The controversy over the book "Membongkar Gurita Cikeas," or "Unravelling the Cikeas Octopus," moved from free speech drama to farce on Wednesday when the book's author used the volume to smack a lawmaker in the face who had accused him of suffering from hallucinations.

Former anti-Suharto activist and academic George Junus Aditjondro was sitting with several other people discussing the book with Democratic Party lawmaker Ramadhan Pohan during the book's formal launch in Jakarta. Then Aditjondro, who wrote the book, lunged forward and hit Ramadhan near the left eye with the book. The incident was televised.

"I was hit by George," Ramadhan told reporters as he was rushing out of the Doekoen Cafe, where the discussion was held. The politician also showed his slightly bruised eye and a small cut on his nose to journalists.

The smacking incident overshadowed the Jakarta launch of a book that accuses President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party of funneling money from the controversial 2008 Bank Century bailout through various foundations to finance this year's election campaigns.

The name Cikeas refers to the town where Yudhoyono's residence is located and recalls references to the Suharto family as the "Cendana clan" based on the Menteng street where they live.

The book has been pulled from bookstore shelves and been threatened with formal banning despite the fact that most of the allegations seem to come from second-hand sources that have already circulated widely on the Internet and elsewhere.

Several organizers of the discussion later chased after the lawmaker in an attempt to calm him down. The outraged Ramadhan reported the book bashing to police.

He then went to the AINI Eye Hospital to have a forensic examination as evidence. "I'm going to make George regret this incident," Ramadhan said. Just before the assault, Ramadhan was complaining about the book's content.

"He said that George must have hallucinated the idea that Rp 150 billion ($15.9 million) from Bank Century was channeled to Jurnal," said Boni Hargens, a University of Indonesia political analyst who was on the discussion panel, referring to the Jurnal Nasional newspaper.

"Obviously Ramadhan never read the book," Boni said, "because there isn't anything that suggests that."

Ramadhan is the editor-in-chief of Jurnal Nasional, a newspaper closely linked to Yudhoyono. Boni said Aditjondro seemed annoyed at Ramadhan's use of the word "hallucinating."

Aditjondro admitted trying to hit Ramadhan with a copy of his book. "It's him who is hallucinating. I was emotional but I wasn't aiming for his face, the book didn't even hit him," he said. Ramadhan, he said, had come to the launch uninvited. "Maybe he was there to provoke me into doing such things," Aditjondro said.

Around 500 people attended the event, most eager to get a copy of the hard to find book.

The State Palace and senior Democrats have denounced the book as "libelous" and denied its allegations. Around 30 people rallied against the book during the event, sporting placards saying, "Long Live SBY" and "George is a Provocateur and a Liar."

However, the book may disappoint those who can find a copy. The 183-page volume offers little more than a collection of news excerpts from various media, including the Jakarta Globe, combined with the author's personal commentary and analysis. There is little trace of the investigative style Aditjondro demonstrated in his earlier works.

Despite choosing "Behind the Bank Century Scandal" as the book's subtitle, Aditjondro even failed to give a comprehensive evaluation of the case as he only dedicates two and a half pages to the controversial bailout.

Gerindra Party lawmaker Permadi said that while the information presented was debatable, Aditjondro had presented an important alternative perspective.

"Charitable foundations were used during the Suharto era to launder funds. There should be more transparency in how parties obtain their funds," he said.

'Octopus' beginning to grate as ban claim checked

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – George Junus Aditjondro's controversial Cikeas Octopus book, which suggests a link between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the Bank Century bailout, has been buffeted by protests and buoyed by support.

The National Commission on Human Rights visited several bookstores in Jakarta on Tuesday to check whether they had been pressured to not carry the title, following widespread speculation of high-level intervention.

Commission member Yosep Adi Prasetyo said although he could not find a single copy of the book, Membongkar Gurita Cikeas: Di Balik Skandal Bank Century (Unmasking the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal), it was unlikely there had been any order to muzzle it.

"There's no pressure. The withdrawing and returning of the book to the publisher was done by officials at the individual bookstores," he said. "They're still looking through the book to see just how controversial it could be."

Yosep added he had also sent letters to the bookstores to reassure them there would be no backlash against them if they did decide to start selling the book, saying it would be in the interests of the public's right to freedom of information.

House of Representatives Deputy Speaker Priyo Budi Santoso concurred, saying no action should be taken to ban the selling of the book. "Whether what it alleges is true or not, only time will tell," said the Golkar Party legislator.

He added George, a university lecturer and former rights activist, would have put his reputation and career on the line if the book was intended merely to generate a buzz.

George claims to have ample evidence to back up the claims he makes in the book. The book draws on various media reports, including several that name former tobacco mogul Boedi Sampoerna as one of the biggest depositors at the troubled Bank Century.

"Boedi invested Rp 150 billion [US$16 million] in the Jurnal Nasional group of publications," George said earlier in a TV interview. He added the publications had effectively served as the mouthpiece for Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party ahead of the legislative and presidential elections earlier this year.

George's naming of several organizations in the book has not gone down well with them. State-owned news agency Antara has sent him a warning letter to demand he apologize and revise a section in the book in which he alleges Antara channeled some of its public service obligation (PSO) funds to the Bravo Media Center, part of Yudhoyono's election campaign team.

Meanwhile, Puri Cikeas Foundation chairman Suratto Siswodihardjo has accused George of attempting to increase sales of the book by claiming it had been banned.

"That's their marketing strategy; sensationalism," he told news portal tempointeraktif.com. "Nobody's banned the book."

Suratto, who headed up the Pro-SBY Movement to get the President re-elected, also denied George's allegations that his foundation had helped raise funds for Yudhoyono's campaigns.

George has refused to apologize or revise his book. "They have the right to defend themselves," he said. "And if they want to send me a warning or publish books to counter my claims, that's up to them."

He suggested Yudhoyono's camp publish such a book if they were so upset with the Cikeas Octopus.

Yudhoyono made a veiled allusion to the book Monday at an awards ceremony. "Indonesians seem stingy when it comes to thanking or appreciating others, but very generous when blaming people," he said.

'Octopus' a runaway hit, but stores still cautious

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The controversial Cikeas Octopus book that links President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the Bank Century bailout has become an instant hit – if only one can find a copy.

Most bookstores across the country are not carrying the title. The few that did carry George Junus Aditjondro's Membongkar Gurita Cikeas: Di Balik Skandal Bank Century (Unmasking the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal) have sold out their stocks.

The country's largest bookstores, meanwhile, Gramedia and Toko Gunung Agung (TGA), have decided to play it safe and check its content first, following earlier reports they had refused to carry the title.

"TGA's purchasing department sent us an email saying they won't distribute the book yet because they still want to scrutinize it," Andi Basuki, from Yogyakarta-based publisher Galang Press, said Monday.

It was reported earlier in the day that two TGA stores in Jakarta would sell 2,000 copies of the book, after the TGA outlet in Kwitang, Central Jakarta, sold 50 copies Saturday.

Over at Gramedia, marketing staff at several of its stores denied being ordered not to sell the book. Gramedia Pustaka Utama marketing general manager Nung Atasana told vivanews.com he had not heard of the title being sold at any Gramedia store.

Other officials at Gramedia and TGA could not be reached for comment on their reported refusal to sell the book.

Galang Press executive director Julius Felicianus said he had been informed "someone powerful" had ordered the bookstores not to sell the book.

Andi said 1,400 copies that his company had printed had sold out in two days. In Bandung and Semarang, a similar trend has also been reported.

In the book and in national media afterward, George hinted at a link between the President and Century.

"One of the biggest customers of Bank Century was Budi Sampoerna, who also contributed funds to the President and his Democratic Party," he said. "Budi invested Rp 150 billion [US$16 million] in the Jurnal Nasional group of publications."

The publications effectively served as the mouthpiece for Yudhoyono and his party ahead of the elections earlier this year.

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said Yudhoyono had been made aware of the book's claims, which he had called "inaccurate" due to the "rampant use of secondary data".

"The authenticity and validity of this secondary data must be further investigated," Julian said. "It is the writer's responsibility to explain the process and methodology he used to reach the conclusions he made in this book.

"We'll decide on the next step to take after hearing [George's] explanation at the official launch of the book, which I hear is planned for Dec. 30."

Julian also denied allegations the President had any role in stopping the book going on sale, and played down speculation that Yudhoyono planned to send the author a warning letter.

Outcry as Indonesian ministers take delivery of swish new cars

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Nurfika Osman - A number of senior members of the government, including cabinet ministers, no longer have to endure the ignominy of being driven around in a humble Toyota Camry.

The government's official fleet of cars has been upgraded after five years so that ministers are now transported in luxurious 3,000 cc Toyota Crown Royal Saloons.

Officials and Toyota executives are keeping mum on whether the imported sedans were purchased at full price, for a discount or supplied for free.

However, the appearance of the new cars has reaped criticism from analysts who view such luxury as incompatible with the poverty that afflicts a large part of the population.

Arbi Sanit, a political expert from the University of Indonesia, said ministers should not be receiving new cars while many citizens are struggling to overcome poverty.

"They are lavishing money on themselves at the expense of a poor country, and this means the exploitation of the citizens," Arbi said. "Our citizens are poor and they use our money for new cars."

According to the United Nations Development Program, about 37 million out of 220 million Indonesians are living below the poverty line.

Arbi said the officials did not deserve the new cars as the government had yet to achieve real progress in improving the welfare of the nation.

"They do not have the right to get more perks as they have not shown us any achievements in creating better governance," he said. "Many cases such as Bank Century and the Corruption Eradication Commission remain unsolved. It means that they are ineffective officials."

Ikrar Nusa Bakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the new cars would hurt people who were still struggling.

"The large amount of money spent on the luxury cars could be used to finance programs to curb poverty," Ikrar said. "How many kilometers did the old cars cover during the last five years? The cars were only used from their homes to their offices. I bet they are still in a good condition."

He said that even if the state had budgeted for the purchase, the expense could still be reviewed.

Johny Darmawan, the CEO of Toyota Astra Motor, was not immediately available for comment, while a Toyota customer care officer declined to comment on the price of the sedans. "We cannot give you any information about the price as the cars are for the ministers," she said.

Media reports have suggested that the cars cost as much as Rp 1.3 billion ($137,800) each. Julian Aldrin Pasha, the presidential spokesman, also declined to comment on the issue when contacted by the Jakarta Globe.

State Secretary Sudi Silalahi was reported by Tempointeractive.com as denying the Toyota Crowns were luxury cars, even though Toyota itself advertises them as such.

Review 2009

Review 2009: Century, a righteous road paved with pitfalls

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Andi Haswidi, Jakarta – Praises for achievements made by Indonesia's financial sector in 2009, which include surviving an unprecedented global liquidity crisis, seem to be overshadowed by confusion over what to make of the series of events in the final quarter of last year that led to the Bank Century bailout.

Did such a move save the country from a financial meltdown, or was it part of an orchestrated effort to misuse state funds?

An investigative audit into the bailout by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) has unveiled several facts that have placed the government and Bank Indonesia (BI) in the hot seat. The facts suggest that the legal status of the government body that commissioned the bailout, the Coordinating Committee (KK), comes with a big question mark.

According to the law on BI and the law on the Deposit Insurance Agency (LPS), the KK is a government body with responsibility to evaluate the systemic risk presented by an insolvent bank and to decide on necessary measures to prevent any systemic threat to the banking system.

A provision in the law on LPS says the KK must be established by a law, or by a memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the finance minister and BI governor until such a law is in place. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and then BI governor Boediono signed the MoU in early 2004.

A provision in the MoU says the KK became effective from Feb. 27, 2004, until the law on the financial safety net (JPSK) was to come into in place. Its members were the BI governor and the LPS president commissioner, with the finance minister as chairman.

Years later, when the government and the House of Representatives were still in the process of discussing the bill on the JPSK in the final quarter of 2008, the country's financial sector was already caught up in the worst period of the global financial crisis.

The impact of the crisis was clearly visible through several key indicators in 2008: the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) composite index plummeted by 50 percent in October in comparison to the start of the year, the rupiah breached 11,500 to a dollar within the same month, while the country's credit default swap (CDS) spread deteriorated to 980 basis points (bps) in November from 250 bps several months earlier.

Another indicator, the Banking Pressure Index, issued by Danareksa Securities, shows a bank liquidity picture that was eerily similar to that of the Asian financial crisis in 1997- 1998. The index touched 0.9 in October, already above the 0.5 in March 1997 when the Asian financial crisis started.

The Financial Stability Index also showed that within the given period the banking sector was already in a situation worse than that of the so called "mini crisis" in 2005 that was prompted by massive panic redemption of government bonds.

Given such domestic realities, the government deemed that the financial market was teetering on the edge of a potential meltdown, thus an emergency response was required. The government's first move was to raise the guarantee on individual savings to Rp 2 billion per account, up by 20 fold from Rp 100 million earlier.

The move was made in early October after Malaysia and Singapore notified the government that they would give a full guarantee on all bank savings as they feared a massive pullout of capital due to the liquidity crisis in the US and Europe.

To further ease pressure on the banking sector, the government also allowed banks to use lending assets as collateral for short-term loans from the central bank. Previously, banks could only use the highly liquid government bonds or central bank certificates (SBI) as collateral.

Finally, the government took a drastic step by issuing a government regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) on JPSK on Oct. 15, 2008, bypassing all the processes pertinent to the bill on the JPSK at the House. With reference to the MoU on the KK, the issuance of the Perppu was supposed to automatically replace the KK as defined by the MoU with a KK as defined by the Perppu.

Instead, the Perppu introduced a new term for a body that functions almost entirely in the same way as intended with the KK, that is, the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK).

The difference in terminology later became problematic when KSSK decided during a four hour meeting that lasted until dawn on Nov. 21, 2008, to salvage Bank Century by using the LPS as the means to do so. LPS, however, was bound by law to take orders specifically from the KK, not from the KSSK.

At 5.30 a.m. On the same day, then Finance Minister Mulyani and then governor Boediono summoned a KK meeting, ordering LPS to take over the publicly listed bank from all shareholders and to inject funds to resuscitate it to avoid a systemic threat to the banking and financial system.

Regardless of the questionable legal grounds underlying the implementation of the bailout, it was clear to the decision makers that in a crisis situation such as shown by all the indicators above, it was better to resort to a preventive measure as there was no way of being sure that no damage would occur to the banking sector if they closed the bank instead of saving it.

Unfortunately, the regulatory issue is not the only challenge the decision makers have to answer for. The decision making was also based on data from BI that was later found to be insufficient to identify the precise nature of the liquidity problem faced by the bank, thus affecting the responses.

A good portion of assets held by the bank were in fact bogus and related to fraudulent activities carried out by previous shareholders and executives. This was also coupled with the failure of LPS to prevent Century account holders linked to shareholders from withdrawing funds after the first tranche of bailout funds was injected.

The final tranche of capital injections was carried out on July 24 this year, concluding injection transactions totaling Rp 6.76 trillion (US$716.56 million) of bailout funds, more than 10 times the initial cost estimated by BI.

Key findings in the BPK investigative audit

Century's insolvency was a direct result of poor implementation of BI supervision ever since the bank was established as the result of a merger of Bank CIC, Bank Danpac and Bank Pikko in 2004.
BI's analysis of the systemic threat posed by the Century collapse was based on outdated information on the bank's capital adequacy ratio (CAR), thus affecting the judgment of the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK).
The Coordinating Committee (KK) no longer provided a legal basis for the bailout after the Perppu and JPSK had been introduced, resulting in the legality of the bailout being questionable, due to a gap in the legal provisions.
Accounts held by persons with links with Century shareholders withdrew Rp 938.6 billion after the bank received the Short Term Liquidity Assistance (FPJP) from BI on Nov. 14 and the bailout funds from LPS on Nov. 24.
The withdrawal of funds by affiliated parties, forbidden in such circumstances under existing banking regulations, exacerbated within a short period of time the bank's already dire liquidity problems.
Losses from the misappropriation of customer funds worth US$18 million, which entirely belonged to tycoon Boedi Sampoerna, by Century shareholders – Robert and Dewi Tantoelar – were recorded as the bank's liability and later covered by the bailout funds.
Of the total bailout funds, Rp 5.87 trillion was spent to cover the depreciation of assets tied to illegal and imprudent activities carried out by Century's shareholders and executives.

Scandals that rocked the nation in 2009 won't go away next year

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

Emmy Fitri, Nivell Rayda & Heru Andriyanto – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's landslide win in July made him far and away the most potent politician of the post-Suharto era and the first Indonesian leader to be elected – and reelected – as president by direct vote.

His coalition in the legislature should be unassailable, with his Democratic Party holding 148 of the 560 seats in the House of Representatives. His coalition partners – basically everyone except the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle – have the lion's share of the remaining seats. He has seen the country weather the global economic meltdown and presided over a rise in international prestige and influence that have led investors and analysts to talk of Indonesia finally emerging as the next country to join the BRIC bloc of Brazil, Russia, India and China.

But none of that means he is safe from the eternal plague of Indonesian politics – scandal. Yudhoyono has long stood on a platform of fighting corruption and he earned points this year by not standing in the way of the prosecution and conviction by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) of Aulia Pohan, his son's father-in-law. Aulia is serving a four and a half year term on charges stemming from the misuse of Bank Indonesia funds when he was a central bank deputy governor.

And yet while the new administration should be reveling in an agenda-setting first 100 days, the president has been forced to walk a political tightrope as a number of high-profile scandals, allegations, rumors and maneuvers related to corruption have grabbed the headlines.

Public discussion has been dominated by talk of plots against the KPK, the PT Bank Century bailout and dark mutterings of a cabal of the president's political enemies seemingly intent on manipulating corruption allegations to weaken or even bring down the government. In this volatile environment, even the mighty coalition began to look shaky due to the highly politicized House investigation into the Century case.

The scandals have yet to run their course, the role of competing law enforcement agencies – the police and attorney general on one side, the KPK on the other – has yet to be sorted out and the president's recent promise to eradicate the "judicial mafia" polluting Indonesia's courts remains a tall order.

It appears that 2010 will bring more of the same and it will take all of the administration's political skill and resourcefulness to emerge form the turmoil in good shape. Below are the scandals that rocked our world in 2009:

Gecko vs Crocodile

The spat between the National Police and the Corruption Eradication Commission filled the front pages of every major newspaper in 2009 and became a better soap opera than any screenwriter could have crafted. The saga paints a compelling picture of how seemingly corrupt officials are finally fighting back against the powerful KPK. The debacle also confirmed the existence of so called case brokers, the judicial mafia that has long been active in the underbelly of Indonesia's judicial system.

Analysts and antigraft activists suspected that the root cause of the scandal was the commission's wiretapping of the former National Police chief of detectives, Comr. Gen. Susno Duadji, who was being investigated over a major bribery scandal related to the Bank Century bailout. The wiretapping occurred in April and Susno later responded with words that would come back to haunt him: "How could a gecko [KPK] expect to defeat a crocodile [police]?" The battle was joined and the gecko side reveled in the role of the underdog.

At the same time, Anggodo Widjojo aired claims that his brother, Anggoro Widjojo, a graft fugitive supposedly living in Singapore, had bribed several executives of the KPK. The former chairman of the commission, Antasari Azhar, who is on trial for murder, also told police while he was in custody about bribery in the KPK, something he later denied. The claims were never proven, but on Sept. 15, the National Police named two KPK deputy chairmen, Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M Hamzah, as suspects for abuse of power. They were arrested and suspended.

Then things got really interesting. In a matter of weeks, the National Police twice changed the charges from abuse of power and accepting bribes to abuse of power and extortion. This flip- flopping caused speculation that the case against the two antigraft crusaders was fabricated.

The public sided clearly and loudly with the KPK. From street rallies to online chat rooms and Facebook pages, Bibit and Chandra became heroes and Susno a representative of the Dark Side in a story line that put increasing pressure on Yudhoyono to do something. Finally, when the Constitutional Court ordered the KPK to publicly air wiretapped telephone conversations between Anggodo and several law enforcers, the resulting broadcast seemed to bring much of the country to a halt. It all seemed to point to the police, Anggodo and case brokers being enmeshed in a conspiracy to bring down the KPK.

Public pressure prompted Yudhoyono to establish an independent fact finding body, dubbed the Team of Eight, to sort things out.

The group, led by noted lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution, concluded that the police decision to charge the KPK officials was unfounded and that several officers, particularly Susno, had a hidden agenda to torpedo the commissioners.

The president finally told the police and the AGO to resolve the case, while being careful not to directly "interfere" in the sanctity of the judicial process. Bibit and Chandra were cleared of all charges early this month and Susno lost his position.

The fate of Anggodo and the alleged accomplices who were believed to be setting up deals and handing out money remains unknown. It is all "under investigation."

Scandal of a Century

By the end of the year, the KPK-police drama seemed like a mere appetizer compared to the main course, the increasingly confusing political fallout from the government's November 2008 bailout of Bank Century. The failure and rescue of the mid-sized bank in the midst of the global economic crisis has become a major test for Yudhoyono, with political opponents alleging that some of the bailout money went to his political party.

The House investigating committee that started work this month seems to have set its sights on taking down Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and possibly Vice President Boediono for approving the bailout. The issue is consuming the early days of the president's second term.

Bank Century was taken over by the state Deposit Insurance Corporation (LPS), which injected Rp 6.7 trillion ($710 million) into the bank in four stages from November 2008 to July 2009. It was the nation's first bank bailout since the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis. At issue is why the bank was saved and who benefitted.

The government's Committee for Financial Sector Stability (KSSK) ruled on Nov. 21, 2008, that Century had collapsed and the bank should be taken over because of fears that it could degenerate into a "systemic disturbance" putting the country's financial system at risk.

It was later found that the bailout did not have the full approval of the House and had been decided without the consent of some key officials, including then Vice President Jusuf Kalla. Another issue: did the president know of and approve the bailout or did the buck stop with Sri Mulyani and then-central bank Governor Boediono?

An angry Kalla urged the police to arrest Century owner Robert Tantular, which they did. He is now in prison on fraud charges related to the collapse of the bank. Three other Bank Century executives are also in jail under the same indictment. Two other owners, Hesham al Warraq and Rafat Ali Rizvi, fled the country after the bailout.

Amid mounting public criticism, the Attorney General's Office later charged Hesham and Rafat with corruption and pledged to try them in absentia.

KSSK head Raden Pardede, Sri Mulyani and Boediono drew fire for an alleged lack of transparency in agreeing to the bailout. The initial cost to rescue Century was set at Rp 632 billion on Nov. 21, 2008. It soared, apparently because of miscalculations related to the bank's liabilities and equities. The bank's biggest depositor was Boedi Sampoerna, a supporter of the president and one of the country's richest men. His presence has also become an issue.

Sri Mulyani, a target of the House investigation, decided to fight back by defending herself in print, telling the Wall Street Journal that Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie was using the case to remove her from the cabinet. That declaration brought the matter firmly into the political arena as the House probe in particular began to seem more like part of a political campaign than a proceeding intended to ferret out the truth.

So far, both Boediono and Sri Mulyani have rejected calls to step down during the House investigation. Yudhoyono has stood by his aides, saying there in no need for them to step aside.

Last month, activists from a fringe pressure group, the People's Democratic Front (Bendera), aired allegations that aides to the president had accepted part of the bailout money. Everyone named denied the allegation and fought back by filing complaints with the police for libel.

Speaking before the House special committee on Dec. 22, Boediono argued that the decision to rescue Century had been prompted by worries that at a time of global financial crisis, the collapse of even a small bank could derail the entire financial system of the country. He also said the situation at the time was more or less similar to that of a decade earlier. Boediono has been consistent in his version of events but has also said that if any malfeasance occurred with the funds after they were transferred, that matter needs to be investigated. Sri Mulyani will be called before the House in January.

Cikeas Tentacles

Now, from out of left field, comes the book "Membongkar Gurita Cikeas: Di Balik Skandal Bank Century" (Unravelling the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal), written by sociologist and activist George Junus Aditjondro. When it was published in late December it created an enormous stir when bookstores pulled it from their shelves, saying they needed to check the information in the book to see if it was... true? Dangerous? Too politically sensitive? There were rumors that the book might be banned and reports the author might be sued for libel.

George, who also wrote a book years ago on the wealth of the Suharto family, accuses the ruling Democratic Party of using non-profit foundations associated with Yudhoyono to transfer funds to the president's campaign coffers during the 2009 electoral season. The book also claims that the state funds used to bail out Bank Century were diverted to one of the foundations.

Meanwhile, the publicity alone generated fevered interest in the book. Scarce copies sold for as much as 25 times the cover price of Rp 36,000 and pirated versions began appearing on the street.

2009 in Indonesia: The year of living scandalously

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

As we put out the last issue of the Jakarta Globe for the year, we take a customary look back on the 12 months gone by and reflect on how the drama, tragedy and comedy of 2009 reveal the state of our nation.

Yes, there have been heart-wrenching disasters, unequivocal disappointments, gloriously nationalistic undertakings, as well as enthralling political power struggles. But we at the Globe's Life & Times section like to keep our focus firmly on what matters most to our readers – a wacky hullabaloo of scandal – and it is to models and starlets we first turn our attention.

At midyear, there was no doubt that model Manohara Odelia Pinot would be in the spotlight for some time. Marrying a Malaysian prince at 16, she allegedly suffered sexual abuse before managing a daring escape in Singapore with the help of police there.

But sceptics questioned the veracity of her claims of abuse and accused her of pulling a publicity stunt.

The sensational news and its aftermath of cross-border accusation and counter-accusation was followed quickly – lest the moment be lost – by an attempt at sinetron stardom in a pseudoreligious, tearjerker soap opera, a local specialty creatively named "Manohara."

Her inability to portray any emotion, other than what looked like an attempt at concern by the subtle lifting of one eyebrow, eventually led to the show being canceled.

But that didn't stop the resourceful young lass, still only 17, from reforming her image to that of a political activist. The starlet attended a Golkar Party conference and took part in public anticorruption protests, culminating in an opinion piece on the matter in this very paper. No doubt there will more from Manohara in the year to come. Perhaps she could switch parties and form a ticket with actress Ayu Azhari – famous for stripping off in the low-budget Hollywood potboiler "Without Mercy" – who is apparently running for deputy head of Sukabumi district in West Java on behalf of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) next year. Or maybe we can dare dream of a titanic "Clash of the Starlets" as Manohara and Ayu bash it out in some future legislative election.

The appeal of Manohara's crash-burn-resurrection story, in terms of celebrity drama, didn't have a thick or saucy enough plot to hold our attention for too long, however.

That credit goes to the alleged love triangle between the now 23-year-old golf caddie Rani Juliani; her husband, businessman Nasrudin Zulkarnaen; and former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) head Antasari Azhar, now on trial for Nasrudin's murder.

The murder trial heated up when Rani's detailed account of an encounter in a hotel room with Antasari was broadcast on national television.

The Indonesian Broadcasting Commission reprimanded local media for the broadcast, saying Rani and Antasari's sexual exploits should have been edited out of the coverage. The rest of us were merely offended by the mental image of Antasari in the sack.

Some people were also offended, it seemed, by the thought of a Japanese star who makes her living in the sack. "The Curious Case of Miyabi" made headlines when it was announced the porn star would take part in a local comedy movie, "Kidnapping Miyabi."

Of course, her plans triggered both excitement among a certain breed and disgust by certain religious groups, and surely enough the film was over before it even began.

Imagine if Maria "Miyabi" Ozawa had made it to Indonesia. She would be stuck on talk shows with Dr. Phil-type psychologists, religious leaders and a droopy-eyed sociologists taking turns to blame Western culture for her breast job. She'd giggle like a schoolgirl as her awkward translator gives her a heavily- accented, off-beam translation of a question: "They ask why you like balloons."

Perhaps to add comical insult to injury, Miyabi's translator could be Kerenina Sunny Halim, who won the Miss Indonesia pageant in June. The beauty queen's fluency in English was as surprising as her inability to speak Indonesian. She admitted to the Globe that she was a member of The Family International, which has been called an American religious cult. The group has been investigated for prostitution, abuse and kidnapping in other countries, and it has also has been accused of encouraging women to use sex to proselytize.

Of course, it's not always models and porn stars that have us all a-Twitter. Such was the case when Prita Mulyasari was sued for defamation by Omni International Hospital in Tangerang for what most sensible people would agree was a fairly innocent e-mail to friends and relatives complaining about her treatment at the health facility.

Prita was held in jail for three weeks as she awaited trial, but support from the public and media exposure of the case forced police to release her ahead of her first criminal defamation trial. She went to court and her case was thrown out, but prosecutors successfully refiled the charges. The cavalry arrived in the form of public protests, Facebook groups, media and blog editorials, and charity events – which may go to prove that it is not only natural disasters that bring out the best in our nation. She was acquitted on Tuesday, but the Attorney General's Office says it will appeal the verdict up to the Supreme Court.

Similar public support was shown for the so-called shoeshine boys, who in May were detained by local authorities for "gambling" in their area of operation at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport in Cengkareng. The schoolboys were betting Rp 1,000 (10 cents) a throw on the outcome of a coin-toss game. Though the support was less visible than in Prita's case, there was similarly no shortage of criticism toward the authorities' cretinous sense of judgment.

But the public is not always on target with its support. Well, not when they're schoolgirls with a penchant for perverts. Serial killer Verry Idham Henyansyah, better known Ryan, was apprehended in 2008 after confessing to the bloody murders of 11 people. In April, Ryan was found guilty of stabbing to death a man who showed interest in his boyfriend. He cut the victim's body into pieces and skewered him with a 51-centimeter crowbar.

Somehow, this got a bunch of schoolgirls excited, and a savage murderer was transformed into a ladies' man.

The Globe reported that the girls wrote him letters, sent him text messages, took pictures with him and even asked him for photographs. Perhaps his love songs were what won their hearts. As Ryan explained to Antara: "I've composed 12 Javanese songs and 10 pop songs. [My upcoming] album talks about love."

At least one of the killer's groupies clung to a shred of rationality, saying that she was initially scared of him, but that her fear soon faded because "it's not like he would strangle us in front of so many people." Well, you can't argue with teenage logic.

Perhaps Ryan could, as some idols of teens have done, achieve broader success by incorporating social issues into his songs, somewhat like a Bob Dylan gone wrong. Perhaps he could sing about the Indonesia-Malaysia row over ownership of cultural heritage.

No doubt a Ryan-warbled ballad would quickly become an anthem for the anti-Malaysia vigilantes Bendera, who worked hard at trying to convince us they were going to invade our neighbor and declare war on our cousins, breaking bricks with their heads and limbs at every convenient photo opportunity.

The group reportedly had more than 1,200 members, 40 of whom were deaf, 10 with limb deformities and 10 confined to wheelchairs. Somehow, Operation Kill Thy Neighbor never happened. Logistics, perhaps?

No matter how many serious issues were at hand over the last 12 months, for many, 2009 will be remembered as the year actress and model Luna Maya likened infotainment journalists to prostitutes and murderers, or maybe as the year that taking up golf as a sport seemed like a good way to get fit.

We can only hope that next year will bless us with as much shame and scandal.

Review 2009: Bigger budget doesn't mean better quality

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2009

Jakarta – This government has been trying to live up to its constitutional mandate by allocating 20 percent of the state budget toward various education programs across the country this year.

An additional Rp 53 trillion (US$5.5 billion) to last year's education budget of Rp 154 trillion is expected to improve the quality of education in the country.

National Education Minister Muhammad Nuh said earlier this December that a lion's share of the Rp 207.41 trillion allocated to education this year had gone to the regions, mostly to pay for teachers' salaries. The fund also covered the School Operational Fund (BOS) and the renovation or construction of schools.

But has the hefty amount of money met people's expectations of what good money can buy: a quality education for all? Many believe it has fallen short of the mark.

Education experts have often criticized the country's lack of schools with high quality teachers, teaching methods and facilities. This has resulted in students that are not meeting the national graduation standards.

When the result of the senior high school national exam came out earlier this year, the nation was faced with the shocking reality that not a single student in 19 schools from various regions in the country had passed the minimum score of 5.50 out of 10 required for graduation.

The story goes that the students in the 19 senior high schools allegedly cheated out of fear they might not pass the exam. However, their cheat sheets turned out to be false, but luckily the students got off the hook and were given a second chance to make up their scores.

In total, the ministry conducted extra exams in more than 30 schools whose students did not pass the national exam because they relied on incorrect cheat sheets.

The ministry's data shows that in 2008, more than 35 percent of senior high school graduates did not continue their education to a higher institution.

If the scope is expanded to include Islamic high schools also, the number increases significantly. Only 17 percent of graduates went on to study in universities.

The national exam itself has sparked controversy among education experts.

The Supreme Court also jumped on the wagon in late November, issuing a ruling that orders the government to withdraw the end- of-study test.

Nuh, however, said the ministry would go ahead with the exams for students of junior and senior high schools in March and April. He also said that he would seek a case review of the court's ruling.

Experts claim the low quality of graduates is also a result of the low quality of teachers. The government's teacher certification program, introduced more than three years ago, has certified more than 350,000 teachers from across the country, out of a total 2.7 million teachers.

The certification program has improved the welfare of those who are eligible to be certified by granting certain benefits, including monthly allowances of up to one month of teachers' basic salaries. The government hopes this incentive will encourage teachers to gain the qualifications required for certification and in turn improve the education system nationally.

But criticisms are rife regarding the effectiveness of the certification program in improving teachers' quality, although many have acknowledged the government's efforts to increase teachers' welfare.

Chairman of the Indonesian Teachers Union (PGRI) Sulistiyo said in September there was no guarantee the certification program would immediately boost the quality of teaching.

Critics have said that through the certification process teachers are encouraged to fulfill only administrative requirements, such as collect credit points from attending seminars or workshops, and therefore does not reflect their teaching competency.

Noted education expert Arief Rachman said the program did not offer great insight into the quality of an individual teacher or their ability to manage a class.

Still, among the overwhelming news of the low quality of the country's education, some students have managed to standout with sterling performances.

Earlier this year, Indonesian students snatched six gold medals in the International Conference of Young Scientists 2009 in Pszczyna, Poland. They brought home 10 medals in total.

Children are among the two percent of Indonesian students that have outstanding performances in science, says the National Education Ministry. They are the two percent that triumphed in the national and international science Olympics.

The rest of the pack, the 98 percent, still has much room for improvement.

The budget for education next year is planned to increase to Rp 209.5 trillion, but although the National Education Ministry has not implemented any new programs, it seems it is expecting a different result, as allocation will remain similar, with half of it covering teacher salaries.

Critics have again slammed this decision, saying that there will only be a portion left for improving other budget items, although the ministry said that teacher certification, BOS and school rehabilitation programs would still be a top priority in 2010. (adh)

Facebook became the new town hall and Twitter the fastest media

Jakarta Globe - December 29, 2009

Emmy Fitry – This was the year that online got in your face. These days, even as a news event is happening, it seems that a Facebook page opens up to gather supporters for one side or the other. And news of an earthquake or a terror attack? Look to Twitter for the fastest update.

The government, crooked cops or overzealous prosecutors may have little to fear from massive street demonstrations, but the legions of people who have made Facebook the No. 1 Web site in Indonesia are something else entirely. And these days the powerful ignore the world of social media at their peril.

In the past, a big corporation may have been able to railroad a cowed consumer into dropping an uphill battle, but not anymore. A slight misunderstanding between two countries in the past might have resulted in token rallies outside an embassy or a flurry of diplomatic activity. Now, Internet users heap scorn on, for example, Malaysia, allowing Indonesia's Foreign Ministry to calculate public sentiment almost instantly.

Of course, it is nothing new that technology is morphing and transforming before our eyes. What was new in 2009 in Indonesia were the political manifestations of social media into areas of traditional activism. Netbooks, BlackBerrys, iPhones and other gadgets are not just status symbols and business tools, they are the new town hall.

There are obviously legions of people sitting at their computers who would never think of joining a street protest but who nonetheless have found a convenient and seemingly effective way of making their voices heard in a democracy. Those of us in the information business have obviously had to react to this new and constantly evolving world as quickly as we can. A few of the people at the Jakarta Globe grew up in an age when typewriters could still be heard clanking away in a newsroom. For traditional print journalists, it was a leap to go to a computer, the Internet and a Web site.

Now, mere online news portals or blogs – those are so two years ago – are starting to seem kind of quaint in the face of Twitter, where tens of millions of people write their own ongoing 140 character "news" stories constantly. We are doing our best to keep up, and we are proud of the fact that our Jakarta Globe Facebook page has more than 90,000 "fans" and counting; 11,000 people "follow" us on Twitter, a site that few had even heard of a year ago.

In two elections, in April for the House of Representatives and in July for the presidency, many candidates also treated a Facebook page as another place to hold a rally. Added to traditional campaign swings and mass gatherings (with paid-for crowds), garnering sympathy online is relatively easy and effective. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also has nearly 500,000 supporters on Facebook, many of whom are not shy about sharing their criticism of the job he is doing.

The PT Bank Century bailout scandal has also generated Facebook heat, with the "Movement for Clean Government-Solve the Bank Century Scandal" group gaining tens of thousands of followers. Groups like "We Believe in Sri Mulyani's Integrity" battle it out over what her supporters say is a conspiracy to bring down the popular finance minister.

Does all this sound and fury worry us? Sometimes, although we applaud the spirit of civic activism and participation that the technology is enabling. When information is shared so widely and rapidly, however, misinformation moves just as fast. Information shared on a micro-blog site like Twitter can be liberating and informative; it can also be sensational and just plain wrong. That's the dark side of this new news culture.

However, creative minds and mature personalities also can do wonders with this kind of media. The past year has seen social networking used to send some powerful messages. Does anyone doubt that Indonesians are fed up with corruption, terrorism or injustice? The facts are there for all to see in the hundreds of thousands of people speaking their minds on Facebook and elsewhere.

Three events that symbolized the rise of social media politics in Indonesia:

#IndonesiaUnite

Within seconds of the twin bombs exploding at Jakarta's posh JW Marriott and the Ritz-Carlton hotels on the morning of July 17, Twitter and Facebook were lighting up with information, pictures, reactions, condemnations and condolences.

Twitter was one of the first places to break news of the bombings, as people on the scene sent updates from their mobile phones that were then passed along by news organizations. The first photos we saw of the hotels were relayed to the newsroom by a friend in New York City who received them from someone on the ground by cellphone. The process took only a few minutes.

The mood of anger and disgust over an act of terror that claimed nine lives, injured more than 50 people and damaged the country's reputation was soon channeled into an online movement to maintain unity and pride in the country under the banner of Indonesia Unite. A Twitter buddy, @aulia, first coined the phrase and #indonesiaunite soon became the most popular tag in Twitter- world. Users were asked to click on the phrase to show their support and to overlay their avatars on Twitter with the red and white colors of the Indonesian flag. The #indonesiaunite page on Facebook garnered hundreds of thousands of fans within a few days.

On YouTube, local rap musician and social network user Pandji Pragiwaksono also released a music video called "Kami Tidak Takut" ("We Are Not Afraid"), which was widely circulated.

After the terrorist bombings, with business back to normal, Indonesia Unite remains an active Facebook group spawning all manner of commentary on the country from ethnic cuisines to social causes, cultural heritage and holiday destinations.

Support Prita Mulyasari

With housewife Prita Mulyasari finally acquitted of criminal defamation charges for the e-mail she sent to friends criticizing the service she received at Omni Hospital, it almost seems as if she has been in the news forever. But the 32-year old mother of two rose to such prominence largely because of Facebook.

A few days after the Tangerang District Court ruled in the hospital's favor in a civil case and fined Prita Rp 312 million ($33,072), the prosecutors upped the ante and on May 13 charged her under the Electronic Information and Transaction (ITE) law, which allowed the police to imprison her while she awaited a criminal defamation trial that only concluded on Tuesday. Prita spent three weeks behind bars before Facebook came to her rescue.

Working mother Ika Ardina angrily reacted to idea that a housewife could be jailed for sending an e-mail by creating a Prita cause page on Facebook. The page, "Support Prita Mulyasari, a mother who is in jail for writing an e-mail complaint" drew hundreds of thousands of fans and led to a number of other similar support-Prita groups and pages.

The outpouring also caught the attention of politicians, including Yudhoyono and the first lady. Eventually the president urged the Tangerang Court and law enforcers to expedite the legal process and the pressure helped get Prita released from detention.

Losing an appeal of the civil court judgment, Prita was ordered to pay Rp 204 million in damages to Omni. That decision sparked more Facebook outrage and a Help Prita Movement.

The idea was to collect coins to pay the fine. Thousands of people, from school children to street musicians and tycoons pitched in and the movement collected more than Rp 650 million in coins, three times bigger than the needed amount. Former Trade Minister Fahmi Idris also donated Rp 102 million for Prita, while the Democratic Party handed over Rp 100 million. The Regional Representatives Council (DPD) gave Prita Rp 50 million and called for a boycott of Omni.

The movement was followed by a charity concert where more than 30 Indonesian musicians, including famous bands such as Slank, Padi and Nidji, donated their voices to the cause. The concert raised more than Rp 50 million.

Omni eventually dropped its civil suit against Prita but the criminal court case went forward. Prita also filed a civil countersuit against Omni for Rp 1.3 trillion. The money raised to pay her fine is to be used for social causes.

Antigraft Facebook

Gerakan 1.000.000 Facebookers Dukung Chandra Hamzah & Bibit Samad Riyanto (Movement of 1,000,000 Facebookers Supporting Chandra Hamzah & Bibit Samad Rianto) was launched after the two Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) deputy chairmen were arrested in late October on suspicion of abuse of power. The lesson for the National Police, which brought the charges against the two, was to be careful in messing with the KPK. The page easily passed its target and has given birth to a spate of imitators.

The Facebook page was created by Usman Yasin on Oct. 29, the same day Chandra and Bibit were arrested by the National Police. It featured the logo of the "gecko vs crocodile" – a term first made popular by former National Police chief of detectives Susno Duadji when he referred to the rivalry between the police and the KPK. The now-familiar logo has virtually become a brand of its own as it pictures the KPK gecko contending with the National Police crocodile. Thousands of Facebook users have posted the image on their own sites.

The face-off between the police and the KPK over Chandra and Bibit became the most gripping event in the nation in the weeks following their arrest, forcing Yudhoyono to step into the fray and "suggest" that the police and the Attorney General's Office drop the case, which they did.

Fans of the antigraft officials left messages of support on the page and called on the government to take action. They heaped scorn on prosecutors and turned Susno into a whipping boy for allegedly conspiring to undermine the commission.

Bibit and Chandra were released on bail after a dramatic court hearing in early November, during which hours of wiretapped phone conversations appeared to indicate that members of the National Police and AGO conspiring with the brother of a graft suspect to frame the KPK officials. The president has since vowed to devote his first 100 days in office to eradicating Indonesia's so-called "judicial mafia."

Bibit and Chandra are back in their old jobs. Susno has lost his post as chief detective. Score another victory for Facebook.

The big names that made the headlines and shaped our views

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Emmy Fitri – Get a real person in the lead. That advice, often given to young journalists just starting out in the industry, is as true as ever.

A news story without a person at the heart of it often feels cold and impersonal. But a news event about a real person can inspire public admiration, shock or utter dismay. Those stories certainly keep people reading the paper or watching the news, anxious to see what will happen next.

Over the course of the year, the roster of newsmakers ranged from a persecuted working mother to a wanted terrorist, a socialite turned suffering princess to a politician at the height of his powers. Here are the people who made the news in 2009:

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. For years the quiet man of Indonesian politics, as a general he was never a controversial figure like some of his peers. As a cabinet minister, he quietly built a base for the future.

In 2009, the plans that Yudhoyono had made came to full fruition. His Democratic Party went from minor player in a ruling coalition in 2004 to a dominant force in the House of Representatives following April's legislative elections.

Yudhoyono's carefully crafted re-election campaign for president, using US-style media techniques, delivered a landslide victory in July. On the world stage, he played a major role behind the emergence of the G-20 group of the world's largest economies.

But Yudhoyono's young second term, inaugurated on Oct. 20, got off to a bumpy start with grand plans for the first 100 days overwhelmed by a bitter fight between the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), and intense political wrangling over the aftermath of the 2008 PT Bank Century bailout. As a result, the president has been criticized for being indecisiv e, too cautious and defensive in responding to the scandals. His task in 2010: regain the political initiative.

Sri Mulyani Indrawati. Perhaps the country's most widely respected technocrat abroad and a fierce slayer of bureaucratic untouchables at home, the so-called Iron Lady was considered a potential vice presidential candidate under Yudhoyono.

Retaining her post as finance minister in the new administration, she came under fire from a House special committee investigating the Bank Century bailout. She says she was only trying to protect the nation's banking system from failure.

The problem? Sri Mulyani said in a widely publicized interview that Golkar Party Chairman Aburizal Bakrie was behind the campaign to oust her. This one is far from over.

Boediono. A surprise pick for vice president, Boediono moved from central bank governor to No. 2 in the nation's hierarchy. But he is also under the gun from lawmakers over Bank Century.

Will he and Sri Mulyani hold firm? The outcome of this battle will likely determine the shape of the new administration.

Aburizal Bakrie. One of the country's richest men, tycoon Aburizal slipped quietly out of his cabinet role as chief welfare minister and into the post of Golkar chairman, following former Vice President Jusuf Kalla's defeat in the race for the presidency.

Aburizal's companies, meanwhile, moved steadily to take over a Newmont mining operation, while the tax department set about investigating missing payments. Concerning Sri Mulyani's charge that he wants her out? Aburizal says it's not true.

Prita Mulyasari. From a working mom to an icon for justice and freedom of expression, Prita became the year's poster girl for battling the big guys.

When the Tangerang native complained about poor service at Omni International Hospital in an e-mail to friends, the hospital fought back, accusing her of criminal libel under the controversial Information and Electronic Transaction (ITE) Law.

Prita was detained and tried, but her story sparked outrage and an outpouring of support on social networking site Facebook. She was released but eventually ordered to pay a Rp 204 million ($21,400) fine.

But that was no problem. Led by Facebook users, the public drummed up three times that amount in coins to cover the fine. The hospital finally relented. The lesson? Don't mess with moms.

Nasrudin Zulkarnaen. Few people had heard of this director of a state-run pharmaceutical company before he was murdered in a mafia-style drive-by shooting as he was leaving a Tangerang golf course on March 14.

Nasrudin's demise opened up a soap opera-like scandal involving a young golf caddie he had taken as a third wife and the chairman of the KPK, who is on trial for allegedly masterminding the crime.

Was it a love triangle gone horribly wrong, or something darker and more unsettling? Was there a "second team" of gunmen involved? Despite an initial trial that convicted the accused shooters in December, don't expect these questions to be settled in court. This has all the makings of a classic "grassy knoll" mystery.

Antasari Azhar. Accused of leading the conspiracy to murder Nasrudin over the affections of a young golf caddie, the high- flying KPK chairman is facing a very long time in jail.

His arrest and dismissal from his KPK post came after a tenure that saw numerous high-profile convictions of lawmakers, police officers, former central bank officials and businessmen. Was Antasari framed, as he claims?

Rani Juliani. The comely young golf caddie who was also the third wife of Nasrudin tantalized the media all year. Her testimony in the trial of Antasari for her husband's murder was too spicy for public consumption and was kept behind closed doors. There was a hotel room rendezvous with Antasari, an inaudible taped conversation of the pair, but little else of real substance. What was Rani doing in that hotel room and was it enough to provoke murder?

Anggodo Wijaya. The brother of a fugitive businessman on the run from corruption charges, his wiretapped telephone conversations with prosecutors and police officers were aired by the Constitutional Court to a rapt nationwide audience. They seemed to show that Anggodo was conspiring with police to allegedly frame two KPK deputy chairmen for abuse of power. The recordings undid the conspiracy, the deputy chairmen were exonerated and Anggodo is now in hot water. Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M Hamzah. The two KPK deputies found themselves arrested by police for abuse of power, threatened with jail and then freed and restored to office with astonishing speed.

After they were charged, they quickly become heroes with the public and the case became known as the battle between the gecko and the crocodile, with the KPK being the underdog in its fight against the police. It was all getting out of hand when the president finally "requested" the police and the Attorney General's Office stop the nonsense.

Susno Duadji. Once the National Police's chief detective, he seemed to be everywhere in 2009.

Susno was the target of a KPK wiretap. He was caught on tape holding discussions with Anggodo over the KPK deputies. He was named as a go-between in the aftermath of the Bank Century bailout. He fanned the KPK-police feud with his "gecko versus crocodile" analogy. Amid the mounting public anger, Susno was suspended from his post, reinstated and later permanently replaced.

Noordin M Top. The man suspected of being behind a string of terrorist attacks going back to the first Bali bombings in 2002, Noordin finally met his bloody end during a shoot-out with police at his hideout on the outskirts of Solo in September.

After the July 17 bombings of two luxury hotels in Jakarta, the hunt for the Malaysian terrorist took on renewed urgency. Noordin claimed to be the leader of Southeast Asia's chapter of Al Qaeda and he was known as a charismatic recruiter of young people to his deadly cause. Left unresolved by his death: Who is in charge of his network now?

The Mallarangengs. The three Mallarangeng brothers, Andi, Rizal and Choel, were among the architects of Yudhoyono's stunning electoral success, helping to craft an unbeatable image.

Andi was Yudhoyono's spokesman and despite some public slips – especially when he campaigned in Makassar, the hometown of the president's rival, Jusuf Kalla – effectively gave voice to his boss.

His brother Rizal, a master scholar in politics, joined Yudhoyono's camp after his own political ambitions were found wanting. Along with youngest brother Choel, Rizal ran Fox Indonesia, a US-style campaign think tank that guided the Yudhoyono machine.

The "Brothers M" are the targets of speculation, rumor and envy, but there is no quarreling with their electoral success.

Jusuf Kalla. Fast talking and ever ready with a sound bite, the former vice president's candor is missed now that he is gone. His ill-advised run against Yudhoyono under the Golkar banner never had much of a chance, but don't bet that Kalla is gone from the scene. He is a key witness in the Bank Century investigations and he may yet return to battle Aburizal for supremacy in Golkar.

Prabowo Subianto. The dark prince of the latter years of the Suharto era, former Gen. Prabowo returned to the public spotlight as the unlikely running mate of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri in the presidential election.

With his Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prabowo took a nationalist stance, obviously trying to appeal to the grass roots in a manner echoing former President Sukarno. A former Kopassus chief and a one-time Suharto son-in-law, Prabowo seems confident that he is again a force to be reckoned with.

Manohara Odelia Pinot. Mano, oh Mano. A teenage fashion model and minor celebrity, she vaulted into the public eye when she escaped from a supposedly fairy-tale marriage to a Malaysian prince, recounting shocking tales of domestic abuse.

The drama fueled endless rounds of TV talk shows and made Manohara a household name, helping to fuel anti-Malaysia sentiment in the process. By year's end, she had starred in her own TV soap opera and declared herself a campaigner against corruption. Not bad for a 17-year-old.

Luna Maya. Known for being a little harsh with gossip-peddling "infotainment" journalists, the singer and actress hit the roof after she was jostled by reporters at a movie premiere.

When she hit the Twitterverse with a tweet saying her tormentors in the media were "lower than prostitutes," the Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) reported her to the police for defamation. Journalists wanting to jail someone for speaking their mind? Take a deep breath everybody.

Batik. We know it's not a person, but the art form that is our national fabric gained recognition from Unesco as part of the world's heritage on Oct. 2, prompting more people to don the cloth on Fridays to demonstrate national pride. Fashion-wise, batik is the new black, stylish like never before.

Actions, demos, protests...

SBY supporters say 'Octopus' author sowing disunity

Detik.com - December 30, 2009

Amanda Ferdina, Jakarta – Shouting "Long live SBY", on Wednesday December 30 scores of protesters form the Indonesian People's Solidarity Coalition (KSRI) demonstrated at the launch of the book "Unmasking the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal".

The demonstrators arrived at the book launch at the Doekoen Coffee shop on Jl. Pasar Minggu Raya in South Jakarta at around 13.30pm having walked on foot from the direction of Pasar Minggu.

During the action they sang the song "For You my Country" and shouted slogans such as "Long live SBY", referring to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The protesters' shouts affected the atmosphere of the book launch somewhat, with guests looking the way during the demonstration.

"We are not willing to see this nation split apart by a person whose citizenship is unclear. He's a foreign lackey!" said action coordinator Abdul Fatah during a speech.

The guests attending the even responded by waving 2,000 and 100,000 rupiah notes at the demonstrators. The protesters responded only by saying, "That is money from foreign lackeys. Indonesian people who have been easily bought by foreign lackeys and wave their money around," said Fatah.

"Sixty percent of the people voted for SBY, we must respect their votes, don't sow disunity," added Fatah. The protesters also brought a number of posters to the action reading "I want to break Papua away from NKRI [the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia]", "I am a provocateur" and "Long live SBY". (nik/iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Pro-SBY protesters say 'Octopus' author foreign lackey

Detik.com - December 30, 2009

Amanda Ferdina, Jakarta – Supporters of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) from the Indonesian People's Solidarity Coalition (KSRI), who were protesting against the launch of the book "Unmasking the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal", were challenged to take part in the event. In the end however, they chose to disband instead.

During the action at the Doekoen Coffee shop on Jl. Raya Pasar Minggu in South Jakarta on Wednesday December 30, around 25 youths shouted slogans and gave speeches outside the venue. "Banish George, he's a foreign lackey!" shouted KSRI coordinator Abdul Fatah in a speech.

Hearing this, participants attending the launch challenged them to come in side. They even waved 50,000 and 1,000 rupiah notes at the protesters. "Ayo, come on in if you want!", they said. The demonstrators meanwhile continued to shout "Banish George! Banish George!"

Confronted by the challenge, instead of joining the event the protesters started to disband. "You're just embarrassing SBY instead!", shouted the participants.

One of the protesters, who decline to give their name, said that they had come from the Gunung Putri in nearby Bogor. They even admitted to not knowing the name of the organisation, the KSRI that they were demonstrating under that day. At 1.20 they disbanded and left in a bus bound for Bogor. (fay/nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Activists go on hunger strike in Madura

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2009

Madura, East Java – Fifteen activists from the Indonesian Muslim Student Movement (PMII) in Sumenep, Madura, East Java, began a hunger strike Tuesday night, Antara reported Wednesday.

The activists protested the deliberation of the Sumenep budget by the local legislative council, saying that the budget would legalize spending to benefit local officials.

"Based on our study, the current deliberation results in a budget that prioritizes the interests of public officials rather than the general public," PMII Sumenep chairman Adi Purnomo told Antara.

For example, Adi said there was a Rp 127 million (US$13,000) budget under the heading of "Public Interest Spending". However, after some scrutiny, much of the money would go to public officials and only a tiny portion to the public.

Of the total Rp 127 million budget, Rp 6 million would be used for office utensils, Rp 22.3 million for transport allowance for public officials, Rp 84 million for per diem allowance of public officials and only Rp 14.5 million to the public.

Adi said the hunger strike would continue until at least Thursday when the local legislative council was scheduled to officially approve the budget, which totals more than Rp 900 billion.

Students protest 100 new cars for councilors

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung – Dozens of students from the Indonesian Muslim Students Action Association (KAMMI) rallied at the West Java Legislative Council in Bandung on Tuesday to protest the purchase of 100 cars for councilors.

"It's shameful; they haven't done anything yet, and they still want new cars," said West Java KAMMI chairman Andriyana. "Meanwhile 5.4 million people in West Java people still live in poverty."

He added the Rp 20.1 billion (US$2.1 million) fund for the purchase of the cars showed the councilors were insensitive to conditions on the ground. The rally dispersed an hour later after a female student fainted.

On Dec. 24, the council approved Rp 20.1 billion to purchase the cars. It also approved Rp 3.4 billion to purchase five cars for the council speaker and his four deputies. Councilors had also previously demanded a housing allowance increase.

Awing Asmawi, chairman of the council's budget committee, said the purchase of the cars was aimed at "smoothing the mobility of the councilors".

"We're buying the cars to improve our performance," said the Democratic Party councilor. "We're newly elected legislators. If we were to get used cars, it would demotivate us."

He added councilors had demanded the housing allowance be raised from Rp 7.5 million a month to Rp 10 million, after refusing to use the officially provided homes, which they deemed too far from the council building.

West Java administration spokesman Edi S. Holil said earlier the administration would not purchase new cars for councilors since the old ones, bought in 2006 and 2007, were still working fine.

Provincial procurement office head Sutjipto said the allocation of funds to buy the cars was done unilaterally by the council. He added that under Home Ministry regulations, official cars should only be provided to the council speaker, deputy speakers and commission heads.

Provincial planning board head Denny Juanda Puradimaja admitted the proposal to purchase the cars had been included in the 2010 West Java budget, but said he would take the issue up with the ministry.

"We need to consult on this because of the different regulations," he said. "But the councilors definitely need new rides."

Of the 100 councilors, 28 are from the Democratic Party, 17 from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), 16 from the Golkar Party and 13 from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Another eight each are from the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the United Development Party (PPP), five from the National Mandate Party (PAN), three from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and two from the National Awakening Party (PKB).

Aceh

Recovering Aceh bites Western hand that fed it

The Australian - December 28, 2009

Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta – Here's a provocative thought: if it weren't for the 2004 tsunami, Western aid workers in Banda Aceh city would not be the target of politically motivated drive-by shootings, and women in West Aceh regency would be free to wear trousers.

As of Friday, any Muslim woman in the regency will be forced to change into a government-supplied long skirt if she dares step outside in tight pants. And after she takes the trousers off – and dons a jilbab, or Muslim head scarf – they will be publicly shredded.

The new laws will add to recently enacted provincial legislation prescribing stoning as punishment for adultery or homosexual relations.

The laws have attracted scorn and support in equal measure in Indonesia, but even they are mere pointers to a climate of uncertainty far outweighing simple questions of how Aceh has gone about rebuilding since December 26, 2004, when 170,000 of the 230,000 lives lost in the tsunami were from Aceh.

Billions of dollars in foreign aid were quickly pledged from across the world, a great deal of it directly to the Indonesian province. Most of those billions were well spent. A reasonable amount, including from Australia, was squandered in mismanagement and corruption.

Major agencies including AusAid and the International Organisation for Migration, were humiliated when it was discovered that reconstruction projects they managed had used asbestos-laden building materials.

In Banda Aceh, emergency barracks built to house the homeless are still inhabited – not by refugees, but by hopefuls from the sticks who want to try their luck at work in the capital. For government and aid agency workers, these grifters have stories of sorrow and official bungling keeping them from homes they claim are rightfully theirs.

A good number of people, especially Indonesians and particularly Acehnese with strong business connections, profited handsomely from the aid contract money. Much of this profit was through legitimate dealings. But plenty of it was not.

Critics of this have sometimes had a hard time accepting that while capitalism and democracy – the latter having only had its birth in Indonesia with the fall of Suharto in 1998 – go hand-in-hand, they often do so in opaque ways, and it was never going to be a simple matter of overlaying foreign business practices on an Indonesian system. Tensions over the expectations for aid money and the reality were inevitable.

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in one of the early astute appointments of his presidency, directed former mining tzar Kuntoro Mangkusubroto to oversee a new cabinet-level body, the Aceh and Nias Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Agency.

The aim was not only to reduce corruption in the rebuilding effort but also to streamline the inefficient relationships between Indonesian government agencies. Dr Yudhoyono and his then-deputy, businessman Jusuf Kalla, also saw a grand political opportunity. They intervened in the civil war that had blighted Aceh for three decades.

Dr Yudhoyono and Mr Kalla put themselves in serious consideration for the Nobel Peace Prize after an agreement to end the conflict was signed in Helsinki in 2005, leading to a self-governance deal for Aceh enjoyed by no other Indonesian province.

This peace, and the political arrangements that flowed from it, would not have been possible without the tsunami.

Indeed, the man elected governor in historic 2006 elections, former rebel fighter Irwandi Yusuf, was a political prisoner who escaped when the tsunami destroyed cell walls in the central Banda Aceh jail where he was held. The future leader's epic flight set him on a course that is only now being fully played out. The no-trousers edict is one of its manifestations.

Sharia has become a watchword for Acehnese identity, even if, as Singapore-based analyst Farish A. Noor warns, its gradual imposition from within is in many ways a result of Jakarta's "complex and at times clumsy attempt to domesticate the forces of Acehnese resistance by playing the religious card".

The shooting attacks on foreign aid workers are another manifestation of the contradictory tsunami recovery experience.

Erhard Bauer, 50, the chief of the German Red Cross in Indonesia, was hit three times in the stomach and arm by two motorcycle- riding gunmen as he was being driven to the airport in early November. He survived after being flown to Singapore.

Soon afterwards, the home of the European Union chief in Aceh, John Penny, was shot up while he and his wife were inside.

And just a month ago gunmen opened fire on the home of two Americans who lecture in English literature at Banda Aceh's Syiah Kuala University.

Mr Irwandi is furious, demanding privately that the Indonesian military, or TNI, pull its head in even as he knows full well he cannot accuse its leaders publicly.

There is no direct proof that TNI elements are paying former Acehnese rebels – many now unemployed, and looking for new direction in their lives – to mount the attacks on foreign aid workers.

There is no proof at all; but in the view of those from the well-informed Banda Aceh intelligentsia down to taxi drivers, there is little doubt that this is the TNI taking revenge on the former rebel party's almost clean sweep of power in the provincial elections, and showing its determination to steal things back.

"The police believe it's the military, based on ballistics tests from the bullets used," political analyst Fajran Zein, from private policy think tank the Aceh Institute, told The Australian.

"The assumption is it's intended to accelerate the departure of foreigners from Aceh."

Indonesia's police and military have long been at each others' throats, of course, especially since the former were hived off from the military establishment in the immediate post-Suharto reforms.

"All three attacks against foreigners are linked," spokesman Farid Ahmad Saleh said after the third shooting. "They were conducted by trained professionals... they want to terrorise foreigners working to heal Aceh."

The rebuilding might be almost over, but by any political and civic measure, the building of Aceh has barely begun.

Indonesian tsunami victims rally in Aceh calling for homes

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Hundreds of tsunami refugees in Aceh province held a rally in front of West Aceh's Regional Representative Council Building on Monday to demand homes that they said the government had promised them.

A female demonstrator named Suriati collapsed during the rally and had to be rushed to the hospital. Suriati was six months pregnant and in a weak condition.

She insisted on joining the rally because she and hundreds of other refugees had not received houses from the government five years after the devastating tsunami struck the region.

Suriati said she would have to leave the shelter where she was living soon because it would be torn down because the Aceh government planned to build facilities on the land.

The rally started on Saturday and demonstrators said it would continue until the refugees could meet with government officials and discuss a housing plan. No Aceh government officials could be reached for comment.

Indonesia's religious police on hemline frontline

Agence France Presse - December 27, 2009

Jerome Rivet, Banda Aceh – She wears a helmet and drives her scooter slowly through the capital of Indonesia's Aceh province, but Yuli is still stopped by the sharia police. Her crime: wearing tight jeans and a blouse deemed "un-Islamic".

The 20-year-old lowers her eyes and doesn't argue with the khaki-clad male officers who summon her to the side of the road. "I promise to buy a more Muslim outfit," she says, showing enough contrition for the police to wave her on her way.

In one hour, 18 women are pulled over because the guardians of morality decide their slacks are too tight or their shirts reveal too much of their feminine curves. Only three men receive the same treatment, for wearing shorts.

"We have to respect sharia (Islamic) law, which has been adopted by the provincial government and which stipulates that women can only show their faces and their hands," sharia police commander Hali Marzuki told AFP.

Perched at the end of Sumatra island about 1,000 kilometres (620 miles) northwest of the Indonesian capital Jakarta, Aceh is one of the most conservative regions in the mainly Muslim archipelago.

Most Muslims in the country of 234 million people are modern and moderate, and Indonesia's constitution recognises five official religions including Buddhism and Christianity.

But Aceh has special autonomy, and one of the ways it has defined itself as different from the rest of the country is through the implementation of sharia law and the advent of the religious police.

The force has more than 1,500 officers, including 60 women, but unlike their fearsome counterparts in Saudi Arabia the local sharia police do not seem to cause too much concern among citizens. Officers are relatively cheerful, they carry no weapons and they almost always let wrongdoers off with a warning.

"Punishment is not the objective of the law. We must convince and explain," says Iskander, the sharia police chief in Banda Aceh, who goes by only one name.

He has the power to order floggings but has found no need to do so since he was promoted to his current position a year ago. Less than a dozen people have been publicly caned since 2005, for drinking alcohol, gambling or having illicit sexual relations.

Advocates say the force is having a good effect on society. "The message is getting around and there are less and less violations," says senior officer Syarifuddin, adding that most of the people arrested under sharia law had been denounced to the police by fellow citizens.

It was thanks to one such tipoff that police busted a group of men gambling over dominoes in a cafe earlier this month.

Another preoccupation for the sharia police is the "sin of khalwat", when a man and woman are found alone in an isolated place, such as a beach.

Young Acehnese lovers, or any man and woman for that matter, need to watch their backs if they want to sit together with the sand between their toes and take in one of Aceh's beautiful seaside sunsets.

"You have to learn quickly with these police around," said 17- year-old student Fira, who says she likes to "have fun". "We know how to take precautions to avoid the checks. And anyway, if you're caught you only risk being reprimanded."

But this game of cat-and-mouse could take an ugly turn if a new regulations allowing the stoning to death of adulterers and the flogging of homosexuals is signed into law by the provincial government.

The law was enacted by the outgoing Aceh Legislative Council on September 14, but it has been under review by the newly elected assembly and has not been signed into effect by Governor Irwandi Yusuf.

Lawmakers in jakarta have expressed their opposition to such draconian punishments, which could be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court and re-open old wounds about Aceh's hard-won autonomy.

"We have to be very careful in the face of such radical pressures," said Khairani Arifin, an activist for Acehnese women's rights. "Aceh could look like Pakistan one day," she warned.

Bitterness for some over long wait for post-tsunami housing

Jakarta Globe - December 26, 2009

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – Today, the people of Aceh commemorate the most tragic day in our history with prayers, memories and visits to the mass graves that hold the unidentified remains of thousands of our loved ones, neighbors and friends.

One center of the fifth anniversary ceremonies is the Ulee Lheue seaport, ground zero on the day the waves crashed into the province. To look at it today you might not immediately realize the tragedy that occurred here.

Prior to the tsunami, Ulee Lheue was a fishing village of some 1,500 people in the Meuraxa subdistrict of the city. Its roads were narrow and potholed, most of the simple houses were built from wood, children bathed in the nearby ocean.

Now there is a new seaport at Ulee Lheue, the destroyed homes have been cleared away and the newly paved two-lane road is smooth. Every weekend children swim in the new man-made lake and families gather at sunset to eat at snack stalls. The ocean's waves are muted by large rocks that have been put in place to protect the coastline.

There is no denying the new seaport is attractive. The local government wants the area to become a tourist destination and a place to recall the tsunami. But there is some still unfinished business here and some of the original villagers feel left out.

When the waves crashed into the village, all but 500 residents were killed. Most of the survivors are now living in several new villages. However, two ramshackle temporary wooden barracks still remain along the new road to the seaport. They are home to dozens of tsunami victims who seem to have been overlooked in the reconstruction of the area.

Ironically these people were among the first hit by the tsunami on Dec. 26, 2004, but they have yet to receive any of the assistance promised them.

Mairia, 28, and her husband, Hendra Setiawan, 36, live with their family in one of the faded-pink barracks. Each family has an area about 5 x 4 meters, divided by plywood for privacy. Outside, plastic lines are used for hanging clothes to dry. Trash is piled up in the yard, flies circle the area. A few people have built chicken coops under the barracks, which are one meter off the ground. Children play nearby.

Mairia and Hendra were married just 10 days before the tsunami. When the waves struck she and most of her family members, including her mother, were at the beach, selling food to the usual crowd of Sunday morning visitors from Banda Aceh.

Mairia has two sons now, a toddler 18 months old and a 5-year old, but her mother, four sisters, a brother and five nephews were all lost to the tsunami; their bodies were never found. She looked for her family for months, traveling as far as Medan hoping to find them in one of the many refugee camps that sprung up after the tsunami displaced everything. Her search was in vain.

After three months, she and her new husband decided to return to their hometown with several other people, living in tents until the government built these "temporary" barracks. Borrowing Rp 1 million ($110) from her surviving brother, Mairia started a small business selling noodles and grilled corn from a tiny stall on a dusty street as she waited for the new road, which finally opened a month ago, to be completed.

"I never received any assistance from the government or an NGO," Mairia said with tears in her eyes. "I started from zero. People said there was a lot of aid for tsunami victims, but I never got anything, other than food and clean water."

Mairia and the other residents of the barracks know they will be relocated in the future. The city has constructed some tourism facilities and a new police station in the showcase area, but no new houses are to be built here.

Mairia is worried that her family will not receive help in building a new home once they are resettled. "Our tears are of no use. Our voices are never heard," she said.

The family was registered with the authorities after the disaster and subsequently declared eligible for housing in Labuy Hill, a resettlement site for tsunami victims about 15 kilometers north of the city center. But when they arrived there, they found the housing had been already occupied so they returned to the barracks. Dozens of other families living in makeshift structures here and elsewhere have reported similar incidents in which housing promised them was stolen, forcing them to return to the temporary shelters.

Iskandar, the head of the Aceh Sustainability Reconstruction Agency (BKRA), said that thousands of people had yet to receive promised housing in various districts. He said data on many victims still needed to be verified before the aid could be released.

The agency was established when the Aceh-Nias Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) ended its work on April 16. But now the stopgap BKRA office is to be closed at the end of year, leaving the fate of the tsunami victims still needing housing assistance uncertain.

Iskandar said he suspected that some of the residents in the temporary barracks were not really tsunami victims, despite claims by many of them that they have been listed in a document issued by the BRR approving their requests for aid.

The reality of the situation is unclear and difficult to determine. Iskandar is also concerned by reports that thousands of people have received more than one house, while others go wanting.

"They should return the extra houses so they can be used by other people," he said. In other areas, he added, there were houses still empty, perhaps because they were of substandard quality.

He noted that over 140,000 houses were built after the disaster, more than enough to fulfill tsunami victims' housing needs. "It is strange if there are victims who say they have not received housing aid," he said.

TAF Haikal, a local activist, blamed the BKRA for neglecting victims. "They are busy with other issues that are not within the principal mandate of the agency, like preparing the future blueprint for Aceh, the usefulness of which is still in doubt," he said.

"The BKRA should help these people stuck in barracks and confiscate houses from those who received more than one unit," he said. "It is sad that after five years there are tsunami victims who live in rotten barracks."

Haikal is himself a victim of the disaster. His wife and two children were killed in the tragedy. He said he had also missed out on housing aid.

"It is ironic and disheartening since many parties have praised the extraordinary success of Aceh's reconstruction and rehabilitation, but there are still victims living in barracks," said Haikal, who has remarried and started a new family. "One indicator of success would be if all victims received the help they are due."

To commemorate the anniversary the BKRA is holding a photo exhibition on reconstruction and a cultural show at the new Tsunami Museum. The museum, established by the BRR at a cost of Rp 89 billion, is still empty and was only opened for the memorial event. The ceremony also included a visit to mass burial sites, the largest of which is near Banda Aceh airport and is the size of two football fields. 46,718 victims are buried there.

Mairia and Hendra decided not to attend any official commemoration ceremonies. Instead, the couple marked the occasion with a visit to a mass grave near Baiturrahim mosque to pray for Mairia's mother and other family members. The mosque withstood the tsunami, and has now been completely renovated. The mass grave there holds the bodies of 14,264 tsunami victims.

Mairia has no idea where the bodies of her family are. "Although I do not know where they are buried, I just want to pray for them" she said.

Back from the brink: the remarkable recovery of Aceh

Melbourne Age - December 26, 2009

On Boxing Day 2004, a tsunami killed more than 220,000 people. Five years on, Tim Hume returns to Indonesia and witnesses a remarkable recovery.

It's Friday in the Indonesian city of Banda Aceh, and the muezzin is sounding the midday call to prayer. Governor Irwandi Yusuf is running late, but making excellent time thanks to his security detail ahead, blaring horns and sirens to scythe through the morass of motorbikes clogging the streets around the city's grand mosque.

Despite the dark tints on the windows of his self-driven Jeep Wrangler, Irwandi, travelling in the middle of the convoy, draws stares of recognition. To Aceh's 4 million inhabitants, the shiny black tank is a widely recognised symbol of their popular governor, and his idiosyncratic, hands-on approach. To Irwandi, the reverse holds true.

"The Acehnese people are, how do you say, all-terrain vehicles," he laughs. "They're off-roaders."

He's referring to the resilience the Acehnese have displayed in the face of the apocalyptic tsunami – the most destructive in history – which ravaged the province five years ago today. The giant wave killed up to 170,000 in Aceh, making a blank slate of the landscape and compounding the miseries of what was already one of the world's more abject regions.

Before the tsunami, Aceh was a backwater, stifled for decades under repressive military control. Society was fractured, brutalised and isolated from the rest of the world, the result of a vicious conflict between separatists and the Indonesian government that had seethed for 29 years, at the cost of 15,000, mostly civilian, lives.

Then, on the morning of Boxing Day, 2004, a 9.3 magnitude earthquake – the fourth-largest in a century – struck underwater off the Acehnese coast, jolting a 1200 kilometre expanse of ocean floor and shaking the entire planet up to a centimetre. The blast of energy unleashed by the quake was equivalent to 550 million Hiroshimas, and created a wall of water three storeys high, which travelled a fifth of the way across the earth at speeds of up to 600 km/h.

The disaster claimed more than 228,000 lives, affected 2.5 million others, and caused close to $11.4 billion of damage in 14 countries. By far the highest price was paid by Aceh, the first and worst affected, where more people died than in all other countries combined.

In Banda Aceh, the capital, nearly a third of the population was washed away. Bodies with Indonesian identity papers surfaced on the beach in the Maldives, 4500 kilometres across the Indian Ocean.

The aerial images of kilometres of Aceh's formerly populous coastland reduced to an immense stretch of swamp and rubble, were beamed into Western homes where families had gathered for Christmas.

The response was unprecedented, with $15.4 billion in aid pledged to the global tsunami relief effort. Nearly half of the total was allocated to Aceh. The magnitude of the destruction required the relief effort to be conducted on what was virtually a war footing. More than 16,000 foreign personnel entered the province, bringing ships, aircraft and a floating hospital. In many places, military forces had to make amphibious landings, then bulldoze roads to reach stricken communities in a state of bewilderment and profound grief.

"The tsunami was something outside our imagination," says Tabrani Younis, a 41-year-old community activist and tsunami survivor who, after the initial earthquake that morning left his home and family unscathed, had kissed his wife Salminar, eight-year-old son and four-year-old daughter goodbye, and set off on business to another part of the province. He rushed back half an hour later as news of the deadly tide spread through the city, and found his low-lying neighbourhood had been taken by the ocean, his family and home with it.

For weeks afterwards, he wandered hopelessly, searching for news of his family, before taking work as a translator for foreign media crews in order to travel around the province and, he hoped, find a lead. He was barely able to function. "Walking and crying, walking and crying," he remembers. "I was like a crazy person."

That Younis was but one among hundreds of thousands of people with similar tales gives some indication of the enormity of the challenge faced by the relief operation, and why the initial prognosis of its architects was bleak.

Even when the mammoth task of rebuilding homes, schools, roads, hospitals, and businesses was completed, survivors were expected to face many problems caused by the psychological trauma, social breakdown and economic collapse wrought by the disaster. There were strongly founded fears of a hopeless, dispirited underclass developing in the tent cities and barracks set up to house the 400,000 displaced: a lost generation of tsunami orphans, vulnerable to child trafficking, domestic abuse, drug dependency and criminality.

Remarkably, five years on, virtually none of this has transpired. "The people of Aceh have recovered," says Irwandi. "They are not traumatised."

Life in Aceh is better than anyone remembers it being. Nearly all the homeless have been rehoused and many of the widowed have remarried. The war has ended, and the scars of the ordeal, in both the landscape and the people, are barely visible.

Zubedy Koteng, head of Unicef's child protection program in Aceh, arrived in the province 10 days after the tsunami struck, and has monitored the wellbeing of local children since. "I don't see any psychological effects from the tsunami. I just don't see it anywhere," he says. "For me, it's amazing."

The scale of the upheaval which has taken place in Aceh is evident in Irwandi's VIP reception as he sweeps into the grounds of the bustling mosque. Five years ago, Irwandi, then a separatist guerrilla, was a prisoner of war, who escaped the rising floodwaters in prison only by punching a hole through a ceiling and clinging to the roof.

Today, as a result of a peace deal struck in the political space created by the disaster, the one-time secessionist is not only a free man, but leader of a province that boasts better infrastructure, a more open society and a degree of autonomy from Jakarta that was unimaginable during the asphyxiating years of military rule. "We have more now than what we had before the tsunami – much more," he says.

Largely as a result of the influence of international humanitarian organisations in the province, and despite resistance from clerics, sharia Aceh has become a more progressive society. Coffee houses – the main social hub and previously an exclusively male domain – are now open to women, the more privileged of whom avail themselves of wi-fi connections to engage with the outside world on their laptops. Younis, once forced to conduct his women's rights work underground, now operates with the blessing of authorities.

Under Irwandi's conservation-minded leadership, Aceh has banned logging and implemented a carbon credit scheme to protect the province's endangered forests, which, it is hoped, will prove a significant drawcard for tourists. The province that was largely closed off to outsiders for nearly 30 years is implementing a visa-on-arrival program at its international airport, and is described by Lonely Planet's travel guide as "the next best spot".

Many of those who visit the province are drawn by curiosity over its recent history, although evidence of the ordeal is not immediately apparent. A nascent tourist trail has developed: at the landmark site of a 2600-tonne ship, dumped by the wave in the middle of a village 5 kilometres inland, a migrant from Bali sells "I heart Aceh" T-shirts.

But at Lhok Nga, the "ground zero" where thousands were swept to their deaths, the non-descript mass grave site is easily missed among the more incongruous sights of a golf course, cows on the beach and the Western surfer dudes who have been appearing in increasing numbers since word got out that the tsunami zone has gnarly breaks.

The wounds on the people are similarly difficult to discern. The "all-terrain" Acehnese are a redoubtable warrior people, famous equally for their fierce resistance to outsiders, and their devotion to the Islamic faith. Their swift psychological recovery is generally attributed to both.

Says New Zealander Bob McKerrow, the head of Indonesia's Red Cross: "Chalk it up to a quarter-century of bloodshed. Their coping mechanism was operating at a high level when the tsunami occurred. They recovered much quicker than people who hadn't been exposed to blood and guts and death for that period of time."

Faith has been an essential crutch. The disaster was widely construed as an act of God, and had to be accepted on those terms. In contrast, the civil war, the work of men, left wounds that still fester.

"Islam gives me strength, something to hold on to," says Sri Misra, Younis' 41-year-old colleague, who lost all her family – a husband, sister and nephew – in the disaster. "If I didn't have religion I would go crazy. I would ask why my husband and family were taken away. But I know it's the will of God."

Younis, who, like most in Aceh, has had no access to counselling or therapy throughout his ordeal, says he simply had to endure. There was no alternative.

"Something came in my mind that day. Oh my god. You are starting alone again," he says. "But then I realised, no: you haven't lost everything. You still have friends, some family. A job. You aren't starting from zero."

Younis has remarried and is a father again. He is a respected community leader; he travels internationally; he does not have the air of a haunted or broken man. It is only when he pulls out a picture of his two lost children on his mobile phone that he chokes up and is unable to speak. When he recovers, he explains that he still becomes emotional when he is around children. The sight of the ocean spooks him.

At A time when the international community is redoubling its efforts to address climate change, among other daunting humanitarian concerns, the modern miracle of Aceh's recovery is an encouraging sign of what can be achieved when political will, resources and co-ordination align.

"They moved mountains," says McKerrow, who has been involved in the Tsunami Legacy project, an international review of the lessons learnt from the disaster, which confirmed the Indonesian approach as the most effective of myriad responses.

McKerrow, who has spent 38 years in the international aid sector, says the response in Aceh was the largest and most successful he has seen. Where other countries closed ranks and handled the situation internally, Indonesia swallowed its pride and opened its borders, accepting foreign expertise where it acknowledged deficiencies.

"The other affected governments didn't lift their game above a mediocre level," says McKerrow. "Leadership is about looking at the horizon, beyond the horizon. Other countries 'managed' their response, whereas Indonesia had inspired leadership."

Nonetheless, the early "Klondike days" saw a number of hasty, ill-advised projects, as NGOs, responding partly to the implicit imperative to compete for funds and prestige, rushed to demonstrate to that they were taking action.

"You'd have an organisation come in; they've got staff on the ground, they've got their home media there for a few days, and they just want to build some f – -ing houses," says McKerrow. "They don't care about land titles, and they build them in the wrong place." A number of developments were subsequently torn down in these circumstances, a lesson that it was worthwhile doing things properly, even if that meant taking a little longer.

Given the overall scale of the disaster, says McKerrow, the relief and reconstruction of Aceh can only be viewed a success. "For every 100 very good things that were done, there were maybe five to eight f – -ups," he says. "That's not too bad."

The tsunami swept away everything: the precious and irreplaceable, but also some things the Acehnese needed to be rid of. "A lot of people you talk to see the tsunami as Allah's way of ending the conflict," says Luke Swainson, 26, who has been working in Aceh's NGO sector for three years.

The disaster's one great silver lining was in creating a political opening for peace. The two sides could barely continue to skirmish while the world poured its energies into rebuilding the province; besides, the suffering endured in the tragedy had largely sapped the will to fight. Eight months after the tsunami, an historic peace agreement ending decades of conflict was signed between the Indonesian Government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in Helsinki.

Aceh's claim to independence is based on its long history as a sovereign entity, and a more recent perception that the province's rich natural resources were being plundered by central government for the benefit of neighbouring Javanese.

Today, Governor Irwandi describes relations with Jakarta as "good; very cautiously good". It is inherently a relationship of tension. "Indonesia is a crooked rope, a rope that's not straight yet."

At its extremities, an autonomous Aceh in the west and a restive Papua in the east. "If you pull at both ends, it will be straight," he says. "If you pull too strong, the ends will be severed."

Peace has been won, but it is a delicate thing. Former rebels, he says, are "swallowing their disappointment" at having given up aspirations to independence, while the Indonesian military, 17,400 of whom are still in the province, remain "paranoid". "Of course, there is still anger," says Irwandi. "But we hope they don't open the old wound."

McKerrow, too, is alarmed, but confident the peace will hold. Aceh has survived much worse. "To me, it's a case that when people have little, then why not fight? But now people in Aceh have got land, houses, education, greater freedom. Things are better than ever. For the first time in 25 years, they've got something to lose."

West Papua

Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua

Melbourne Age - December 31, 2009

Greg Poulgrain – When Indonesia officially became independent of the Dutch 60 years ago this week, Australia's role as midwife was crucial. The conflict that continued for four years in the East Indies after the end of the Pacific war stopped only when America threatened to withhold post-war aid for the Netherlands. Only three-quarters of the former colony – 5400 kilometres of islands draped like emeralds around the equator – became Indonesia because the Dutch crafted a partition to keep Netherlands New Guinea (now West Papua).

Australian diplomat Thomas Critchley, who died earlier this year, intervened when this delay threatened the first breath of the new nation. It was a difficult birth and West Papua was placed in the too-hard basket, where it festered until 1963 when Indonesian rule replaced the Dutch – and it's still festering today because West Papuans have never been accepted as equals. Since its inception, this problem has been unwanted on Australia's doorstep yet both Jakarta and Canberra agree that it must be solved to safeguard good relations.

When the Dutch did not leave New Guinea in 1949, the most disgruntled was the giant Rockefeller company Standard Oil. After its first taste of the territory's potential in the mid-1930s, Standard Oil wanted unfettered access. Before 1949, there had been Dutch rule in nearby parts of Indonesia for 350 years, but not in West Papua where only 5 per cent was under Dutch control. Because it was a foreign land of black-skinned people, not all Indonesian nationalist leaders wanted to include West Papuans in their new nation. One of the Japanese agents who helped prepare the Indonesian Proclamation of Independence explained to me why he wanted West Papua included in the new territorial extent of Indonesia.

Speaking in his house in Tokyo, Nishijima Yoshizumi told me his wartime commander, Admiral Maeda, had personal control of the West Papuan territory during the war. Near the westerly tip oil was found, and in the central range an expedition explored the copper and gold deposit. Nowadays these resources are mined by the American company Freeport Indonesia, and its Grasberg mine is the largest producing gold mine in the world.

The large Sele oil field that was rediscovered in the mid-1970s – a record for South-East Asia in barrels per day – was the same Japanese oilfield used during the war. Of course, none of this information on natural resources surfaced when the Dutch handed over Indonesia in December 1949. Nor was it mentioned before Indonesia reclaimed the territory in 1963.

The territorial dispute over West Papua between Indonesia and the Dutch was very visible, unlike the Dutch struggle with "Big Oil", the name given to the major petroleum companies. In the 1950s, the Dutch government was in a hurry to colonise their long- neglected West Papuan territory and hoped the Netherlands New Guinea Petroleum Company would provide much-needed revenue, but it did not. It was comprised of 60 per cent American oil interests and Royal Dutch Shell (which sided with its American counterparts), and spent the 1950s deliberately not finding any oil – because they knew precisely where it was.

After 1963 when all Dutch inhabitants left New Guinea, it was arranged for Admiral Maeda to hold a concession over the "undiscovered" Sele oilfield, preventing all other exploration until the political climate in West Papua was suitable under president Suharto.

Some Dutch politicians were aware of the vast potential in natural resources. One of these was Joseph Luns, Dutch foreign minister for 17 years. When I interviewed him in Brussels in the early 1980s, he was NATO secretary-general and he told me frankly he had actually suggested that America and Holland together benefit from the West Papuan territory's great potential in natural resources. But the Americans had no intention of sharing and the blunt reply came back: "We will (benefit), as soon as Holland is out."

President Sukarno's anti-colonial campaign against the Dutch in New Guinea was supported by both the Indonesian communist party (PKI) and the Indonesian army. Millions of dollars came "from an American source" to fund the army's campaign against the Dutch in New Guinea, so I was told, at different times, by two former Indonesian foreign ministers. Military dominance in West Papua began in the 1960s and documents released under freedom-of- information from the US embassy in Jakarta in 1968 refer to the possibility of genocide occurring even then.

In 1983, I was sent by the London-based Anti-Slavery International to investigate reports that infant mortality along the southern coastline (where the army was rapaciously timber- felling) was 600 per 1000. Such a figure was unprecedented, but correct. More recently, among indigenous West Papuans, the incidence of HIV/AIDS is 20 times the national average, according to a Voice of America report last December.

Indonesia and Australia, neighbours for 60 years, need to work together to address accusations of genocide in West Papua.

Democratic reform will sooner or later end the impunity of the Indonesian army, but the dire conditions in West Papua demand an immediate halt to the army's territorial command.

[Dr Greg Poulgrain is a lecturer on Indonesian history at the University of the Sunshine Coast. He is the author of The Genesis of Konfrontasi: Malaysia Brunei and Indonesia 1945-1965.]

Papuan on trial in Makassar for 'illegal ammunition'

Jakarta Post - December 24, 2009

Makassar – A resident from Papua province stood trial Wednesday at the Makassar District Court, South Sulawesi, on charges of carrying and possessing a gun.

The 28-year old defendant, Endel Kiwak alias Morokai, was arrested by police at the PT Freeport Indonesia mining site in Timika town on July 20, 2009, a week after an attack nearby killed two Freeport workers. Endel's trial was then moved to Makassar for security reasons.

Prosecutor Febrian indicted Endel for illegally carrying, storing and hiding a magazine and 21 bullets. When arrested the suspect was hiding near the mine with three other Papuan residents Benyamin Solme, Pilpau Solme and Seprianus Senawatme, who managed to evade arrest, Febrian added.

The prosecutor linked all of them to the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM).

Human rights/law

2009 was a 'year without hope' for Munir case - Kasum

Detik.com - December 30, 2009

Muhammad Taufiqqurahman, Jakarta – The Solidarity Action Committee for Munir (Kasum) sees 2009 as a year of gloom that failed to provide any clarity in the ongoing investigation of Munir's murder.

"2009 was a year without hope for the Munir case. This year, the state hardly made any progress whatsoever in uncovering the intellectual actor behind the murder of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib", explain Kasum Executive Secretary Choirul Anam in a press conference at his office on Jl. Borobudur, Jakarta, on Wednesday December 30.

In remembering one year since the release of [former State Intelligence deputy director] Muchdi Purwopranjono by the South Jakarta District Court, Kasum said it felt deeply disappointed. The reason being that there were the many irregularities from the prosecution's case, the trail hearings, the charges and the court's ruling.

"Kasum believes that these irregularities indicate that there is a conspiracy to maneuver the Munir case so that it stops or is put on ice. When the prosecution said that the motive for the murder was a personal grudge, Kasum began to doubt that the involvement of other actors higher up than Muchdi Pr would be revealed," Anam explained.

Kasum is therefore urging the Attorney General's Office to immediately submit a judicial review over Muchdi's release, because there are no grounds for the AGO to delaying doing so.

"[They should] also replace the AGO team that is responsible for the Munir case and if necessary replace the entire AGO leadership. Up until now, the AGO as an institution failed to seriously represent justice," he added.

There is hope that the national police will be able to reactivate the police team to work at preparing new evidence and uncovering the intellectual actors aside from Muchdi.

"We are also urging the Judicial Commission to complete its investigation into Kasum's complaint that there are strong indications of professional misconduct and the code of ethics by the trail judges at the South Jakarta District Court that ruled [in favour] of Muchdi. We are also calling on the National Human Rights Commission not to postpone the publication of the results of an examination into the Muchdi Pr case, which has already been carried out," he said in closing. (ndr/iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Children still 'fall victim of trafficking, sexual abuse'

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Jakarta – The National Commission for Child Protection said thousands of Indonesian children had become the prey of sex traffickers due to poverty and economic problems.

The commission recorded that 95,000 children had fallen into sexual trafficking in 2009, up from 70,000 children the year earlier.

The commission's secretary-general, Arist Merdeka Sirait, said over the weekend that most of the children were sold to Malaysian and Taiwanese dealers to perform sexual services on high-paying customers in those countries.

The World Bank estimated that Indonesia's GDP per capita was US$2,254 in 2008, which indicates that people spent around $6 a day, although many believe that most of the population lives under $2 a day.

The Regional Autonomy Watch (KPPOD) assumed that the unsuccessful regional autonomy had triggered failure in the improvement of local people's prosperity due to corruption and bad management.

The KPPOD's research manager, Sigit Murwito, said at least 3,000 bylaws had hampered investment.

Arist said the government had not prioritized children as the country's important assets for the future, as many policies, including bylaws, were issued without considering children's lives.

He also criticized the increasing cases of sexual violence happening at home, schools and play grounds across the country.

"Our 2009 record shows that 1253 children were victims of sexual violence committed by their families and teachers at schools," he said, adding that the number had increased from 800 cases last year.

Arist said the number could significantly increase next year if the government did not make meaningful policies to eradicate poverty.

Prita Mulyasari cleared of all charges

Jakarta Globe - December 29, 2009

Heru Andriyanto – Indonesian woman Prita Mulyasari has been cleared of criminal defamation charges by Tangerang District Court on Tuesday in the case brought against her by doctors from Omni Hospital, concluding a lengthy trial that has lasted more than four months.

Presiding judge, Arthur Harnewa, delivered the verdict and said that Prita's good name would now be restored. All charges against her have now been dropped. The audience shouted "Allahu Akbar" ("God is great") as Arthur Hangewa finished reading the verdict.

The panel of judges ruled that the email sent by Prita didn't carry defamatory intent and was instead meant as a 'constructive criticism' for the sake of the public interest.

Prosecutors will now consider whether or not to appeal the verdict in a higher court. Any appeal must be lodged within 14 days. "We respect the verdict, but asked for 14 days of time to consider our stance," prosecutor Riyadi said.

Four months ago, the same court acquitted Prita in a preliminary ruling but she was retried on order by the Banten High Court.

Currently three months pregnant with her third child, Prita was accused of defaming the upscale hospital in Tangerang through an e-mail she sent to 20 of her friends. The criminal case was brought against her by two doctors working at Omni, while the hospital sued her in a separate civil case.

Her case sparked public outrage after she was detained for three weeks ahead of her criminal trial and the court fined her Rp 312 million ($33,000) in the civil case.

The Banten High Court recently upheld the civil case verdict, although the fine was reduced to Rp 204 million.

Supporters from all walks of life, ranging from schoolchildren to top officials of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, collected donations amounting to more than Rp 800 million to help Prita pay the fine, but the hospital later dropped the civil suit.

The case stirred a media uproar after the defense team showed evidence that Omni had offered free medical checkups for Tangerang prosecutors, who neither denied nor confirmed the report.

The Attorney General's Office has launched inquiries into prosecutors at the district office and the Banten provincial office amid reports that they used the Electronic Information and Transaction (ITE) law as the basis to detain Prita ahead of her trial.

Tuesday's hearing started at 9 a.m. Officials from National Commission for Human Rights and the Judicial Commission were among the attendees, as well as around 40 women who claimed to be Prita's supp orters.

Row over new Bank Century book sparks call for stricter libel law

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Nivell Rayda & Nurfika Osman – A controversial new book has inflamed passions over the PT Bank Century bailout with claims that the Democratic Party received illegal campaign contributions for the 2009 presidential elections.

On Sunday, House of Representatives Speaker Marzuki Alie proposed harsher prison sentences for people convicted of criminal defamation, following the release last week of "Membongkar Gurita Cikeas: Di Balik Skandal Bank Century" ("Unravelling the Cikeas Octopus: Behind the Bank Century Scandal"), written by prominent sociologist and anti-Suharto activist George Junus Aditjondro.

The book accuses the ruling Democratic Party of using nonprofit foundations associated with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to transfer funds to its coffers during the 2009 electoral season. The book also claims that state funds used to bail out Bank Century were diverted to one of the foundations.

The president's supporters have denounced the book's claims. Marzuki, a senior member of the Democratic Party, said the book was "libelous and disrespectful to the president as head of government and head of state."

"People who make such baseless accusations must be firmly sanctioned. That's why it's necessary to amend articles [of the Criminal Code] on defamation," he was quoted by the state-run Antara news agency as saying.

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha also rejected the book's allegations. "We are questioning the techniques and methods used by the author to come to a conclusion that the president and his foundations are involved in the [Bank] Century and other cases mentioned in the book," Julian said on Sunday.

Julian said that Yudhoyono had neither requested that the book be banned nor filed a police complaint against Aditjondro for defamation.

The book was launched in Yogyakarta last week. Indonesia's biggest bookstore chain, Gramedia, pulled it from its shelves on Sunday, according to the book's publisher, Galang Press. Gramedia could not be reached for comment.

Julius Felicianus, chief executive officer of Galang Press, said that despite Gramedia's decision, half the print run of 4,000 books has already been sold. "In just two days we have sold around 2,000 copies," he said.

Indonesian cyber crime bill to spark debate

Jakarta Globe - December 25, 2009

Ismira Lutfia - A new information technology crimes bill looks set to spark intense public debate next year given its high priority on the House of Representative's 2010 National Legislation Program.

The Alliance of Independence Journalists (AJI) considers the bill, known as the Tipiti bill, even "more repressive and stretchable" than the controversial 2008 Information and Electronic Transaction (ITE) Law.

AJI chairman Nezar Patria said on Wednesday that while he agreed there should be a law to prosecute cyber crimes, he rejected the bill for being "overly aggressive and not emphasizing the investigation of digital evidence enough."

Ministry of Communication and Information Technology spokesman Gatot Dewa Broto dismissed the complaint. "There is not a single law that does not regulate sanctions on violation of the law," he said.

Gatot said the bill contains articles on extraction and investigation of digital forensic data as evidence of cyber crimes.

The absence of a comprehensive cyber crime law made it difficult for law enforcers to investigate and prosecute crimes committed using information technology, he said.

The bill would be different from the ITE Law, which mainly focuses on electronic transactions, Gatot said.

Although initially proposed alongside the ITE Law, the bill was delayed as the House prioritized the ITE Law, arguing that there was an urgent need to have a law combating online fraud.

"The Tipiti bill would be more comprehensive than the ITE Law because it regulates information technology-related crimes that are not included in the ITE Law," Gatot said.

However, the AJI said that the cyber crimes bill would overlap with the ITE Law in regulating Internet activity.

The ITE Law has drawn strong public criticism for allegedly restricting freedom of speech and has since been mainly used to file defamation charges against Internet users.

Omni International Hospital in Tangerang used the law as a base to file libel charges against housewife Prita Mulyasari who had complained to friends about the hospital's poor service in an email. The email was subsequently widely circulated.

Another possible victim of the ITE Law is actress Luna Maya who compared infotainment workers to prostitutes in a tweet on the micro-blogging site Twitter. Despite her posting an apologetic tweet the next day, the Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI), which represents journalists in the entertainment sector, insisted in filing defamation complaints against her under the ITE Law.

Minister of Justice and Human Rights Patrialis Akbar on Tuesday said the ITE Law would be revised because it has been exploited mainly for defamation charges. The AJI said it appreciated the step.

"The ITE Law may be revised, but concurrently the information technology crimes and media convergence bills are being deliberated," Nezar said

The new law may end up being more repressive than the ITE Law in curbing freedom of speech on the Internet, he said.

AJI called for a "comprehensive design to regulate the Internet" based on democratic principles before revising existing laws and drafting new bills. "A media convergence bill is necessary but it should not contain articles that restrict freedom of expression," Nezar said.

Gatot said that the idea to merge the ITE Law, the 2002 Broadcasting Law and the 1999 Telecommunications Law was currently being debated internally within the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology.

Refugees/asylum seekers

Illness spreads on vessel as 16 Tamils head for Australia

Sydney Morning Herald - December 30, 2009

Lindsay Murdoch and Yuko Narushima – Fears of a disease outbreak are causing tensions to rise among asylum seekers on a boat moored at the Indonesian port of Merak since October.

The 12-week stand-off continues as a further 16 refugees from the Oceanic Viking head to Australia for resettlement.

The Sri Lankan Tamils, including women and children, were among 40 refugees from the Australian customs ship due to fly out of Jakarta last night. Of the others, 21 were headed for the US and three to Norway, through a United Nations centre in Romania.

But last night an Indonesian law and human rights chief, I. Gde Widiarta, said 31 Tamils rescued by the Oceanic Viking would be headed for Australia and 16 for Romania.

At Merak, where 242 Sri Lankans have refused to disembark since October 11, priests have been denied access to the boat as asylum seekers mourn the death of a fellow passenger.

Sanjeev "Alex" Kuhendrarajah, the spokesman for the Sri Lankans, told the Herald conditions on board had become "horrendous" and more people had become unwell since the man died last week.

"We need someone to tell us what is going on... Is there a pandemic here in the boat? If not, then what is happening?" Mr Kuhendrarajah said.

Vinuja, a seven-year-old girl, was taken to a hospital on Monday night suffering similar symptoms to George Jacob Samuel Christin, 29, who died from a stomach illness. A 43-year-old man is complaining of similar symptoms. An Australian refugee advocate, Ian Rintoul, said there was no immediate resolution to the stand-off.

Mr Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition, said from Jakarta that Indonesian officials were preparing a proposal to put to the Merak group early next month.

The asylum seekers would not agree to leave the boat until they had a definite proposal about their claims for resettlement in Australia or another country, he said.

A spokesman for the Immigration Minister, Chris Evans, said arrangements for those on board was a matter for Indonesia: "The boat was intercepted by Indonesian authorities in Indonesian waters."

More than 100 of those on board were assessed as refugees in Malaysia but decided to attempt the trip to Australia after years of delay in being resettled by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

Yesterday a Foreign Ministry spokesman, Teuku Faizasyah, dismissed a report in Australia that Indonesian authorities were considering the use of force to remove the Sri Lankans.

"We are still flexible. We are still open to other ways to resolve the situation," he said. Mr Faizasyah said Indonesia hoped Australia would place some asylum seekers after the UN agency verified their status.

Yesterday the 59th boat to arrive in Australian waters this year was intercepted off Gove, with 30 passengers and three crew, prompting Opposition criticism of the Government's border protection policy.

The Opposition Leader, Tony Abbott, said Kevin Rudd had "totally lost control of Australia's borders". He called on the Prime Minister to "come clean about exactly what promises he gave the Indonesians" when he asked them to stop the Merak boat.

Jakarta puts Kevin Rudd on notice over asylum-seekers

The Australian - December 29, 2009

Paul Maley – Indonesia has put Kevin Rudd on notice that the special treatment offered to the 78 Tamils aboard the Oceanic Viking must be extended to the 255 Sri Lankans moored off the port of Merak.

With the first big group of Oceanic Viking Tamils expected to arrive in Australia tomorrow, the Indonesian Foreign Ministry has revealed that Canberra has been told it must help resettle the 255 Tamils whose boat was stopped following a personal plea from Mr Rudd.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said that while Jakarta had no wish to repeat the "unpleasant" experience of the Oceanic Viking, the government considered resolution of the Merak stand-off "part and parcel" of ending the Viking incident.

"Looking back on how the efforts by the Australians to try to assist the resolution of the Tanjung Pinang (detention centre) problem, certainly we might expect similar efforts might be put on the Merak situation," Mr Faizasyah told The Australian.

Jakarta's demands will increase the pressure on the Rudd government, which was attacked for caving in to the Sri Lankans.

They will also test Canberra's dwindling diplomatic resources, with key figures in the refugee resettlement sector privately warning that Australia has used up all of its favours in broking the Oceanic Viking deal.

Mr Faizasyah said Jakarta expected Australia might take some of the 255 Tamils. That would create a potential security headache for the Rudd government following claims by the Sri Lankan government that at least three of the Merak Tamils had been identified as former members of the Tamil Tigers.

The boat's self-appointed spokesman, Sanjeev "Alex" Kuhendrarajah, has been identified as a convicted criminal and gang member who was deported from Canada after a stint in jail.

Mr Faizasyah said there was disagreement within the Indonesia government about how to handle the Merak stand-off, including whether or not to use force.

"That's the debate that we have," he said. "We have so many actors involved on our side, the police, the navy, the immigration, each with their own suggestion."

And Mr Faizasyah undermined the Rudd government's claim that the deal offered the Tamils was normal, saying their rapid resettlement was proof that the arrangements were unique.

"If it was normal, it would take years for the Sri Lankans to be resettled in third countries," he said.

Mr Faizasyah's blunt remarks came as authorities in Tanjung Pinang prepared to move dozens of the Tamils rescued by the Oceanic Viking to Australia and Romania.

Some are expected to leave Tanjung Pinang today bound for Australia, Norway and the US. At least seven are expected to arrive in Australia on Wednesday.

The US has emerged as the Prime Minister's unlikely political saviour, with sources telling The Australian it was expected to take up to 30 of the refugees.

Two of the Tamils have already arrived in Australia and another 13 were flown to a UN transit centre in Romania, where they are being vetted by Canadian immigration officials before being admitted to Canada.

Those Tamils accepted by the US are also expected to be flown to Romania. Another 16 Sri Lankans could be flown to a similar facility in The Philippines before being resettled in New Zealand.

The highly complex logistical arrangements are the product of a deal made by the Australian government to resettle the 78 Tamils within four to 12 weeks.

In exchange, the Tamils agreed to end their month-long stand-off aboard the Oceanic Viking, which rescued them on their way to Australia on October 18.

A week earlier, a boat carrying about 255 Tamils was intercepted by Indonesian authorities after Mr Rudd had phoned Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

That boat, the largest intercepted so far, was taken to the Indonesian port of Merak, where it remains with those on board refusing to get off. Last week, one of the men on the boat died from what Mr Faizasyah said was a stomach complaint. Mr Faizasyah said yesterday that resolving the Oceanic Viking situation on Australia's behalf had burdened Indonesian officials and strained relations between Jakarta and local authorities.

He said it had been an "unpleasant situation". "I don't think we would be (interested in repeating) the situation again in the future," he said.

His comments echo recent remarks by the Indonesian Foreign Ministry's director of diplomatic security, Sujatmiko, who told local media that Canberra could not expect similar assistance in the future. "This will be the last time we are helping Australia deal with its foreign refugee influx problem," Sujatmiko said.

Jakarta may use force to end Merak stand-off

The Australian - December 29, 2009

Paul Maley and Lanai Vasek – Indonesia is considering using force to end the extended stand-off with the boat of more than 240 Tamil asylum-seekers moored at Merak after last week's death.

As refugee advocates staged a protest yesterday outside Australia's embassy in Jakarta over the treatment of the asylum- seekers, intercepted en route to Christmas Island in October, the Indonesian government said more robust measures were being discussed after the December 24 death of the man who was part of a staged protest on board the vessel.

Indonesian Foreign ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said while it remained Jakarta's strong preference to resolve the situation peacefully, the use of force might now have to be considered.

Mr Faizasyah said the death of George Jacob Samuel Christin, 29, on the boat – which he clained was from complications of a stomach ulcer – had prompted a meeting on the weekend between Indonesian officials and representatives from the vessel.

"We asked them to provide access so we can conduct our (verification) process," Mr Faizasyah said. "Following that we will allow the UNHCR to conduct refugee-status process. But they still persisted that they would not allow us to conduct verification. So it's still in a rather bleak situation."

When asked if authorities were considering force to resolve the situation, Mr Faizasyah replied: "That could be one of the issues discussed."

The possibility of increased tensions emerged yesterday as refugee advocates claimed that 11 Tamils who had voluntarily disembarked the boat were being detained in "inhumane" conditions in an Indonesian prison.

Australian Tamil Congress spokeswoman Sara Nathan said eight men who volunteered to disembark in October had done so on the basis that they would be processed by the UNHCR and would be held in an International Organisation for Migration hostel, not in detention.

Ms Nathan, who this week visited the men, said they were put up at an International Organisation for Migration hostel but after two weeks were moved into a cell by Indonesian authorities, where they have remained since November 10. She said 12 people occupied the crowded cell at the Jakarta immigration headquarters.

One of the original eight from the Merak boat had gone back to Sri Lanka, however the remaining seven were joined by four other men from the Merak boat and another man from another boat.

A spokesman for UNHCR denied they were involved in any deal with the Indonesian government and yesterday said the agency would not be providing assistance to those on board the boat in Merak unless Indonesian authorities called on them to do so.

"We can't access those people unless we are asked to by the Indonesian government and we will take no further steps unless we receive formal notification," the spokesman said.

Indonesian authorities accused of asylum seeker attacks

Agence France Presse - December 26, 2009

Indonesian authorities have been accused of assaulting a number of Sri Lankans who are aboard a boat in Indonesia's Merak port.

Sanjeev Kuhendrarajah, also known as 'Alex', says Indonesian police, military and immigration officials attacked him and five other men.

The 250 Tamil asylum seekers, who were trying to reach Australia, have refused to leave the boat since the Indonesian navy intercepted it in October.

Alex says he has been deliberately targeted since being accused of people smuggling. He says he was verbally abused and physically assaulted during the encounter.

"He just grabbed me right away and once the navy colonel grabbed me then all the other officers that were there in that tent, they starting grabbing me, and ripped my shirt apart, they put me on the floor and starting stomping on me, and they punched me in the face," he said.

"And, I'm a brown skin I don't get bruises, but the other boys that were standing there, they did try to stop these people and when they did try to stop them they were getting pushed around too."

Asylum seeker's death prompts resettlement plea

Sydney Morning Herald - December 26, 2009

Ari Sharp – The death of a Tamil man who had been aboard a boat moored at Merak in Indonesia has prompted renewed calls for Australia to help strike a deal to resettle the 246 people on board.

George Jacob Samuel Christin, 29, was vomiting blood in the two days before he died on Wednesday night, according to Ian Rintoul, a refugee advocate in the west Java port of Merak. He was given medical assistance earlier on Wednesday before being returned to the boat, and was later told by the Indonesian Navy he would need to agree to leave the boat to get further medical care, according to Mr Rintoul's account.

Only when his condition worsened to include foaming at the mouth, struggling for breath and having a fit did authorities relent and allow him to be taken to hospital, where he was declared dead a few hours later.

Mr Rintoul said the Indonesian authorities and the International Office of Migration had failed to provide adequate medical care.

"From advice we have received, this man's death was entirely avoidable had he received early medical attention," said Mr Rintoul, a spokesman for the Refugee Action Coalition.

Mr Christin is the first person on the boat to die. The vessel has been kept in Merak since it was found in Indonesian waters in October making its way to Australia with its Tamil occupants expected to claim asylum.

The 246 people who remain on the boat do not want to come ashore because they fear they will be sent to an Indonesian detention centre and forced to wait years for resettlement.

Mr Rintoul said Australian intelligence helped Indonesian authorities intercept the boat, so the Australian Government was responsible for the group. "The Rudd Government should be willing to take these people to Australia," he said.

The man's death has prompted Tamil activists in Australia to refresh their calls for the Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, to help resolve the impasse, as he did with the 78 people rescued by the Customs vessel Oceanic Viking, who have since had their cases assessed and are being resettled in several Western countries including Australia.

"The Australian Government needs to play a compassionate leadership role in our region," said a spokeswoman for the Australian Tamil Congress, Sam Pari. "No one deserves to spend Christmas this way.

"The Australian, New Zealand, Canadian and Norwegian governments have all come together to find a resettlement solution for those on board the Oceanic Viking. Have they forgotten about the people clearly in need in Merak?"

Ramesh Fernandez, from the Melbourne advocacy group Refugee Survivors and Ex-Detainees (RISE), said he was deeply concerned for the welfare of asylum seekers on the boat. "They have been there for 11 weeks now, without access to medical supplies, basic amenities and lifejackets."

He said the Australian Government should establish a "proper agency" to minimise the risk to genuine refugees fleeing Sri Lanka.

Mr Christin, a Catholic and one of approximately 25 Christians on board the vessel, was apparently denied access to a priest. He did not have any family on board the boat, but left behind a widowed mother and three siblings in Sri Lanka.

The Indonesian embassy in Canberra did not respond to a request for comment. (With Farah Farouque)

Asylum seeker dies on Merak boat

Australian Associated Press - December 24, 2009

Adam Gartrell – One of almost 250 Sri Lankan asylum seekers who have spent the past 11 weeks refusing to leave their boat in Indonesia has died after allegedly being denied medical help.

The 29-year-old Tamil died late last night after falling ill several days ago.

The Tamil's spokesman, Sanjeev "Alex" Kuhendrarajah, said the man had been vomiting blood for two days but authorities ignored his pleas to be taken to hospital until after he had a seizure on Wednesday night.

"He was completely neglected by the IOM (International Organisation for Migration) and the Indonesian Navy," Alex told AAP from the boat in the west Javan port of Merak.

"He was a young man looking for freedom, just looking for peace in his life. He had to die to find it."

The group was shocked and saddened by the death and would do everything in their power to bring a lawsuit against the IOM and Indonesian Navy, Alex said.

The Tamils, intercepted by the Indonesian Navy en route to Australia in October, do not want to come ashore because they fear they will be sent to an Indonesian detention centre and forced to wait years for resettlement.

Refugee advocates have called on the Australian government to intervene and bring the asylum seekers to Australia.

The Refugee Action Coalition's Ian Rintoul, who is currently in Indonesia, said it was unacceptable that the asylum seekers were being forced to "haggle" over access to medical care. "It's an absolutely tragic death but it was also entirely avoidable," Rintoul said.

Australian intelligence helped Indonesian authorities intercept the boat so the Australian government was responsible for the group, Rintoul said. "The Rudd government should be willing to take these people to Australia," he said.

Environment/natural disasters

Government under fire after dismal year for environment

Jakarta Globe - December 31, 2009

Fidelis E Satriastanti – While the recent Copenhagen climate talks have been criticized for failing to produce a concrete agreement on emissions cuts, local activists are now turning their attention to the government for its failure to protect the environment.

Berry Nahdian Furqon, executive director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), said the State Ministry for the Environment had failed to make significant progress this year, particularly in engaging the private sector and industries.

"They have a lot on their agenda, such as the Proper [Corporate Environmental Performance Ratings] list, among other things," he said. "However, these have never been integrated into other sectors in order to cover the problems caused by development.

"The state ministry is too detached from other sectors. We can see it clearly from the condition of our forests, coastal areas, air and water, and the condition of our water catchment areas."

Berry said the Proper list, which catalogs the country's worst polluters and most environmentally conscious companies, has never been able to cover the bigger corporations and often passed many polluters as environmentally compliant.

This year's annual list covered 627 companies. Fifty-six companies were put on the "black list" of worst offenders, including 10 state-owned enterprises and 12 foreign companies.

The companies on the black list operate across a range of industries, including oil and gas, coal mining, pulp and paper, textiles, fish processing, plywood and palm oil, and include an oil and gas joint venture involving PT Pertamina in South Sumatra, six state-owned plantations, nine plywood companies, 10 palm oil concerns and a leading milk producer.

Mas Achmad Santosa, an environmental law expert, said the ministry's poor performance was illustrated by the low number of environmentally compliant companies on the list.

"We can actually see how [the ministry] did this year through the Proper list, and also from the SLHI [Indonesian State of the Environment Report], which still shows no improvement for the environment," he said.

The 2007 SLHI said the country's waterways had been adversely altered by human activity and spatial changes, resulting in flooding and droughts.

The latest available data from the report showed that between 2000 and 2005, 1.09 million hectares of forest were lost each year – down from 2.83 million hectares over the preceding five- year period.

The government was accused of failing to promote the national agenda to protect the country's forests at the UN climate change talks in Copenhagen earlier this month, and criticized for accepting the resulting agreement that was neither binding nor adopted by all parties.

"There were never any concrete steps on how to deal with the impact of climate change," Mas Achmad said. "We've been aggressively announcing that Indonesia is going to lead in this campaign, but look at the facts: We still can't even manage to protect our own forests from illegal logging or forest fires."

Mas Achmad also said there was no consistency between what the Environment Ministry had said it wanted to achieve and what was actually being implemented across the country.

"Yes, they are very eager to stop illegal logging in the country, however, they can't do anything when big illegal logging cases are dropped," he said, citing 13 cases of alleged illegal logging by major companies in Riau that came to nothing. The new environment minister, Gusti Muhammad Hatta, also came under fire from Mas Achmad for having approved the operations of a gold mining company, Meares Soputan Mining, in South Sulawesi despite it having been rejected by the regional government and the previous environment minister.

However, both Berry and Mas Achmad agreed that there was still hope for progress after the 2009 Law on Environmental Protection and Management was passed in September by the House of Representatives.

"There is plenty of hope for the new law because its content is excellent, with the state ministry being given new powers and public involvement also being promoted," Mas Achmad said. "But then again, it is still just policy on paper."

Berry said the ministry would have no excuses for failing to advance its agenda in 2010. "There should be new breakthroughs because this new law is allowing that to happen," he said. "There should be changes."

Indonesia to seek damages for Timor Sea oil spill

Antara News - December 31, 2009

The government says that it will seek compensation from Australia for environmental damage in the Timor Sea caused by a leak at the Montara well.

"We have finished calculating our material loss due to the Timor Sea's contamination and will ask the Australian government for compensation soon," Environment Minister Gusti Muhammad Hatta said on Wednesday.

The well is said to have spewed at least 500 million liters of oil into the sea over a 10-week period before it was successfully plugged last month.

Hatta said he recently informed his Australian counterpart that Indonesia was calculating its material losses as a result of the pollution. Hatta added that he expected the Australian government to be serious about resolving the matter to prevent further damage in the affected area.

The minister credited Canberra with taking steps to try and resolve the issue, but said Indonesia needed to take firm action by seeking compensation based on international law.

It is claimed that the leak, which first began on Aug. 20, has contaminated thousands of square kilometers of ocean and killed vast amounts of wildlife.

World Wildlife Fund Australia warned that the spill – the worst in Australia for 40 years – and chemicals used to disperse it, could affect fish stocks and other marine life for generations. The group has described the disaster as an overwhelming environmental tragedy.

Forest protection to be relaxed for some infrastructure projects

Reuters - December 30, 2009

Indonesia will allow some infrastructure projects deemed in the public interest such as toll roads and geothermal energy plants to operate in protected forests, the chief economics minister said on Wednesday.

Under Indonesian law it is currently forbidden to undertake any kind of activity that could impact on a forest conservation area.

But chief economics minister Hatta Rajasa told reporters that the government would issue a new rule to allow some development in forests after discussions between relevant ministers. "For the public interest such infrastructure projects and geothermal projects can use protected forests," Rajasa said.

The users of protected forests would have to compensate by setting aside twice as much land within another part of the province for use as forested land, he added.

The minister said the regulation would give investors certainty and denied it would disturb forest conservation. "We know that there are many geothermal projects located in protected areas. That's why this regulation is part of the government's 100-day program," he said.

The administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who started a second term in October, has set 100-day programs focused on removing bottlenecks that have stalled investment and infrastructure development in Southeast Asia's biggest economy.

Overlapping regulations on the environment and resource development frequently complicate plans to develop projects in Indonesia, although green groups also complain that firms are sometimes wrongly given permission to exploit forests.

Indonesia also currently has one of the fastest rates of deforestation in the world that threatens to swiftly erode its dwindling untouched tracts of tropical forests.

At the same time, the developing nation desperately wants to speed up spending on airports, roads, ports and other infrastructure to help reduce inefficiencies and speed up economic growth in order to reduce poverty and unemployment. On energy, Indonesia has established two crash programs to increase power generation by 10,000 megawatts (MW) in a bid to resolve chronic power shortages in the country.

The first program, which is due to be 40 percent complete by the middle of next year, relies on coal-fired power stations, while a second program, due to start next year, has nearly half, or 4,733 MW, of power slated to come from geothermal sources.

Abadi Poernomo, president director of Pertamina Geothermal Energy (PHE), said previously the company planned to increase its geothermal capacity but had been blocked by the conservation law.

PHE, which is a unit of the country's state oil and gas firm Pertamina, planned to increase its geothermal capacity to 1,342 MW in 2014 from 272 MW currently. Pertamina already operates geothermal projects in West Java and North Sulawesi. Indonesia is hoping to tap alternative sources of energy to meet rising power demand and cut consumption of expensive crude oil as its own reserves dwindle.

The vast archipelago, with hundreds of active and extinct volcanoes, has the potential to produce an estimated 27,000 MW of electricity from geothermal sources.

However, most of the potential remains largely untapped because the high cost of geothermal energy makes the price of electricity generated this way expensive.

Mudflow victims' houses are substandard: Report

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2009

Surabaya – Mudflow victims in Sidoarjo, East Java, have criticized the developer building their houses in Renojoyo village, which they claimed were of low quality and unfit to live in, news portal tempointeraktif.com reported Sunday.

One of the residents, Sudarto, complained that the house in which he had been living for the past five months had many cracks in the walls and that the ground water was not potable, even after boiling.

Sudarto, however, is one victims who have chosen to live in the houses on the 6,000-square-meter housing complex. Other families have chosen to build temporary shelters close to the complex in protest at the low quality of the houses.

A total of 536 families pooled the money they received from PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya, a company established by the Bakrie family, and bought the plots at the housing complex for Rp 17 million (about US$1,750) per plot.

Following this, the Sidoarjo Association of Real Estate Developers appointed a developer to build houses for these families. The developer charged Rp 55 million per house.

Local councilor Sulkan Wariyono said his council would inspect the quality of the houses.

Nature extracts price from those who live on the ring of fire

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Anita Rachman, Nurfika Osman & Arientha Primanita – Sitting astride the "Ring of Fire," a geologically unstable section of the earth's crust below the Pacific Ocean, Indonesia receives deadly jolts from Mother Nature in the form of earthquakes and volcanoes with numbing regularity.

Inadequate infrastructure, torrential rains and other pressures also leave us at risk of disasters, which are made worse by human folly or error. Though 2009 was not as bad as some other years, many people were still left grieving for loved ones claimed by catastrophes ranging from powerful earthquakes to sunken ferry ships and broken dams.

The tragedies to remember:

January 11: After ignoring safety warnings, the passenger ferry MV Teratai Prima sinks off the coast of West Sulawesi near Majene district. The ship, carrying at least 267 people, was hit by large waves during a storm and capsized, killing nearly 240. Overloading, a perennial problem on poorly regulated interisland ferries, was suspected to have contributed to the accident.

The Teratai Prima was en route from Pare-Pare to Samarinda in East Kalimantan. The captain of the ferry was cited for negligence and later sentenced to nine years in jail for actions that contributed to the loss of life. The captain was reported to have refused to heed warnings from the port authority about the coming storm prior to departure.

The 700-ton Teratai Prima also had a registered capacity of only 250 passengers and the precise number of people aboard was never determined; few bodies were recovered from the sea.

The waters off Majene were also the site of the crash of Adam Air flight 574 after it lost contact with ground control on Jan. 1, 2007.

March 27: The Situ Gintung dam near Jakarta collapses in the early morning, causing a massive torrent of water and debris to run downstream, killing more than 100 people.

A heavy downpour the previous night had caused the reservoir to begin overflowing and cracks to appear in the dam. At dawn, as people living behind the dam were still sleeping, the structure gave way. About 200 families lost their homes in the flash flood.

After the disaster, it was reported that cracks had begun appearing in the structure a year earlier but residents had not been warned of the danger. "We never expected the water to come like a tsunami, as happened on Friday morning," said Wakidi, a community leader.

The dam in South Tangerang, Banten, was built by the Dutch colonial government in the 1930s. When it was first built, the reservoir covered 31 hectares, but due to siltation this fell to about 21 hectares.

Initially Situ Gintung was built to irrigate nearby farmland but as the area became residential, the dam functioned as a water conservation tool. Houses filled an area behind the dam that was intended to be a spillway.

Pitoyo Subandrio, the head of the Ciliwung-Cisadane Agency of the Public Works Ministry, has said that rehabilitation of the dam is under way.

September 2: A strong earthquake jolts West Java – and parts of Jakarta – leaving at least 33 people dead and more than 3,500 buildings damaged. The 7.0-magnitude quake hit off the southern coast of Java near the Tasikmalaya district.

Tasikmalaya was the area hardest hit by the tremors but West Java's coastal areas, like Indramayu, Cianjur, Ciamis, Kuningan and Pengalengan, were also affected.

By year-end, many West Java quake survivors were still living in semipermanent structures, pending the reconstruction of their homes.

September 30: A powerful 7.9-magnitude earthquake strikes near the city of Padang on the West Sumatra coast, killing more than 1,000 people. The tremor destroys not only houses and buildings in Padang, but also devastates villages and towns in nearby areas.

Officials reported 1,195 dead. The greatest number of casualties were in the Padang Pariaman district, where 666 people died. In Padang itself, 383 people died. The total cost of damage caused by the quake was estimated to be at least Rp 4.8 trillion ($509 million), but some officials put the total at twice that figure, saying many vital public buildings would have to be rebuilt.

Search and rescue teams came to the area from around the nation and several countries. Indonesians also responded with an outpouring of donations for victims, many of whom were trapped under buildings that were not built to contemporary standards for surviving earthquakes.

The story of Ratna Kurniasari Virgo, 20, a student, and Susi Revika Wulan Sari, a teacher, gripped television viewers when they were pulled from the wreckage of a school in Padang nearly two days after the quake.

Padang Deputy Mayor Mahyeldi Ansyarullah said that nearly 110,000 houses in Padang were damaged, 40,000 severely, and more than 1,000 classrooms were destroyed.

Both the local government and international aid workers noted that the emergency response to the Padang earthquake was an improvement over past disasters such as the 2004 tsunami in Aceh and the 2006 Yogyakarta earthquake. Officials said that training exercises had paid off in terms of disaster response.

November 22: The Dumai Express 10 passenger ferry sinks in rough seas off Karimun Island in Riau Islands shortly after its sister ship, the Dumai Express 15, ran aground near Moro Island.

Forty of the 295 passengers aboard the Dumai Express died. The ferry had a registered capacity of 273.

None of the 278 passengers aboard the stranded Dumai Express 15 were killed.

The Dumai 10 was sailing from Batam to Dumai, while the Dumai 15 was sailing from Batam to Moro. The head of the National Transportation Safety Committee, Tatang Kurniadi, said the committee was investigating. "Sea transportation safety is one of Freddy's priorities for his first 100 days in office," Tatang said, referring to new Transportation Minister Freddy Numberi.

Health & education

Poor patients witness slow progress, hope

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – Cases where hospitals reject patients living in poverty because they cannot pay the advance was a common occurrence in Indonesia several years ago.

In the past few years the prevalence has been reduced but unfortunately it happens frequently, according to media reports, even after the government launched a health insurance scheme for the people living in poverty, called the Community Health Insurance Scheme, or Jamkesmas (previously named the Poor Health Insurance or Askeskin), in 2005.

Under the scheme, 76.4 million people living in poverty and those in near poverty should be covered by the government-paid insurance. In reality, however, that is often not the case.

Enter keywords such as Jamkesmas, pasien (patient), ditolak (rejected), or rumah sakit (hospital) in search engines; and you will find dozens of links to local news stories about how underprivileged patients are often denied their rights to health care, not to mention quality health care.

The incidents have been reported to occur across a number of regions, including big cities such as Jakarta and Surabaya.

Many of these cases were recorded as happening this year, four years after the Jamkesmas program first took effect.

These include one that led to the death of an East Java town of Gresik resident, Bambang Sutrisno, 50, who died of heart complications after a local hospital rejected him, as reported by kompas.com.

Some patients denied their rights are holders of Jamkesmas cards, revealing how many hospitals treat their patients discriminatively.

It is common knowledge that Jamkesmas patients receive poor treatment compared to those received by non-Jamkesmas patients, for example, those paying hospital bills using their own money or their companies.

Others, meanwhile, are not entitled to Jamkesmas cards, although they may be equally in poverty or worse than cardholders, such as the case with Bambang.

This reveals problems with the country's data collecting system.

Indeed, the Health Ministry has been using the 76.4 million figure based on the Central Statistics Agency (BPS)'s 2005 estimation of 19.1 million households living in poverty times four (a household is considered to have four members on average).

The ministry will only update the data pending results of a population census to be carried out by the BPS in 2010.

This appears to create problems in the field, as a person's eligibility for a Jamkesmas card is based on the recommendation of local officials, many of whom have been found to distribute the cards to those who pay them or their relatives; not necessarily those who are eligible.

Despite the slow progress of the relatively welcomed Jamkesmas program, however, 2010 brings hope for more equal treatment, and also an improvement of the country's health service quality in general.

In September, two crucial health-related bills were passed into law. First, the new health law, which replaced the outdated 1992 Health Law, and second, the hospital law.

Although the new health law has been facing rejections, especially from religious communities due to its legalizing of abortions on certain conditions, the law, said then justice and human rights minister Andi Mattalatta during the House of Representative's plenary session to endorse it, authorizes the government to control prices of essential and generic medicines to ensure they are affordable to people living in poverty.

The law, Andi added, also obliges the central government to allocate 5 percent of state budget and local administrations 10 percent of their budget to the finance health sector.

This, if implemented, would significantly boost the health budget and is expected to help expand health care service coverage to those in need, including those with barely no access to services, for example, those living in rural areas and outlying regions.

The hospital law, meanwhile, guarantees everyone's right to receive medical treatment by imposing fines on hospitals that reject patients.

The hospital law also forbids government-owned hospitals to provide class-based services in a bid to ensure equal treatment for all patients, which has sparked some hospital outcry in a number of regions.

In an interview with The Jakarta Post last month, Health Minister Endang Sedyaninigsih said, "I expect no more hospitals to reject poor patients by 2014.

"Everybody should have health insurance by 2014".

"This is part of our effort to implement the hospital law," she said. "Everybody will get access to health regardless of their status, ethnic group or religion."

Endang added the move was also part of the administration's strategy to achieve the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs), including the reduction of infant and maternal mortality rates, as well as to war against communicable diseases.

Dengue should be priority for Indonesia, not swine flu: Lawmaker

Jakarta Globe - December 29, 2009

Dessy Sagita – The avian and swine flu strains may have caused the most panic, but combating tuberculosis, dengue fever and malnutrition should top the Ministry of Health's priorities for 2010, a lawmaker said on Tuesday.

"Our government is sometimes too preoccupied in handling imported diseases such as bird flu or swine flu, they neglect the other diseases that have caused far more fatalities in Indonesia," said Ribka Tjiptaning from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

The H1N1 swine flu scare most likely distracted health workers from dealing with outbreaks of dengue fever, which continued to be a serious threat across the country, she added.

The ministry's records show that from January through to July this year, there were 585 deaths from dengue from a total of 77,000 cases. The data also shows that on average, 88,000 people die of tuberculosis every year across the archipelago.

In comparison, the bird flu virus has only claimed 119 lives throughout the country since 2003. About 1,000 people were infected by swine flu, which reportedly claimed 10 lives.

Dr. Kartono Muhammad, a noted public health expert and former chairman of the Indonesian Medical Association, said on Tuesday that Health Minister Endang Rahayu Sedyaningsih had done nothing significant in her first 100 days in office, outside of her plans to broaden the coverage of a health insurance scheme for the poor, known as Jamkesmas.

"The scheme, however, is giving the public an unrealistic view about our health services," Kartono said. "In the end, I won't be surprised if the public will be disappointed when expectations fall short."

The government wants to expand Jamkesmas to include victims of natural disasters and people at social institutions such as orphanages, nursing homes, disabled care centers, drug rehabilitation centers and in prisons.

Kartono said that during her first 100 days in office, Endang could have focused on a number of health issues, including setting pricing limits on generic medicines, issuing regulations to assist the implementation of the recently endorsed Health Law and the aggressive promotion of family planning programs.

Ribka said Endang could have also better handled last month's filariasis incident in West Java, in which nine people died allegedly from consuming anti-filariasis medication as part of the ministry's mass treatment program, a charge Endang has dismissed.

"She should have settled the filariasis issue first before she made her ministerial visit to another province," Ribka said.

Bank Century inquiry

Indonesian Democrats accuse coalition partners of 'betrayal'

Jakarta Globe - December 29, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati – Members of the Democratic Party hit out at their coalition partners on Tuesday, accusing parties aligned to the ruling government of political point scoring and even betrayal over the PT Bank Century scandal.

Mohammad Jafar Hafsah, a legislator from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democrats, said coalition parties had failed to work as a team and had cornered the government.

He said coalition members on the House of Representatives special committee investigating the costly bailout should have immediately rejected calls for the temporary suspension of Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati.

The 30-strong committee has recommended that Boediono and Sri Mulyani be suspended, though the full House is yet to debate the matter.

"Members of the committee are endorsed by their respective factions," Jafar said. "They should have spoken on behalf of their factions... the team should not be conducting [political] maneuvers."

Jafar brushed aside speculation the coalition was disintegrating, but called on partners to maintain trust and ethical standards.

"The coalition is not based on law. If there is a disagreement, it cannot be brought to the police, the prosecutors or the courts," he said.

Earlier, fellow Democrat Ruhut Sitompul accused the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Golkar Party and the United Development Party (PPP) of betraying his party.

Idrus Marham, a lawmaker from Golkar who chairs the committee, acknowledged that his party, a key member of the coalition, was facing a dilemma in its response to the investigation.

"The Democratic Party agreed to probe this case, Golkar supported it," said Idrus, who is considered an ally of Yudhoyono's. "But if we are critical, we can be said to be betraying the coalition," he said, although he added that Golkar lawmakers were only fulfilling their duties.

PKS legislator Andi Rahmat also rejected the accusations, saying it was an attempt by the Democrats to interfere with the work of the committee. "Since the very beginning, the Democrats have appeared not to be very optimistic about the Century probe," he said.

The committee has been criticized for politicizing the investigation, amid claims it is unfairly targeting Boediono and Sri Mulyani, both respected technocrats.

There are allegations that controversial businessman Aburizal Bakrie, chairman of Golkar, wants Sri Mulyani out after a series of confrontations, most recently the ongoing probe by the Directorate General of Taxation into alleged massive tax arrears involving three of Bakrie's companies.

Though the Democrats and Yudhoyono were the resounding winners of the recent elections, a series of political scandals have shaken the once seemingly rock-sold coalition to the core, hindering the government's ability to press ahead with much needed reforms.

Political observer Abdul Gaffar Karim said Yudhoyono should not hesitate to trim the coalition and reshuffle his cabinet. "The coalition has been weak since it was established. I think SBY must have the courage to trim his coalition to make it a solid one."

SBY 'knew of but did not intervene' in Century

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2009

Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has denied intervening in the policy-making process to salvage Bank Century, despite minutes of a meeting allegedly indicating he had been asked to issue a decision.

Presidential spokesman Julian Aldrin Pasha said Sunday Yudhoyono had never been involved in the decision-making process to issue a bailout to rescue the ailing bank. "The policy making was done wholly by officials in charge of the national financial and banking system."

Julian admitted Yudhoyono had been informed by Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati about the bank's condition while the two were in the US attending a G20 meeting. "It's normal for the minister to inform the President about the recent financial situation," he said.

Indications of Yudhoyono's alleged role in the Century bailout have dragged the President's name into the case, which critics have largely blamed on Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Vice President Boediono, who was Bank Indonesia governor when the bailout was issued.

While the government insists the bailout was necessary to avert a systemic threat to the banking sector, legislators and investigators are trying to establish whether violations took place to benefit certain parties.

A document showed that on Nov. 13, 2008, eight days before the bailout decision was taken, 16 Finance Ministry, BI and the Deposit Insurance Agency (LPS) officials met to discuss the recent condition of Bank Century with Mulyani, who joined via teleconference from Washington. Also discussed were "large depositors" of the bank.

As finance minister, Mulyani chaired the Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK).

According to notes from the meeting, the participants included top BI officials such as Boediono, then senior deputy governor Miranda S. Goeltom, then deputy governor Muliaman Hadad, then banking supervision director Siti Fadjrijah, and then research and regulatory director Halim Alamsyah.

Also present were then state SOE minister Sofyan Djalil, then tax office chief Darmin Nasution (currently acting BI governor), KSSK secretary Raden Pardede, Presidential Working Unit for Reform Program Management head Marsilam Simanjuntak, Bapepam-LK head Fuad Rahmany, Firdaus Djaelani of the LPS, and deputy minister Sahala Lumban Gaol.

In the meeting, Fadjrijah told Mulyani state firms had deposits worth Rp 412 billion in the bank.

Mulyani told the meeting she had informed the President about Century. "The President is going to San Francisco, so is unable to make a decision until tomorrow," Mulyani was quoted in the notes as saying.

Fadjrijah also told the meeting about Rp 1.5 trillion of deposited funds in Bank Century was owned by the Sampoerna family, including Boedi Sampoerna.

Boedi, according to author George Junus Aditjondro, was a donor to Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party. George said Boedi had invested Rp 150 billion with the Jurnal Nasional newspaper, which effectively served as the mouthpiece for Yudhoyono and his party in elections earlier this year.

The head of the Center for Banking Crisis Indonesia, Deni Danuri, said depositors' names and the size of their funds were confidential and could only be disclosed to BI officials and the finance minister. (bbs)

We're not sellouts, SBY coalition partners say

Jakarta Post - December 26, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The Golkar Party has hit back at members of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party who criticized its "sellout" stance in the handling of the Bank Century bailout inquiry.

The statement came after a Democratic Party legislator said they had been betrayed by coalition partners, especially Golkar, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) after a parliamentary inquiry committee on the bailout finished questioning Vice President Boediono last Tuesday.

Golkar legislator Bambang Soesatyo, a member of the inquiry committee, said Friday that investigating the bailout thoroughly was a goal his party shared with Yudhoyono, the chief patron of the Democratic Party.

Ruhut Sitompul, a Democratic Party legislator and committee member, told reporters following Boediono's testimony that he felt sad seeing his party "sold out" by its coalition partners.

There is widespread speculation he was referring to Golkar, the PKS and PAN. Committee members from these parties were especially critical of Boediono during the inquiry.

"The sellouts are those trying to cover up the case. As coalition partners, we're doing what the President wanted: thoroughly probing the case," Bambang told The Jakarta Post via telephone.

"We don't care about being called sellouts by the Democratic Party, as long as the public doesn't call us that," he added.

PKS deputy secretary-general Fachry Hamzah said his party would ignore Ruhut's remarks as it was not an official statement by the Democratic Party. "The President hasn't made any official statements on the issue," Fachry said.

Echoing Bambang's view, Fachry did not consider his party's involvement in investigating the bailout an act of betrayal.

"Uncovering the alleged bank scandal is not something we will avoid, as agreed (by the coalition). The most crucial point (the coalition agreed upon) is the commitment to eradicate graft," he said.

Some observers, however, claim the coalition partners' move was proof it wanted to weaken the coalition established by Yudhoyono.

Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political expert Ikrar Nusa Bakti said the weak coalition made it easy for coalition partners to alter their stances in line with their interests.

Ikrar criticized Golkar's demand that Boediono be suspended for the duration of parliamentary inquiry into the bailout case, saying the party wanted one of its own in the vice presidential post.

The PKS, Ikrar continued, was using this platform in an attempt to clean up its public image. The PAN, Ikrar said, played a critical role in the case because of the party's internal rift. One of the party's factions wants a more neutral position in parliament instead of sticking to the Democratic Party.

University of Indonesia political commentator Arbi Sanit said the situation highlighted the lack of leadership in parliament on the coalition's part.

He said Yudhoyono was the leader of the coalition, and that a similar leader was needed at the parliamentary level should the coalition want to remain solid.

Corruption & graft

Breakthroughs needed to fight corruption: Survey

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2009

Sri Wahyuni, Yogyakarta – Breakthroughs are needed in 2010 to successfully fight corruption in the country, director of Gadjah Mada University's School of Law's Center for Anticorruption Studies (Pukat Korupsi), Zainal Arifin Mochtar, said Wednesday.

Zainal said among the breakthroughs included creating the promised task force to fight against judicial mafia, a real dynamic and powerful institution given extraordinary executing authority in carrying out its job.

"Otherwise, the taskforce will be toothless. So, don't just give us a lip service," said Zainal, referring to the promise made by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to make the fight against judicial mafia a priority in his 100-day program.

"It's been two months since the promise was announced. However, it's not clear how the task force will carry out its job and what method it will use to fight against the judicial mafia," Zainal said.

Other breakthroughs, according to Zainal, include the institutional reform for law enforcement institutions such as the prosecutors' offices and police, which would not be undertaken by increasing the salary of the employees at both the institutions that proved to be ineffective in the old days.

"It's indeed difficult to implement breakthroughs at this particular time, especially from the government, but we must not lose hope as hope that makes the world beautiful," he said.

Zainal also said the fight against corruption in Indonesia in 2009 had become stagnant, in term of actors of the practice, modus and how corruption cases were handled by authorities.

"We call it the treadmill effect phenomenon where we seem to have run very fast [in fighting against corruption] but in fact we are walking," Zainal said.

Pukat Korupsi researcher Hifdzil Alim said that a study held by the center revealed that there had been an increase in the fight against corruption in the country during 2009 but it was not that significant compared to the previous year.

The biggest success in handling corruption cases, such as the previous year, was still in the hands of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) with 58 cases, followed by regency/municipal prosecutors' offices with 35 cases and provincial prosecutors' offices or the Attorney General's Office with 13 cases.

"We expect to see more corruption cases brought to courts, especially because we have a total of 510 prosecutors' offices across the country, ranging from the AGO at the national level down to the regency/municipal ones," Hifdzil said.

The study, based on 202 corruption cases monitored through 10 printed and electronic media from Jan. 1 to Dec. 15, 2009, according to Hifdzil, also ranks regional councilors as corrupt.

They are followed by regional administration executives, president directors of companies, regional administration agency chiefs, ministerial officials, legislators and bankers.

"The numerous involvement of regional administration officials in corruption cases also shows that corruption potential is in regions," he said.

The center, therefore, suggests that regional surveillance must be continued and increased in the regions. "What we see presently is that the further the regions are from Jakarta, the lesser the surveillance," Hifdzil said.

The center also blames the increased state budget provided to the regional administrations as the main cause of the increase in the number of corrupt practices in the respective regions. Of the 2009 Rp 1,003 trillion (US$100 million) state budget, the center notes some Rp 600 trillion went to regional administrations.

40,000 'illegal' state accounts closed: BPK

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2009

Jakarta – The government has closed 39,477 unregistered state bank accounts since 2004, the latest Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) report shows.

According to its 2009 first semester audit report, the BPK has found that the government had managed to shut the unregistered accounts belonging to a number of ministries and other state institutions. Total funds deposited in these accounts amounted to Rp 35.4 trillion (US$3.75 billion), $238 million, and $2.9 million ($4.17 million).

"This is a positive performance by the government as part of its efforts to upgrade the state financial system," BPK's head of public relation division, Dwita Pradana, said on Monday.

The audit agency has continually monitored unregistered bank accounts owned by government institutions in its annual audits since 2004.

Of all the unregistered accounts found by the BPK, only a small number are now left unclosed, waiting for the Finance Ministry to finish its examination of the details.

"Unregistered accounts may become the centers of graft scandals and therefore should be closed," Dwita said.

Under the 2004 State Treasury Law, ministries and state institutions are permitted to hold accounts only on condition of approval by the Finance Minister on behalf of the state treasury. All other accounts are deemed illegal.

Aside from its decision to close thousands of unregistered accounts, the team also identified 260 "illegal" bank accounts holding up to Rp 314 billion that potentially involved corrupt practices and in September the BPK reported these accounts to the Corruption Eradication Commission for further investigation.

The accounts belonged to the Supreme Court, the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, the Home Ministry, the Agriculture Ministry, the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry, and the upstream oil and gas regulator BPMigas.

In another part of its report, the BPK also showed that the government has largely succeeded in improving the budget managements of its ministries and other state bodies at central government level.

Of 83 ministries and state bodies audited by BPK in 2009, only 18 were recorded as receiving "disclaimer" notes, far fewer than the 33 in 2008 and 36 in 2007.

However, the audit agency stated that there were still a number of irregularities in government's budget management.

BPK reportedly found Rp 38.49 trillion of possible losses as a result of irregular project administration, mismanagement, unfinished business contracts, fictitious transactions or lack of monitoring.

"Of that number, the government had managed to follow up and rectify only Rp 525.32 billion," Dwita said. (bbs)

2009 was a disappointing year for corruption eradication efforts

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2009

Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – Following 2008, which many people called "quite a success" with many high profile cases sewn up, including the case against the President's son's father-in-law, Aulia Pohan, no one expected the fight against corruption in Indonesia would turn as ugly as it has.

Transparency International had added 0.2 points to Indonesia's corruption perception index, improving it from 2.6 in 2008 to 2.8 in the 2009 survey. However, this was only a drop in the ocean, and Indonesia is still listed as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

That incremental change soon becomes meaningless when we consider the incessant attacks on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which had spearheaded and symbolized Indonesia's war on corruption.

As Emerson Yuntho, deputy coordinator of Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), put it: "2009 was a gloomy year for corruption eradication efforts."

The face of the antigraft war under Yudhoyono's administration is inseparable from the case of former KPK chairman Antasari Azhar, who is on trial for allegedly masterminding the assassination of Nasruddin Zulkarnaen, the director of a state-owned pharmaceutical firm.

Antasari's case was the trigger to the KPK fiasco and shook the formerly solid KPK when two of its deputy chairmen were named suspects in alleged abuse of power, bribery and extortion related to corruption fugitive Anggoro Widjojo who was being investigated by the commission.

Anggoro, who is currently at large in Singapore, is suspected of alleged bribery and corruption related to a procurement project for the Forestry Ministry.

The charges against the KPK deputies, Bibit Samad Rianto and Chandra M Hamzah, who both dealt with enforcement matters, were based on a report and testimony by Antasari and apparently supported by testimony from alleged case broker Ari Muladi, who said he was ordered by Anggoro's brother Anggodo Widjojo to provide false testimony against the deputies.

Critics had voiced doubts over case from the start due to lack of solid evidence provided by the police, creating massive popular movements defending Bibit and Chandra on social networking site Facebook that was successfully supported by 1.5 million people.

Public suspicion that the charges were fabricated began to surface after the Constitutional Court ordered the KPK to play wiretapped conversations between Anggodo and senior officials from the National Police and the Attorney General's Office (AGO).

The conversation allegedly showed how easily Anggodo and his colleagues manipulated senior legal enforcement officials. The tapes strongly hinted at efforts to fabricate facts and evidence to incriminate the KPK deputies, all allegedly attempts by Anggodo to clear Anggoro's legal troubles.

The alleged fabrication was confirmed by a team specially formed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to probe the investigative process in the Bibit and Chandra case.

The team recommended the National Police and the AGO drop their case against the KPK deputies because they did not find convincing evidence to support the charges against the deputies. The team also recommended the President reform and reshuffle National Police and AGO officials allegedly involved in efforts to frame Bibit and Chandra.

By this time, the National Police had submitted their Bibit and Chandra case files to the AGO, claiming they believed they had sufficiently strong evidence to proceed with their case.

The recommendation was followed up a week later when the President finally issued an official statement on the findings, saying he "expected an out-of-court settlement" in the case.

A few days later, the National Police replaced chief detective Insp. Gen. Susno Duadji, while the AGO replaced Deputy Attorney General Abdul Hakim Ritonga.

The AGO then issued a letter stopping the prosecution's case against Bibit and Chandra. The letter left the President no choice, so he issued a presidential decree reinstating both deputies.

But Bibit and Chandra's exoneration does not mean the public is satisfied. Fadjroel Rahman, coordinator for the Anticorruption Civil Coalition, said the public support for Bibit and Chandra came with strings attached.

"We expect Bibit and Chandra, together with other KPK leaders, to settle all outstanding corruption cases," he said.

He cited the Bank Century bailout, a case that surfaced at the same time as Bibit and Chandra's case, even though it had no direct relation with the deputies' case. "We expect the investigation into the case to be transparent," he said.

KPK interim deputy chairman Waluyo, in a speech handing the reins back to Bibit and Chandra, said, "One BC [Bibit-Chandra] issue has been settled. Let's get to the bottom the next BC [Bank Century] issue."

Bibit and Chandra were tight-lipped about the mounting public expectation of them, replying with a standard "we will close ranks to fight corruption".

So let's sit back while we wait, see and monitor whether Bibit and Chandra can really repay the public's massive outpouring of support and trust, and reinvigorate the war on corruption.

Majority of legislators fail to report their wealth

Jakarta Post - December 24, 2009

Erwida Maulia and Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – The majority of House of Representatives members have yet to submit their wealth reports to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) before the deadline on Dec. 1.

KPK deputy chairman Haryono Umar said Wednesday that 402 out of 560 House members, or about 70 percent, had yet to submit their wealth reports, despite the deadline.

"Only 158 House members have submitted their wealth reports, although the deadline was on Dec. 1," Haryono said. He added the KPK's efforts to boost the legislators' awareness on the issue also seemed to be fruitless.

Haryono said the antigraft body had sent a letter to the House leadership on the issue, held a program to help legislators fill out the wealth report form called the LHKPN, and had opened a special counter to help legislators fill in the forms at their offices.

"The programs, however, didn't receive a good response from the lawmakers," Haryono said.

He added that lawmakers who had reported their wealth mostly came from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the Golkar Party.

Lawmakers from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the first and the third-largest parties at the House respectively, did not appear to be among those submitting their wealth reports on time.

Previously, Haryono also revealed there were three more state officials who had yet to report their wealth to the commission.

They included the Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Darwin Saleh, State Secretary Sudi Silalahi and National Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) chairman Gita Wirjawan.

The 2003 KPK Law obliges all state officials to report their wealth to the commission in an attempt to create transparency and prevent corruption.

Contacted separately, Emerson Yuntho from Indonesia Corruption Watch criticized the KPK for not pressuring state officials to report their wealth.

"We really regret the KPK is being so gentle in this matter.

"It only encouraged or asked the ministers and lawmakers to submit their reports," he told The Jakarta Post over the phone.

"They [the KPK] are supposed to act more firmly by sending a letter to the House Speaker to warn the lawmakers who have yet to report their wealth. The result is an indicator that lawmakers do not have a strong desire to eradicate corruption."

He suggested the KPK announce the names of lawmakers and other state officials who had failed to submit their wealth reports on the KPK website as a social punishment for ignoring their obligations.

"We have actually proposed a draft amendment of the KPK Law that would see stricter punishments for state officials or lawmakers who do not submit their wealth reports," Emerson said.

In the current KPK Law, all state officials and lawmakers are obliged to report their wealth, however, there is no penalty if they fail to do so.

Emerson also highlighted the problem of the public's limited access to wealth reports.

War on terror

Indonesia's tactical change pays off

Financial Times - December 28, 2009

John Aglionby, London – When Alexander Downer, then Australia's foreign minister, was asked in 2007 to name a country that had made good progress in tackling Islamist terrorism, he said: "Exhibit A is Indonesia.

"They have not always done as westerners have suggested they do," he continued, "but they have nevertheless done an extraordinary job in getting results."

During the past decade, counter-terrorism officials in the world's largest majority-Muslim country and its south-east Asian neighbours have had plenty of "results" to get.

Jemaah Islamiyah, an al-Qaeda affiliate, and its splinter groups have perpetrated at least six big attacks in Indonesia, killing hundreds of people, and many smaller ones in their campaign to transform the region into an Islamist caliphate.

These included the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005, near- simultaneous Christmas eve attacks on more than a dozen Indonesian churches in 2000 and bombings of five-star hotels in Jakarta in 2003 and again last July.

But helped by significant foreign training and funding, Jakarta has arrested more than 450 radicals since the first Bali attacks. All have been prosecuted transparently rather than being detained indefinitely without charge. More than 250 have been released. Only a few militants are thought to be at large.

Brigadier General Tito Karnavian, the head of Detachment 88, the Indonesian police anti-terror unit, believes the secret of the nation's success is the use of "law enforcement, prosecution and the judicial process". He added: "We do not use the military approach."

Sidney Jones, a regional terrorism expert with the International Crisis Group think-tank, said openness was crucial in winning over a public that had become increasingly anti-western.

"It was from the public trials more than any other source that people appreciated they had a home-grown problem rather than a conspiracy from abroad," she said.

Brig Tito also credits the deradicalisation strategy, which seeks to win over terrorists by paying for their children's education and helping them to find work after leaving prison.

Some officials remain doubtful about this approach's long-term efficacy, saying it is premature to judge something that is still being developed.

But Ms Jones credits Indonesia for tackling Islamist radicalism successfully in its prisons, institutions that in many countries are considered breeding grounds for militancy.

"The Indonesians were open to recommendations to reform and have made great strides in the last couple of years in bringing the prisons under control."

Yet analysts stress the conditions in south-east Asia are very different from those elsewhere. "It's a mistake to see everything as attributable to a better counter-terrorism strategy," Ms Jones said. "It can't be [regarded as] a silver bullet and copied elsewhere."

Robin Bush, an expert on Indonesian Islam at the Asia Foundation, a US-based body, said: "A latent minority voice was given political momentum by the general hostility towards the west. When things calmed down internationally, they calmed down here."

The absence of war in the region has been critical. So has the growing culture of democracy. "It has become possible to advocate legally for Islamic law in a way that it wasn't when JI got its start, under the Suharto dictatorship," Ms Jones said

But no-one in south-east Asia expects to eradicate Islamist terrorism. "It's an ideology," said Ms Jones. "There'll continue to be attacks but as more progress is made they should become fewer and further between."

[Additional reporting by Taufan Hidayat in Jakarta.]

Feeling of false security shattered by Jakarta hotel bombs

Jakarta Globe - December 27, 2009

Farouk Arnaz – It had been almost four years since a major terror attack hit Indonesia. Maybe we were feeling too secure from bombers.

There was a time when the tragic incidents were almost routine, like the natural disasters that just seem to happen here. Beginning with the Christmas Eve bombings of 200, the incidents came along too often in the first part of the decade – the Bali nightclubs in October 2002, an attack on the D PR in July 2003 followed by the car bomb that claimed 12 lives at the JW Marriott hotel in Jakarta in August 2003, the Australian Embassy bombing in 2004, then the second Bali bombing in October 2005. Jemaah Islamiyah seemed to be taunting the authorities.

Then it stopped. Police rolled up networks of terrorists as efforts, begun when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was chief security minister, began to bear fruit. In November 2008, the three Bali bombers, Imam Samudra and the brothers Amrozi and Mukhlas, were finally executed. Was it over?

No. On the morning of July 17, news that both the JW Marriott and its neighboring sister hotel, the Ritz-Carlton in Mega Kuningan, had been bombed in near simultaneous suicide attacks brought the horror back. Seven innocent people were killed and more than 50 wounded. The attacks were meticulously planned, had inside help and carefully targeted foreign businesspeople.

In the aftermath, markets remained robust and the government insisted the country was stable. Many suspects have by now been killed, including Noordin M Top, the Malaysian operative long blamed for being the mastermind behind much of the terror spree that hit the country over the past decade.

But Sidney Jones, an expert on Islamic extremism from the Jakarta office of the International Crisis Group, worries that police have been too quick to shoot when what they really need is the information that can be gleaned from live suspects. "It is going to be very difficult to unravel terrorism networks if [the terrorists] are dead, as we need to know their links," she said.

"Now anyone can be the successor to Noordin and we do not know who he is," she added, indicating that security forces were still unclear as to who had assumed Noordin's mantle after he was shot dead in a police raid in Solo on Sept. 17.

Jones said other dangerous figures were still on the loose, including Nur Hasbi, who is also wanted in connection with the July 17 hotel bombings. Others include Reno, alias Tedi, who has been at large since 2005, and Maruto Jati Sulistiono, who has evaded police since 2006.

The year's trail of terror:

Jan. 29: Special police anti-terror unit, Detachment 88, gets a new head, Chief Comr. Saut Usman Nasution, replacing Brig. Gen. Surya Dharma.

February: Two top Detachment 88 investigators, Tito Karnavian and Muhammad Syafii, meet Hambali in US custody at Guantanamo Bay. Senior police officials say Hambali needs to be brought back to Indonesia and tried for charges related to the 2002 Bali bombings. His return is considered risky.

May 12: Abu Zar, aka Kismaninda, aka Husain, aka Udin, a suspect related to attacks in Loki, Ambon and Poso is apprehended in East Kalimantan.

June 1: Singaporean terror suspect Husaini bin Ismail is nabbed in Solo. Husaini is wanted for his alleged involvement in a plot to hijack a plane and crash it into Singapore's Changi Airport in 2001. Police also arrest a man believed to be Husaini's younger brother.

June 20: Police arrest Saefuddin Zuhry in Cilacap, Central Java, for allegedly supplying a gun and explosive materials to Abdurrahman Taib, a man involved in the Palembang terrorist network.

July 14: Police confiscate bomb-making materials at the home of Islamic teacher Bahrudin Latif, alias Baridin, in Cilacap, Central Java. Bahrudin's daughter, Ari Aryani, is married to Noordin M Top, a top terrorist wanted in connection with several bombings. Bahrudin escapes arrest.

July 17: During the busy breakfast period, bombs rip through two luxury hotels in South Jakarta, the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton, killing nine people – including two suicide bombers, Dani Dwi Permana, 18, Nana Ichwan Maulana, 28. More than 50 people are also injured in the attack. The bombers posed as hotel guests and targeted foreign businesspeople.

Aug. 7: A shootout breaks out as antiterror police surround a house in Temanggung, Central Java, killing a suspect first believed to be Noordin M Top. The dead suspect turns out to be Ibrohim, a florist at the Ritz-Carlton hotel who, according to police, was the field coordinator for the July bombings.

The same day, police arrest two other suspects, Indra and Aris, in Bekasi, confiscating 500 kilograms of explosives and a car bomb in a rented house. Two people are killed during the Bekasi raid, Air Setiawan, a suspect in the 2004 Australian Embassy bombing; and explosive expert Eko Jono Sarjono.

Aug. 24: Police name Saudi national Ali Mohammad Abdillah as a suspect for helping to finance the July hotel attacks.

Aug. 25: National Police announce the arrest of Muhammad Jibriel, a suspect in the hotel bombings. Police release other suspects for lack of evidence.

Sept. 16: Police arrest Rahmat Puji Prabowo, alias Bejo, for being an accomplice of Noordin M Top. He allegedly provided a hideout for Noordin when he was on the run. Another suspect, Supono, alias Kedu, is arrested for transporting explosives in Bekasi.

Sept. 17: Ending a seven year manhunt, Police shoot dead suspected terror mastermind Noordin M Top in his hideout on the outskirts of Solo. Also killed in the shootout are Hadi Susilo, a?k?a Adib, bomb expert Aryo "Aji" Sudarso and Bagus Budi Pranoto. Hadi's wife, Putri Munawaroh, is arrested. Some critics say that Noordin would have been more valuable to investigators if captured alive.

Oct. 2: Aris Makruf, 23, who has been on the police most-wanted list since 2006, surrenders at a police station near his home in Temanggung, Central Java. Aris is linked to Noordin M Top's terrorist network.

Oct. 9: Detachment 88 officers conducting a raid on a boarding house in Ciputat, Tangerang, kill Saifuddin Zuhri bin Djaelani Irsyad and Mohamad Syahrir, both suspects in the July 17 bombings, after being tipped off by another suspect.

Oct. 10: Police arrest Sonny Jayadi, in Padang, West Sumatra, where he was assisting relief efforts in the quake-hit city. Sonny, a student at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Ciputat, Tangerang, is alleged to have helped hide terror suspects Syaifudin Zuhri and Mohamad Syahrir.

Nov. 24: Detachment 88 chief Brig. Gen. Saut Usman Nasution is replaced by his subordinate, Chief Comr. Tito Karnavian.

Dec. 24: Antiterror police arrest Noordin M Top's father in law, Bahrudin Latif, in Garut, West Java.

Terrorist Noordin M Top's father-in-law arrested in West Java

Agence France Presse - December 24, 2009

Indonesia's antiterror police say the father-in-law of slain Malaysian terror leader Noordin Mohammed Top was arrested Thursday in West Java.

"It's true that he was arrested at 5:00 am during a police raid in South Garut" district, Tito Karnavian, head of the Detachment 88 counter-terror squad, told AFP by phone.

Baharudin Latif, alias Baridin, escaped from a police raid in July on his home in Cilacap, Central Java. Police said they found bomb-making materials buried in the yard. Karnavian said his team was still in South Garut to see "if there are any explosive materials on site".

According to the International Crisis Group think-tank, Noordin married Baharudin's daughter Arina Rahmah in 2006 and the couple had two children.

Noordin, who was killed in a bloody raid by police in September in Central Java, is believed to have masterminded the July suicide bombings of Jakarta's JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels. Seven people were killed.

The 41-year old Malaysian was also blamed for a 2003 attack on the Marriott that killed 12 people, as well as the 2004 bombing of the Australian embassy in Jakarta and 2005 attacks on tourist restaurants on Bali.

Islam/religion

Muslim leaders ban new horror movie starring Japanese porn star

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

A branch of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, has reportedly issued a fatwa to ban Muslims from watching a movie titled "Suster Keramas" ("The Hair-Washing Nurse"), which stars a Japanese porn star, Rin Sakuragi, in the leading role.

The movie's producer, Ody Mulya, said he was shocked when he heard about the ban. The horror movie is based on an allegedly true story of the ghost of a nurse whose hair is always wet, as if she had just washed it, he told Metro TV.

Ody said he had to use a foreign actress because it was difficult to find a local actress who was willing to play the part.

On Tuesday, Ody arrived in Samarinda to meet the local MUI chairman, KH Zaini Naim, to seek an explanation as to why a fatwa had been placed on his film.

"I am in Samarinda to build friendship with local ulemas and ask them the reasons why they have banned my movie," Ody said.

"I understand the MUI chairman's reasons for rejecting the movie but he said he did not have the right to ban the movie from playing in theaters. He said he's just trying to give a moral suggestion to public. I already explained to him that there is no porn elements in the movie," he added.

Ody said that the only steamy scene in the movie was when a male actor fantasized about a Japanese woman he had just met.

"The movie is not at all pornographic. The steamy scene in it is just to visualize a young man's fantasy who is obsessed after he saw a Japanese woman. So we hope the public is not sceptical before they watch the movie," he said.

"Suster Keramas" will be released in Indonesian cinemas on December 31. It was made by production house Maxima Productions, which sparked controversy earlier this year when it tried to bring another Japanese porn star, Maria Ozawa, better known as Miyabi, to the country to appear in a comedy film.

The MUI has not yet issued a statement on the reported fatwa.

Religious freedom on city's fringes 'needs greater focus'

Jakarta Post - December 26, 2009

Hasyim Widhiarto, Jakarta – The authorities need to pay more attention to the safety of Christian worshipers living on the outskirts of Jakarta, a religious expert says.

"Attacks directed at churches are frequent in parts of West Java," Theophilus Bela, secretary-general of the Indonesian Committee of Religions for Peace, told The Jakarta Post recently.

Several areas in Greater Jakarta, such as Depok, Bekasi and Tangerang, are included in this category.

In an almost prophetic response, the Christmas morning mass at a church in Tambun Utara, Bekasi, was marred by hundreds of demonstrators demanding the service be stopped. At one point, the crowd threw objects at the church.

Last week, a mob attacked a church construction site in Harapan Indah, Bekasi, and demolished a security post as well as damaged the contractor's office and a container filled with building material.

"The churches and cathedrals in the center of the city might be safe, but those on the capital's outskirts often face opposition," Theophilus said.

The Yohanes Baptista parish in Parung, West Java, for instance, has been working to build a church on their property since 1999. However, they have met with many obstacles, such as the withdrawal of their building permit in 2005.

This Christmas, parishioners were forced to move their mass to a government building instead of holding it on their own property, adding to a protest in March that also forced them to cancel Easter celebrations.

For around 1,000 members of the Depok Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) congregation, however, this year's Christmas was more cheerful than previous years, which were marred by conflicts.

In August, the Bandung State Administrative Court overturned a decision by the Depok mayor to withdraw the church's building permit.

"For the last 10 years, we had to borrow a church in Pangkalan Jati (in South Jakarta) for our activities, including Christmas services," Betty Sitorus, head of the HKBP church construction committee, told the Post.

The conflict between the HKBP congregation and Depok Mayor Nurmahmudi Ismail began in March, when the latter issued a municipal ordinance to scrap the building permit for the church in the Bukit Cinere Indah residential complex, following complaints from a local Muslim group.

Theophilus said such frictions were often the consequences of urbanization. "The building of intercity toll roads during the Soeharto era attracted mass urbanization from areas such as (Catholic-majority) Flores, with these new arrivals living among the local residents," he said.

Thus areas that became the target of urbanization, namely the outskirts of the capital, should be given attention, Theophilus said.

Muslim scholar Azyumardi Azra said the government should take a firm stance on sectarian violence. "The country has a decent level of tolerance, but there are still those who take up extreme positions, and they're the ones who have to be dealt with firmly," he said.

He added religious minorities in the country often faced obstacles in building their places of worship. "Muslims also face difficulty if they want to build a mosque in an area where they're the minority, such as in Papua, for instance," Azyumardi said.

Local authorities should also be responsible for providing a temporary place of worship for minorities, he went on, in the face of objections from the community in which they lived. (dis)

Christmas celebrated peacefully in Indonesia

Jakarta Globe - December 25, 2009

Camelia Pasandaran – Amid tight security, Christmas was marked peacefully with religious services and family parties in Jakarta and the rest of the world's largest Muslim-majority country, police said on Friday.

"Christmas celebrations in Indonesia were safe and sound," said National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri. Normally, nothing happening might not be considered news. But with fears of terrorism and possible religious conflict still a concern here, the quiet celebrations are worth noting.

In Jakarta, churches were packed for Christmas Eve services on Thursday evening. Jakarta Cathedral overflowed with worshipers, many taking part from the church grounds.

The only reported incident occurred in Tambun, just east of Jakarta, where hundreds of people held a noisy protest in front of the Protestant Filadelfia Church demanding that a Christmas service there be halted because the church did not have a permit from local authorities. Police mediated the dispute, and the protesters allowed the service to proceed.

Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo, visiting the Protestant Immanuel Church on Thursday night, said he expected Jakarta to be a model of religious tolerance. "I want Christians and Jakarta people to unite in pluralism," he said, according to Antaran.

In North Jakarta, police were dispatched to guard several churches against a repeat of the church bombings that occurred in 2000. In some churches, metal detectors were used to screen worshippers as tight security has become routine this time of year.

Security was also in force in Medan, which has nearly 400 churches. Thousands of Christians celebrated in heavily guarded churches, some of them joined by members of Muslim groups.

Christians celebrated safely in the three main churches in Banda Aceh, the capital of Aceh, where partial Shariah law is in force. Aceh Police Deputy Chief Brig. Gen. Bambang Suparno said 3,000 personnel were deployed for the Christmas and New Year holidays in the province.

Following churches' calls for low-key celebrations to avoid creating tension, celebrations in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara, this year were kept indoors and did not involve the usual motorcade.

East Nusa Tenggara Police Chief Brig. Gen. Bambang Suedi said about 10,000 officers were deployed to safeguard Christmas and New Year's Eve, although he said the main problems were general crimes, including drunkenness.

In restive Papua province, where police said they deployed about 8,000 officers, Christmas also proceeded peacefully.

"We are conducting a special operation during the Christmas celebrations, because we want people to feel safe and peaceful when they perform their religious processions," Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Bekto Suprapto said.

The operation included the seizure of illegal liquor prior to Christmas as "most perpetrators are heavily influenced by alcohol prior to committing criminal actions," Bekto said.

In Bali, Christmas celebrations were marked by local ceremonies that blended Balinese culture with the holiday. Many faithful wore traditional dress as they celebrated Mass at the Holy Trinity Church in North Kuta.

Indonesian Mullahs says sex change is haram

Jakarta Globe - December 25, 2009

Dessy Sagita – Nadia, who went by the name Agus before having gender reassignment surgery, filed a court petition and won her fight for legal recognition as a woman. But now Nadia, and other women like her, has another battle on her hands with the religious establishment.

The Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) has publicly raised concerns over the verdict issued by Central Java's Batang District Court in Nadia's case. MUI chairman Amidhan said on Friday that gender reassignment surgery was considered haram, or forbidden, by Islam.

"I am a bit afraid and worried that this might become a trend. A lot of people will end up resorting to the same option," Amidhan told the Jakarta Globe.

"If there's nothing to be fixed, then don't fix it. Don't change what God has given you," he said, adding that such operations could only be performed for valid medical reasons.

"If a person was born with double sexual organs and he or she showed a strong tendency to be one gender, then the operation is allowed," he said.

Amidhan said gender reassignment surgery should only be performed after a comprehensive examination by a doctor and a psychiatrist determined the surgery was necessary for medical reasons.

He said he regretted the court's decision granting Nadia's petition to be legally recognized as a woman, adding that no court should have the right to change the gender status of a human.

"This is very odd. Only God has the ultimate right to change the status of a human being," Amidhan said, adding that anyone who felt uncomfortable or was unhappy due to their gender should think carefully before making such a life-altering decision. He said if a person was born a healthy man and wanted to become a woman, he should seek first advice from experts.

"Talk to someone, discuss it with the professionals, don't change yourself too easily if you don't have any medical issues with your gender," Amidhan said.

Nurkholis, a member of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas-HAM), however, defended the right of anyone to change his or her gender, medically and legally.

"As long as they do not harm themselves or anybody else, they are free to be whatever they want to be, man or woman," Nurkholis said.

He added that even though gender reassignment surgery was a controversial issue, both culturally and religiously, it was not a matter that should be dealt with by law enforcement officials.

"If it is considered breaking the rules of a traditional culture or religion, it should be dealt with without law enforcement or coercion," he said.

Nadia Ilmira Arkadia, who was born Agus Wardoyo, underwent gender reassignment surgery at Dr. Soetomo Hospital in Surabaya earlier this month.

Elections/political parties

Gus Dur in hospital as party he founded ousts his sister

Jakarta Globe - December 25, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati – As former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, one of the founders of the National Awakening Party, lay in hospital on Friday, an internal conflict within the party erupted after it dismissed Lily Wahid, Gus Dur's sister, and deputy of the party's advisory board.

"Ibu Lily has acted a number of times against the party. She does all this without discussing the issue beforehand with other party members," PKB spokesman Agus Sulis said on Friday, adding that the decision was taken during the party's plenary meeting on Thursday.

Agus said that Lily had gone "too far" with her request to file a judicial review of the 2008 State Ministries Law to the Constitutional Court, which he said was aimed at ousting the PKB chairman.

"It is clear that the main goal here is to dethrone Muhaimin Iskandar," Agus said. Muhaimin is the Manpower and Transmigration Minister.

Lily requested that the court review Article 23 of the law, which stipulates that ministers cannot work on the board of private companies. Ministers are also prohibited from leading organizations financed by public money.

Lily requested the court specify whether organizations funded by the public purse included political parties. Lily has also called for PKB to hold an "extraordinary" meeting on the leadership issue next year, instead of 2013, as is scheduled.

Ali Nashan Musya, the brother of former PKB chairman Ali Masykur Musa, will replace Lily in the interim, but she has vowed to challenge her "baseless" dismissal in the courts.

"I have no intention to oust Muhaimin as the party chairman. Honestly, he is unable to give his utmost due to his ministerial position," she told the Jakarta Globe.

The PKB is no stranger to internecine conflict. It was founded by Gus Dur and a number of senior clerics from the 40 million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Islamic organization in Indonesia. NU was founded in 1926 by Hasyim Asya'ri, Gus Dur's grandfather. Gus Dur led the party for many years.

His style of leadership included resolving conflict by dismissing officials. He dismissed his cousin, Muhaimin Iskandar, as PKB chairman in 2008. Prior to that, Alwi Shihab and Matori Abdul Djalil were also ousted.

Relations are strained between Muhaimin and PKB secretary-general Lukman Edy because Muhamin decided to put forward Ahmad Helmy Faishal Zaini for a cabinet role without holding a party plenary meeting.

But Muhaimin and Lukman have not always been at loggerheads. They joined hands to fight Gus Dur in court, successfully, after Muhaiman was ousted.

Reinstated as PKB leader, Muhaimin went on to dismiss Wahid's daughter, who was PKB secretary-general.

Lily's judicial review could also affect Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare and Golkar chairman Agung Laksono, Justice Minister and National Mandate Party (PAN) deputy chairman Patrialis Akbar and the Forestry Minister and PAN secretary general Zulkifli Hasan.

Media/press freedom

Rights body wants AGO to clarify ban

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Jakarta – The National Commission on Human Rights has sent a letter to the Attorney General's Office (AGO) requesting clarification on the latter's decision to ban five books despite mounting public protests.

The Commission said it would also establish a special team to assess procedures used by the AGO to ban the books.

"If procedures to ban the books violate human rights, we will send letters to the President, House of Representatives and AGO recommending a new mechanism to ban books," commissioner Yosep Adi Prasetyo told reporters Tuesday.

He argued the banning of books was reminiscent of Soeharto's New Order administration attempts to restrict intellectual freedoms.

"If banning persists, it means the current regime wants a return to the New Order era," he said. The Commission also criticized the AGO's failure to justify the ban.

The AGO recently banned Dalih Pembunuhan Massal Gerakan 30 September dan Kudeta Soeharto (Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30 Movement and Soeharto's Coup d'Etat) by John Roosa, Enam Jalan Menuju Tuhan (Six Ways to Reach God) by Darmawan M.M, Mengungkap Misteri Keberagaman Agama (Resolving the Mystery of Religious Diversity) by Syahrudin Ahmad, Suara Gereja Bagi Umat Tertindas Penderitaan, Tetesan Darah Cucuran dan Air Mata Umat Tuhan di Papua Barat Harus Diakhiri (The Church's Voice for Suppressed People, Blood and Tears of God's Congregation in West Papua Must be Ended) by Cocrateze Sofyan Yoman, and Lekra Tak Pernah Membakar Buku, Suara Senyap Lembar Kebudayaan Harian Rakjat 1950-1965 (Lekra Never Burns Books, Harian Rakjat's Cultural Page's Silent Voice) by Rhoma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Muhidin M. Dahlan.

Constitutional Court judge Maruarar Siahaan also criticized the ban, telling reporters the banning of books was "unconstitutional and that freedom of opinion cannot be curbed."

He said writing was a basic right guaranteed under the Constitution. Maruarar called on people dissatisfied with the ban to file a judicial review with the Court on the AGO's rights to the prohibit publications.

Former Constitutional Court chief Jimly Asshiddique agreed with Muruarar. "This is not in line with principles of the Constitution," he said.

The AGO has confiscated dozens of history textbooks, particularly those highlighting the Sept. 30 movement, citing fears they could lead to a resurgence of communism in the country.

The AGO has the authority to monitor the circulation of written materials and has banned books deemed capable of disrupting political stability since the Soeharto era.

After Soeharto's fall in 1998, information on the alleged communist coup attempt in 1965, previously only discussed in underground movements, started to surface.

Violence against journalists drops by 30 percent: AJI

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Jakarta – The number of instances of violence against journalists dropped by 30 percent this year, a report from the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) revealed.

AJI chairman Nezar Patria said on Tuesday that AJI recorded a total of 40 cases of violence involving journalists this year, down from 60 cases in 2008.

Kompas.com reported that attacking journalists was the most common form of violence this year.

The report mentioned there were 20 cases on such attacks and one case of murder, i.e. the murder of a reporter in Bali, currently being tried at a local district court.

Last year, AJI said there were 21 cases of attacks against journalists but no murders.

AGO's ban on books violates Constitution: Experts

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2009

Jakarta – The Constitutional Court should revoke the authority of the Attorney General's Office (AGO) to ban books within the country, as it limits intellectual freedom guaranteed by the Constitution, experts say.

They agreed here Monday the practice of banning authors from distributing their published books was a legacy from the New Order Era under then president Soeharto.

"There must be a judicial review of the law on the AGO that gives the office the authority to ban books at will," historian Asvi Warman Adam from the National Institute of Sciences (LIPI) told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

The AGO recently banned five books, including Dalih Pembunuhan Massal Gerakan 30 September dan Kudeta Soeharto (The Sept. 30 movement and Soeharto Coup de'tat) by Jhon Roosa, Enam Jalan Menuju Tuhan (Six ways to reach God) by Darmawan M.M and Mengungkap Misteri Keberagaman Agama (Resolving the mystery of religious diversity) by Syahrudin Ahmad.

The two other banned books were Suara Gereja Bagi Umat Tertindas Penderitaan Tetesan Darah dan Cucuran Air Mata Umat Tuhan di Papua Barat Harus Diakhiri (The Voice of Churches for suppressed people, blood and God's tears in West Papua) by Cocrateze Sofyan Yoman, and Lekra Tak Pernah Membakar Buku Suara Senyap Lembar Kebudayaan Harian Rakjat 1950-1965 (Lekra Never Burns Books) by Roma Dwi Aria Yuliantri and Muhidin M. Dahlan.

The AGO claimed the books regarding faith and spiritually could spread heretical teaching and cause confusion among the people, while the Sept. 30 movement book allegedly contained false information.

But experts slammed the AGO for its unilateral step. "I don't condone the AGO banning books, especially the publication of Roosa's book, which has been on the market since 2008. The fact is the book has not caused any political instability in the country over the past year," he said.

He said that Roosa's book contributed a new perspective on the history behind the September 30 incident to the country's historians and the public. Roosa's book was nominated as among the best books at the International Convention of Asian Scholars.

Political expert Hermawan Sulistya also criticized the AGO for banning the distribution of Roosa's book, saying the move denied the public of information. "There is no need to ban the book, the government could publish a new book to counter Roosa's if it did not recount the true story," he said.

The AGO has the authority to monitor the circulation of written materials and has banned a number of books deemed capable of disrupting political stability since the Soeharto era.

After the fall of Soeharto in 1998, alternative information about the 1965 bloodbath, previously only discussed as an underground movement, started to surface.

In 2002, during the presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid, a number of noted historians issued different analyses of the Sept. 30 events in a supplement to the state's version of Indonesian history and distributed it to schools.

In the spirit of reform, the effort was later accommodated by the National Education Ministry's research and development center, which included the works in the 2004 curriculum.

The AGO has confiscated dozens of the history textbooks particularly in relation to the G30 September movement, in the fear they could perpetuate a resurgence of communism in the country.

Rudi Satrio, a legal expert from the University of Indonesia said the AGO should give authors the opportunity to defend their reason for publishing the books.

"The AGO can no longer ban books without meeting with the authors. The government could then bring the case to the court," he said. Rudi said that if the AGO failed to follow this process it would violate the Constitution.

Media groups defend Indonesia's gossip shows

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Anita Rachman & Ismira Lutfia – Press organizations on Sunday denounced calls for the government to regulate or ban racy entertainment news programs, saying such a move smacked of censorship and harked back to the oppressive Suharto regime.

"Their existence is legitimate," said Leo Batubara, chairman of the Press Council, referring to popular infotainment shows broadcast on private television stations. "There [instead] should be strong public control over the programs and sanctions imposed on the programs to reinforce better quality."

He criticized calls last week by Hasyim Muzadi, chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's largest Muslim organization, for the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology to force TV stations to stop airing the shows.

Hasyim's stance was supported by Religious Affairs Minister Suryadharma Ali on Saturday. "It would be the same as the New Order era," Leo said.

The NU in 2006 issued a fatwa declaring infotainment haram, or forbidden under Islam. The Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI) has also criticized the shows.

The debate over infotainment reared its head again after actress Luna Maya blasted the shows on the micro-blogging site Twitter earlier this month.

Nasaruddin Umar, director general for Islamic guidance at the Religious Affairs Ministry, claimed that the rising number of divorces in the country, which doubled from 100,000 to 200,000 a year over the past decade, was a result of the impact infotainment shows had on the public. He did not, however, produce any data to back up his claim.

"With infotainment exposing celebrity divorces, our public then thinks that divorce is just a normal thing," Nasaruddin said. "I think we should not make other people's dirty laundry a commodity and reap benefits from it."

Ezki Suyanto, a member of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), said the NU and the Religious Affairs Ministry should consider the negative effects a ban would have, such as employees of infotainment shows possibly losing their jobs.

"The only thing that needs to be done is to improve the [infotainment] employees' skills," she said. Imam Wahyudi, chairman of the Indonesian Television Journalists Association (IJTI), said calls for a ban should be seen as a warning for infotainment programs to shape up.

"They should think about why they could be labeled as haram and are not considered as [real] journalism," he said.

Wahyudi added that television programs about celebrities could still have news value as long as they remained in the public's interests.

A recent case that Ezki cited was the launch of a book by singer Krisdayanti, where infotainment reporters chose to discuss her marital problems instead of the book. "In fact, the book may contain positive information to be shared [with the public]," Ezki said.

Arts & culture

Women, youth and traditional cultures raise their voices

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2009

Tifa Asrianti, Jakarta – The Reform Era that began in 1998 not only resulted in the changing face of government and society, but also swept in fresh air and fresh voices in literature.

Most notably, the Indonesian literary world, long dominated by men, has been getting the woman's touch.

It was writer Ayu Utami who started the so-called sastrawangi (fragrant literature) movement with her novel Saman, published in 1998, kicking off the 2000s trend. The novel, which won the Jakarta Art Council award that same year, explored sexuality from a woman's perspective.

Ayu's novels were critically acclaimed not only in her home country, but also internationally. In 2000, she received the Prince Claus Award for Saman. Her 2008 novel Bilangan Fu (The Fu Number) won the Mastera (from the Southeast Asia Literature Board).

Saman opened up the field, and other women writers eagerly took the baton and ran with it. Some of the most notable were Djenar Maesa Ayu with her short story collection Jangan Main-main (Dengan Kelaminmu) (Don't Play (with your Genitals); 2004) and novel Nayla (2005); Dinar Rahayu with her novel Ode Untuk Leopold von Sacher Masoch (An Ode to Leopold von Sacher Masoch; 2002); Ana Maryam with her novel Mata Matahari (Eye of the Sun; 2003); Ratih Kumala with her novel Tabula Rasa (2004); Maya Wulan with her novel Swastika (2004); and Fira Basuki with her trilogy Jendela-Jendela (Windows; 2001).

As novels dealing with sex and sexuality began to crowd the shelves, both critics and proponents raised their voices. Among them were poet Taufiq Ismail, who said that genital literature had gone too far, and seasoned writer Sapardi Djoko Damono, who proclaimed that the future of Indonesian literature would be in the hands of women writers.

Richard Oh, co-founder of the Khatulistiwa Literary Award and owner of QB bookstores, said he had yet to come across any literary work as groundbreaking as Ayu Utami's Saman.

Yet Indonesian literature found its own yin and yang type balance. Counterbalancing the sex-themed books was a rise in literature with religious themes. This movement was led by the headscarf-wearing sisters Helvy Tiana Rosa and Asma Nadia and their Forum Lingkar Pena (FLP; The Pen Circle Forum). In the hands of the FLP, novels with religious themes were simply built in a similar way to popular novels. One of the best-selling religious-themed novels of the decade was Ayat-Ayat Cinta (Verses of Love) by Habiburrahman El Shirazy, which encouraged the continuation of the trend, in the same way the film adaptation of the book sparked a phase of religious themes.

But despite the influx of Islamic-themed novels in the past few years, Richard said, it is one trend that is slowly receding.

Voices exploring or celebrating local traditions and societies also came to be heard in literature (although it seems that often these voices were drowned out by the more racy ones). One writer in this field looking is Wa Ode Wulan Ratna, whose short story "La Runduma" (2005) explores the clash between traditional culture and modernity. Other writers dealing with similar issues are Oka Rusmini with Tarian Bumi (The Earth Dance; 2000) and Kenanga (2003) and Abidah El Khalieqy with Geni Jora (2004). These two writers discuss their own local cultures in their books, with Oka focusing on Balinese culture and Abidah on Javanese.

Another interesting and notable literary work of this decade is the tetralogy of Laskar Pelangi (Rainbow Warriors; 2007) by Belitung-born writer Andrea Hirata.

The main theme connecting the books is the importance of education and daring to dream. The beauty of the works lies in their vivid descriptions, which makes readers feel the emotion in the pages, from the characters' emotional first day of school to the hardships the students must endure to get through school. Andrea is a young writer who made his debut with these books, based on his own experiences, which hit bestseller lists.

Richard said that young writers had the potential to start book trends as youth then became the major book buyers, while older readers tended to be drawn to more serious reading material, such as business and self-help books.

"It is difficult to find a market for fiction and literary works," he said. "I hope more publishing companies will publish such works."

Richard said that many young writers, such Raditya Dika and Ratih Kumala, had their own unique writing style and incorporated local content into their writing.

"Young writers have been creative by using a diary-writing style. I have yet to see one with a powerful theme, but most have interesting writing styles that resonate with their readers," Richard said.

Raditya Dika, blogger-turned-book writer, has produced several books, including Kambing Jantan (The Billy Goat; 2008) and Cinta Brontosaurus (Love Brontosaurus; 2006) Ratih Kumala has penned four books, including Tabula Rasa and Kronik Betawi (The Betawi Chronicles; 2009), about how massive development changes an area once known as Betawi and its residents, both physically and psychologically.

Richard said that it would be interesting to see more young writers exploring local cultures.

"At first, the young writers may be getting their style by following their favorite writers' style. But they will eventually grow their own style," he said.

"They can use the language of youth so it should not be too difficult to digest. It will also give readers plenty of choices for reading materials."

Given the local literary riches, Richard lamented the fact that publishers were translating international bestseller, such as Stephenie Meyer's Twilight saga and Helen Fielding's chick lit classic Bridget Jones' Diary.

"We have been late in picking up on book trends," he added. "When US and European readers are just getting bored with books, we are just starting with them."

Richard said that the readers in the US and Europe were helped in their decisions of which books to buy, with international publishing companies dividing books into categories, such as suspense and thriller, and international media outlets, such as The New York Times, putting out regular lists of bestselling books.

"Here in Indonesia, we have no such clear categories, and the media have never bothered to do any surveys of which books are selling the most."

Yet, he adds, it is aspects such as these that "help people determine which book may be interesting for them".

Given that Indonesia has a 9.6 percent illiteracy rate, according to the United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) Human Development Report for 2007, the industry and government may be focusing their resources more on school textbooks than on literary works. However, the decade has certainly recorded a heartening development.

Firdaus Oemar, chairman of the Alliance of Indonesian Bookstores, said that a 2008 government policy helped boost the textbook distribution. The policy stipulates that the government must buy the manuscripts of textbooks and distribute them for free over the Internet. As a result, the price of textbooks has dropped to one-third its previous price, meaning that – hopefully – more people will be able to buy textbooks.

According to Firdaus, the publishing world has been growing; there are now around 1,000 publishers in Indonesia, compared to about 500 publishers 10 years ago.

"Nowadays, there are 15,000 book titles published in one year, while a decade ago there were only about 3,000 book titles published per year," he said. "People's buying power has been increasing too, and there has been a surge in reading habits among urban people."

With the 2000s giving space to the voices of women, young people and traditional cultures, there is a good chance the Indonesian literary world will be able to continue growing in the next 10 years.

Police/law enforcement

365 police officers discharged from force

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2009

Jakarta – While the police should be at the front of enforcing the law, thousands of officers are involved in abuse of power and criminal acts, hampering the much-needed law enforcement in the country.

National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said that the force had imposed fines on 3,416 officers involved in various violations and criminal acts during 2009.

He said that such troubled officers were involved in, among others, adultery, illegal drugs, robbery and shooting cases. "Whoever is involved in violations, will be handed stricter fines," he said in a year-end report Wednesday.

Out of the 3,416 fined police, 365 officers were given unhonorable discharge from the force this year, far higher compared to 252 in 2008.

The police said that 1,729 officers were given disciplinary fines. Four-hundred-and-forty-four violated the professional code of ethics while the remaining were charged with criminal offenses.

They said that 144 officers were involved in adultery cases and 45 in robberies.

The year-end report usually features crime statistics and highlights the achievements made throughout the year, from the number of cases that have been successfully solved by the police to the number of officers involved in criminal activities.

National Police deputy chief spokesman Brig. Gen Sulistyo Ishak earlier said the Internal Affairs Division investigated 5,464 disciplinary cases this year, lower than 7,035 cases in 2008.

He said that for criminal cases, the police had 1,084 cases this year, a decrease on last year's figure of 1,164 criminal investigations.

Bambang said that the police had killed or arrested hundreds of terrorist suspects this year, including terror leader Noordin M. Top of Malaysia, Saefudin Zuchri and Noordin's father-in-law Baharudin Latif, alias Baridin, who was arrested in Garut regency, West Java.

Bambang claimed the force continued to step up both internal and external supervision to increase police officer discipline.

He said external supervision was conducted by independent institutions, including the National Police Commission, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and a number of civic groups such as the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras).

Bambang, who was appointed to replace Gen. Sutanto in 2008, has promised to push for an institutional reform within the police force to improve the police image.

National Police Commission member Novel Ali questioned the reform efforts at the police institution. "Bureaucratic reform has not been fully implemented in the police force," he said.

He also criticized the police concerning its reported lack of transparency and its poor response to public protests. "It causes public trust of the police to decrease," he said.

Another commission member, Adnan Pandupraja also criticized the half-hearted reform of the police institution, saying it did not reach to the heart of the issues.

Justices' oversea trips 'waste of state money'

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The Supreme Court defended Tuesday its widely criticized decision to send more than 70 judges and their staff on a trip to European and Asian countries using state money.

Critics have alleged that despite its complaints of a shortage of funds to finance its operations, including the establishment of corruption courts throughout the country, the Supreme Court engaged in useless and non-transparent projects that it hid from public scrutiny.

Supreme Court spokesman Hatta Ali, however, said the visits, which Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) says cost the state US$600,000, were meant to help officials learn about the advanced administrative system and the use of technology in European courts.

"There's nothing extraordinary about the visits. They helped us expand our knowledge, learn about other systems and compare them with our own system in Indonesia. We've learned a lot from the trips," Hatta argued.

"For example, [we learned about] the process of recruiting and supervising justice candidates. We also learned how to quickly settle cases using technology. We're really in the dark ages in technology terms and we're trying to improve."

He also said the trips did not violate any regulations as they had been approved and were included in the 2009 state budget.

"Each foreign visit was budgeted for, cleared and approved. We never attempted to benefit from so-called excessive funds. The trips were planned for the middle of the year, but due to our tight schedule, we could only travel later in the year," Hatta added.

Supreme Court deputy chief Abdul Kadir Mappong said the court would hold a plenary session to discuss the results of the visits.

ICW, however, accused the Supreme Court of funding the trips as a means of using up its budget toward year-end.

ICW's Emerson Yuntho said Monday night that the so-called comparative studies abroad frequently done by Indonesian state officials had never been proven to be of any benefit to the country so far.

"There has been no evaluation on the effectiveness of such comparative studies. This has sparked concerns that state officials or judges taking part in such trips do so merely for sightseeing or shopping," Emerson said.

ICW reported that in October, 68 Supreme Court officials, including some of the justices, took trips to Italy, Spain, the Netherlands, France, Australia and Japan in separate groups.

This month, 13 other Court officials also went on four-day visits to Thailand and Malaysia. The corruption watchdog says among those who took part in the trips were justices, their staff and researchers.

"The visits were done toward year-end. This may imply the trips were meant to use up any excess in the Supreme Court's budget," Emerson added.

He reminded the court to show transparency and report to the public the results of the visits, saying that they were done "silently" and not mentioned on the Supreme Court's official website.

"In accordance with existing regulations, the public has the right to secure information from the courts," Emerson said.

He said the money would have been better used to help the poor get access to legal aid or fund the establishment of a much- needed national corruption court system.

AGO makes refuted claim of recovering Rp 4.8 trillion

Jakarta Post - December 26, 2009

Dicky Christanto, Jakarta – Assistant attorney general for special crimes Marwan Effendy says the Attorney General's Office has this year recovered Rp 4.8 trillion (US$500 billion) in state assets, up by 39.2 percent from last year's Rp 2.5 trillion.

"We recovered this sum from the cases we handled in 2009, in the form of cash and property, such as land, buildings and factories," he said Wednesday. He declined to say whether the recovered assets had been submitted to the state treasury.

Marwan added the AGO had also recorded more success story by aking an increased number of cases to court this year. Of 1,533 cases of corruption investigated by the AGO in 2009, 1,292 were prosecuted, up from 1,114 out of 1,348 total cases last year.

Indonesia Corruption Watch's (ICW) Febri Diansyah, however, rebuffed Marwan's claims, calling on the AGO not to blow its own horn in the wake of widespread public misgivings about the office. He added a report from the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) showed the amount recovered by the AGO was much lower than it claimed.

Several other civil society groups have also called into question the veracity of the AGO's claims, with ICW saying the office had only recovered Rp 382 billion this year.

Febri said the public's trust in the institution was currently at rock bottom because many of its officials were involved in graft cases. "There has been a significant decrease of public trust in the prosecutors' integrity."

Scandals, controversies in 2009 signal little has changed at AGO

Jakarta Globe - December 25, 2009

Heru Andriyanto – Viciously criticized for his office's inept, and at times controversial, handling of some of the country's biggest criminal cases, Attorney General Hendarman Supandji said this month that he planned to cut about 3,000 positions from the Attorney General's Office in an attempt to make prosecutors work more effectively.

The AGO currently has a staff of about 9,300, and Hendarman said top prosecutors had agreed to streamline the organization by cutting down on the number of high-level posts across all divisions. He said he hoped a presidential decree on the matter would be issued before Jan. 16.

Since taking over at the AGO in the middle of 2007, Hendarman has spent much of his time defending his office from public criticism following a series of scandals.

Most recently, prosecutors drew fire after they brought criminal charges against two antigraft deputy commissioners. They were eventually forced to drop the charges amid indications that the case had been fabricated.

One of Hendarman's own deputies, Abdul Hakim Ritonga, resigned after the Constitutional Court played recordings of phone conversations in which case brokers and elements within the AGO and the National Police discussed an apparent plot to bring down Corruption Eradication Commisson (KPK) deputies Chandra M Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto.

While the police launched a reshuffle following the scandal, Hendarman refused to dismiss a former deputy attorney general for intelligence, Wisnu Subroto, whose voice featured in one of many memorable phone conversations played in court.

The scandal occurred less than two years after an AGO official was sentenced to 20 years in jail for accepting bribes from a businesswoman who sought to influence prosecutors' handling of a major embezzlement case involving tycoon Sjamsul Nursalim. The bribery case broke as a result of investigative work conducted by the antigraft commission.

Legal cherry-picking

In its head-to-head rivalry with the respected Corruption Eradication Commission, the AGO's antigraft campaign won notoriety for what was viewed as its selective approach to picking suspects: prosecuting the minions while letting the major players go.

In its handling of a major corruption scandal related to the joint operation of an online service at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, for example, the AGO arrested five suspects, including four former directors general and the former director of a private company who ran the Web site.

However, it turned a deaf ear to calls for the prosecution of Yusril Ihza Mahendra, the former justice minister, and business tycoon Hartono Tanoesoedibjo, who allegedly initiated the online service. During Hendarman's tenure, the AGO has dropped corruption charges against several high-profile suspects, including former central bank governor Soedradjad Djiwandono, former minister Laksamana Sukardi, businessman Tan Kian and Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, the youngest son of Suharto, the late former president.

Hendarman says the answer is more money for prosecutors. He has publicly stated that budget constraints are the biggest stumbling block in his reform agenda, telling lawmakers last month that the AGO needed an annual budget of least Rp 10 trillion ($1.06 billion).

The office has a budget of Rp 1.9 trillion this year, with a requested additional Rp 500 billion never materializing.

With an average basic salary of Rp 3 million per month, prosecutors are highly susceptible to corruption, including the receiving of bribes, Hendarman told members of the House of Representatives' law commission. If the Rp 10 trillion budget was approved, a high-performing prosecutor could receive Rp 11 million per month thanks to incentives based on the merit system, the attorney general said.

Some critics, however, say Hendarman is the real problem. "Reform at the AGO will never attain its true meaning if Hendarman retains his post," said Emerson Yuntho, the deputy head of Indonesia Corruption Watch. "Hendarman has failed to turn the AGO into a credible law enforcement agency. Reform will never happen while he still leads the way.

"Hendarman recently appointed Darmono, a new deputy, to replace his old one, Ritonga. Why him? We all know Darmono comes from Hendarman's hometown," said Emerson, who along with fellow ICW member Illian Deta Arta Sari is currently a suspect in a defamation case filed against him by the AGO.

"The ICW had earlier called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to replace Hendarman in his second term. We stick by our stance," Emerson said.

Economy & investment

Indonesian energy sector investment hamstrung by crisis in 2009

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

Reva Sasistiya – Indonesia, Southeast Asia's biggest oil producer, has failed to meet its investment target for the oil and gas sector because contractors cut spending as the economic slowdown brought record-high crude prices crashing down and reduced energy demand, upstream energy regulator BPMigas announced on Wednesday.

The regulator said oil and gas investment this year had fallen 10 percent to $10.87 billion, just 72 percent of the target of $15.11 billion, as energy firms increased efficiency while cutting back on exploration. The 2008 goal had been $14.9 billion.

"Most contractors decided to halt drilling activities because they are waiting for the economic recovery," said Priyo Widodo, the regulator's treasury chief.

The government set investment goals of $11.9 billion for production and $3.21 billion for exploration, but realization only reached $9.7 bilion and $898 million, respectively.

Despite target for 2010 at $15.98 billion, consisting of $13.62 billion for production and $2.36 billion for exploration, said Anditya Maulana, BPMigas's head of exploration.

Raden Priyono, head of BPMigas, said he doubted the 2010 target was reachable, especially since cost recovery had been capped. "As long there is still a cap on cost recovery, the investment target is unlikely to be met."

The government has capped cost recovery at $12 billion next year, resulting in investors shying away from oil and gas tenders this year. Cost recovery is how contractors are reimbursed for expenses incurred in the development and operation of energy assets. It is central to the government's system of production- sharing contracts.

BPMigas also reported oil output was 948,580 barrels per day in 2009, short of the target of 960,000 bpd. The production drop was due to unplanned shutdowns at projects, maintenance issues and even the theft of equipment.

Gas production, however, came in at 7.9 trillion standard cubic feet a day, beating the goal of 7.5 trillion scfd.

The oil and gas sector had revenue of $19.7 billion compared with the targeted $18.8 billion, Priyono added. The oil output target for next year is 965,000 bpd.

Banks lend less as businesses wait and see

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – While the financial health of Indonesia's overall banking sector remains fairly sturdy despite massive shocks from the global banking crisis, one key indicator has eluded the sector's performance this year – lending expansion.

Indeed, although the global crisis may have failed to knock the banking industry down, it however had a hand in bringing bank lending expansion almost to a halt as lenders became more cautious in channeling loans on fear of bad loans, while on the demand side, businesses were taking a wait-and-see position waiting for demand to recover.

As of the end of November, new bank loans have grown by a modest 7 percent, data from the central bank shows, far lower than Bank Indonesia's full-year growth target of 15 percent.

The growth is far lower than the 30 percent growth recorded in 2008 which contributed to the country's economy expanding by 6.1 percent.

BI director of banking research and regulation Halim Alamsyah has said lending would likely grow only by between 5 and 7 percent during this year as banks still imposed fairly high lending rates, making businesses – many already producing less on slumping demand – even more reluctant to borrow.

While BI has cut its benchmark interest rate by 300 basis points since December last year to 6.5 percent, bank lending rates were only down 76 basis points, still hovering above 13 percent currently, according to BI data.

But bankers argued that banks have actually provided loans, only to see businesses refuse to borrow because they did not see a reason to borrow for expansion while demand remained low.

"That's the reason why the rate of undisbursed loans is high," said Mirza Adityaswara, chief economist of Bank Mandiri, Indonesia's largest bank by assets.

Undisbursed loans, lending that is already approved but not yet taken up by the creditors, reached Rp 276 trillion (about US$30 billion) as of the end of November as industries were not working at full capacity pending the full recovery of the economy.

Regulations on free trade finalized

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko and Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta – Ministerial regulations on full implementation of the free trade agreement between ASEAN and China (ACFTA) have been finalized, becoming effective Jan. 1 next year, the Finance Ministry said.

"Several Finance Ministry regulations will be completed today," Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati told reporters Monday.

The ACFTA has met resistance from some local industries, which fear they may be unable to compete against cheap products from China. But it will still take effect in 2010 nevertheless, the government said.

The government has designed plans to protect local industries without violating any articles stipulated under ACFTA, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Hatta Radjasa said.

But he refused to elaborate on this on fears there could be trade retaliation by China. "We don't want any unwanted counter [measures]."

Government and business associations have formed a team to anticipate the negative impacts resulting from ACFTA, said Sofjan Wanandi, chairman of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo).

The government and business want a review of 314 tariff lines covering eight sectors that will be cut to as low as to zero under ACFTA rules.

These sectors include steel, textiles and textile products, electronics, footwear, furniture, organic chemical products, petrochemical products, foods and beverages. The review will be undertaken within six months, said Sofjan.

Hatta said there is a request from domestic manufacturers for the postponement of the full implementation of several tariff lines.

The Industry Ministry submitted a proposal to postpone implementation of reductions on 228 tariff lines to the Office of Coordinating Minister for the Economy on Wednesday.

The 228 tariff lines included 114 tariff lines concerning steel, 53 tariff lines affecting textiles, 10 tariff lines covering machinery, seven tariff lines affecting electronics, seven tariff lines covering basic inorganic chemicals, five tariff lines affecting petrochemicals and five dealing with furniture.

Indonesia Iron and Steel Industry Association (IISIA) executive director Hidajat Triseputro said the association previously proposed that 350 tariff lines needed to be postponed.

"HRC (hot rolled coil) and CRC (cold rolled coil) are the most urgent. If imports of those products continue, we'll collapse," he told The Jakarta Post, refusing to comment further as he had yet to know the details of the proposal.

Indonesian Textile Association (API) deputy chairman Ade Sudrajat said he welcomed the government's proposals although the association had earlier proposed the postponement of over 100 tariff lines. "This may be the best the government can propose, [in order] to compromise with their counterparts," he told The Post.

Hatta acknowledged that the requests for postponement may be necessary to ease pressure on local industries. "We want a balance in our trade," he said.

Hatta added that the government would improve the country's lagging infrastructure to increase business competitiveness.

Poor infrastructure has resulted in a high-cost economy, which forces businesses to spend more on logistic costs. Analysts said the poor state of national infrastructure has caused the real sector to have relatively stagnant growth.

Mulyani shared the same opinion. She said last week that manufacturing industry should be revitalized to be able to compete with its counterparts.

"This means not only giving incentives or improving infrastructure. But governance should be improved too to avoid a high-cost economy," she said. A shorter time to set up a business is part of governance. Mulyani said to Bloomberg that the estimated time to establish a business here has been cut to 60 days from the previous 105 days a few years ago.

Banks weather downturn but Century scandal still looming

Jakarta Globe - December 28, 2009

Ardian Wibisono – While the global financial crisis was swallowing lenders whole and engulfing economies worldwide this year, Indonesia's banking sector did a good job of navigating the troubled waters, although the PT Bank Century scandal remains a threat.

According to the central bank, the nation's financial institutions are set for a strong start to the new year, with bad loans at a manageable level, healthy capital reserves and rising earnings.

The reason for the surprising performance? A "lack of sophistication" of financial systems, said Boediono, the former Bank Indonesia governor who was elected vice president this year.

Boediono said in February that domestic banks were largely unaffected by the crisis because they did business sparingly with their international counterparts and stuck to conservative investment options overseas, rather than gambling on the complicated financial products that devastated the West, with sub-prime mortgages being the prime culprit.

Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa, an economist at the state-run Danareksa Research Institute, said banks were also shielded by stricter rules on lending, a result of the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, during which the nation's entire banking industry collapsed.

After the global downturn struck, domestic lenders opted to shore up their capital adequacy ratios, a measure of a bank's soundness in relation to risk, rather than pursue new lending.

The average ratio for the sector measured 17.51 percent this year through October, well above the 8 percent minimum required by the central bank.

Bankers' caution paid off, with sector profits rising 18.2 percent to Rp 38.3 trillion ($4.06 billion) in the first ten months of the year, from Rp 32.4 trillion in the year-earlier period. While the results were good for the banks, they did little to help the wider economy.

To help the nation weather the downturn, Bank Indonesia gradually cut its benchmark rate to 6.5 percent in August from 9.5 percent last December. Commercial banks, however, were slow to reduce their lending rates in kind, a move that would have boosted economic activity. At the height of the crisis, distrust ran rampant and banks stopped lending to one another. This lack of liquidity translated into a premium for depositors' funds, with banks competing to raise interest rates on deposits to attract fresh capital, while keeping lending rates high to pay depositors.

The situation began to improve in August, when more than a dozen of the largest domestic banks agreed to gradually decrease their deposit rates to no more than a half-point above Bank Indonesia's key rate. Lending was also lifted by rising exports and domestic demand in the third quarter.

Bank Indonesia director of banking research and regulation Halim Alamsyah said credit demand had definitely suffered this year as a result of the crisis.

Sigit Pramono, chairman of the Indonesian Banks Association (Perbanas), said the Rp 279 trillion of undisbursed loans as of the end of October showed persistent low demand for credit.

"It indicates that the real sector has not needed external capital for expansion. In fact, the high undisbursed loan figure might indicate that they are not running at full capacity, so low credit growth is not only caused by lenders," he said.

Before the downturn, the government had hoped credit expansion would top 20 percent this year. BI figures show lending up only 5.3 percent to Rp 1,377 trillion in the first ten months of 2009 compared with the year-earlier period.

"However, we have begun to see significant loan growth in the first week of December," Sigit said. "It may indicate that credit growth may rise further [in 2009] and signal higher loan demand next year." Full-year loan growth may reach 7 percent this year, below the central bank's downwardly revised expectation of a 10 percent rise, he added.

However, not all domestic banks were so fortunate this year. Some people may have forgotten small lenders PT Bank IFI and PT Bank Tripanca were liquidated by the government this year for failing to maintain positive capital adequacy ratios.

It is highly unlikely, however, that people would have forgotten that the government decided to step in and save midsize lender Bank Century in November 2008 because of worries its failure would pose a systemic threat to the financial system. The political fallout of the Rp 6.7 trillion ($710 million) bailout has loomed over the banking system this year, with the House of Representatives and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) both initiating investigations.

The probes are looking at why Bank Century was allowed to operate after frequent breaches of banking rules since 2001, and if the rescue funds found their way into political parties' coffers.

Financial analysts and executives have argued that the Bank Century probes are politically motivated, targeting two of the country's key economic architects – Vice President Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who were key players in rescuing the lender.

"The case has become a fight among the political elite. The public's interest in transparency and accountability in the bailout decision has been put aside," Yanuar Rizky, an independent financial analyst, told the Jakarta Globe.

Another expert blamed the political tensions over the Bank Century row for sluggish lending.

"Demand for loans from the real sector has not increased quickly after the presidential election, and this is probably due to big corporations delaying expansion because the political situation has heated up," Mirza Adityaswara, chief economist at PT Bank Mandiri, said. If political infighting continues to dominate the headlines, the government's goal of 5.5 percent economic growth may not be met, he added.

Sigit, who is also the publisher of the Jakarta Globe, said the Bank Century case remained the biggest challenge for the finance industry as well as the broader economy next year.

"To reach the 5.5 percent growth target in 2010, we will need credit growth of around 22 percent. While there is room to reach the [credit] target, the Century case could mean expansion does not happen as quickly as we expect." Bankers were also worried the probes could lead to the account information of innocent depositors being revealed, leading to a collapse of trust in the financial system, he said.

"Public trust toward the banking system should be maintained by guarding client confidentiality. If there are legal problems, we encourage them to be solved, but please do not sacrifice the trust that we have built up at a huge cost since the 1998 crisis," Sigit said.

Foreign investors demand transparency in inquiry

Jakarta Post - December 24, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – Foreign businesses have demanded transparency in the House of Representative's inquiry into the Bank Century bailout and fear it may create political uncertainties and harm the economy.

"In business, transparency is very important. What we've heard is the process is not open, and many investors have cancelled their plans [to invest] here," James Castle, governor of the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham) in Indonesia, said in a press conference Wednesday at the Finance Ministry.

Fifteen business representatives including Castle met Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati at her office Wednesday to talk about the political debate resulting from the bailout of Bank Century (now renamed as Bank Mutiara).

The 15 business people were from 12 organizations representing the US, the UK, Germany, France, Japan, Canada, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand.

The bailout, decided in November last year, was done to protect the financial sector from a systemic threat amid the global financial crisis, said Mulyani. The Deposit Insurance Corporation (LPS) spent Rp 6.76 trillion (US$709.8 million) to save the bank. But lawmakers suspected the bailout was to protect certain depositors and that it did not have proper legal footing.

Mulyani was chairman of the now-defunct Financial System Stability Committee (KSSK), a body responsible for the decision to salvage the bank. She will meet the inquiry committee on Jan. 4.

John Prasetyo of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), who accompanied the foreign businesses meeting Mulyani, said the bailout was no longer an economic issue, but a political one.

"This is our concern," he said, adding that the market conditions in November 2008 when the bailout was done were very tense.

Analysts, who say Mulyani was right to save Century, fear the economy may lose momentum as businesses become reluctant to invest here, while this year's growth was supposed to attract investment to push growth up to 5.5 percent next year.

Investment will help the real sector grow, which will gradually cut unemployment and poverty.

While Castle said foreign investors would stay here regardless of the outcome of the inquiry, he expected Indonesia to create stable policies for investors.

"We want to cooperate with the government to raise investment, hence we need the rule of law," he said, adding that Indonesia is less competitive than other countries like China in attracting investment. "There's a gap between expectations and realizations," he said.

Indonesia sees foreign investment up 15 percent in 2010

Reuters - December 24, 2009

Jakarta – Indonesia's foreign direct investment is set to rebound 15 percent in 2010 on a global economic recovery after dropping 28 percent this year to just below $10 billion, the state investment agency said.

Policy makers in Southeast Asia's biggest economy are struggling to attract more foreign investment to speed up economic growth and make inroads into unemployment and poverty.

"The drop in foreign direct investment was mostly due to the fallout of the global economic downturn," BKPM chairman Gita Wirjawan said.

Domestic investment in 2010 was also expected to rise 15 percent in 2010 on top of an estimated 120 percent jump this year, he added.

"As for realised domestic investment, it was more than 30 trillion rupiah this year," said Wirjawan adding that domestic investors were more upbeat on Indonesia's economic outlook than their foreign counterparts.

Indonesia has failed to match the levels of direct foreign investment attracted into regional powerhouses such as China and India.

Foreign investors are often put off directly investing in Indonesia because of factors such as red tape, rampant corruption and a shaky legal system.

Wirjawan, a former investment banker with JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs, said that moves to streamline permitting for investors would boost inflows.

"With the introduction of these integrated services in one office, I am optimistic of the 15 percent growth for both foreign and domestic investment next year," he said.

The investment agency plans to introduce the pilot project for such offices in the free trade zone of Batam near Singapore early next year, with more offices due to be introduced later in the year.

People

Go with God, Gus

Jakarta Post Editorial - December 31, 2009

Abdurrahman Wahid, more affectionately known as Gus Dur, was the most colorful, if not the most illustrious among six presidents Indonesia has had.

He was a leader whose vision for this nation was so far ahead of his time, certainly ahead of the Muslim Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organization, which he once chaired, and in many respects also ahead of the Indonesian people, whom he led for 19 months. His views on nation, nation-building, nationhood, and specifically on Islam and the place of religion in the state, often went against mainstream thinking. Although brought up in rural-traditionalist NU surrounding, his views cut across religious, ethnic and cultural lines that divide this highly diverse nation.

Gus Dur never cut the figure of a typical politician. Instead he was more of a thinker, a religious leader (an unorthodox one), a writer, columnist, and a humorist all packed into one. Combined with his vision, he was a great statesman, a cut above other leaders and thinkers of his time.

His informality made him the Indonesian president that was the closest to his people. He broke away from the imperial style that all other presidents before and after him felt comfortable with. But this informality and his relentless jokes became too much to bear for the nation's elite and together they conspired to bring his presidency to an abrupt end in 2001.

Gus Dur passed away on Wednesday, but his legacy will outlast that of other presidents who have served much longer than him.

If and when his vision of a true pluralist Indonesia is realized, this nation will look back and begin to appreciate that Gus Dur had already defined the true diverse Indonesia for them back in the 1990s and 2000s.

Thank you, Gus Dur. May you go with God.

Farewell cleric of pluralism

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2009

Jakarta – Festive preparations to part with 2009 quickly turned into mourning on Wednesday as the nation bid farewell to its cleric of pluralism, Indonesia's fourth president, Abdurrahman Wahid.

The measure of a man affectionately known as Gus Dur came not from the stream of somber faced dignitaries which arrived at the Cipto Mangunkusumo hospital in Central Jakarta or legions of mourners at his residence in Ciganjur, South Jakarta. But from the impromptu swell of prayer congregations, tahlil, held across the country.

Nationwide, students and elders held prayers almost as soon as they heard of the demise of the man who symbolized Indonesia's tradition of religious tolerance as well as being an icon for political reform.

In Surabaya, East Java, an emotional gathering from all walks of life lit candles in front of the Negara Grahadi building. Antara reported that 100 children walked with candles in a spontaneous show of grief.

The eulogies and prayers did not just come from Muslims. Jakarta Archbishop Julius Darmaatmadja SJ said Gus Dur had left an indelible mark on people of all faiths. "He was a Muslim, but he became a blessing to all faiths," he said here Wednesday night.

Amidst the takbir chants the hospital procession in Jakarta was frenetic as the hundreds who gathered pressed towards Gus Dur's body as it was being led out of room 116 of the Cardiac Wing in a coffin draped in green cloth.

His widow, Shinta Nuriyah, followed closely behind in a wheel chair. Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid, was so stricken with grief that she too had to be placed in a wheel chair.

But such was the commotion that she quickly returned to the room in tears under a thin black head scarf.

Among the crowd at the hospital were Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud MD – who served as minister of Defense in Gus Dur's Cabinet – and Minister of Finance Sri Mulyani Indrawati who helped a distraught Yenny to her car.

For President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Gus Dur's demise was an ironic goodbye as the latter exhaled his last breath not long after the incumbent visited the hospital. Yudhoyono received his first Cabinet posting in 1999 as Gus Dur's minister of Mines and Energy.

"I call on the Indonesian people to fly their flags at half mast for seven days," the President said while confirming that he will lead the state funeral at Gus Dur's hometown of Jombang, East Java, this (Thursday) afternoon.

Yudhoyono will become the first president to oversee the burial of two former presidents after the death of Soeharto last year.

At Gus Dur's residence in Ciganjur, friends and former political foes alike gathered in another testament of the respect the deceased generated.

Former presidents BJ Habibie and Megawati Soekarnoputri, and People's Consultative Assembly speaker Taufik Kiemas were among those present.

Presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal said the Palace is expecting confirmation from a number of heads of state to attend the funeral, including Singapore, Malaysia and Timor Leste.

According to Dr Aris Wibudi of the presidential medical team, Gus Dur's condition had been poor but stable since Saturday.

On Wednesday morning, however, it took a turn for the worse with complications in his respiratory system, kidneys and circulation. At 6:15 p.m. he was declared in a critical condition, and he finally died half an hour later. He was 69.

Current Nahdlatul Ulama chairman Hasyim Muzadi who last met Gus Dur a fortnight ago said his predecessor's final words at the time were to take care of the organization which Gus Dur had led for a decade and a half.

Minister of Trade Mari Elka Pangestu summoned two of Gus Dur's most lasting traits as "a man who united us all". "And of course, we will never forget his incredible sense of humor".

Gus Dur: A tolerant leader respected in Indonesia and abroad

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

Although a scion of a respected East Java family of Islamic ulemas and educators, Abdurrahman Wahid forged his name as an ardent proponent of religious tolerance and moderate politics. His commitment to those causes remained strong throughout his life, earning him recognition both at home and abroad.

He was the eldest grandchild of Hasyim Asy'ari, founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), which later became the country's largest Islamic movement. Wahid, popularly known as "Gus Dur," joined the organization, albeit reluctantly, in the early 1980s as a member of its Religious Advisory Council.

He gradually rose within the ranks and in 1984 he was elected as chairman of the NU, a position that he skillfully managed to keep, despite the disapproval of autocratic President Suharto, for 15 years. Despite leading a conservative religious organization, Wahid consistently maintained that faith was a personal matter, a stance which drew criticism from Islamic circles but earned him the respect of non-Muslims across the archipelago.

When the Asian financial crisis began to hit in mid-1997 and gradually eroded Suharto's political control, Wahid allied himself with other prominent opposition figures, including Megawati Sukarnoputri and Amien Rais, who establish a reform movement.

He later approved the establishment of the National Awakening Party (PKB) in 1998 to accommodate NU's political aspirations. In February 1999, the PKB nominated him as its presidential candidate and by that October he had wheeled and dealed enough to be elected as the country's fourth president by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) despite being almost totally blind and needing assistance to get around.

Wahid's first moves as president included abolishing the Ministry of Information, which had long been Suharto's tool to control the media, and the notoriously corrupt Ministry of Welfare. Although he failed in his peace gambits in restive Aceh and Papua, he was credited with making the first approaches to settle the separatist conflicts through negotiation.

As president, Wahid will also be remembered for declaring Chinese New Year an optional public holiday in January 2001. The following month, he lifted Suharto's three-decade ban on the display of Chinese characters and culture.

But his liberal ideas and sometimes erratic public statements left him never far from controversy. His suggestion in 2000 that a 34-year ban on Marxism-Leninism be lifted met with strong opposition, as did his suggestion that Aceh be granted an East Timor-style independence referendum.

His conciliatory stance with Israel, with which Indonesia has no diplomatic relations, brought him the scorn of many Muslims, and his open disdain for members of the House, whom he once likened to kindergarten children, earned him their undying hostility.

They would eventually have their revenge by rebuking him in February and April 2001, enabling the MPR to impeach him in late July of that year. His desperate bid during those dark days to cling to power by declaring a state of emergency was ignored by his top ministers, and remains the only blotch on his image.

He is survived by his wife Sinta Nuriyah and their four daugh ters.

The wit and wisdom of Gus Dur

Jakarta Globe - December 30, 2009

Gus Dur was known for his way with words and his love of jokes. Some of his memorable quotes include:

Suharto was a New Order president. Habibie was In Order and I am No Order.

The deep problem is that people use religion wrongly in pursuit of victory and triumph. This sad fact then leads to conflict with people who have different beliefs.

I was a forced politician, yes, but not a true politician..... in the sense that I never cared about public opinion, for example... No politician will do that. (laughs)

You don't realise that losing the presidency for me is nothing... I regret more the fact that I lost 27 recordings of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony.

I am not worried about minorities dominating us. That is born from our own insecurities. Muslims – possibly due to historical factors – are often haunted by feelings of defeat and weakness.

Democracy is not only not haram (forbidden) in Islam but is a compulsory element of Islam. Upholding democracy is one of the principals of Islam, which is syuro (assembly).

There must no longer be anything to differentiate Indonesians based on religion, mother language, culture and ideology.

If today there are people calling Islam bad names, we will teach them that Islam is peaceful.

Why sweat it? (Gitu aja kok repot?) – Gus Dur frequently used this offhand remark to dismiss issues he considered unimportant.

Seventy percent of our nation is saltwater, so why do we import salt? It's okay being stupid but why are we purposely being ignorant?

This is an ideal team. The president can't see and the vice president can't talk. – After becoming president alongside the famously taciturn Megawati Sukarnoputri

I need help to step up, let alone to step down. – On being asked to resign

If in the past I said that the House of Representatives was a kindergarten, now I say it is a playgroup.

Analysis & opinion

2009 could have been worse

Jakarta Post Editorial - December 31, 2009

The year 2009 is coming to an end and given the spat of bad news these past 12 months, it is probably better to count our blessings than the missed opportunities, of which there are certainly many. Let's put on our Javanese philosophy cap, and just be thankful that we are still alive, that as a nation we are still intact and that we can all look forward to a better year in 2010.

Actually, it was not a bad year considering that we started with a lot of trepidations. Most of the world was deep in economic recession and naysayers were saying that it was only a matter of time before it hit Indonesia. With the general election that always sews some instability, the country was all set for a very difficult year.

It did turn out to be a turbulent year, but one that Indonesia sailed through with relative peace.

The economy still ended up with a growth rate of more than 4 percent, hardly sufficient to absorb the ever-swelling ranks of unemployment but it was one of the rare success stories around the world. It could have been worse.

This year saw its share of devastating natural disasters, including earthquakes and landslides in Sukabumi in West Java and Padang/Pariaman in West Sumatra. But Indonesia has always been prone to earthquakes, landslides, volcanic eruptions and tsunamis. It was bad this year, but we have seen worse.

The year 2009 started with concerns about the spread of swine flu, and Indonesia being notorious in stemming any global pandemic, was most vulnerable.

We did have our share of patients, but they were surprisingly few compared to what our neighbors had. It could have been worse.

Terrorists struck with a deadly force when they simultaneously bombed the Marriott and the Ritz Carlton hotels in Jakarta. Surprisingly, the impact on business and tourism was minimal as both hotels were soon back in business. But the attack prompted the police to act more seriously this time, and within weeks arrested the perpetrators, including the Malaysian master terrorist, Noordin M. Top, who had been on the run for the past seven years. Yes, it was bad, but it could have been worse.

The antigraft campaign suffered a huge setback with the murder charge pinned against the chair of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and later the open fight between the KPK and the National Police and the Attorney General's Office. These issues were being resolved toward the end of the year. It could have been worse.

Here in Jakarta, the perennial problem of traffic is becoming more impossible with time. One may look back a year from today with envy and say, it was not as bad as we thought. Yes, traffic is getting worse.

The general elections were messy and chaotic and were poorly managed compared to 2004. The fact that millions of people could not vote because their names were not on the list undermined the credibility of the elections. Indonesians are a forgiving lot and no one seriously challenged this gross violation of their rights. The results of the election stand and we now have a government in place. But it could have been worse.

And finally, we have a democratically elected president running the country. People overwhelmingly returned Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to office for his second term, even though they knew full well what they were getting into, after having him lead the nation for the past five years. He may have his flaws and shortcomings, but yes, you guessed it right, it could have been worse.

Happy New Year!

Prita's half-baked justice

Jakarta Post Editorial - December 30, 2009

There is justice after all. The Tangerang District Court on Tuesday exonerated Prita Mulyasari from all criminal charges of defaming the good name and reputation of Omni International Hospital in the township near Jakarta. It is hard to imagine just how the public would have reacted if the court had ruled the other way.

The public was fast losing its confidence in the judiciary after a series of rulings violated their sense of justice. They included the earlier civil defamation lawsuit between Omni and Prita that went in favor of the hospital. Tuesday's verdict in a way gives us a sense of hope that justice can prevail, albeit only sometimes.

Prita landed herself in trouble after the hospital filed a complaint with the police about being defamed by the 32-year-old woman who wrote about her horrendous experience at the hospital. She wrote this in an email to a friend, who subsequently forwarded the message to others, and the message eventually found a wider audience on the Internet.

She effectively became the first victim of the new draconian Electronic Information and Transaction Law. The law allows for the detention of any suspect charged with a crime punishable with more than five years. The law sets a maximum punishment of six years for criminal defamation.

Her detention provoked massive public outcry that subsequently led to her release, but Omni hospital had the audacity to ignore public opinion and went ahead with its charges in both the civil and criminal courts against her.

Earlier this month, the hospital won the civil case, with the court awarding Rp 204 million in damages.

This provoked a second public outcry and a massive fundraising campaign to help Prita raise the money. The campaign collected over Rp 800 million, mostly in coins and mostly donated by ordinary people from across the nation, including poor people and children who broke their piggy banks.

How the court could reach two contradictory verdicts in the civil and criminal case is baffling. It tells us there is something very wrong with the way the law is being administered. The Supreme Court is currently hearing the civil case on Prita's appeal. As the last bastion of justice, let's hope the court delivers the right decision.

But whatever the judiciary is doing, rest assured the nation is fully behind Prita, not only for her sake, but more importantly, for the sake of justice.

The real message of 'Cikeas Octopus' is lost in the ink blob

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2009

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta – The newly released Membongkar Gurita Cikeas: Dibalik skandal Bank Century (Unmasking the Cikeas Octopus – Behind the Bank Century Scandal) has used all the tricks in the marketing textbook to become what must surely be one of the best sellers of 2010.

Even before its official launch on Wednesday, the book, by senior journalist George Junus Aditjondro, is guaranteed huge success thanks to the publicity it has enjoyed, from front page headlines in many newspapers and top bulletins in TV news programs, to becoming the subject of TV talk shows and interactive programs.

There is also the extensive discussion on the Net.

One of the first rules in successful marketing is to create a huge controversy that gets everyone talking about the product. This the book has already accomplished.

Since the book looks into President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and how four foundations helped raise money for his 2009 re-election campaign, he quickly took the bait and, like it or not, became an important part of George's sales campaign. Now everyone wants to get their hands on the book, assuming that it will be available.

There is a little catch George needs to overcome before he can really laugh his way to the bank to cash in on his success: There are few book stores willing to handle this hot political potato, even if they are guaranteed their hefty 40 percent commission.

The major book retailers aren't feeling easy about selling the book for fear of, excuse the pun, the President's tentacle.

Everyone is waiting for how the President reacts. The Attorney General's Office, already very much in high gear after banning five books early this month, is looking into the possibility of banning this one too, just as soon as it can get its hand on a copy. But a ban would only provoke more people to secure their copies in the black market.

George, who carved his name as an investigative journalist and later an academic by looking into the massive corruption of President Soeharto in the 1990s, has this time set his sights on Yudhoyono and the foundations which bankrolled the highly successful re-election campaign this year.

Sadly, the controversy around the book has rarely touched this aspect of the book. This is the real message, which seems to have been lost in the octopus' ink blob.

Most of the debate has been about the validity of George's conclusions, the secondary data he uses, the methodology employed, the academic credentials of the author, the denials and criticisms from the President and his men, the threats of defamation lawsuits, the possibility of a ban and the availability in book stores.

Putting aside the questions about the validity of the claims, the reliability of the data and the methods used, the Cikeas Octopus raises an important issue about the 2009 election that has never resolved: Irregularities over election campaign finances.

The General Elections Commission (KPU) which was supposed to enforce the campaign finance regulations, including auditing the books of the contesting parties and candidates, has already closed its books.

But the election funds audited by the KPU hardly reflected the real sums raised and spent by candidates and political parties. Nobody knows for sure how much money was raised and spent, but we know it's a lot. And the KPU, along with the political parties and the candidates, even the losing ones, conspired to conceal the true amount from the public.

Now George has effectively opened Pandora's box by looking at the money trails involving four foundations that worked for Yudhoyono, who happened to be the winner. It could have been Jusuf Kalla or Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose challenge to unseat Yudhoyono flopped, because we know they spent much more money than they cared to admit.

President Yudhoyono should try to be less sensitive and not take criticisms against him too personally.

He seems to be doing a lot of that lately, and by drawing attention to himself in this book controversy, he has diverted attention from the real issue that needs to be addressed.

He could be doing himself a big favor, and if he is as clean as he claims to be, he should allow the case to be reopened and investigated by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

The issue of election campaign finances needs to be resolved once and for all. Only then can he claim true legitimacy to his re- election victory.

Fears Indonesia's failure to tackle graft may corrupt its future

Sydney Morning Herald - December 26, 2009

Tom Allard, Jakarta – As anti-corruption rallies swept Indonesia's main cities this month, the two villains in the protesters' sights were readily identifiable.

In masks worn by protesters, on T-shirts and on posters, the Finance Minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, and the Vice-President, Boediono, were depicted as blood-sucking devils.

Life-size papier-mache dolls of the two were burned as chanting students condemned them for their roles in the $US720 million ($820 million) bailout of Bank Century, a small financial institution that was run into the ground by embezzling shareholders and rescued in murky circumstances.

With two inquiries into the affair under way, exactly what happened during the financial rescue and where the money went remain unclear.

Jakarta's diplomatic and expatriate communities were aghast at the targeting of Boediono and Sri Mulyani.

How did it come to this? How could the two people long regarded as the cleanest in the Indonesian Government somehow become the pin-ups for graft and sleaze in a country with no shortage of candidates? The declining fortunes of the capable, Western- educated economists was but one example of a topsy-turvy year for Indonesia.

If the first half of the year was filled with giddy optimism, the second was a reality check as the problems and uncertainties that have dogged Indonesia since its emergence as a democracy reared their heads again.

The year began with growing euphoria as Indonesia weathered the global economic crisis while its wealthier neighbours – Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand – slid deep into recession.

Then came the elections. The President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, took the unusual and courageous step of appointing Boediono – a man with no political connections or support – as his running mate. Even so, he recorded thumping victories in parliamentary and presidential elections.

The enigmatic but somewhat dithering President now had the electoral mandate to do great things. Indonesia's endemic corruption was finally being tackled. It was an emerging powerhouse that would soon become the extra "I" in the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) group of economies that would drive world growth this century.

Islamist extremism was apparently crushed. There had been no terrorist attacks for four years and Indonesia was being hailed globally as an exemplar of moderate Islam.

The suicide bombings at the JW Marriott and Ritz Carlton hotels just a few weeks after the President's victory were a reminder of the ongoing terrorism threat and the ability of extremist networks to regenerate and rebuild.

Even so, police quickly tracked down the bombers in a remarkably skilled – and brutal – investigation. Noordin Mohammad Top, the terrorist leader who was South-East Asia's most wanted man, was killed and other leaders terminated or arrested.

The triumph for the police did not last long. Their counter- terrorism unit, Detachment 88, is highly capable. The rest of the force, including its senior leadership, is deeply corrupt and had set about bringing down the Corruption Eradication Commission, the KPK, the country's powerful and successful anti-graft unit.

The KPK chief was arrested for allegedly murdering a love rival and two of its deputies were arrested on trumped-up abuse of power charges. The KPK fought back, though, producing sensational phone taps of senior police discussing falsifying evidence and plotting to bring down the deputies.

Its senior detective was caught on tape soliciting a huge bribe to help a deposit-holder recover money from the Bank Century collapse.

The scandals gripped the nation. Hopes that a newly decisive President would ride the tide of public sentiment to take bold action on corruption did not materialise.

He was slow to defend the KPK or take action against police and seemed to resist an inquiry into the bank collapse. He created the perception that he had something to hide, even as he steadfastly denied speculation that his political donors had benefited from the Bank Century bail-out.

Two strange speeches – in which the President portrayed the terrorist attacks and the anti-corruption campaign as attempts to remove him from power – indicated a disturbing strain of narcissistic paranoia in the leader.

Indonesia remains a country of great promise. This year its sharemarket doubled in value and its currency soared. But corruption, not to mention crumbling infrastructure – as shown by a wave of blackouts in Jakarta – remain a roadblock to development. And questions remain about whether the President – the man Australia and the Western world hoped would retain power – has the mettle and temperament to tackle the problems.

Who will police criminal cops?

Jakarta Post Editorial - December 26, 2009

Disciplinary action against police officers involved in abuse of power and other crimes often falls far short of the general public's sense of justice. Unlike civilians, who have to undergo long legal processes in courts, many police officers merely face internal disciplinary hearings. And the light punishment frequently imposed on such "criminal police officers" obviously does not have a deterrent effect. As a result, we civilians often become victims of police officers who are easily committed to violence or abusing their power in the course of duty.

There have been many examples of such bad practices. Fifteen-year-old Muhammad Rifki Hidayatullah was reportedly detained with a bullet in his leg for at least 15 days after being shot by a Koja Police officer in North Jakarta. The surgery was carried out on Dec. 15, after his family visited him in his cell a day before.

The punishment for the officers involved in the incident was simply to re-assign them to other divisions, plus a few days in detention. Similar punishment was imposed on officers who attacked J.J. Rizal, a lecturer at the University of Indonesia, last month after he was wrongly arrested, and another on police officers involved in the shooting death of Subagio, 35, a public minivan driver, in Depok, south of Jakarta, who was accused of gambling with fellow drivers.

It is regrettable that these police officers were only charged with violating police discipline, even though there were strong indications they had committed crimes against all their victims while carrying out their duties.

Responding to the call from Subagio's widow to dismiss all the officers involved in the shooting of her husband, Depok Police deputy chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Ahmad Subarkah said the disciplinary hearing could only hand out administrative punishment.

"If the district court finds any police officers guilty, we can dismiss them. Such a decision is made at a police profession hearing," he said.

Unfortunately, many victims of power abuse by police officers are reluctant to report their cases for various reasons. First, these victims for the most part do not know the procedure for filing their cases. Second, many still fear having to deal with police officers. And third, they are just skeptical the police will handle their cases fairly.

In dealing with all these problems, we recommend the establishment of an independent institution, outside the police force, which has the authority to investigate any wrongdoings committed by police officers. Such an institution should have representatives in all districts across the country to help people at all levels of society who have problems with the police. Such an institution, together with civil society, should have a program to empower the people to dare to report their cases.

Therefore the government needs to include the formation of such an institution in its reform program for the National Police, to ensure the reform, which will reportedly kick off next year, does not just end with better remuneration for all police personnel, but can also help change the behavior and attitude of police officers.