between the Golkar Party and the Democrats.
Last week, the second-largest party in the House sounded more aggressive, saying that Vice President Boediono, a former Bank Indonesia governor, had played a pivotal role in the bailout and that the party would move to impeach him.
This position, as well as criticisms over the handling of Century by certain Golkar legislators have fueled anger in Democratic Party circles.
Golkar is Yudhoyono's largest coalition partner along with the smaller Islamic-based United Development Party (PPP), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
A Golkar lawmaker Chairuman Harahap also confirmed that Golkar had reached several agreements with the Democratic Party. One such agreement reportedly is that investigation of the case may continue as long as Yudhoyono, Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani do not take the blame.
When asked if Aburizal has joined talks about a ministerial reshuffle, Priyo said, "Cabinet reshuffles may be part of any top-level political lobbying. If that happens, the Golkar party will not reject it," he said.
A number of sources told The Jakarta Post that the Democratic Party had offered positions in the Cabinet to a number of factions, including the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
These trade offs have reportedly secured the position of the current administration while Finance Minister Sri Mulyani keeps her job.
A key legislator told the Post that Democratic Party board members had visited former president Megawati Soekarnoputri's PDI-P. The PDI-P has been offered three or four ministerial posts. But Megawati still disagrees, forcing the party's to brass to drop their hopes of joining the Cabinet," he said.
Other major factions have also hinted that the Century inquiry will continue but not touch Yudhoyono, Boediono and Mulyani.
Fahri Hamzah from the PKS said the party would not break the coalition agreement with Yudhoyono. "If Yudhoyono says stop the Century inquiry, we will stop," he said.
PKB legislator Anna Mu'awanah also said she believed the Century inquiry would not end with a dramatic turn. She said any attempts to impeach Yudhoyno or Boediono would be useless. "The coalition is still solid and would win the votes if impeachment is carried out," she said.
Yudhoyono's coalition acquires 75.71 percent or 424 out of 560 parliament seats.
According to the 1945 Constitution, the first step of impeachment process is to deliver the inquiry team's final recommendation to the House's plenary meeting which must be attended by at least half plus one or 281 legislators. The inquiry team's recommendation can go further only if it was signed by more than a half of the plenary participants.
Farouk Arnaz Investigating the reasons for the disbursement of Rp 6.7 trillion ($710 million) for the bailout of PT Bank Century was no longer a priority for the National Police, former chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji said on Tuesday.
Susno said the public was wrong to assume that government intervention had resulted in the termination of the police's investigation into the bailout, simply because they had read his written accusations laid out in a 12-page document suggesting that it was terminated to protect the election bid of Vice President Boediono.
"Nobody asked me why it was terminated. I never said it was government intervention. The disbursement of the funds was just no longer a police priority. That was the reason it was stopped," Susno said.
He was referring to the document he gave members of the House of Representatives' special committee investigating the bailout after it questioned him on Jan. 20.
The document said: "Please note that National Police detectives did not prioritize investigations into the disbursement of LPS [Deposit Insurance Agency] funds because of the following: there was a member of the KSSK [Financial System Stability Committee] who at that time was participating in the vice presidential elections. [The investigation] should wait for the inauguration of the vice president. An immediate probe would only cause an uproar, although it would not be difficult to prove that there had been corruption in the bailout."
Susno said that he hoped his statement on Tuesday clarified what was stated in the document.
"The Antaboga scam... that was the priority. My original testimony to the House committee was the one I had provided verbally. The written document was just supporting data. It is just an unfinished concept for a book," Susno said.
He was referring to a case in which investors were defrauded by Bank Century's management just before it failed through a securities scam involving Antaboga Securities, founded by the former Century owner Robert Tantular, who is serving a five-year jail term for the crime.
Investors had been lured into believing that they were investing in a banking product endorsed by Century, as it carried the logo of the bank and was sold through Century. The investors lost a total of Rp 1.4 trillion and this was one of many factors that resulted in the collapse of the bank.
The 12-page document also caused an uproar because Susno linked murder charges against former anticorruption boss Antasari Azhar for allegedly killing businessman Nasrudin Zulkarnaen to the arrest of two anticorruption deputies over bogus extortion charges.
Susno has long been known to have strained relations with the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), particularly after the KPK wiretapped his conversations during a graft investigation.
The excerpt from the document read: "Investigations into the two KPK deputies began with the National Police chief's wish to uncover the motive behind the murder of Nasrudin. The police chief then appointed [Susno's former deputy] Insp. Gen. Hadiatmoko to coordinate investigations. Hadiatmoko then formed five teams.
"Several months later, the teams had still not turned up any evidence. The National Police chief, however, had already reported to the president that a bribery case involving the chief of the KPK [Antasari] was the motive behind the murder of Nasrudin.
"The National Police chief considered it humiliating that his report was not corroborated so he assigned investigation teams to look for a provable case incriminating the KPK chief."
Hans David Tampobolon, Jakarta The move to impeach President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has taken another hit as the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the largest opposition bloc, says it has not found any evidence to implicate him in connection with the Bank Century bailout.
"We have no plans to go ahead with the impeachment. However, if new facts surface, then [impeachment] will be decided by a House plenary session, not only us," PDI-P legislator Gayus Lumbuun, who is also a deputy chairman of the House of Representatives' Bank Century inquiry committee, told a press conference Tuesday.
The PDI-P's stance is in contrast to that of the Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the second largest opposition camp at the House. A number of legislators from Gerindra said Monday the inquiry had found more than enough evidence to begin impeachment proceedings.
PDI-P legislators on the committee Maruarar Sirait, Hendrawan Supratikno, Ganjar Pranowo, and Eva Kusuma Sundari said impeachment could only take place as a legal consequence for a violation of the law.
"Our job in the committee is to decide whether there was a violation of the law, and if so, who was responsible?" Maruarar said.
Hendrawan said his party had so far found 45 violations involving four state institutions in the bailout process: Bank Indonesia, the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK), the Coordination Committee (KK), and the Deposit Insurance Agency (LPS).
A Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) preliminary audit suggested that BI was not prudent in authorizing the merger.
The KSSK authorized the bailout for Bank Century in November 2008, which was endorsed by Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati in her capacity as then KSSK chairwoman and then BI governor, Boediono, now Vice President.
The bailout amount eventually ballooned to Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million), almost 11 times the original estimate.
On Nov. 21, 2008, the KSSK authorized the KK to order the LPS to take over the bank and inject fresh funds. However, legislators questioned the legality of the KK as the BPK audit concluded that the KK ceased to exist when the government issued a regulation-in-lieu-of-law on the financial safety net in October 2008.
Some critics speculate the bailout funds may have been channeled to Yudhoyono's campaign team and inner circle, an allegation the President has denied.
Ganjar said although the PDI-P had named the institutions it saw as responsible for the case, it would not identify any individual to prevent a "political contraction".
"Impeachment is only possible if there are strong indications of a breach of law. So far, we haven't seen any indications," he said. Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Mustafa Kamal said Gerindra's move to seek impeachment was "daydreaming".
National Awakening Party (PKB) legislator Effendi Choirie said that, realistically speaking, the only individuals that could be impeached were be Boediono and Mulyani.
Yahya Secawiria, the deputy chairman of the inquiry committee, said that within the next few weeks, the committee would start sending its members to several regions to track down the disbursement of the bailout funds.
Febriamy Hutapea & Muninggar Sri Saraswati In some of the Democratic Party's strongest language yet, legislator Ruhut Sitompul on Tuesday urged the Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party to abandon thoughts of voting to impeach Vice President Boediono or oust Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati over the PT Bank Century scandal.
"I remind the PKS [Prosperous Justice Party] that it has been given four cabinet seats," Ruhut said, adding that the people would never support the impeachment because President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Boediono had been directly elected by the people.
Ruhut, a former actor and lawyer who has made a name for himself during his first term in office for his aggressive defense of the government while sitting on the House of Representatives inquiry of the bailout, reminded members of the Democratic Party-led ruling coalition to honor their commitments.
His statements follow a series of complaints against the PKS and Golkar, which not only pushed for the formation of the special committee but have also signalled that they would recommend impeaching Boediono and forcing Sri Mulyani from office. The committee is due to release its recommendations on Thursday.
Fachri Hamzah, deputy secretary general of the PKS, said that it was the president who initiated the talk about impeachment.
"Impeachment is a part of democracy. There is no need to be afraid if no mistake has been made," Fachri said, calling on the Democrats to "relax" in responding to the issue. Fachri said nobody could hide facts related to the Bank Century case.
"If someone has to be made responsible, I think it's just a consequence," he said, adding that the PKS had found 50 irregularities linked to the case.
Internal rifts within the PKS have erupted over the investigation, with Communication and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring, the former head of the PKS, lambasting members of his party on the committee, saying they should keep their personal opinions to themselves.
He was responding to statements made by PKS lawmaker Andi Rahmat and party secretary general Anis Matta, who both said on Jan. 27 that indications of crime had been found during the bailout probe.
"Usually, if PKS adviser council says 'A,' everyone will say 'A.' But now its different. Those in the cabinet say something while those in the House special committee investigating Century say something else," said Arya Bima, who chairs political consulting firm Charta Politika.
He added that there was always the possibility the PKS was being "two-faced". "PKS won't likely support the government should SBY's popularity continue to decline. However, it will maintain its support should the government remain strong," Arya said, adding that the PKS used the same tactics during Yudhoyono's first term as president. During the 2009 election, the party leadership initially split between Wiranto and Yudhoyono before siding with the president.
National Awakening Party (PKB) senior lawmaker Effendi Choirie said he believed it was highly unlikely for Yudhoyono to be impeached, no matter how strong the indications of wrongdoing in the Bank Century case.
Effendi said the results of the House special committee investigation should focus on Boediono and Sri Mulyani who had "carelessly" taken the decision to bail out the bank.
"If SBY is involved, just forgive him. But the other two [Boediono and Mulyani] should be sacked," he said. PKB, a member of the ruling coalition, has consistently stood behind the president.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Golkar Party have stressed that they would not bow to a coalition deal in issuing a conclusion on who was at fault in the Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million) Bank Century bailout.
PKS president Lutfi Hasan Ishak insisted legislators from his party would make a clear recommendation, since towing the coalition line and the bailout investigation process by the House of Representatives' inquiry team were two different matters.
"The coalition will continue even if the Bank Century inquiry committee ultimately recommends that government officials be found guilty in the Bank Century scandal," he said on Sunday.
He said the PKS' executive board had made a commitment to resolve the case given the data available.
"We will allow PKS legislators to employ all mechanisms in line with regulations and the Constitution to resolve the Bank Century case, including the constitutional process against Vice President Boediono if he is named responsible for the case," he was quoted as saying Sunday by news portal tempointeraktif.com.
Lutfi warned that since the House's inquiry committee was funded by the state budget, measures were needed to prevent political interests from being a factor.
Bambang Soesatyo, a committee member from Golkar, said his party would not change its recommendations because of the coalition.
"So far, Golkar still maintains the view that, among others, Bank Indonesia and the Finance System Stability Committee are responsible for the fiasco," Bambang told The Jakarta Post. "As far as I know, Golkar chairman [Aburizal Bakrie] never intervened at any stage in the investigation of the case."
He warned, however, that the final findings of the inquiry committee would be dependent on the solidity of five key parties, including the PKS and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Golkar executive Setya Novanto said on Friday that the party recommended Boediono, the former Bank Indonesia governor, be impeached over his role in the bailout.
However, another Golkar executive, Priyo Budi Santoso, who is also the House deputy speaker, clarified the party's stance by saying that Golkar members did not have any reasons to justify an impeachment.
The PKS and Golkar are the two biggest parties in the ruling coalition led by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party. The other coalition members are the National Awakening Party (PKB), the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Mandate Party (PAN), which have expressed their full support for the Democratic Party.
Indonesian Survey Institute analyst Burhannudin Muhtadi said the PKS and Golkar would likely use the Century case to leverage their bargaining position in the coalition.
"However, a compromise between the two parties and the Democratic Party will depend on signals from the President," he said.
In political theory, he explained, a political compromise simply meant "who gets what, when and how" and in the Century case, the political negotiation would go beyond sacking Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who critics see as responsible for bailing out the ailing bank.
"This issue will enhance their bargaining position with regard to access to economic resources, the lucrative posts at state-owned enterprises and many others, including deals [to provide immunity to certain politicians from criminal charges]," he said.
Jakarta Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) has called on legislators to halt their investigation into the Bank Century bailout and to hand over their findings to the Constitutional Court and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
"We are wasting time listening to the arguments of the House of Representatives' inquiry committee into the case that are skirting the real issues," ICW activist Febri Diansyah told reporters at a press conference on Sunday.
He said he suspected the case had become a political commodity and that members of the inquiry team had begun to stray from the initial aim of settling the case.
ICW coordinator Danang Widoyoko said the case would be better handled by the Court and the antigraft commission.
"It's the end of the road [for the parliamentary investigation]. If the results indeed correlate with the facts presented at the committee hearings, then the legislators should hand it over to the Court," he said.
Danang added the Court would serve as the ideal institution to decide whether the country's President or Vice President had breached the law. "The Court has the credibility and integrity to lead the process," he said.
The KPK, meanwhile, should carry out its own investigation into possible criminal aspects in the case, Danang added.
Earlier this week, KPK deputy chairman Chandra M. Hamzah said the commission questioned 14 Bank Indonesia officials, seven Deposit Insurance Agency officials, 13 Bank Century officials and two Finance Ministry officials on the case.
Danang said there were a few things that the KPK should make a note of, such as the presence of state-owned enterprises (SOE) fund in the bank and the "peculiarly weak" position of the Capital Market and Financial Institutions Supervisory Agency (Bapepam-LK) in the matter.
"The KPK should find out whether there were certain parties channeling the funds from SOEs to the ailing bank to increase its cash adequacy ratio," he said.
Danang added that the presence of SOE funds might indicate that the enterprises were a victim of "robbery by the owners of Century".
Maruarar Sirait from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) denied speculation that members of his party were influenced by political motives. "We will not be involved in any kind of political transaction," he said.
Another committee member, Agun Gunanjar from the Golkar party, said that handing the case findings over to the Court would not be an easy task.
To hand over the findings, the House has to use its right to voice opinions a right provided by the same legal basis as that of the right to inquire.
"You can't jump from using the right to inquiry to the right to voicing an opinion... there has to be a special plenary or special team established for that purpose," he said.
Camelia Pasandaran Minister of Home Affairs Gamawan Fauzi is fast becoming a political liability for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, with a spokesman saying on Friday that the president would not protect any ministers involved in criminal cases.
Spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said the president's stance on such matters was "clear". "Those who are involved in crime will be processed according to the existing laws," Julian said. "There is no privilege, legal immunity or protection from the president. The president has total faith in the legal system."
M Jasin, deputy head of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), earlier said that Gamawan a former West Sumatra governor with his own reputation for fighting corruption had violated a government regulation prohibiting local officials from receiving extra income.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi, however, told the Jakarta Globe on Friday that the commission had no plans to investigate Gamawan "at the moment."
A 2008 report by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) alleged that Gamawan had received Rp 60 million ($6,400) per year in pretax income as compensation for being an ex-officio member of the consultative leadership board known as Muspida during his term as governor. He received a total of Rp 96 million in 2007 and 2008.
The KPK previously asked Gamawan's ministry, which oversees local government, to annul all regulations that enable governors and other local officials to receive such supplemental salaries. Gamawan has previously argued that the honorariums were legal based on a 1986 presidential decree still in force that governs Muspida payments.
Tama S Langkun, a researcher at Indonesia Corruption Watch, said the argument was baseless. "There are two mistakes he made if we see it from the perspective of the presidential decree," Tama said. "The first, is the governor's decision to distribute the money to people who were not entitled to receive it."
He said that according to the decree only eight Muspida members were entitled to the money including the governor, local military commander and police chief, as well as the top judicial official but the honorarium had been distributed by Gamawan to four additional people who were not entitled to it.
Tama said the governor had also misinterpreted the law by distributing the honorariums to Muspida members. "In the decree, the money is suppose to be for administrative costs, not honorariums," Tama said.
Gamawan could not be contacted for comment. He said recently that he only followed the lead of other provinces and argued that Muspida members in other provinces earned more.
"The BPK did not ask for the salaries to be returned, so we didn't [return them]," he added. "The BPK, however, did suggest that the salaries be proportional to the amount of work that the Muspida had done. So that's what we did."
Hans David Tampubolon, Jakarta The Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) says that the Supreme Court has yet to display a serious commitment to eradicate corruption from the country.
"Instead of giving maximum punishment to offenders who have been proven to have conducted corruption, the trend of punishment is the opposite one. Most of the punishments or charges are usually probations or even releasing the offenders from any charge altogether," ICW Law Researcher Febri Diansyah told The Jakarta Post via email in Jakarta on Friday.
Febri added that ICW at least found 13 cases, whose offenders were only sent to serve less than one year of prison time or in other words only a probation in the year 2008 and 2009. "Three of them were at the Supreme Court level. This phenomenon surely hurts the public's sense of justice," he said.
ICW research data shows that the first offender who was given a probation punishment was Mardijo, a former Central Java Regional Representatives Council (DPRD) chairman.
Mardijo was implicated in a double-booking scandal of the Central Java regional budget for the year 2003, and he was sent to serve only one year of imprisonment.
The latest offender in 2009 was Lukman Sukamto, the former employment analyst at the Probolinggo Religious Affairs Department. He was charged with one year of imprisonment due to his involvement in a graft scandal taking place during department's employee recruitment in 2004.
According to Febri, charging corrupters with a probation punishment violates Law No. 31/1999 on Anti Corruption.
"The Anti Corruption Law clearly states that corruption is an extra ordinary crime, so it must be eradicated using extra ordinary measures as well," he said.
Nivell Rayda The country's most prominent antigraft group on Thursday condemned a Corruption Eradication Commission official for allegedly protecting a former state prosecutor on Thursday.
Indonesia Corruption Watch said Ferry Wibisono, the director of prosecution at the commission, also known as the KPK, had violated the body's code of conduct by escorting Wisnu Subroto, a former deputy attorney general of intelligence, through the back door of the KPK's office so he could evade journalists.
Wisnu was summoned by KPK investigators on Thursday to testify against businessman Anggodo Widjojo, who has been declared a suspect by the KPK for allegedly attempting to bribe antigraft officials to halt investigations into his brother, graft fugitive Anggoro Widjojo. Ferry, a state prosecutor assigned to the KPK, allegedly assisted his former superior at the Attorney General's Office to sneak out through the basement, reserved only for KPK officials.
"What Ferry did was inappropriate and unethical and could disrupt a KPK investigation against Anggodo. The incident could create the negative image that the KPK is no longer independent," ICW deputy chairman Emerson Yuntho said.
ICW researcher Febri Diansyah, who was at the KPK office at the time, said he personally witnessed Ferry escorting Wisnu.
"I shared an elevator with them. I thought to myself, the case has not gone to the prosecution stage, so what is Ferry doing with Wisnu?" he said. "This is a clear case of misconduct."
KPK spokesman Johan Budi promised to clarify the matter. Ferry could not be reached for comment.
Wisnu came under the spotlight after he was heard discussing a plot to allegedly frame two KPK commissioners with Anggodo in several wiretapped recordings played at a Constitutional Court hearing.
Last week, the AGO said Wisnu would not be punished for involvement in the alleged plot because he had retired and no proof had been found of wrongdoing on his part.
Ismira Lutfia The Corruption Eradication Commission's performance is "still far from what is expected" and is not properly performing its three main functions preventing graft, punishing offenders and improving the legal culture, lawyer and activist Adnan Buyung Nasution said on Wednesday.
"I don't see that the three tasks have been carried out simultaneously," Adnan said.
Even though the punishment of those found guilty of corruption had been the most obvious action taken by the commission, also known as the KPK, it has been carried out without planning, he said.
Speaking at a seminar on the role of media in law enforcement at Atmajaya University, Adnan said preventing corruption meant that reform should "streamline the bureaucracy so there is no crack for corruption."
He used Hong Kong's antigraft body, which has been effective in eradicating corruption with an integrated 20-year plan, as an example.
"Why can't we emulate them? They have clear targets for each phase with measurable achievement parameters," Adnan said, adding that the Hong Kong anti-graft agency had been effective because it targeted the police first in its battle against corruption.
Hong Kong's approach was to first reform the police because it was the law enforcement authority that would outlast the anticorruption body, Adnan said.
"They told me that if the police is reformed first, the public would come to the police to file any charges and the police is the main partner in battling against graft," he said.
The KPK could use this approach as an example and set clear targets for achievement over five or ten years, Adnan said.
"It may take 20 years to completely eradicate corruption. Maybe it could take more, but there should be a fixed plan including how long we will maintain the KPK," he said, adding that KPK officials and staff "are no angels" and are just humans who can make mistakes.
"I think the KPK must remove all of its investigating team and replace them with new and independent recruits that are not from the police, unlike now."
"Currently, police officers may become KPK investigators and this led to duel loyalty to the commission and to the police," Adnan said.
Last year, Adnan led the so-called Team of Eight established by President Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono to investigate graft allegations against KPK deputy commissioners Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M Hamzah.
Bibit, who was also a speaker at the seminar, said that it was fine for people to be unsatisfied with the performance of the commission. "We will try to improve and if we need to have a long-term plan we can discuss it further," Bibit said.
However, the KPK must consult with the House of Representatives first before making major policy decisions.
The commission actually has a "grand design" to combat graft, which involved deterrents, recovering money and bureaucratic reform, Bibit said.
The KPK has programs aimed at preventing corruption but they rarely attracted any publicity because the media was not interested in publishing stories about them, he said.
"Our recovery strategy includes returning state money," Bibit said, adding that the commission would refer to government policy if it was required to make any long-term plan.
"What we have so far is a five year plan in accordance with our tenure as commissioners," Bibit said. The next commissioners would be required to come up with their own plan, he said.
Bagus Budi Tama Saragih, Jakarta Receiving gratuities, kickbacks and bribes has been business as usual for local officials across the country in the past two decades, reveals a study by Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW).
The study was released following the finding of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) that 27 regional banks had channeled funds to regional leaders' accounts between 2002 and 2008.
The banks included Bank Sumut in North Sumatra, which allegedly channeled Rp 53.81 billion (US$5.76 million), Bank Jabar Banten in West Java (Rp148.29 billion), Bank Jateng in Central Java (Rp 51.06 billion), Bank Jatim in East Java (Rp 71.48 billion), Bank Kaltim in East Kalimantan (Rp 18.59 billion) and Bank DKI in Jakarta (Rp 17.07 billion).
ICW deputy coordinator Adnan Topan Husodo said such practices could be considered as "gratuities" or "bribery" because they led to a conflict of interest.
"The banks gave the money as repayments to the governors for depositing regional budget funds at the banks," he said, adding that such practices had been carried out for at least 20 years.
The funds, usually originating from the interest on the regional budget deposits, were transferred to the governors' personal accounts or used to finance state officials' travel and the weddings of governors' children, Adnan said.
According to the 2001 Anti-Corruption Law, government officials are prohibited from receiving gifts in any forms from parties that may cause a conflict of interest. Bank Indonesia (BI) also issued a regulation in 2005 banning banks from giving special interest rates or gifts to government officials.
Adnan alleged that the illegal fees from the regional banks were not the only illicit income received by local leaders.
Leo Nugroho, a former State Audit Agency (BPKP) auditor turned activist urged the government to abolish such practices. "Top officials in the country always complain about their small salaries, without ever mentioning that they also receive additional income from other sources," he said.
"Now that the government has given top officials a raise in salary, there should be no further reason for them to continue the practice," he said, urging the commission to investigate all recipients of gratuities as such practices were criminal.
The antigraft body has named a suspect in the case. Last month, former Bank Jatim director Umar Syarifuddin was named a suspect in the alleged embezzlement of Rp 37 billion between 2003 and 2004.
Umar had allegedly siphoned the money from the bank's 33 provincial branches and kept it in his personal interest including to "serve" local government officials.
KPK spokesman Johan Budi said that other findings on gratuities would soon go to the investigation stage if the recipients were reluctant to repay the funds back to the state.
A far cry from 2006, when thousands took to the streets to protest George W. Bush's half-day visit to Bogor, Indonesian Muslim organizations have welcomed the scheduled state visit by US President Barack Obama in March.
Even the notoriously anti-Western Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) appear to be caught up in "Obamania," with one senior member saying that they welcome any visitor as long as they are not here on a "neo-liberal mission."
Senior Muslim leaders said that Obama's visit would help improve relations between the US and the Islamic world.
"Obama's visit is good for Indonesia because Obama is offering to heal relations between the US and Muslim world after the tensions experienced during the George Bush-era," Hasyim Muzadi, chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, was quoted as saying by the state-run Antara news agency late on Saturday.
"As the president of the US, a democratic country, he plays a major but not encompassing role, as there is a legislative body limiting his steps," he said.
Muhammadiyah Chairman Dien Syamsuddin said that Indonesians should welcome Obama, who had shown "his good will to develop ties with the Islamic world."
"We don't have to reject Obama's visit. We can use the momentum to express the aspirations of Indonesian Muslims as the eyes of the world will be on us when he is here," he said on Sunday.
Embong Mustafa, a senior FPI member, said his organization also welcomed Obama's visit and he would even be willing to meet the US president if invited.
"We have no problem with Barack Obama's visit. We've never rejected anybody planning to come here except those on a neoliberal mission," he said.
However, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, a conservative Muslim group that supports the development of a global pan-Islamic state, plans to stage a protest against Obama, saying he is "a bad guest."
"[Bali bomber] Imam Samudera, who killed many foreigners, was considered a terrorist. Why don't we consider Obama, who has destroyed Islamic countries, a terrorist? It is true that he is a guest, but he is a bad one as he killed our brothers and sisters," said Ismail Yusanto, a Hizbut Tahrir spokesman.
Putri Prameshwari A film deemed suitable by the country's censor was reportedly pulled from distribution on Thursday night after the Islamic Defenders Front threatened its producers and sent an unambiguous message to movie theaters around the country.
Habib Salim Alattas, chairman of the Jakarta division of the radical group, also known as the FPI, said "Hantu Puncak Datang Bulan" ("The Menstruating Puncak Ghost") was a "moral terrorist."
Salim said if the movie were shown, the FPI would raid cinemas to prevent audiences from watching it.
A report by Australia's Channel 9 said that the movie was withdrawn on Thursday after its producers were threatened "with violence."
FPI leader Rizieq Shihab and FPI commander Munarman are serving prison sentences for their roles in the June 1, 2008, attacks on members of the National Alliance for Religious Freedom, who were holding a peaceful rally at the National Monument (Monas).
The threat came after the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) on Wednesday condemned the film. "The movie contains porn, which can cause lust, and based on our research it contains violence," Amirsyah Tambunan, from the MUI, said.
The movie's trailer, available on YouTube, shows at least one topless scene performed by actress Andi Soraya as well as numerous sex scenes. Nudity is rare in Indonesian films.
However, Evelyn Hutagaol, from K2K, the production house behind the movie, said on Thursday that it would not be withdrawn, despite the controversy. "The premiere [on Wednesday night] went very well in Jakarta," she said. "Starting on Friday, it will air in cinemas across Indonesia."
Evelyn said the movie had been passed by the Film Censorship Board (LSF). "There's no way we would have distributed a movie that did not pass," she said.
Speaking on Tuesday, LSF board member Firman Bintang said the furor was unwarranted. "There's always these rumors and more than likely this latest rumor is some kind of promotional gimmick for the film," he said.
Nivell Rayda The Constitutional Court on Thursday held its first session to review the 1965 law on religious blasphemy, much to the chagrin of the government and hard-line Muslim groups.
The law, which dates back to the last years of former President Sukarno's rule, was challenged in 2009 by the late President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and several human rights organizations, including Imparsial and the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI).
The petitioners argued that the Law on the Prevention of Blasphemy and Abuse of Religion, which carried jail terms of up to five years, was unconstitutional as it inhibited religious freedom by recognizing only six religions: Islam, Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism, while rejecting all others. The law bans people from publicly espousing or gathering popular support in favor of certain religious interpretations and forces citizens to follow only one of six state-sanctioned religions.
Hendardi, the chairman of the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, one of the plaintiffs, said 200 human rights violations occurred in 2009 because the law had been abused as an excuse to intimidate Christians and Muslim splinter groups.
"The 1945 Constitution guarantees freedom of religion or belief, yet these rights are neglected and not enforced," Hendardi said. "Meanwhile, there are people who are forced to practice their religion in secrecy out of fear of intimidation."
Hendardi highlighted the plight of the Ahmadiyah, a Muslim sect who he is says is constantly threatened and pushed to return to mainstream Islam.
The law, however, has ardent defenders. In front of the court, at least 200 members of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), the Indonesian Clerics Forum (FUI) and Hizbut Taher Indonesia rallied to condemn the judicial review, saying "religion must be kept pure and safe from blasphemous acts."
Equally as vocal in rejecting the review, Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali said the law had guaranteed every Indonesian's right to choose their faith.
"Even the plaintiffs have religions, so their constitutional rights have been granted and ensured by the government," Suryadharma told the court, to the cheers of FPI members attending the hearing.
"If the law didn't exist, there would be no protection against those who obstruct someone from performing religious activities and those who disrespect religion."
Justice and Human Rights Minister Patrialis Akbar told the court that reviewing the law would do more harm than good.
"The government fears that there would be horizontal conflicts should the law be annulled or changed," he said. "[Social] friction would increase if people were allowed to make their own loose interpretations of religion."
Also among the defense were several members of the House of Representatives, including Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) lawmaker Adang Daradjatun and Ruhut Sitompul, a Democrat.
The court's chief of administrative affairs, Kasianur Sidahuruk, said that 31 experts had been invited to speak including former Constitutional Court chief Jimly Asshiddiqie and former Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra. The lawyer said the plaintiffs would present eight expert witnesses including prominent Catholic priest Frans Magnis-Suseno and cultural expert Arswendo Atmowiloto.
The government has also prepared experts including former Supreme Court chief Bagir Manan and former Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Lukman Hakim Syaifuddin. The hearing is to resume on Thursday.
Nurfika Osman In another blow to Indonesia's drive for religious tolerance, a report released on Wednesday said 200 violations against freedom of worship were filed with state agencies in 2009, involving 139 cases.
Hendardi, the chairman of the Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, said the violations occurred because of the country's poor efforts in upholding religious freedom.
"The 1945 Constitution [Article 28 A paragraph 2] guarantees freedom of religion or belief... yet these rights are seriously neglected and not enforced as the violations continue to occur," Hendardi said. "The government is half-hearted in upholding the right to worship."
He said that the institute monitors freedom of religion in Jakarta, Banten West Java, Central Kalimantan, North Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Bali, Maluku, West and East Nusa Tenggara, and North, West, and South Sumatra.
"West Java has the highest number of violations, with 57 cases, followed by Jakarta with 38 cases," he said, adding that Banten was third with 10.
He said state agencies and officials often prohibited believers of certain faiths, such as Christians and the Ahmadiyah sect of Islam, from praying or building places of worship.
"We also found government officials discriminating groups such as Ahmadiyah and prohibiting them from using public facilities," he said. "Officials from the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI] are among them."
"The Ahmadiyah remains the most persecuted community having fallen victim in 33 cases recorded in 2009," Hendardi said.
The most flagrant abuse last year was the attack on Ahmadiyah supporters by the FPI and other hard-line Islamic groups at a pro-tolerance rally at Monas. Many Ahmadiyyah followers, he said, were being rejected by their villages in West Nusa Tenggara.
Other violations against the Muslim sect, such as burning their mosques and limiting their access to conduct prayer, were also recorded last year.
According to the report, there were fewer violations of the right to worship than in 2008, which saw 265 cases. Rohadi Abdul Fatah, the director of Islam and Shariah law at the Ministry of Religious Affairs, denied Setara's accusations.
"That is a lie and their research lacks strong referencing. Our officials always work according to the law and procedure," Rohadi told the Jakarta Globe. "We never harm other groups, by, for example, prohibiting them from using public facilities or burning their places of worship. That is totally against human rights and the law."
Regarding the Ahmadiyah, he said that the ministry did not tolerate them, but that did not mean the ministry did not protect them.
"We keep persuading the Ahmadiyah through education and communication so that they will return to the right path of Islam," he said. "We don't tolerate anyone who harms them even though their belief is not acceptable in Islam."
Slamet Effendy Yusuf, the head of interreligious harmony department at the MUI, agreed.
"The Setara research is not correct and they never confirm what they have found to MUI," Slamet said. "We have committed no violations. In fact, whenever there are interreligious disputes, we are the ones who encourage dialogue to settle the disputes."
Regarding the establishment of worship places, both said that devotees of every religion had to first ask local residents.
"There are no restrictions to establishing a church or any kind of place of worship because the freedom to do so is governed by a joint ministerial regulation," Slamet said. "However, the regulation states that permission should be sought from the local residents."
Jakarta The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) said they would defend the controversial blasphemy law, calling the move to scrap the 45-year-old law as an attempt to "liberalize" and destroy Islam.
The two radical groups have met with Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali to lend their support to the government to fight against the plan of human rights groups to have the law reviewed by the Constitutional Court.
The review is backed by promoters of pluralism, including recipient of the Magsasay Award and Muhammadiyah patron Ahmad Syafii Maarif and the late Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, widely respected in the Nahdlatul Ulama.
FPI lawyer Munarman said the judicial review request had no legal standing because the NGOs are not religious organizations.
The individuals joining the petition were not those whose Constitutional rights had been denied, and therefore had no right to file a judicial review, he said on the group's website.
HTI spokesman Ismail Yusanto called on Muslims to support the government to defend Islam from any assaults, including the judicial review of the blasphemy law.
The group had appointed the Muslim Lawyers Team, or TPM, as its representative in the hearing at the Constitutional Court, scheduled to commence on Thursday.
They had filed a request at the court to be given a say in the hearing. "The MK has not responded to our request yet," Mahendradatta of TPM told The Jakarta Post.
The TPM, which also represent a group called the Peace Alliance Against Blasphemy of Islam (ADA API), accused the petitioners of using the slogan of freedom of religion as a cover to discredit religions. "They are actually seeking 'freedom to insult religions'," Mahendradatta said.
He said Hizbut Tahrir members and other Muslim groups will attend the hearings to show their support for the government.
"Thousands of Muslims are apprehensive about the review. They may be curious and want to attend the hearings," claimed Mahendradtta, who was also a defense lawyer for the Bali bombers.
Uli Parulian Sihombing, a lawyer for the review petitioners, deplored the meeting between the religious minister and the militant groups. "A minister should not conduct such a meeting. The worst thing is, we are also informed that the meeting used state funds," he told the Post.
Suryadharma Ali said his ministry and the Law and Human Rights Ministry have made preparations to counter the arguments of the rights activists.
He blasted the judicial review request as "irrational", saying that it would only hurt the existing six officially recognized religions Islam, Catholicism, Protestanism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism and create disharmony.
The minister said freedom of religion as guaranteed in the Constitution should be practiced in accordance with the existing regulations, which he said were made to protect other people's rights to freedom of religion.
The minister took the view that the emergence of religious sects was a form of blasphemy against existing religions. The government, he said as quoted by Antara, had the responsibility to do whatever it could do to maintain religious harmony.
Arghea Desafti Hapsari, Jakarta Religious minorities have expressed their support for a group of NGOs that have requested the 1965 Blasphemy Law be reviewed, saying the controversial law is outdated and irrelevant to a democratic Indonesia.
The Indonesian Bishops Conference (KWI) and the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI), respectively representing the Catholic and Protestant churches, said the law did not sit well with current Indonesian society, a decade after the fall of Soeharto.
"Our society has matured since the law was first established in 1965. Civil society at that time was weak and that is why such laws were put in place and the guided democracy system was used," PGI secretary-general Gomar Gultom told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday. "But in the Reform era, Indonesians no longer wanted to be ordered around by the state," he added.
KWI executive secretary pastor Benny Susetyo said current social conditions today differed greatly from those in 1965.
"At that time there was a fear that religious sects with different interpretations would become a political issue. But people today are living in an atmosphere of transparency and openness," he added.
Several NGOs and promoters of pluralism have requested the Constitutional Court review several articles they believe discriminate against certain religious groups, specifically minority groups that have been denied their right to practice their beliefs.
The five contentious articles, they said, involved the government's authority to dissolve religious groups whose beliefs and practices were deemed blasphemous by religious authorities, such as the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and the Religious Affairs Ministry.
Under the law, the government also has the authority to charge leaders and followers of suspected heretical groups.
Article 1 of the law stipulates that it is illegal to "intentionally publicize, recommend or organize public support for a different interpretation of a religion practiced in Indonesia or a religious ritual resembling that of another religion".
It is also states that "practising an interpretation of a religion that deviates from the core of that religion's teachings" is illegal.
Benny argued the article had the potential to trigger conflict, citing the expulsion of the Ahmadiyah congregation that led to it being officially banned by the government as a clear example of how the law could be used to persecute certain groups.
The Ahmadis have seen their mosques burned down in recent years and some of them are now living as refugees after the MUI declared their beliefs contrary and blasphemous to the "true" teachings of Islam.
"It is dangerous if a religious interpretation that is different from mainstream views is regarded as blasphemous. As long as those religious sects are not preaching violence or duping their followers, they have right to have their own interpretations," Benny said.
The 1965 law, he explained, had allowed the state to interfere in what should be a private and religious domain.
"Blasphemous acts should be solved by strengthening the faith of each religion's followers. Blasphemy will always occur; different interpretations are something we can not avoid.
"But we have to see this as criticism of religious institutions. Their leaders might not care about their followers enough, or they might not have done their jobs well enough to maintain their followers' faith in their religions," he said.
Gomar said religious leaders in the country had been lazy and depended on the government and the blasphemy law to solve their problems.
But Gomar and Benny's view was not shared by the Indonesian Buddhists Association (Walubi). Its secretary-general, Philip K. Widjaja, told the Post on Wednesday that he was against the NGOs' move. "If new religions are allowed to exist there will be a massive systemic impact," he said via a text message.
The Indonesian Hindu Dharma Association (PHDI) said it would support the review of the blasphemy law if there was a replacement of the law.
"Religious leaders must work together to formulate the new law so that no one will be left behind," said PHDI's director of communications and education, Wayan Suhira.
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, has publicly expressed strong opposition to the NGOs request to review the law. Hasyim Muzadi, its chairman, said scrapping the law would do more harm than good.
Muhammadiyah, the country's second-largest Muslim organization after NU, is also against the review, saying the law was not a form of government intervention in people's faith.
"When the state decides a religious sect is heretical, it does so after a massive protest from the majority of the followers of a religion," Muhammadiyah chairman Din Syamsudin said, adding that the blasphemy law had nothing to do with religious freedom.
The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has said that they are very concerned about the content of a new Indonesian horror flick, titled "Hantu Puncak Datang Bulan" ("The Menstruating Puncak Ghost"), which opens in cinemas on Thursday, and have banned it for Muslims.
But it is not the reference to menstruation that is troubling the clerics. Instead, they have condemned the film for being pornographic and violent.
"The movie contains porn, which can trigger lust, and based on our research, it also contains violence," Amirsyah Tambunan from the MUI told Kompas.com.
He said that the MUI had called on the Film Censorship Board (LSF) to not give the movie the green light for screening.
"We urge LSF to use its power to stop the movie from being screened because it could damage the nation's morale. So far, we don't know if it has passed censorship or not, but the movie is violating pornography norms. It is okay to have freedom of expression, but without violating the norms (of decency)," he said.
Meanwhile, K2K, the production house behind the movie, said that they had been informed about the MUI's statement.
"We heard about the MUI (statement) and we had received a notice from MUI banning the movie "Hantu Puncak Datang Bulan." The movie will play soon in cinemas, but now we have to wait for confirmation if it will be allowed to show in cinemas," said KK Deeraj from K2K.
However, Deeraj said they would not give up easily because the movie had already been passed by the censorship board.
"I will discuss it with LSF because the movie had passed censorship. If it is banned, we will be sad and confused because we had spent a lot of money making it," he said.
"Hantu Puncak Datang Bulan" stars actress Andi Soraya and dangdut singing group Trio Macan. The movie's trailer, available on Youtube, shows steamy content, including one topless scene performed by Andi. Nudity is rare in most Indonesian films.
"I admit that this movie has lots of vulgar scenes, but I decided to do this role because the movie's story is different from other horror movies," Andi told Kompas.com last week.
Some pesantren, or Islamic boarding school, leaders in Bogor are backing the use of social networking site Facebook to facilitate communication within their school communities, despite calls last year from some clerics to stop students from using the site.
Caretaker of the Miftahul Ulum Islamic Boarding School, KH Fithrie Fachrurrozie Fuad, said on Sunday that Facebook had become a "requirement" for communication in most social circles, "including pesantren."
Fithrie said that using Facebook was more efficient and effective than other methods of communication. "And Facebook can be a vehicle to stay in touch and exchange ideas and information. I think a lot of positives can be drawn from the use of Facebook," he added.
He said that in the pesantren community, for example, Facebook could be used to discuss current issues and the Islamic world.
During May 2009, some clerics on Java and Madura islands declared Facebook as forbidden for students under the age of 17, stating that it posed a risk for flirting and "moral temptations."
However, Fithrie said that he thought the benefits outweighed potential risks and urged for it not to be declared haram, or forbidden. "If it is made forbidden, it may be abused by some who do not heed the norms and ethics of religion," he said.
Abdul Halim Yahya from Daarul Rahman Islamic Boarding School in Leuwiliang, Bogor, agreed, saying that Facebook had now become a forum for friendship and a place to express opinions without censorship.
Halim said that the big benefits of Facebook meant it was natural that the pesantren community began reaching into the virtual world for the latest information.
"In fact, Facebook has now become alternative media for the interests of the people, as in the case of 'gecko versus crocodile' (the Corruption Eradication Commission versus the National Police) and Prita (Mulyasari) versus Omni Hospital," he said.
Facebook is now the most popular Web site in Indonesia, according to web traffic analyst alexa.com. (Antara, JG)
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, said Sunday it was against the move made by some NGOs and backers of pluralism to request the Constitutional Court to review the 1965 Blasphemy Law.
NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi told a national meeting of former members of NU Students Association in Jakarta that he expected the court to reject the request, saying that revising the law would do more harm than good to society.
"We have to be able to differentiate between democracy and moral deviation," Hasyim said as quoted by Antara.
Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali also expressed opposition to the NGO moves. "If the law is eventually scrapped, then many people will cast aspersions against other religions," he said in Medan as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
Hasyim, who has headed the NU since 1999, said the NGOs should be thankful that the law has provided the government with a legal instrument to prevent disturbances arising from alleged blasphemous acts.
The NU, founded in 1926, has around 40 million members, mainly in Java. It was set up to preserve traditional Islam against colonialism and the spread of Wahabism.
A group called the Advocacy Alliance for Freedom of Religion filed the judicial review request at the Constitutional Court in November last year. They believed the 1965 law was discriminatory against certain religious groups.
The first hearing will be held Feb. 4, hearing opinions from representatives of the government and the House of Representatives.
The group includes Imparsial, the Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam), the Indonesian Human Rights and Legal Aid Association (PBHI), the Institute for Studies on Human Rights and Democracy (Demos), the Setara Institute, the Desantara Foundation and the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI).
Also included in the group filing the lawsuit were national icons of pluralism, including the late Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, who chaired NU before Hasyim, recipient of the Magsaysay Award and former Muhammadiyah chairman Syafii Maarif, and noted Muslim intellectual Dawam Rahardjo.
Muhammad Nurkhoiron, director of Desantara, whose members are also in NU, said Hasyim Muzadi's reflected his fear of the birth of new religious sects which would oppose established religions.
However, Nurkhoiron said no one could guarantee that any laws, especially the 1965 law on blasphemy, could stop the emergence of new religious sects or groups. "That's a sociological fact.
"One cannot deny the fact that some people are no longer satisfied with the more established religions. The problem is that I don't think Hasyim understands sociology," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Delegates at the People's Conscience Party's first national conference in Surabaya over the weekend wasted no time in re-electing former general Wiranto as party chairman, even skipping the voting.
In addition, two other former generals joined the party's advisory council, and Yuddy Chrisnandi defected from the Golkar Party to Hanura, as Wiranto's party is known.
Yuddy, however, denied that the switch of allegiance was retaliation against his former party. He led former Vice President Jusuf Kalla's unsuccessful presidential campaign team last year and was subsequently demoted from Golkar's leadership board by its new chairman, Aburizal Bakrie.
Yuddy had said he would run for party chairman against Aburizal and media magnate Surya Paloh but ultimately did not have the money to compete.
Surya, too, has defected to form the National Democrats social organization, which analysts believe will become a political party and a vehicle for a possible run for the presidency by Surya in 2014.
Yuddy explained that two days after losing to Bakrie, Wiranto had contacted him and asked that he join Hanura as a member of its leadership board.
"I did not accept the offer at that time. But four days before Hanura's congress, Pak Wiranto contacted me again and I finally accepted his request," Yuddy said, adding that other Golkar "friends" who he did not name would also defect.
Also appointed to the leadership board were Lt. Gen. (ret) Suaidy Marasabessy and former Army Chief Gen. (ret) Subagyo Hadi Siswojo, who was in charge of the Army during the violence that erupted in East Timor in 1999.
Wiranto is a controversial former leader of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI).
Former National Awakening Party (PKB) chairman AS Hikam and former National Mandate Party (PAN) member Samuel Kotto were also appointed to the leadership board.
Burhanuddin Muhtadi, a political analyst from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), said the appointments included no new faces. "Wiranto and other names in the party's leadership board are men from the past. They should bring in new figures," Burhanuddin said. "They need fresh faces."
He said that even though Suaidi, the TNI's former chief of staff, and Subagyo HS had just been named to the party's leadership board, they had actually helped establish the party in 2006.
Sebastian Salang, an analyst from the Concerned Citizens for the Indonesian Parliament (Formappi), said the switching of parties was common in today's politics and would have little impact on the party. "I don't think the performance of a party depends on just one person like Yuddy," he said.
Muninggar Saraswati & Antara Declaring that he would not back down in the race to assume the chairmanship of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), Guruh Sukarnoputra on Thursday said that he was not so sure millions of Indonesians would once again vote a woman as head of state.
"Indonesians have not fully accepted a woman for president," said the brother of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, the first woman to lead Indonesia.
Guruh claimed that he had managed to secure the support of 500 local branches of the party ahead of the upcoming national congress in April, which will vote on the next chairman, and was not too worried about the political plans of Puan Maharani, Megawati's daughter.
"Puan is the daughter of Taufik Kiemas. Guruh is the son of Sukarno," said Guruh, the youngest son of the county's founding president, who like Guruh, seemed to enjoy talking in the third person.
Guruh criticized the PDI-P's central board for issuing an official memo directing lower party branches to support Megawati as the sole candidate to lead the party.
"They continue to push Mega to lead PDI-P. She has said she is tired. So many want change," Guruh said, adding that there seemed to exist a kind of "autocratic rule" by the elite within the PDI-P, much like the days of former president Suharto and his Golkar Party.
"The condition in the PDI-P right now is similar to that of Suharto, who was pushed to lead the country for a seventh time even though he had given indications he would step down," Guruh said, adding that Megawati had been elected PDI-P chairperson three times, leading the party since her election in 1993 following a New Order-government sponsored conflict within the Indonesian Democratic Party, or the PDI.
The resulting splinter group was named PDI Pro-Mega, before being renamed PDI-P.
The party is facing the problem of "regenerating leaders" to replace Megawati, who managed to woo supporters mainly because she is the daughter of the country's popular first president.
Separately, Megawati's husband Taufik Kiemas, chairman of the People's Consultative Council (MPR), pointed out that Guruh's challenge was coming too late.
"A candidate must get support from 3,600 of a total 7,000 branches at the subdistrict level as well as support from 33 provincial branches and 512 regency branches," Taufik said, adding that Guruh should have started to approach branches last year.
Jakarta Former president Megawati Soekarnoputri and former vice president Jusuf Kalla were among political bigwigs who turned up for the opening of the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party congress in Surabaya on Friday.
Hanura chairman Wiranto welcomed the distinguished guests, who included former Golkar Party chief advisor Surya Paloh, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle secretary-general Pramono Anung, Prosperous Justice Party secretary-general Anis Matta, Greater Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chairman Suhardi and former Jakarta governor Soetiyoso.
Wiranto said organizers of the congress did not invite President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on purpose, citing his busy agenda. "The President is very busy, should we invite him?" Wiranto said as quoted by Antara.
Wiranto, a former Indonesian Military commander, dismissed reports of a move by Paloh and former president Soeharto's son Hutomo Mandala Putra to join the party. "We have met as politicians. There was no offering or resistance during the talks. Currently the two have no intention to join us yet," Wiranto said.
Wiranto is tipped to retain the chairmanship post in the congress, which will run until Sunday.
Hanura finished ninth in the 2009 legislative elections and formed the smallest faction at the House. Wiranto contested the presidential election as Kalla's running mate.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati & Ismira Lutfia A faction within the United Development Party is considering withdrawing from the ruling coalition in response to the Corruption Eradication Commission's decision to name former Social Affairs Minister Bachtiar Chamsyah, a senior party member, as a suspect in a 2004 graft case.
Parmusi, the biggest faction in the party, which is known as the PPP, believes Bachtiar's case has been politicized because he was named a suspect after ending his ministerial service, Lukman Hakim, the chairman of the Parmusi Central Board, said on Wednesday.
"I asked Parmusi to recommend that the PPP withdraw its membership from the coalition. There is no use in joining it," he told reporters at a news conference in Jakarta.
Bachtiar, who chairs the PPP advisory council, was a staunch supporter of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during last year's presidential election.
On Monday, Bachtiar was charged by the anti-corruption commission, or KPK, and accused of causing state losses of up to Rp 26 billion ($2.8 million) in two procurement projects when he was the social affairs minister.
Imam Suhardjo, Parmusi's secretary general, said the faction was worried that Bachtiar's charges were not solely based on legal grounds. "We're afraid this is a political one because KPK only named him a suspect so far although the case involved a number of people," he said.
Bachtiar knew about the case three years ago and, during a Cabinet meeting, asked Yudhoyono to ensure that the case was investigated thoroughly.
However, the president said nothing, Lukman claimed. "When he was a minister, [the case was] abandoned. But, look what happened when [Bachtiar] is no longer a minister," he said.
Both Lukman and Imam said Parmusi will convey its request for PPP to withdraw from the ruling coalition during a PPP meeting in the near future.
However, Hasrul Azwar, the PPP's top executive, insisted there was no reason for his party to withdraw from the ruling coalition. "It's the KPK that named him a suspect, not SBY or the Democrats. Let's respect the legal proceedings," he said.
Anas Urbaningrum, who heads the Democrat Party, added that his party had no involvement with the charges. "It's the KPK. We have nothing to do with it," he said.
KPK deputy chairman Bibit Samad Rianto also denied that the antigraft body was facing political pressure over the case.
Hans David Tampobolon and Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta A number of prominent figures in Indonesian politics declared the birth of a mass organization called the National Democrat (or Nasional Demokrat) on Monday.
Initiated by media mogul Surya Paloh and Yogyakarta Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, the mass organization could transform into a political party contesting the 2014 general elections.
The National Democrat was launched at a ceremony attended by top political figures such as former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, former vice president Jusuf Kalla, People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's husband, House of Regional Representatives (DPD) chairman Irman Gusman and former Golkar Party legislator Ferry Mursyidan Baldan.
Also there, were noted religious leaders such as the former chairman of the country's second largest Islamic organization Muhammadiyah, Syafii Maarif.
Anies Baswedan, rector of Paramadina University, reportedly considered a future influential national leader, was entrusted to represent the organization's initiators in reading its official manifesto.
Anies said when reading the manifesto that the organization aimed to establish a "mature" democracy in the country. "We reject a democracy that only concerns governance administration but not the people's welfare," he said.
"We reject a democracy that only serves as a routine ritual in power politics without producing quality leaders," he added. "Therefore, we declare today a movement we call 'National Democrat restores Indonesia'," he said.
After the declaration, Surya said that the organization was established to answer the call to correct the nation's condition, not to serve political interests.
"Every day, we see that the people have suspicions about the way the nation is run," he said. "We have to be honest with ourselves. The nation needs to be advanced, and this movement aims to help the process," he added.
Surya, senior Golkar Party politician, added that the initiators of the movement had yet to consider forming the organization into a political party that would compete in the 2014 general elections.
Surya ran for Golkar's top job last year but was defeated by fellow businessman Aburizal Bakrie, also former coordinating economic minister.
Responding to the birth of the group, Golkar secretary-general Idrus Marham told reporters that he thought what Surya did was positive and reflected the spirit of the party.
"From the outset, Golkar was created to piece together various elements in society. This new organization reflects the Golkar dynamic," he said.
Political expert from the University of Indonesia, Andrinof Chaniago, said that the National Democrat had yet to promote innovative ideas to restore the country's democratic spirit for the future.
"I do not see fresh ideas from the National Democrat's mission and vision to build the country. It appears to be talking about the same thing as much-promoted issues from the political parties," Andrinof told The Jakarta Post.
"The issue of independence [from world powers] or bureaucratic reform are not new topics for the country. All politicians promote them too in their campaigns."
He also warned that it would be difficult to shift the National Democrat into a political party because many members were still active in their respective political parties.
"A number of independent experts joined the organization because they saw it as a moral movement. But they will leave once the initiators turn the National Democrat into a political party," he said.
Febriamy Hutapea If imitation is the highest form of flattery, then President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono could very well be thanking Surya Paloh. But probably not.
The country has hundreds of political parties, many of which are splinter groups, and there are only so many official colors and names to go around. However, journalists gathered on Monday at the official launch of what many believe will be Surya's new political vehicle, the National Democrats, could not help but notice the similarities to Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.
There is the name, of course, but it is the blue, almost identical blazers that had most talking. Democratic Party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok did not seem bothered, though, saying he viewed the National Democrats as a continuation of the Democrats because they shared a similar vision.
"They [the Nationalist Democrats] use a darker blue, and we use a lighter blue," Mubarok told the Jakarta Globe. "But we have similar visions for the nation. So we don't mind." He reiterated that the Democrats did not feel threatened. "Competition is a good thing," he said.
Meutya Hafid, who chairs the new party's steering committee, said the organization's color and logo had been selected by Surya himself. The logo is both blue and yellow, which observers say represent, respectively, the Democrats and the Golkar Party, Surya's former party.]
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Politicians and observers apparently are talking about something this weekend: Is the cabinet reshuffle proposal from the Democratic Party a bluff or a real threat?
Earlier on Thursday, three Democratic Party executives, Amir Syamsuddin, Anas Urbaningrum and Jafar Hafsah, met with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, proposing the latter to replace ministers from disloyal coalition partners, which the three said had refused to defend the government in the investigation of the Bank Century bailout case.
The parties are the Golkar Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
The ministers from coalition parties include Communications and Information Technology Minister Tifatul Sembiring (PKS), Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali (PPP), Agriculture Minister Suswono (PKS), Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister Fadel Muhammad (Golkar), Manpower and Transmigration Minister Muhaimin Iskandar (PKB).
But presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said the President had not given a response to the proposal.
Yudhoyono's rivals in the July 8 presidential election, former president Megawati Soekarnoputri of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and former vice president Jusuf Kalla of Golkar, said over the weekend it was the President's right to decide a reshuffle.
"That's the President's business. If he considers it important, that is good," Megawati said while opening the regional conference of the PDI-P in Bali.
A PDI-P lawmaker told The Jakarta Post that the Democratic Party had approached Megawati, opening four possible positions for the opposition to fill. Kalla, meanwhile, said that he was ready to see Golkar cadres replaced or retained.
Several critics aired their opinions Saturday, saying that the proposal is a bluff to make coalition parties gather their acts together.
"In political communication theory, this is called a 'fear- arising communication' model, which in practice has never succeeded," political observer Tjipta Lesmana told a discussion in Jakarta, Antara news agency reported. "This model has proven to be ineffective. The more pressure applied, the harder partners defy."
University of Indonesia political observer Arbi Sanit said Golkar and PKS were the main targets of the reshuffle "threat", with their being "most critical" among coalition members during questioning sessions of the inquiry committee.
The inquiry committee has summoned both Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati to explain the decision behind the Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716 million) bailout of the ailing bank. Some of the lawmakers launched harsh questions to the Vice President and the minister and others said in public that they believed Boediono should be impeached.
He predicted that in response to the threat, Golkar and the PKS would seek to negotiate with the Democratic Party, a move that could lead to a vague conclusion to the committee's hearing.
Democratic Party lawmaker Ramadhan Pohan said his party did not press the coalition partners, but to the contrary, the partners were pressing his. He said the proposal for reshuffle was a "call" and a "soft reminder" for partners, not an attempt to press them.
Febriamy Hutapea, Muninggar Sri Saraswati & Camelia Pasandaran Top leaders of the Democratic Party, obviously exasperated by the antics of members of the ruling coalition in the Century bailout inquiry, on Friday said they have recommended a cabinet reshuffle to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Secretary General Amir Syamsudin said he and two other top Democratic executives sat down with Yudhoyono on Thursday to talk about the performance of coalition partners during the inquiry by the House of Representatives' special committee.
"I suggested that SBY consider a reshuffle. It's not aimed at giving pressure, but let us just evaluate ourselves," Amir said during a meeting at the House.
Although the president was not bound to follow the suggestions, Amir said Yudhoyono was open to the idea. "I will consider that carefully," he quoted the president as saying.
Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha, however, said nothing was in the works. "There is no plan for a reshuffle," he said at the State Palace. "Up until now the president has not indicated that there would be a cabinet reshuffle."
Amir said the Democrats still hoped for better cooperation with other coalition parties. He said he and Democratic chairman Hadi Utomo met on Thursday night with leaders of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Golkar Party and United Development Party (PPP) three coalition parties who have been taking a tougher stand on the inquiry committee than the Democrats want.
Members of all three parties have suggested that either Vice President Boediono or Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, or both, should face criminal charges over the bailout.
Democratic deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok said the meeting was aimed at finding common ground on the fractious inquiry, which some analysts say has been principally a vehicle aimed at derailing government reform efforts led by Boediono and Sri Mulyani.
"We want to prevent a possible misunderstanding. Therefore we are trying to find a common understanding involving the special committee," Mubarok said.
Golkar leader Priyo Budi Santoso issued a veiled threat in response to talk of a reshuffle. "A reshuffle is the president's right. Golkar will abide," Priyo said. "But don't blame Golkar if we shift from our previous stance that Century has nothing to do with Yudhoyono."
Priyo said Golkar was not planning to try to impeach Yudhoyono, but added: "I hope that our stance will not change later."
Camelia Pasandaran, Cipanas (West Java) The otherwise successful 100-day program were plans to develop the country's first integrated food production zone and bring about improvements in teaching skills, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Wednesday.
"From the monitoring, reporting and verification of all the programs and action plan that have been reported to me, more than 90 percent of the 100-day programs have been reached," Yudhoyono said at an evening news conference at the end of a two-day, closed-door cabinet meeting in Cipanas, West Java.
Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, head of the Presidential Working Unit for Development Supervision and Control (UKP4), which is responsible for monitoring and evaluating the 100-day program, said that one action plan each for the Agriculture Ministry and the National Education Ministry, were the only ones to fall short out of a total of 129 programs.
"The programs are the Merauke Food Estate, which has not been started, and the program to train 30,000 teachers to increase their skills," Kuntoro said.
On Jan. 17, Agriculture Minister Suswono said his ministry was ready to move ahead with the Merauke project, a 1.6 million hectare integrated food production zone in Papua, which is designed to bring in millions of dollars of foreign investment and beef up the country's food security.
However, Kuntoro said the project was being held up by infrastructure problems, including the port and the road needed to access the food estate.
Deputy Agriculture Minister Bayu Krishnamurti was quoted on Wednesday by state news agency Antara as saying that weather issues were behind the delay and that the president was scheduled to inaugurate the food estate on Feb. 12-13.
As for the Education Ministry, Kuntoro said it had promised to catch up with skill improvement programs for 2,232 teachers to be able to meet the targeted 30,000 teachers by the end of this week.
The government's 100-day program contained 15 priorities with 45 programs and 129 action plans, comprising three categories: de- bottlenecking programs, quick wins and fundamental regulations.
Among the successes hailed by the president were the formation of the Judicial Mafia Eradication Task Force, cutting passport issuance time from seven to four days and reducing the time for the issuance of business licenses from 60 days to 17 days.
He also mentioned successful infrastructure development programs, such as the East Flood Canal, better drinking water systems in many villages, Internet connections in many schools, affordable health care and a dedicated team to handle disasters.
But despite the claims of success, Kuntoro said there was still much work to do on many of the programs that have apparently been ticked off the government's to-do list.
"Don't think the green-mark programs have been finished, as it is claimed from [the government] side only," he said, adding that he will continue monitoring the progress of the programs.
Yudhoyono also identified six focus areas for the cabinet in the next three months: land zoning and permit issuance; food distribution and price stability; energy issues, especially electricity; infrastructure, public works and transportation; pro-people programs; and law enforcement and reform of the bureaucracy, defense and the security sector.
The cabinet will hold another evaluation meeting in three months, Yudhoyono said.
Emmy Fitri & Ismira Lutfia Slapping criminal libel charges on journalists constitutes a major threat to freedom of expression, because such charges have long since been eliminated in the world's democracies, seasoned journalist Bambang Harymurti said on Friday.
Bambang, a member of the Press Council, pointed out that Indonesia must eliminate criminal defamation charges against journalists in the country.
"It is a matter of choice. Do we want to be a modern country or a primitive one? This is a simple matter, but elite groups in developing countries like ours complicate things."
Bambang said those with power and money in Indonesia regarded "the readers, listeners and viewers as stupid and non-critical."
"Their argument is, they must protect the public, when media consumers here are not easily taken in by media reports," said Bambang, the former editor-in-chief of Tempo news magazine.
Bambang is one of several noted journalists who have had to face criminal defamation charges for writing investigative and critical pieces attacking corruption, collusion and nepotism across the country.
In 2006, he was cleared of all charges by the Supreme Court following years of battling controversial businessman Tomy Winata in court, after Tomy filed a defamation suit against the magazine for its investigative report alleging that he was involved in a fire that razed the Tanah Abang retail market in 2003. The allegations were never proven.
Nezar Patria, who chairs the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), concurred with Bambang's statements, saying that even Cambodia had scrapped such practices.
"Such legal regulations are used to politically repress people. In Indonesia, the New Order knew how to take full advantage of such regulations," Nezar said on Friday, referring to the 32-year reign of former autocrat Suharto.
The statements by both Bambang and Nezar were made two days after journalists, legal experts, law enforcers, activists and academics gathered on Wednesday at the Press Council to discuss the use of criminal defamation charges to repress the voices of news organizations and journalists.
"We're still trying to determine what sort of news reports can be categorized under the term defamation," said Leo Batubara, deputy chairman of the Press Council.
A staunch opponent of journalists being charged with criminal defamation, Leo has repeatedly said that a number of laws deemed as restricting press freedom - including the Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) Law, the Public Information Law, the Pornography Law and the bill on state secrecy had loopholes that could be exploited to prosecute journalists or other citizens.
In the most famous case, Prita Mulyasari was jailed for writing an e-mail complaint about a hospital's service. The ongoing legal battle has drawn public outrage.
Leo said that he proposed that unless a news report was made intentionally to hurt someone's reputation or to blackmail a source, journalists should not be charged with defamation.
Amir Tejo Dozens of villagers demolished an auditorium on Tuesday night that was being used for Koran recital activities by a hardline Islamic group in Mojokerto, East Java.
Residents from Balongwono village said the auditorium was being used by the Indonesian Islamic Propagation Institute (LDII) as a mosque, which was in violation of an agreement the Mojokerto chapter of LDII had made with the villagers.
"They agreed that the auditorium would not be used as a mosque, but then they violated the agreement," said Ali Mustofa, a Balongwono resident, adding that the auditorium was being used by a gathering of 15 LDII followers.
Villagers have asked the LDII followers to use the village mosque, which has enough space to accommodate all worshippers, and not to use the auditorium as a separate mosque.
"We want to live in harmony and we don't want them to create a separate group from us in terms of conducting sholat [Muslim prayers]," Ali said.
LDII member Kholik said he was saddened by Tuesday's incident, and said the auditorium was only being used for Koran recital and not as a mosque.
However, Ali said that three months before the holy month of Ramadan last year, LDII followers had managed to build the foundations of a mosque within the auditorium, but villagers were quick to discover the construction and put a stop to it. Finally, both sides agreed the construction would end.
Ali added that LDII congregational leaders had signed an agreement with the residents in the village office. But two months after the signing, they had still continued to use the auditorium for Koran recitals.
Rana Akbari Fitriawan, Bandung Violations of freedom of worship and intolerance among different faiths in West Java remained high last year, according to a study carried out by the Institute for Cultural and Religion Studies (INCReS), in cooperation with the Wahid Institute.
"We still saw violations and intolerance among communities in West Java from January to December last year," INCReS coordinator Dindin Abdullah Ghazali said Monday.
He said INCReS recorded at least 10 violations of freedom of worship committed by the state through its apparatus against citizens and 35 intolerance cases committed by citizens against others.
The violations, Dindin said, included Depok Mayor Nur Mahmudi Ismail's decision to revoke the building permit of the HKBP Batak Protestant church in Limo, Depok, in March last year.
"The West Java regency administration of Purwakarta also revoked the building permit of the Stasi Santa Maria church in October," he said.
Examples of religious intolerance, Dindin added, included an incident in June when the Habib Ali bin Abdullah Al Haddad's religious sect in Depok was deemed to have deviated from Islamic teaching.
Dindin said Bandung, the provincial capital, was rated poorest in terms of religious intolerance, with eight cases reported there. "Although we didn't see any violations by the local administration, Bandung topped the religious intolerance list," he said.
The study went on to list Garut regency, where two violations and two religious intolerance cases occurred, similar to Cirebon and Bogor, while three religious intolerance cases were recorded in Bekasi and Indramayu regencies and Cimahi each.
"The findings show that the government is unable to protect the basic rights of its citizens who wish to carry out their religious practices," Dindin said.
He noted that the level of freedom of worship was deteriorating and urged advocacy groups to play a greater role.
"We also hope public figures will help develop people's awareness of religious tolerance," he said. The number of cases in 2009 was lower than in 2008. However, the 2009 study was not based on wider parameters as in 2008, which included pornography's relation to religious interaction.
"The 2009 observation covered a smaller perspective, only looking at violations by the state and intolerance among faiths," he said.
The annual report will be presented to the West Java legislature in the middle of this month.
With 10 case of violations, West topped the national list, followed by East Java (8), Jakarta (4), Central Java, West Nusa Tenggara, Sumatra (3), Sulawesi (2) and Kalimantan (1).
Ulma Haryanto It's thirsty work for residents in Muara Baru, North Jakarta, who on Sunday said they felt trapped between a city water operator reportedly able to provide them with regular bills but not with water and the local mafia only too willing to sell them illegally acquired water at exorbitant prices.
The operator, PT Pam Lyonnaise Jaya [Palyja], and the local government, not keen on confronting the water mafia, found the best way to resolve this "complicated" situation was to ignore the residents.
The mafia hoods were more proactive. Just a week after at least 220 households in Muara Baru declared plans to file a legal class action suit against Palyja after more than six years of public disservice, at least two families in the area were visited by local thugs, who warned them "to stop making a fuss about the hydrants," according to Muhammad Reza Sahib, from the People's Coalition for Water Rights (KruHa).
KruHa is representing the Muara Baru residents' case against PT Palyja and the city government.
"Ibu Sumarti's family and Ibu Komariah's family were visited by thugs. They warned both families not to make trouble," Reza said, adding that KruHa had found that at least 16 hydrants operated by local thugs had been illegally installed throughout the subdistrict to siphon off and divert water actually meant for residential pipelines.
Sumarti said on the Sunday that followed the visit from the gangsters, Muara Baru subdistrict chief Dulkadi also told her to not cause problems over the hydrants.
"He said he is concerned conflicts will arise and why not ask Palyja to install a new pipeline. So we approached Palyja and were told that the water company can only offer water tanks. Pak Dulkadi now wants me to accept the water tanks and not mention the hydrants again," Sumarti said.
Sumarti, a mother of five from Muara Baru, said she still manages to sell cosmetics once in a while so she can buy eight jerry cans of water from the local thugs costing Rp 12,000 ($1.30) for daily washing, cooking and drinking.
She has been doing this every day for six years, she had said, even while she continued to diligently pay her bills from Palyja. "It's becoming normal for our kids to suffer from diarrhea," Sumarti said.
Meyritha Maryanie, spokeswoman for Palyja, on Sunday seemed more concerned about the local hoods, saying her company would not intervene in the matter of the illegally operated hydrants.
"These people [the mafia] are earning their living from those hydrants. We can't shut those hydrants down as it's complicated and they are going to refuse. We have to approach those operating the hydrants in a different way," Meyritha said, admitting that she knew the hydrant operators were making a handsome profit from the sale of stolen water.
On the proposal for a new pipeline, Meyritha said: "That's also complicated because we first need to acquire approval from the public works department."
Reza told the Jakarta Globe that the people of Muara Baru were at their wits' end because they were still buying water from local thugs by the jerry can, and nothing was being done about the thugs stealing the water and selling it back to the residents who paid the company for it in the first place.
"Both Palyja and the subdistrict head are reluctant to face the hydrant operators, and so Palyja suggested building a new pipeline for the houses," Reza said.
Irzal Djamal, head of the Jakarta's water regulatory body said that during the body's field visit, Palyja always complained they didn't have enough water.
"But now it turns out that this is not the case, they have enough water but they blame the shortfall on the hydrants. As water operators, they have to discipline those rogue hydrant operators," he said.
He was also against the company's suggestion of making new pipelines. "They should evaluate the hydrant ownership to find out if it's solely for residential supply, or for businesses, especially when there are people complaining that they can't get water but are still billed by the company."
According to him, water operators should provide water to their customers 24/7, "when it fails to do so, the customers have the right to sue them. We went there last week so we have complete video footage of the water situation there."
Markus Junianto Sihaloho The Ministry of Defense on Tuesday said it would work with the Retired Military Soldiers Association to resolve the ongoing eviction dispute with families of veterans still occupying military housing complexes.
"Pepabri has a nationwide network, which could help us in settling this matter," Deputy Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsuddin said after a closed-door meeting with the group, referring to the association by its acronym.
"The need of active soldiers for housing must also be understood," he said, adding that the evictions were part of a presidential instruction to fulfill the military's needs for housing.
Pepabri chairman Agum Gumelar said his group would work with the government to help the families of veterans understand that, according to government regulation, state assets, including military houses, must be returned to the government after retirement.
The regulation has become a source of tension recently, with protests by residents of military housing complexes, many of whom are the families of retired soldiers, against attempts to evict them from their lodgings.
The latest incident took place last week in East Jakarta, where some 300 residents who built their homes on military land in Cililitan held a rally against a planned eviction by the Army.
The military has been carrying out these evictions at various locations around the country since 2004. The military has said that in many cases, the families of retired soldiers were no longer living in the housing complexes themselves but had either sold or leased the housing units to other civilians.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has claimed that the land disputes that have taken place between the military and civilians since 2004 have resulted in 14 human rights violations.
Although Agum said that there might be groups trying to politicize the cases, he declined to give names.
Reports have suggested that the Association of Army Retirees (PPAD) has been actively lobbying several national figures over the evictions.
Agum said that the association understood the government's position that the current housing complexes' inhabitants must leave so the houses can be occupied by active-duty military soldiers.
However, he added that in dealing with the disputes, Pepabri would continue to advocate for the rights of families of veterans across the country.
"Yesterday, we sent a letter to our branch offices in 32 provinces, ordering them to list members who are currently involved in such disputes with the government," Agum said. "This is so we know how to protect their rights."
The Army chief's deputy assistant of logistical affairs, Brig. Gen. Christian Zebua, revealed last week that the Army was at present only able to provide housing facilities for around 90,000 soldiers.
"That means almost 70 percent of the total number of soldiers, around 300,000, do not have housing," Zebua said. "Some of them are even forced to sleep in their offices."
Zebua, citing research conducted by the military, said that most soldiers were forced to pay between Rp 500,000 and Rp 600,0000 ($53 and $64) per month to rent their own accommodation.
The military is currently trying to reclaim some 35,500 houses around the country.
"It is very important [that the military provide proper housing] because the professionalism and loyalty of a soldier sometime can be influenced by the fulfillment of basic necessities," Zebua added.
Candra Malik, Batang (Central Java) A day after an Indonesian judge warned that frivolous cases should never end up clogging the courts, the Batang District Court sentenced Manisih, 39, and her niece, Sri Suratmi, 25, to a 24-day jail term for stealing the remnants of a kapok harvest worth just Rp 12,000 ($1.30) from a field owned by PT Segayung, a cotton producer in Central Java.
Following Tuesday's verdict, Manisih insisted that neither she nor her niece had ever stolen anything, arguing that she was only picking the remnants of a kapok harvest to sell because they were poor and needed to make ends meet. Presiding Judge Tirolian Nainggolan said on Tuesday that poverty was no justification for the "crime" committed.
Both residents of Kenconorejo village in Batang, about 200 kilometers from the provincial capital of Semarang, Manisih and Sri Suratmi were arrested on Nov. 2 last year for picking 14 kilograms of the harvest remnants and transferred to the Rowobelong Penitentiary in Central Java pending their trial.
They therefore do not have to actually serve the 24-day sentence as they were detained at the penitentiary during the course of their trial. However, they did still weep, because they were now "legally branded as thieves."
"The panel of judges categorizes the defendants' deed as stealing, because of the green kapok pods found in the sack they carried. This means the defendants were not only picking up harvest leftovers, but were also taking kapok pods not yet ready for harvest," Tiroloan said.
Villagers at Kenconorejo, however, still prepared a thanksgiving feast to welcome Manisih and Sri, in celebration of their "acquittal."
"Though their detention time offset the prison sentence, we did not think Manisih and Sri would be found guilty. We are disappointed the court system has not sided with the common people," a villager said.
Nasi tumpeng, a traditional cone-shaped yellow rice dish for special occasions, was served to "celebrate the sentencing."
Manisih and Sri said they needed time to consider whether they would lodge an appeal because they felt "abused."
Stealing carries a maximum punishment of 7 years in prison, according to the Criminal Code.
Batang Police deputy chief Comr. Susongko said that police had seized three-meter long poles, a rope and a sickle from the alleged thieves. The evidence, police said, corroborated the suspicion that the women had not been picking up the remnants of the kapok harvest, but stealing pods from the tree.
The suspects initially included not only Sri Suratmi, but also Manisih's children, Rusnanto, 12, and Juwono, 16.
Effendi, a merchant who repeatedly bought kapok fiber from PT Segayung,said he had repeatedly warned Manisih and Sri, against picking up the remnants, but to no avail.
Leli Meilinda, chief of prosecution at Batang District Attorney's Office, said she believed Manisih's case to be a general crime that should not be exaggerated.
Kapok is a tree with large seed pods, the fibers of which are used for upholstery and insulation.
Manisih's court verdict comes a day after a nine-year-old boy who was facing criminal charges for stinging a classmate with a bee was acquitted by the Surabaya District Court on Monday, with presiding judge Sutriadi Yahya stating on the record that such a case should have been settled out of court and should have never made it to trial.
Irvan Tisnabudi & Ardian Wibisono Indonesian exports hit an all-time monthly high of $13.3 billion in December as commodity prices rose in line with the global economic recovery, the Central Statistics Agency said on Monday.
"We've never achieved a monthly figure of more than $13 billion," said Rusman Heriawan, the chairman of the agency, known as the BPS. "The highest figure before this was $12.9 billion in May 2008."
Exports in December jumped 23.9 percent from November and a dramatic 49.8 percent from December 2008, when they plunged 20 percent after the outbreak of the global financial crisis. Full- year 2009 exports still fell 15 percent to $116.49 billion.
Rusman said exports of key commodities boosted December's figure. Shipments of crude palm oil increased by $1.1 billion month-on- month, copper rose $284 million and coal exports went up by $268 million. "This is a sign of the global economic recovery," he said. "Our exports staged a turnaround in the fourth quarter of the year."
Japan was the biggest buyer of non-oil and gas exports in December, taking $1.25 billion. China ranked second with $1.19 billion and the United States third with $1.04 billion.
December imports totaled $10.33 billion, a 17.2 percent increase from November. Indonesia's 2009 trade surplus totaled $19.63 billion, more than double the $7.82 billion in 2008.
Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, chief economist at the state-run Danareksa Research Institute, said developed economies had recovered significantly in the fourth quarter of 2009. "The strong exports in the fourth quarter and in December showed that the recovery is not just in sentiment but is real," Purbaya said.
The country's non-service sector should take advantage of the strong demand created by the global recovery by increasing production, he said.
"Currently, I see that the banks' intermediation function has not fully recovered. The country's real [non-service] sector might not take advantage of the global situation if they can't expand their businesses due to high interest rates applied by lenders," he warned.
Helmi Arman, an economist at PT Bank Danamon, said the longer- term trend showed that export earnings would continue to rise, driven by demand for commodities such as coal, crude oil and palm oil.
"Such changes in the structure of exports could lessen any deterioration of the trade surplus going forward," he said. "This is because the need for raw material imports bound for re-export will be lower, compared to if exports were mostly comprised of higher-value added goods, which have higher import content."
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta Indonesia's exports were down nearly 15 percent last year as the global economic crisis cast a shadow over the country's major export earners, dampening demand.
The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported Monday that the country's exports dropped 14.98 percent last year to US$116.49 billion in 2009 from $137.02 billion in the previous year.
During 2009, non-oil and gas exports totaled only $97.47 billion, declining 9.66 percent from the previous year, the BPS reported.
However, the decline in exports was within the government's projected contraction in exports of between 10 and 15 percent. The government expects exports to rebound this year by 5 percent, said Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu in early January.
Meanwhile, imports in 2009 also dropped, and fell even more than exports as factories stopped purchasing raw materials amid sluggish demand in the world market. Despite the decline in foreign trade, the government estimated that Indonesia's economy would grow by 4.3 percent in 2009. The BPS will announce the official growth figure on Feb. 10.
On a monthly basis though, total exports rose 49.82 percent to $13.33 billion in December, compared to the same month in the previous year. Non-oil and gas exports reached $10.83 billion, or a 44.55 percent increase.
Last year, Indonesia mostly exported industrial products, which accounted for 63.03 percent of all products shipped abroad. The rest were mining products (16.89 percent of total exports), oil and gas products (16.33 percent) and agricultural products (3.75 percent).
The composition of exports was almost unchanged from 2008. Japan was Indonesia's main destination for exports in 2009. Japan bought $11.98 billion of Indonesian products, or 12.29 percent of total exports, according to the BPS.
Meanwhile, the US was ranked in the second position, purchasing $10.46 billion of Indonesian goods (10.73 percent of total exports), and China was in third position, with $8.91 billion of goods (9.14 percent).
Imports last year reached $98.86 billion, a 25.03 percent decrease from 2008, the BPS said. Non-oil-and-gas imports stood at $77.87 billion, falling 21.06 percent from the previous year.
Imported goods were mostly raw materials, 71.92 percent of total imports. Capital goods were 21.11 percent of total imports and consumer goods only 6.97 percent.
Indonesia mostly imported machinery (18.79 percent of total imports), electrical equipment (14.52 percent) and steel products (5.6 percent).
Even before the free trade agreement between ASEAN countries and China (ACFTA), Chinese imports were predominant last year, reaching $13.5 billion (17.33 percent of total imports), the BPS reported.
Indonesia also imported many products from Japan, with $9.82 billion (12.61 percent) of total imports, and Singapore, with $9.24 billion (11.86 percent).
Citi analyst Johanna Chua said December saw the trade surplus widen further to $3 billion from $1.9 billion in November. "We expect the trade surplus to gradually narrow as domestic demand continues to pick up," she said.
Businesses and analysts predicted Chinese products could flood Indonesia after the ACFTA was introduced on Jan. 1.
The government has said it would help industries to compete against cheaper Chinese products by providing incentives, if needed.
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta Inflation in January accelerated to a seven-month high with rising commodity and food prices, without provoking worry that the central bank should raise its policy rate, analysts said.
Inflation rose 3.72 percent in January from a year earlier, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported Monday. It rose 0.84 percent from December amid rising prices of staple and processed foods.
Rice, sugar and cooking oil were among the staple foods whose prices increased last month, the BPS said. Rice is the main staple food for about 230 million Indonesians.
The increase was above the consensus prediction, analysts said. "These numbers basically tell us that inflation is back again. However, we don't think this represents a serious concern yet," Bank Danamon economist Helmi Arman said.
In December last year inflation rose 2.78 percent from a year earlier, which was the lowest increase in a decade, according to the BPS.
Low inflation has provided Bank Indonesia (BI) room to maintain its policy rate at 6.5 percent. BI cut its rate by 25 basis points to 6.5 percent in August and has kept it ever since.
"We don't think today's inflation data warrants any change in our 2010 inflation forecast of 5.3 percent, nor to our call that the BI rate be held at 6.5 percent throughout most, if not the whole of the year," said Helmi, adding that rate increases might start in 2011.
"However we probably should watch the tone of BI's monetary policy statements, as they may start to lessen their dovish stance and start reacknowledging the threat of inflation," he added. Citi analyst Johanna Chua predicted BI might begin increasing its policy rate in the second half of the year as inflation picks up, especially with a rise in electricity prices.
The government has delayed an expected increase in electricity tariffs, without specifying timing.
Inflation is predicted to pick up as the global economy begins recovery, which will see Asian central banks starting to raise their policy rates.
Indonesia's economy last year managed to cope well with the global financial crisis, maintaining an estimated growth of 4.3 percent. The BPS will announce the official growth figure on Feb. 10.
BI predicted the economy might expand 5.2 percent this year. The central bank will hold its collegial meeting to determine its monetary policy on Thursday.
Barclays Capital warned that commodity prices would continue to surge in line with increasing world demand.
"Looking ahead, we think that risks to food-related prices remain biased to the upside, in line with international food commodity indices," it said. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said last week Indonesia should maintain self-sufficiency in rice and corn, while achieving self-sufficiency in sugar.
When you call my name, it's like a little prayer, sang Madonna, the diva with a Catholic background who later followed the Kaballah faith, which is based on an ancient Jewish belief system.
If any of her Indonesian fans had followed suit (though the singer has reportedly left the sect), their fate might well have followed a continuous trend being ostracized from their communities.
This despite the fact that even though the explanation to the 1965 law on blasphemy states that apart from the officially sanctioned religions, "It does not mean other religions such as the Jewish [faith], Zoroastrianism, Shinto, or Taoism are banned in Indonesia. They are entitled to a full guarantee [as stated in the Constitution], and are to be left alone, as long as they do not violate regulations or other laws."
The crimes under this law include "deliberately persuading... general support [for] interpretations of a religion followed in Indonesia, or engaging in religious activities that duplicate the teachings of that religion, where those interpretations and activities violate the principle teachings of the said religion."
The officially sanctioned religions are Islam, Christianity, Catholicism, Hindu, Buddhism and Confucianism. The first president Sukarno signed the 1965 law, passed, among other reasons, to secure the "goals of the National Revolution and national development" and noting, at that time, the widespread emergence of various sects "which violate religious laws and teachings".
Until today, reports of obscure sects come and go; at some time, somewhere, someone will claim to hear a voice, "like an angel sighing... feels like flying", so the song goes and somehow gain a few or a multitude of converts. Lia Eden, serving time following her conviction for blasphemy, is famously one of these self-proclaimed angels of a somewhat chilling but not unique sect, in which followers torture themselves. Followers of the Ahmadiyah are harassed everywhere, accused of not acknowledging the Prophet Muhammad, a basic tenet of Islam.
Today at the Constitutional Court, we hope to hear the wisest of the wise in a hearing of a judicial review request of the 1965 law. We may see the usual crop of demonstrators around the building near the State Palace, who will loudly defend the Almighty, demanding that the law remains unchanged. The petitioners, grouped in the Advocacy Alliance for Freedom of Religion, demand the law be annulled. The government, its lawyer said, creates policies which potentially justify conflict against certain religious groups.
The group echoes earlier critics, who have pointed out the law's contradiction with the 1945 Constitution which states the equal right of all citizens to freedom of worship in their faiths; although atheism is not recognized.
It is hoped that the experts to address the court hearing will enlighten us on what laws are really for. Are they instruments of the state to facilitate relationships between citizens of diverse backgrounds and interests, and faiths? Are they instruments of those in power, those that follow the principle of "L'etat c'est moi", and use the law at whim? The 1965 law continued to be effective in the Soeharto years, while he actually inserted official sanction of the synchretist beliefs, aliran kepercayaan, of which he was a follower.
Annul the law and remove the state's blessing of those who insist on the monopoly to say they are holier than thou.
Sara Schonhardt, Jakarta United States President Barack Obama will make a much-anticipated official visit to Indonesia in March, raising speculation of a possible upgrade in bilateral relations. Shortly after the White House announcement, the visit made headlines in the English language press and Twitter messages circulated widely hailing the return of the "Menteng kid", a reference to the Jakarta neighborhood where he lived in his early childhood.
Indonesia's presidential spokesman, Dino Patti Djalal, said Obama's plans to spend several days in the country will make his visit the longest yet by a US president. "I must emphasize that there's a sentimental aspect there," Dino said.
The highly anticipated visit represents more than a chance for Obama to wax nostalgic. Many analysts have speculated that Obama's administration could give greater strategic emphasis to the bilateral relationship in a bid to counterbalance China's rising influence in mainland Southeast Asia, including substantial sway over Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.
Top US officials are hinting as much. "This trip is an important part of the president's continued effort to broaden and strengthen the partnerships that are necessary to advance our security and prosperity," White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs said during a press briefing on Monday to announce Obama's visit.
Indonesia is the world's most populous Muslim country and its third-largest democracy. After Obama met his Indonesian counterpart, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in Singapore last November, the US president said he was "extraordinarily impressed" with the progress of Indonesian democracy. That compares with perceived back-sliding in the Philippines and Thailand, the US's other main strategic allies in the region.
Yudhoyono, who was overwhelmingly re-elected to a second five- year term last year, has received much of the credit for the democratic progress. However, high-profile corruption scandals, a controversial bank bailout and public discontent that manifested in citywide protests in January have tainted the first few months of Yudhoyono's second term.
With domestic politics in disarray, some analysts believe Obama's visit may not be a boost for the embattled Yudhoyono administration.
"The Obama card is something the government needs," said Evan Laksmana, a researcher at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, referring to the potential a meeting could have for increasing US aid and investment. "But something big should come out of the meeting. There should be some concrete triumph."
The euphoria felt here after Obama's 2009 election has wound down among Indonesians, who had high hopes that his connection to their country would have already raised significantly the country's profile in Washington. Indonesia is the US's 29th largest trading partner, and US companies have invested heavily in local petroleum and mining industries.
The two countries have also recently enhanced security ties. For instance, the US was instrumental in the creation of, and has provided crucial training to, Indonesia's elite Detachment 88 unit, which has led several high-profile counter-terrorism operations.
Yet for some Indonesians, the pre-eminence given to Obama and by association the US has already reached a tipping point. After a small bronze statue of a 10-year-old Obama was recently unveiled in Menteng Park, a group of citizens started a Facebook page calling for its removal. The site has drawn more than 10,000 members and the grouping has since filed a lawsuit with the city to have the statue taken down.
Ron Mullers, chairman of the Friends of Obama Foundation, which sponsored the statue, has said it was meant only to represent a boy who lived in the neighborhood. The eight Indonesians who started the Facebook group say their own heroes should be represented rather than foreigners, particularly foreigners who to date have done little for Indonesia.
Some policy analysts say Obama lost an opportunity by skipping his previously planned visit in November. But it is the lack of what Laksmana calls "real deliverables" that has raised hackles. "People are asking, 'What has he done for us? What has he done to improve the welfare of people in the Muslim world?'"
Recalibrating the US's approach to the Muslim world has been a pivotal part of Obama's foreign policy, which devotes more attention than his predecessor's to cultural diplomacy. Part of that effort was on display last week in Jakarta, where a San Francisco-based dance troupe performed as part of a cultural exchange.
The State Department, which has partnered with the Brooklyn Academy of Music to sponsor the initiative, says it demonstrates America's respect and appreciation for other cultures and traditions. Yet even while speaking to the importance of cross- cultural exchanges, Anne Grimes, the cultural attache for the US Embassy in Jakarta, highlighted the importance of political and military relations.
When Obama meets Yudhoyono in March, the two are expected to formally launch the US-Indonesian Comprehensive Partnership, a pact that will cover educational exchanges, trade and investment cooperation, and security and non-security issues such as climate change.
The 2010 State and Foreign Operations Appropriations bill will increase funding for education and cultural exchanges by $97 million year on year. Yet Laksmana said pushing what Secretary of State Hillary Clinton calls "smart power" will make little difference as long as thorny issues, such as restoring aid to Indonesia's Special Forces, go unresolved. The US suspended funding to the Special Forces in 1992 after it was linked to human-rights abuses in East Timor, and the issue has been a sticking point between the two allies since.
Local critics of the so-called "smart power" approach say US culture erodes Indonesian morals. According to a 2006 study by the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI), six out of every 10 Indonesian Muslims believed Western culture had a negative influence on local culture.
Despite those criticisms, a visit by the US president is seen as necessary to reassure one of the few countries in the region that is anxious over China's growing regional dominance. Laksmana said an enhanced strategic partnership with the US could provide a good counterbalance to China, which has long simmering maritime disputes with Indonesia.
Analysts say the success of Obama's trip will depend on the verdict of an ongoing investigation into the Bank Century bailout. Indonesia's vice president and finance minister are both accused of pilfering funds from the state rescue and Yudhoyono's name also has been raised. All have denied the charges as politically motivated.
If the court finds high-level graft occurred, Laksmana said, Obama's visit could be used by the opposition as an opportunity to launch even stronger attacks against Yudhoyono, who some have accused of being an American puppet and of driving a neo-liberal agenda that prioritizes free trade over the protection of Indonesian businesses.
In some ways, Yudhoyono and Obama find themselves in similar political positions. Both have seen their popularity drop since taking office, and many fault them for failing to meet their campaign promises. Against that backdrop, many wonder whether Obama's belated attention to Indonesia will do Yudhoyono more political harm than good.
[Sara Schonhardt is a freelance writer based in Jakarta, Indonesia. She has lived and worked in Southeast Asia for six years and has a master's degree in international affairs from Columbia University.]
Max Lane On December 23, the Indonesian Attorney General's Department announced the banning of five books. Soon afterwards, it became known that the attorney general is looking at possibly banning another 20 titles. This follows the banning of the film Balibo, which tells the story of Suharto's invasion of East Timor and the suppression of history textbooks in 2007. There has been no repeal since Suharto's ouster of any of the book bans imposed during the dictator's rule.
The five banned books are: Suara Gereja bagi Umat Tertindas Penderitaan Tetesan Darah dan Cucuran Air Mata Umat Tuhan di Papua Barat Harus Diakhiri (The Voice of the Church for the Suffering of the Oppressed: The Spilling of Blood and Tears of God's People in Papua Must Be Ended) by Cocratez Sofyan Yoman, Enam Jalan Menuju Tuhan (Six Roads to God) by Darmawan, Mengungkap Misteri Keberagaman Agama (Explaining the Mysteries of Religious Diversity) by Syahrudin Ahmad, Dalih Pembunuhan Massa Gerakan 30 September dan Kudeta Soeharto (Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30 Movement and Suharto's Coup) by John Roosa and Lekra Tak Membakar Buku: Suara Senyap Lembar Kebudayaan Harian Rakjat 1950-1965 (Lekra Did Not Burn Books: The Silent Voice of the Cultural Pages of the Peoples Daily, 1950-65) by Rhoma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Muhidin M. Dahlan.
Attorney-General Hendarman Supandji said that these books could "erode public confidence in the government, cause moral decadence or disturb the national ideology, economy, culture and security". Of course, he didn't explain how the books could do these things.
Regarding one book, Pretext for Mass Murder, the attorney general's spokesperson claimed, without any details, that they had identified 143 objectionable passages.
Critics of the bans have tended to belittle the attorney-general's statements, asking how such books could really "disturb the national ideology, economy, culture and security". The reality is, however, that to let such books, and others like them, continue to be published is indeed dangerous for the Indonesian political establishment.
The five books banned on December 23 deal with a representative range of taboo subjects that, if allowed to be debated openly, can let loose ideas that will destroy all the myths upon which the Indonesian capitalist ruling class relies to achieve the political acquiescence of the rest of the country's population.
The five books cover the plight of the Melanesian people in West Papua, religious pluralism and the history of the Indonesian left. These are key issues which the Indonesian political elite a creation of 33 years of Suharto's New Order regime wish to keep under their tight control. There is little in any of the books which is ideologically radical or politically threatening in its own right.
The book that has been the subject of most public discussion has been Canadian academic John Roosa's Pretext for Mass Murder. It provides the most convincing explanation to date of who was behind the September 30 Movement, the organisation of young officers that allegedly attempted a "communist" coup in 1965 providing the pretext for General Suharto's seizure of power and the slaughter within months of at least 1 million members of the Indonesia left.
Roosa argues that the junior officers' coup plot was masterminded by Dipa Nusantara Aidit, central leader of the Indonesian Communist Party, but without him telling the party leadership of his involvement in the plot. The book's political analysis of the events leading up to Aidit's actions, while throwing more light on the anti-democratic machinations of the army commanders, remains within existing parameters of liberal scholarship.
The threat that all of these books pose is that the continued publication and public discussion of the material in them will end the state's 40-year monopoly on interpreting matters relating to the history of the Indonesian class struggle, the history of the people of West Papua and of religious doctrine.
This monopoly has been undergoing steady erosion over the last 10 years. In Indonesia today books on all these subjects can be purchased in most mainstream bookshops. Even books by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Fidel Castro and Che Guevera, as well as Indonesian leftists, can be easily purchased.
The novels of Pramoedya Ananta Toer, still officially banned as far as anybody knows, often occupy a whole table or section in these bookshops. Many smaller publishers are becoming increasingly daring in the titles they produce, and there is a steady growth in the number of such publishers.
The action of the attorney general, so far silently backed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, no doubt reflects an increasing fear that this process may get out of hand. Adding to the political elite's nervousness has been the appearance on Facebook of two openly pro-communist sites Komunis Indonesia and Partai Komunis Indonesia 2010. Between them they have accumulated around 1500 members in just a few weeks.
The threat to the elite is that a jump may be made from selling books flouting the state's past monopoly on taboo subjects to open campaigning and political organising around banned ideas. Spreading Marxism-Leninism is a capital crime. Campaigning for secession from Indonesia is still banned there are people still in jail in Papua for raising the Papuan flag. Public advocacy of atheism or "unauthorised" religious views is also illegal.
Those in power will have noticed that there is also a Facebook campaign demanding the repeal of the ban on spreading Marxism- Leninism which is also attracting support.
The recent book bannings have already provoked protests and legal challenges. Civil liberties lawyers are challenging the government's right to ban any books at all in the Constitutional Court. A number of public protest forums have been held. Eighty- three prominent intellectuals, lawyers, artists and others have also signed a public petition demanding the bans be lifted and that there be no more.
Liberal democratic as well as radical left-wing groups have been organising these protests. The Independent Journalists Alliance is also launching legal challenges to the banning of Balibo. There are two separate Facebook campaigns against the bans, with almost 3000 signatories between them.
The voluntary withdrawal in December by bookshop chain Gramedia of another book, Uncovering the Cikeas Octopus, by dissident academic and journalist George Aditjondro, also provoked widespread protest. Aditjondro's book reported on the election and fundraising activities of foundations and other entities alleged to be close to Yudhoyono. The book was not formally banned, and in fact has now become a bestseller.
Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party have gone out of their way to indicate they were not interested in having the book banned. Yudhoyono supporters have since issued a book countering Aditjondro's work. However, there are reports that the attorney general is now considering banning both books.
As the current intellectual ferment extends and the radical left-wing current grows within it, it will not only be reflected in the continued publication of books threatening the state's monopoly on public opinion. A critical mass will develop and the jump will occur: from new and radical ideas as commodities to be sold in a bookshop or on an activists' book stall, to the banner under which political campaigning and organisation occurs.
From the point of view of their interests (which of course they are well aware of), the Indonesian political elites will be looking for ways to maintain their old monopoly through the state's banning power, laws governing the recognition of religions and the ban on the spreading of Marxism-Leninism.
While these laws remain, even if the government still turns a blind eye on some occasions, the campaign for their repeal is likely to become an increasingly important part of a revived struggle to win complete political liberty.
Max Lane Abdurrahman Wahid, the president of Indonesia between 1999 and 2001, died on December 30, aged 69. His death was met by a wave of commentary and discussion praising his contribution to Indonesian society, especially from the humanitarian and liberal democratic sectors: intellectuals, NGOS and human rights advocates. These sectors, with some justification, lamented his death as a loss for those struggling against discrimination and for a broadening of civil liberties generally.
Wahid, also affectionately known as "Gus Dur" (elder brother Dur), was at his peak of controversy during his presidency. He took a series of positions that put him at loggerheads with the majority of the Indonesian ruling class and its representatives in parliament. At that time, the president was not directly elected but was chosen by the parliament. The parliament that had elected him in 1999 turned against him by 2001, ousting him on highly dubious charges of corruption.
If we list just a few of the positions he took while he was president, it is easy to see how he would get offside with a ruling class created during the 33 years of the Suharto-led military dictatorship. Wahid ordered police to halt violent dispersals of student demonstrations and appointed to a senior position the lone army commander who was an outspoken critic of military corruption.
Wahid called for the end of the ban on the spreading of Marxist- Leninist ideas, stating that democracy should be a free market of ideas. He called for reconciliation with the victims of the 1965 mass violent repression against the Indonesian left, including the Communist Party of Indonesia, issuing an apology to those victims on behalf of the country. He agreed to the raising of the West Papuan flag in West Papua as a symbol of the region's identity and supported moves for greater autonomy. He agreed to a referendum in Aceh on self-determination (but was unable to carry it out, later backtracking). He also offered a public apology to the people of East Timor during a presidential visit to Dili, something the army never forgave him for.
He further alienated a majority in parliament by continuing his campaign for a more secular culture. This included calling for an end to the use of the Islam-based phrase "assalam mualaikum" as a daily greeting, to be replaced by the Indonesian equivalents of "good afternoon", "good evening" etc, and opposing calls for a state based on Islamic law.
Not surprisingly, the political elite turned against him quickly, even though he remained within generally agreed parameters in economic policy. As the elite's campaign to impeach Wahid increased, so did pressure on him from pro-democratic groups to mobilise mass opinion against the old New Order-created elite. It was in this context that the contradiction that Wahid represented was most starkly revealed.
Wahid was opposed to mass mobilisation as a means of conducting politics. I used to speak with Wahid regularly from 1991-96 during visits to Indonesia. The last time we spoke in depth was in July 1996, at his office in the headquarters of the Nahdatul Ulama religious organisation. He explained his opposition to mass action politics, which was growing in popularity during that period and which was to accelerate in the years to come. He said he feared that the masses would run amok.
In late 2000 and early 2001, pro-democracy activists were calling on him to support a united front against the old New Order forces, including what appeared to be comeback attempts by the army officers. These activists called on Wahid to disband the parliament and call new elections, along with mobilising support against Golkar and the army. It happened once in Surabaya in 2001, when 1 million people mobilised in an anti-Golkar campaign, but he hesitated until the very last minute and tried to resist the forces against him by manoeuvre rather than mass mobilisation. When he did issue a decree to disband the parliament, both the army and police declared they would side with the parliament, which then impeached him.
Wahid became famous, not only for his jokes and fondness for gossip, all at the expense of the elite (including sometimes himself), but for numerous zigzag manoeuvres, often confusing people and even tripping himself up. This habit, which preceded his presidency, was a direct consequence of a reality of Indonesian politics, not some quirk in his personality. He spoke out in favour of the most progressive and democratic of the values and ideas of liberal democracy.
Post-New-Order Indonesia, however, had produced a culturally philistine capitalist ruling class based on nepotism, corruption, cronyism and political repression, a bourgeoisie that had no interest in liberal-democratic ideas. The only social forces that did have an interest in struggling for them and might be convinced to do so were the poor masses of workers and peasants whom Wahid was so afraid to mobilise.
With no social forces as allies to defend him against a ruling class whose fundamental ideas, at least in politics, he challenged, Wahid was forced to rely on trickier and trickier manoeuvres within elite circles. In the 1997 elections, this even led him to act as virtual campaign manager for Suharto's daughter, Tutut, as he tried some kind of "change from within" manoeuvre.
Unable or unwilling to try seriously to mobilise mass support for his policies, he failed in implementing most of them. There was no referendum in Aceh; in fact military operations in Aceh intensified during his presidency. The Papuan flag stopped flying in West Papua. The ban on Marxism-Leninism was not lifted and book bannings continue today. His appointments to the army and police were short-lived. There are more Islamic regulations in place now than ever before.
Despite the unpredictability of his ongoing manoeuvres, Wahid remained consistent in the political values he defended after he was dislodged from the presidency. He accepted an invitation to be keynote speaker at the press launch of the first Indonesian language translation of Karl Marx's Capital, published by the Hasta Mitra publishing house, run by a former political prisoner, Joesoef Isak. He accepted a keynote speaker invitation when the newspaper of the left-wing People's Democratic Party was relaunched in 2002. He criticised acts of discrimination against religious minorities, often contradicting directly majority opinion among the Islamic religious elite. He publicly defended the rights of gay men, lesbians and transgender people.
While Wahid failed in turning any of the ideas he espoused into reality, his consistency in advocating liberal-democratic values was a definite contribution to the advance of the pro-democratic movement (just as his reluctance to call for popular mobilisations was a block to the same movement). Without the presence of Wahid and his consistent advocacy of those values, there would have been less political space and more obstacles in the way of the younger activists trying to find a progressive way forward. It is no accident that many youth won to more radical politics have come from a Nahdatul Ulama family background, as Wahid also encouraged a critical outlook among the youth of the organisation he headed for more than two decades.
The contradiction Wahid embodied represents a fundamental contradiction of Indonesian politics today. In a society of 230 million people, where an intellectually philistine bourgeoisie is the creation of a 33-year parasitic, nepotistic dictatorship and where the overwhelming majority are poverty-stricken and deprived of access to even a minimally dignified quality of life, it is impossible to be an effective liberal democrat without going beyond liberal democracy, to a participatory, democracy of the mobilised working people that opens the road to socialism.
The fate of two senior leaders is hanging in the balance pending the findings of the inquiry committee of the House of Representatives on the Bank Century bailout.
Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati is our reformation icon and Vice President Boediono a civil servant with a clean track record. It will be heartbreaking if we have to see both of them go at a time when we cannot afford to lose either one of them. Their presence will assure the consistency and continuity of our economy.
Mirroring the fluid political mood, the House committee is still undecided about such trivialities as the name of their findings. Shall they call it a progress report, a temporary conclusion or an overview? The result of their month-long exhaustive investigation into the Rp 6.7 trillion (US$716 million) controversial bailout of the bank has yet to get a name.
The key to salvaging Mulyani and Boediono lies in the hands of Yudhoyono. His 25 percent-strong Democratic Party at the House has to win over Golkar, the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). This is possible, at least on paper, although both PAN and Golkar have grown more vocal in recent days, a sign that they are upping the ante. And each of these parties has its candidates ready to replace Boediono.
Golkar, with nearly 20 percent of the House's 560 seats, has been talking about impeaching Boediono. An impeachment process needs the nod of two-thirds of the House members. It is a long and arduous process and an unnecessary one, since leaders of the caliber of Boediono and Mulyani do not need an impeachment. They will voluntarily step down as soon as they are found to have committed mistakes.
Numerous political interests have piggybacked the committee right from the start. They are eager to prove that Boediono committed a mistake by deciding to bailout the bank during his days as the central bank governor. Mulyani has been targeted for refusing to offer special treatment to party leaders in her past bold reform measures.
Comparing the resolute quality of one leader with another is not always in line with our culture but one is hard put not to do so in the case of the House inquiry committee. Former vice president Jusuf Kalla is remembered as a leader who could exert his influence on the coalition. Whether or not Yudhoyono is able to do so will remain to be seen.
Still fresh in our memory is that the attacks on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) by the National Police and the Attorney General's Office in November were stopped by civil society, not by the President.
He could have stopped the attacks on the KPK if he had wanted to, and prevented the Bank Century saga from developing into a political stray bullet if he had wanted to do so, two months ago. Timing is a critical element in politics and we could only sigh as it passed.
The ball is now at SBY's feet. He could kick the ball into the goalkeeper's net and salvage the two leaders, or let the political ball be controlled by elements with vested interests.
Ezki Suyanto At one point during Aceh's nearly 35-year battle for autonomy, a women approached an officer at a military post in the village of Trio. The Acehnese woman alleged that she had been raped by a member of the Kopassus, also known as the Army's Special Forces. An investigation was launched into the matter. It was decided that the rape never took place. Later, it was revealed that the woman had a relationship with the soldier.
This story, among many others, can be found in "Kopassus Untuk Indonesia" ("Kopassus for Indonesia"), a book which claims to give the inside story on the Army's Special Forces. While going into the history of the elite force and explaining its daunting selection and training process, it is apparent that Kopassus published the book to "clarify" and "justify" its use of force in military operations and conflict zones.
The group, known for its strategic warfare tactics, appears to have deployed the same skill in this publication -- using civilian writers to tell its side of the story to gain public acceptance. This book, published in January, marks the first time that a book on Kopassus has been written by civilian reporters. As such, the narrative about the country's most elite force has garnered a great deal of attention from activists and observers alike.
Authors Iwan Santosa and E.A. Natanegara's 351-page book is broken down into six chapters. One delves into the history of Kopassus and illustrates why only the country's fittest and smartest make it. The intensive selection process that new recruits undergo is explained in detail.
"Once during survival training at Situ Lembang [West Java], I inspected my equipment and my students," says Letkol Iwan Setiawan, the head of the training command, in the book. "One student was missing. We searched for him for an entire night. He showed up at 8 a.m. the next morning. We asked him what had happened and he claimed that an old man had helped guide him back to the mountain. We do not know whether it was true or not, but it showed that he was a coward."
According to the book, the final test for new recruits is a 500- kilometer march from Batujajar [West Java] to Cilacap [Central Java]. The entire journey takes five days and nights of walking, and the cadets can only rest for meals. They receive the coveted red beret if they reach Cilacap on time. "They forget all their suffering and what they had to endure when they receive the red beret," Setiawan says.
The most interesting part of the book by far is the description and depiction of Kopassus's involvement in conflicts in Aceh, Poso, Ambon and Papua.
According to Kopassus, they were defending Indonesia from breaking up, as Aceh and Papuah were waging armed insurgencies to break away from Jakarta rule. At the same time, they were aware that the public did not like them because of the military operations that they carried out.
Human rights groups have routinely accused Kopassus of murder, rape, robbery and torture during their tour of duty in the tho troubled provinces.
Kopassus denies all the accusations, saying that it was the separatist Free Aceh movement (GAM) who was responsible for the human rights violations that took place during the insurgency.
The book recounts an incident when an Acehnese female reporter, Cut Aisyah, reported a soldier to the Military Police for allegedly kidnapping her husband. Commander Major General Syamsul Jalal investigated the case. "We still doubt the veracity of the report and the accuracy of the evidence. Every woman who reports anything related to violence will get compensation," says Major Ari Yulianto, who was on duty when Cut Aisyah lodged her report.
The book also tells how Kopassus protected the Chinese community during the May riots in Jakarta in 1998.
"There was a rumor that we were taking bribes of Rp 2 million [$210] from the community," says Letkol Doni Munardo, who was Jakarta battalion commander. "I assure you it is not true."
The book only twice mentions the name most often associated with Kopassus: that of Prabowo Subianto, one of its most famous and formidable leaders, who has now turned politician. He is mentioned as commanding the rescue operation to free a hostage from Mapenduma, and when he led an expedition to conquer Mount Everest. Prabowo, the former son-in-law of the late President Suharto, wielded tremendous power when he led Kopassus.
There are no details about the missing activists who were abducted at the time, an issue that brought about the fall of Prabowo's military star. As of today, 13 activists remain missing.