Jakarta Despite indications of an overall decline in terrorism threats, extremist fugitives still have the potential to turn non-violent activists into would-be bombers, an NGO revealed Wednesday.
According to an analysis report issued by the International Crisis Group (ICG), extremist fugitives can easily transform sympathizers into radicals and drum up support for terrorism through something as simple as the presence of a charismatic leader. The Brussels-based group's analysis was based on the minutes of the trials of 10 convicted terrorists in Palembang, South Sumatra.
"The sobering revelation is how easy the transformation can be, if the right ingredients are present," ICG senior adviser to the Asia program Sidney Jones said Wednesday.
"In this case, the most important element in turning the group toward violence was charismatic leadership provided by two fugitives."
One of the men, Jones added, was a member of the regional jihadist group Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), who had fled Singapore in late 2001 with the recently rearrested Mas Selamat Kastari, wanted for multiple crimes committed in Maluku.
Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh Fifty-five Sri Lankans who had been housed in a warehouse since they drifted ashore in Aceh last week went on a hunger strike after being been moved to a prison, an immigration official said on Thursday.
"They demand to be allowed to meet with the UNHCR," said Suryo Santoso, the head of the immigration office in Meulaboh, West Aceh, adding that a team from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which arrived on Thursday to assess the Sri Lankans' case, had to first check on them.
He said the Sri Lankans, who had previously said they wanted to seek political asylum in Australia, went on a hunger strike on Wednesday, after they were moved to Meulaboh Prison from a warehouse in Alue Bilie village in Nagan Raya district.
"At the warehouse, they had been housed near fertilizers, which is not decent for them and, as well, there was no toilet," Suryo said in explaining why the Sri Lankans were moved. He said they were not prisoners and not being kept under detention, as their cell doors remained open.
However, Sajanthan, 22, one of the asylum seekers, said the conditions at the prison were worse. "We liked it better in the first shelter," he told journalists on Thursday. "Besides, we don't want be in prison because we are not criminals."
Suryo said that as well as providing the asylum seekers with better facilities, the move had also brought them closer to immigration officers based in Meulaboh, which would make it easier to process their cases.
"A third reason was to isolate them from local residents," he said, adding that it would also be easier to guarantee the security of the Sri Lankans in the prison.
The move to the prison is only a temporary measure, however, as the Sri Lankans will have to be moved to an immigration quarantine facility for assessment by teams from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Because the Meulaboh Immigration Office does not have quarantine facilities, the prison was considered the best place to house the Sri Lankans while awaiting the arrival of officials to determine their status.
Suryo said the asylum seekers had been placed in a prison block of 30 cells and had been isolated from other prisoners at the facility.
"They are not under arrest," he said. "The cells are absolutely open, so they can easily go out from their cells. However, they are not allowed to leave the prison. Their placement in the prison is strictly because of the need for a decent and proper place to house them."
Meanwhile, he said, the Meulaboh Immigration Office and the International Organization for Migration will continue to look after the daily needs of the Sri Lankans.
Suryo said none of the asylum seekers were carrying legal documents and, from the early information gathered from the group, they were attempting to get to Australia.
Their Malaysian-flagged vessel was severely damaged by rough conditions in the Indian Ocean last week.
Aceh's Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said last weekend it believed the Sri Lankans were persecuted Tamils trying to escape the civil conflict in their homeland.
Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta Women and children were among at least 97 people killed when an Indonesian Air Force Hercules transport plane crashed in East Java this morning.
The family members of serving air force personnel, many stationed in the easternmost province of Papua, were returning from leave in Java. The plane crashed shortly after 6.30am local time (9.30am AEST) after taking off from Jakarta about an hour earlier.
There were reports of parts of the plane falling from the sky before it hit the ground, shortly before it was due to land at Iswahyudi military air base in the city of Madiun. At least three local resident were killed by falling debris.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called a crisis meeting this afternoon with his military chiefs, including defence minister Juwono Sudarsono, demanding an explanation for the latest disaster to hit the country's beleaguered armed forces.
The accident comes little more than a month after a Fokker F27 smashed into a hangar while attempting to land at a military base in Bandung, West Java. That crash killed six crew and 18 trainee paratroops.
Indonesia's underfunded military struggles to achieve basic maintenance levels on much of its equipment. It also has yet to fully recover from the impact of a six-year US military embargo imposed over human rights abuse concerns, and which was only lifted at the end of 2005.
Rachmadin Ismail, Jakarta Hundreds of demonstrators from the Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM) held an protest action on May 21 opposing the candidates running for the July 8 presidential elections because none of the candidates are pro-people.
"We reject the political elite who are not pro-people or bourgeois and we are ready to bring them down as happened 11 years ago when [former President] Suharto was overthrown," said Eka Widya, one of the participants at the action at the Proclamation Monument on Jl. Diponegoro in the Menteng area of Central Jakarta on Thursday.
The protesters plan to hold a convey and visit various locations in Jakarta to commemorate the overthrow of Suharto 11 years ago. They will use scores of motorcycles and an open pickup truck and give speeches along the way.
The convoy will set off from the Proclamation Monument than continue to the House of Representatives Building and the Trisakti University campus. The action will end later in the afternoon in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta.
"We don't trust the elite that are currently [in power] because they do not come from the working class," said Widya.
Widya also added that the 2009 elections must be opposed because they will not bring any good to the ordinary people. The agenda being campaigned over the next five years is simply being used as a means to perpetuate power. "The 2009 elections are not the people's elections," shouted the protesters.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Nograhany Widhi K., Jakarta On Monday May 18, 10 separate demonstrations will 'besiege' Jakarta. Five of the demonstrations will be held at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout in Central Jakarta at 9am, so pay close attention to your route so as not to get caught in traffic.
Based upon information from the Metro Jaya Regional Police Traffic Management Centre, five different groups will be protesting at Hotel Indonesia, namely the Social Forum for Saving State Assets, the State Assets Forum of Concern, the Association of Javanese Families, the United Betawi (native Jakartans) for Progress and the Banten Residents State Asset Observers.
Still in the Central Jakarta area, Greenpeace East Asia Indonesia will be holding a demonstration in front of the State Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Timur at 9am. Also on Jl. Medan Merdeka Timur, workers from the company CV Jaya Abadi will hold a protest in front of the Supreme Court building at 10am.
In the North Jakarta area meanwhile, the Association of Victims of the Papanggo Forced Evictions and the Legal Aid Institute will hold a demonstration in front of the North Jakarta District Court on Jl. Danau Sunter Raya at 9am.
Then at 10am, protesters from the PT Kodja Bahari Shipping and Dockworkers Trade Union will 'descend en masse' on the North Jakarta office for Labour and Transmigration.
In South Jakarta meanwhile, the Greater Depok Coalition of Non- Government Organisations will be holding a protest action in front of the police headquarters on Jl. Trunojoyo at 11am. (nwk/nwk)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh A local party, founded by former rebels of the Aceh Free Movement, was officially announced Monday as the winner of the 9 April legislative election, but no celebrations marked their victory.
No street convoys were conducted by supporters of the Aceh Party which secured 33 seats out of 69 seats in the Aceh Legislative Council (DPRA).
The party spokesman Adnan Beuransyah said although the party secured almost half of the total seats, the results did not satisfy the party.
"The seat allocation method caused my party to lose many seats. Many of our candidates who gained 10,000 votes failed to secure a seat, while candidates from other parties who gained only 7,000 votes secured one seat each," Adnan claimed. "But we are humble. We can accept the results of the election."
The party, which reportedly targeted to win at least 59 of the seats, actually defeated all the national parties, including the Democratic Party, Golkar, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Cresecent and Star Party (PBB), the Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Patriot Party.
The Democratic Party secured 10 seats, an increase from six seats in 2004. PAN won five seats, PKS four seats, PPP three seats and PKB, PBB, PKPI, PDI-P and the Patriot Party secured one seat each. Golkar's seats decreased from 12 seats in 2004 to eight seats and the PPP which won 12 seats in 2004, dropped down to only three seats.
The provincial legislative election attracted participation from 37 national parties and six local parties. The other five local parties participating were the Aceh People's Party (PRA), the Independent Voice of Aceh People's Party (SIRA), the Aceh Safe and Prosperous Party (PAAS), the United Aceh Party (PBA) and the Aceh Sovereignty Party (PDA). None of these other local parties secured seats.
Aceh Independent Election Commission (KIP) deputy chairman Ilham Syahputra said the result of the election in Aceh is considered valid although there were still complaints on possible election violations.
"Currently, there are 53 cases of election violations in Aceh which were reported to the Constitutional Court," Ilham said, adding results might be changed by the court.
He said KIP was ready to face legal actions in the court. "We have prepared a team to go to Jakarta to face legal actions in the court."
Christian Motte, Jayapura Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Bagus Ekodanto said on Tuesday that suspected separatists had occupied an airport in the isolated village of Kasepo, Mambramo Raya, some 300 kilometers from the provincial capital Jayapura.
Ekodanto said his office had dispatched three groups of police personnel from the Detachment 88 anti-terror squad to the area to ascertain what was happening.
The rebels have reportedly taken over the landing strip, erecting a tent that could shelter up to 20 people, though the group's size could not immediately be determined. Papua Police efforts to reach the facility have been hampered by rugged terrain.
Ekodanto said the Detachment 88 officers were travelling by river, accompanied by local tribal leaders, prominent figures, local administration officers and religious leaders.
He said communication during the operation had also been difficult. "We can only use [single side band] radio, and but even then the connection has been erratic," said Ekodanto.
Papua Police spokesman Adj. Chief Comr. Nurhabri said the operation had been hampered by geographic obstacles and poor infrastructure. The area is only accessible by air or by speedboat.
Police also discussed on Tuesday a plan to bring in an Air Force helicopter today, but no decision had been made as of press time last night.
Nurhabri said the group had taken control of the strip on Sunday and raised flags, but police had not yet determined whether those occupying the airfield were members of a Papuan separatist group or simply local residents demonstrating other grievances.
Mambramo Raya is a new district established in March 2007. The territory joined the previously separate districts of Sarmi and Waropen.
Indonesia has sent crack paramilitary police to retake a remote jungle airstrip seized by armed separatists in eastern Papua province.
A 40-member police contingent was sent on Wednesday to end the occupation of the airstrip by about 150 villagers, who are armed with automatic weapons and bows and arrows, Papua police spokesman Nurhabri told AFP.
But it could take days before the police reach the runway in Kasepo village, some 300km from the provincial capital of Jayapura.
"They have been in control of the Kasepo village airstrip since May 13 and have also raised the Morning Star flag," Nurhabri said, referring to the banned standard of Papua's independence movement.
Thick jungle and a lack of roads meant the heavily armed police from the elite Mobile Brigade and Special Detachment 88 anti- terror squad would not reach the village until Friday, he said.
Police are giving those occupying the airport until Saturday to resolve the standoff with local community leaders, Nurhabri said. "If there's no change by Saturday they will carry out their police duties," he said.
Nurhabri said police did not know yet if the occupation was the work of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rebels fighting for independence from Jakarta. He said at least three men had "forced" villagers into occupying the airport.
But Terianus Yeram, who describes himself as the local OPM commander in the district surrounding Kasepo, told AFP his group was behind the airstrip takeover. "The action in Kasepo village is our responsibility," he said by telephone.
Papua, which sits on the western end of New Guinea island, has been the site of a low-level insurgency by guerrillas since its incorporation into Indonesia in a 1969 UN-backed vote of select tribal elders widely dismissed as a sham.
Separatist sentiment runs high among Papua's ethnic Melanesian majority, who complain of abuses at the hands of police and soldiers and that they see little of the region's vast mineral wealth.
Raising separatist symbols like the Morning Star flag is punishable by life in prison in Indonesia. Foreign journalists are barred from entering Papua without government permission.
Heru Andriyanto Human rights groups are blasting an Attorney General's Office plan to limit the window of time inmates facing the firing squad would be allowed to lodge a final case review to 30 days.
Under Indonesian law, condemned inmates may request a case review once the Supreme Court rejects their appeal, but they must present new evidence.
"It's very unlikely inmates could secure new evidence in only 30 days," said Papang Hidayat, head of research at the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) on Thursday. "In other words, more and more inmates will be put to death if [the AGO proposal] becomes law."
He said Kontras remains firm in its position that capital punishment should be outlawed. Last year, the state executed 10 inmates convicted of terrorism, drug trafficking and murder. There are 111 inmates currently on death row.
The Supreme Court this year ruled that the AGO could unilaterally set a deadline for case review requests in capital punishment cases, citing as precedent that in civil cases, a review deadline stands at 180 days.
But Abdul Hakim Ritonga, an AGO deputy in charge of judicial killings, said last week that 180 days was too long, and proposed 30 days instead. Abdul leads a five-member AGO team tasked with setting up a new appeals deadline.
Rusdi Marpaung with the human rights group Imparsial said the proposal reflected the AGO's view that executions were "business as usual."
"I cannot understand why the AGO feels so easy in planning more executions. In our view, the death sentence is against the 1945 Constitution and accordingly must be abolished," Rusdi said.
While abolishing capital punishment appears to be an uphill battle, particularly during an election year, Papang suggested that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration, which has executed 19 inmates since 2004, could impose a moratorium on death sentences.
"The most important thing to do is to mend the poor judicial system that is unable to deliver fair justice to death row inmates," Papang said.
"Just take a look at the fact that many foreign inmates facing the capital punishment were not provided with interpreters in the court," he said. "I think if the legal proceedings were held fairly, many inmates would have escaped capital punishment."
Sunanda Creagh Almost 40 human rights groups combined on Tuesday to claim Indonesia's reputation was being tarnished by the inclusion as vice presidential candidates of two former generals accused of rights abuses during the era of former strongman President Suharto.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is favored to win a second term in the July 8 vote, but faces a challenge from Vice President Jusuf Kalla and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Kalla is running with Wiranto, a retired general who has faced allegations over abuses in East Timor when he was army chief.
Megawati is standing with Prabowo Subianto, another former general, who was fired in 1998 after troops under his command abducted and tortured pro-democracy activists.
The emergence of Prabowo and Wiranto as contestants in the 2009 presidential election highlights a weak commitment by our political actors to uphold human rights," said a statement from the group of rights organizations.
The public must realize that to forget the crimes of the past will allow the same crimes to be repeated in future." Both men have denied wrongdoing and said they were simply doing their duty as soldiers.
Wiranto was indicted by a UN panel over the bloodshed during Dili's 1999 independence vote but never stood trial. He said last year the episode had been resolved.
Prabowo, who is from a wealthy family and was once married to Suharto's daughter, told reporters in February his "conscience was clear" and noted some of the tortured activists had even joined his Gerindra Party.
Arief Priyadi, whose son was killed in 1998 when the military under Wiranto's command at the time opened fire on students protesting against Suharto in Jakarta, said people should be careful with their votes.
We, as a society, should be rejecting human rights abusers as presidential or vice presidential candidates," he said. "To accept this is a step back for reform."
The rights record of Yudhoyono, who was also a general during Suharto's New Order era, was also brought into question at a meeting organized by the Coalition of Indonesian Human Rights Activists.
He was accused by some activists of neglecting human rights issues because of his government's handling of the mud volcano disaster that displaced tens of thousands of people in Sidoarjo, East Java. The scandal over the subsequent compensation payments has hurt the government's reputation.
Yudhoyono's approval rating in a recent poll of 67 percent, compared to 12 percent for Megawati and 2 percent for Kalla, makes it look almost certain he will win a second term in office, bar some unexpected blow.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta The state secrecy bill being deliberated at the House of Representatives will prove to be nothing but a major setback for democracy in the country, by preventing citizens from monitoring the administration on a daily basis, activists say.
"That doesn't mean we're against the bill. Every country needs regulation concerning state secrecy, to prevent information misappropriation and theft that may imperil the country's safety," Ifdal Kasim of the National Committee of Human Rights said Tuesday at a press conference.
However, he went on, the bill did not distinguish clearly between information deemed state secrets and public information.
"If we fail to enforce the proposed state secrecy law that meets the qualifications, then it most likely will threaten many aspects of our lives," he said.
Speakers at the conference lamented the bill's definition of state secrecy, which they said was biased and lacked focus.
Oslan Purba, from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), expressed concerns about the bill, which authorizes the state to revoke any use of documents that could be presented in a court as evidence, if they are categorized as classified documents.
"Just imagine how many potential crimes orchestrated by state officials would remain undisclosed because of the state secrecy law," he said.
Not only will the bill maintain impunity, said Agus Sunaryanto from Indonesian Corruption Watch, but it would also discourage the country's efforts to eradicate corruption.
"There will be no need to conduct investigations into corruption cases anyway if the bill is passed into law, as key documents belonging to state institutions implicated in the graft cases could be considered state secrets and any attempt to access them would be classified as a violation of the law," he said.
The bill is slated to be passed into law before the current House ends its term on Sept. 30. Observers say the bill contradicts the law on freedom of information.
Andreas Pareira from the House's Commission I said he was aware of the dangers the bill posed to democracy and freedom of information.
"We intend to restrict the state secrecy bill to matters concerning the country's strategic interests, such as the national defense and so forth," he told The Jakarta Post. He added legislators would avoid ambiguous articles that could justify obstruction of freedom of information.
Markus Junianto Silaholo & Ismira Lutfia The National Human Rights Commission has demanded the House of Representatives halt drafting the controversial state secrecy bill because of fears it could lead to government abuse of power.
Speaking at a press conference on Tuesday, Ifdhal Kasim, chairman of the commission (Komnas HAM), said the bill, currently being drafted by House Commission I for defense, information, foreign and public affairs, greatly restricted the right of people to access information.
Ifdhal warned that the bill, if endorsed, would hark back to the New Order days when former President Suharto controlled information with an iron fist. He added that it would be better for the government to wait until the Freedom of Information Law 2008 came into effect in 2010.
"Every government needs to have a state secrecy law but it has to clearly define what it categorizes as state secrets," Ifdhal explained, saying that the Freedom of Information Law already had provisions clearly designating what type of information the public could access.
The bill, he said, would give the government more power to arbitrarily classify any information it deemed fit as "strategic" to prevent its release.
"This could deter the public from accessing [the information]," Ifdhal said.
At the same press gathering, Agus Sunaryanto from Indonesia Corruption Watch said that if the bill was passed into law it could be a serious setback in the fight against corruption, particularly involving members of the House.
"There are more urgent bills to endorse than this, such as the anticorruption court bill," Agus said, referring to allegations that the notoriously corrupt House has been stonewalling ratification of the bill.
Oslan Purba from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said it was better for the legislature to endorse the military tribunal bill or the national security bill instead of the state secrecy bill.
Agus Sudibyo, chairman of the SET Foundation, a local freedom of information advocacy group, said the government was taking advantage of people's dissatisfaction with delayed reforms to push through a law that jeopardized access to information.
Meanwhile, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono said on Tuesday that NGOs should not be worried about the bill because it was mainly based on the Freedom of Information Law, "which guarantees transparency and accountability of all government institutions and agencies with few designated exceptions."
He said the bill defined state secrets as any information or activity officially declared confidential by the president, or a ministry authorized by the president, because such information threatened state sovereignty or security.
The state secrecy bill was formulated last year in a bid to offset the impact of the Freedom of Information Law, which was passed in April 2008.
Lilian Budianto, Jakarta Indonesia may come under international scrutiny as two former generals alleged to be implicated in past human rights infringements are nominated to contest presidential elections.
A possible setback to democracy is looming as Wiranto, a former general under Soeharto's dictatorship, has been announced as Jusuf Kalla's the Golkar Party's presidential candidate and incumbent vice president running mate. The Golkar Party obtained the second largest number of votes in the April's legislative elections, controlling 108 seats in the parliament.
Meanwhile, Megawati Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), has picked another notorious retired general, Prabowo Subianto, as her running mate for the July 8 presidential elections. The PDI-P obtained the third largest number of votes and will control around one sixth of the 560 parliamentary seats.
The July elections will pit popular candidate from the Democratic Party and incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has picked noted economist and Bank Indonesia Governor Boediono as his running mate, against the other two pairs.
Bantarto Bandoro, the chairman of the Indonesian Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), said Indonesia had won international praise by improving its rights records, after a period of battered credentials caused by a string of rights incidents in the volatile provinces of Aceh Nanggroe Darussalam, Papua and the former province of Timor Leste.
"Western countries have recognized our ability to install democracy, improve rights enforcement, fight extremism... and successfully hold elections in a country of more than 200 million people," Bantarto said.
"However, the fact that military personnel still have a strong hold on politics and immunity from the atrocities they committed in the past send signals that we are still suffering from being a fledging democracy. Democracy should imply the principle of enforcement of justice," he added.
Wiranto and Prabowo managed to build their political comebacks after creating their own political parties. Wiranto founded the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), which obtained 3.8 percent of votes in the last legislative elections. Prabowo, meanwhile, established the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), which gained 4.5 percent of votes.
Wiranto, as the supreme military commander from 1998 to 1999, was accused of crimes against humanity in Timor Leste, which claimed the lives of thousands leading up to and subsequent to the 1999 referendum that saw locals opting for independence.
Although the atrocities have been considered as dealt with through discussions involving both governments through the Commission of Truth and Friendship, the UN has still sought to prosecute offenders.
Wiranto was also in command during the 1998 May riots, in which thousands of men and women died on the streets of Jakarta.
Prabowo, former Army Special Force (Kopassus) commander, was accused of the kidnapping and murder of anti-Soeharto activists during the 1998 turmoil.
Prabowo's Gerindra deputy, Muchdi Purwoprandjono, former deputy chairman of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), was put on trial for the murder of human rights campaigner Munir, but was declared innocent last January. Neither Wiranto nor Prabowo have ever faced trial.
"Their tickets to run for vice presidents are a claim to victory over the struggle of rights activists and families of the victims... and a major blow to the enforcement of human rights," said Baskara Wardaya, a history professor at University of Sanata Dharma in Yogyakarta.
Indonesia's political clout in the international arena rose after Soeharto's 32-year dictatorship was toppled in a wave of demonstrations held by university students in 1998.
Indonesia has been dubbed as the world's third largest democracy after the United States and India, having successfully held the first direct presidential election in 2004. As a symbol of recognition, the United States waived a military embargo in 2005, which had been in place since 1991 over rights abuses in Timor Leste and Papua.
Indonesia, the biggest democracy in Southeast Asia, is expected to spearhead a reform in human rights enforcement given its relatively leading position in the regional ASEAN grouping in terms of democracy and human rights, whilst other members of the ASEAN group have been trailing behind in terms of lack of political will to pursue these objectives.
Although Yudhoyono's popularity is soaring high above the other two candidates', the July presidential elections are still alarming reformists, who see reform as crucial to drive investment and economic growth amid the current global crisis.
"Western countries will keep an eye on our elections to see how far we can carry on with our reformist agenda." said Hashim Djalal, a senior diplomat.
Indonesia boasted about its successful democracy during US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's February visit to Indonesia, saying Jakarta was "an example of a Muslim country where democracy prevailed".
Analysts say Indonesia-US relations under Democrat President Barack Obama will be largely shaped by democracy and human rights concerns given the Democrats' history of foreign intervention to enforce liberal values.
"Our diplomatic relations with foreign countries have been strengthened because we managed to build our democracy and enforce human rights...and such issues will continue to be a major concern for large countries like the United States," Hashim said.
However, Hashim added the need to reform was not dictated by international interests, but was a mandate from the Indonesian people to their next government.
Andra Wisnu, Jakarta The global financial crisis has reared its ugly head as 46 companies in Central Jakarta have reported their plans to lay off more than a hundred workers, an official said Monday.
"According to our data, 46 companies have cut down their workforce as of April 2009," Daulat Sinaraya, head of the Central Jakarta manpower office, said Monday. "The number of layoffs amounted to 114 people," he added.
The data worsens the concerning state of the city's unemployment level, which the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported as having risen by 67,000 in February this year compared to the same month last year, 8,000 of which were actively looking for jobs in Central Jakarta.
Furthermore, the number of layoffs this year is relatively close to last year's, which affected 120 companies and 187 people. "It's not too far behind last year's total number of layoffs, which is really disheartening," Daulat said.
Daulat further warned the situation might get worse as Central Jakarta was home to several major multinational companies, which were likely to have numerous subsidiaries in the city's five municipalities and its greater areas.
"And there's nothing we can do to ease this situation because our budget is only Rp 1 billion, so we stick to programs that promote production intensive work and labor training," he said.
"And it is shame because there are actually many university graduates who are not working, but refuse to do labor work," he added.
In response to the rise of jobless in the city, the City Council called on the city administration to intensify the promotion of government-funded training workshops (BLK) as temporary solutions for the unemployed.
"Jakarta residents have not been educated enough about the existence of BLKs. Considering the rise in unemployment, the city should really intensify its efforts to promote the BLK," said Nurmansjah Lubis, secretary of the council's Commission B for economic affairs.
Nurmansjah said the city should have no problems in funding worker training programs using the BLK, as the council had continued to increase the budget for the BLK program, with this year's budget amounting to about Rp 5 billion (US$480,000) or a 150 percent increase from last year's budget of Rp 2 billion.
Jakarta has seven BLKs, all of which have programs sending graduates to work overseas. "There are even many who have been sent to Middle East countries and are making between Rp 15 million to Rp 20 million [a month]," Nurmansjah said.
Aliman Aat, chairman of the City Council's Commission B, echoed Nurmansjah's statement, adding the city manpower agency should help the city administration introduce and promote BLKs to residents.
"The agency must make BLKs more available to the public, especially for high school graduates who can't afford to pursue a higher education," he said.
As previously reported by the BPS, Jakarta's workforce rose by 200,000 in February this year compared to the same month last year, with women making up most of the number due to the global financial crisis forcing previously single-income families to become double-income families.
However, this also increased the number of unemployed, with the open unemployment level rising to 11.99 percent by February this year compared to 11.06 percent in the same month last year.
Fidelis E. Satriastanti Greenpeace Indonesia blasted on Friday a government decree on a UN-backed carbon trading scheme, saying it was nothing more than a way to make money from forests as opposed to a meaningful look at how the country could reduce emissions of the greenhouse gas.
"It's all about selling and buying carbon without even discussing how to reduce our own emissions," said Bustar Maistar, a Greenpeace forest campaigner. "It fails to touch the substance of the issue."
He said the Forestry Ministry's decree on Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Degradation failed to mention any target for reducing emissions, let alone how to achieve its goal.
"There is no clear mechanism about how to reduce the emissions, for instance by halting logging or forest conversion," he said. "The decree is still too premature to be born because it does not address emission issues."
The REDD program aims to cut carbon dioxide emissions by establishing a system of carbon-trading that would provide financial incentives to preserve forests. The program was recognized by delegates to the UN's climate change conference in Bali in 2007 as a leading option to replace the groundbreaking Kyoto Protocol, which is set to expire in 2012. It is set to be discussed at the UN climate change conference in Copenhagen in December.
Bustar, however, said there was no point in taking Indonesia's position on the matter to Copenhagen unless the country brought a progressive national action plan, such as by putting an end to the conversion of peatlands to palm oil plantations. "It would definitely challenge developed countries to also reduce their emissions," he said.
The National Council on Climate Change, meanwhile, acknowledged that the government's position on REDD reflected in its second decree on carbon trading, was in its infancy with additional measures to be looked at later.
"It is meant to regulate simple things first. [The regulation] is okay, because it is just basic procedures to register for REDD," said Agus Purnomo, head of secretariat of the National Council on Climate Change. "Besides, the regulation on REDD is still also under discussion."
Agus, who is also a Forestry Ministry official, said the decree also involved the local government in the process, not just the central government.
"I think that is a wise step to include recommendations from local governments on REDD, which means it is not only in the hands of the central government. If there are any disputes in the future about it, I guess it can all be settled in court," he said.
Meanwhile, Fitrian Ardiansyah, program director for climate and energy for WWF-Indonesia, said the decree was a good starting point because it included registration procedures for REDD.
"However, there is one clause mentioning a REDD commission that was not elaborated," he said. "I am afraid that could be an issue in the future when the procedures are ready and the people have lined up to register but there's still no commission."
Fitrian said the decree should be followed by a government regulation or presidential decree that would confirm the authority of the Forestry Ministry as the leading institution for REDD.
"We all know that the ministry would need to deal with local governments that are not directly under them," he said.
"The parts on funding distribution and how to share money are also still unclear, which can make it hard to attract investments," he added.
Panca Nugraha, Central Lombok Nearly 2,000 impoverished farmers living in Central Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, have recently begun improving their livelihoods while protecting natural forest areas, through a community-based forest management program (HK).
The farmers, from two villages in the Batukliang Utara district, are expected to earn an additional Rp 2.5 million (US$225) per year thanks to a community-based forest management business license (IUPHK).
This license, which covers a 750 hectare plot of land, has been granted by the government and aims to preserve the protected Batukliang forest.
"Our community has been living in poverty just beyond the forested area for years without being able to enjoy its natural resources," Nahruddin, the village chief of Lantan in the Batukliang Utara district, told The Jakarta Post.
"The HK program provides the local community with the opportunity to better their lives while protecting threatened forests."
Lantan and Karang Sidemen are neighboring villages located on the fringes of the Batukliang Utara forest, which covers the southern slope of Mount Rinjani.
Through two farming cooperatives the Lantan Village Mele Maju Cooperatives (KSU) and the Karang Sidemen Farming Community the villages were granted the IUPHK license by Regent Lalu Wiratmaja on May 6.
The KSU Mele Maju and its 532 members are entitled to nearly 250 hectares of land, while the other larger cooperative is entitled to more than 400 hectares.
"Thanks to the license, we can benefit from all the products, other than timber, in the allocated location. This will be very beneficial for the local economy," said Nahruddin.
Non-timber products include honey, jackfruit, coffee, cacao and avocado.
Under the license, the community can manage the area for the next 35 years along with assistance from NGOs such as Konsepsi, the Nusa Tenggara Community Foundation, Indonesia Healthy and Prosperous Family Foundation and Transform NTB.
Lantan village is an impoverished community, even by West Nusa Tenggara's standards. Based on the number receiving direct cash assistance grants and the rice-for-the-poor program, at least 80 percent of a total 8,350 people are considered to be living in poverty.
For the majority of people, the main source of income is from working as farm hands or on rain-dependant properties and plantations. Many are migrant workers working in Malaysia.
Despite living directly near a forest rich in natural resources, until recently residents from both villages had no access to the area.
"By providing farmers with the IUPHK license, we expect now they can improve their overall wellbeing and boost their sense of connection with the forest by helping protect it," Wiratmaja said.
Central Lombok is one of the six regencies in Indonesia that has received a land reserve license for community-based programs from the Forestry Ministry.
Central Lombok was entitled to nearly 2,000 hectares of land in December 2007. Following an administrative verification and field survey by the Central Lombok Forestry Office, the two farming communities were deemed suitable for the IUPHK license.
Regent Wiratmaja said forest damage was growing at an alarming rate. In the past five years, 25 percent of natural water sources in Central Lombok have disappeared.
Data from the local forestry office show forest areas in Central Lombok cover nearly 23,000 hectares of land, with 3,000 hectares categorized as very critical.
"We cannot deny that damage to forest areas is linked to illegal logging, which in itself is triggered by poverty issues. We expect the HK program to restrict the rate at which forests are being destroyed, while empowering local communities," said Wiratmaja.
Director General of Soil Rehabilitation and Social Forestry at the Forestry Ministry Widiastuti said community-based forest programs aimed at rehabilitating state forests.
In 2007, the ministry, through government decree No. 37, announced that the HK program would reach a target goal of 14,000 hectares by 2014.
"Currently, around 11,500 hectares have been assigned to the community for protection, including farming communities in Central Lombok," she said during a ceremony for the handing over of the IUPHK license in Lantan village
Robin McDowell, Jakarta One of the world's largest paper companies plans to clear a large swath of unprotected forest in Indonesia being used as a sanctuary for critically endangered orangutans, according to environmental groups working in the area.
Singapore-based Asia Pulp & Paper has received a license to clear hundreds of acres (hectares) of trees just outside the Bukit Tigapuluh National Park on Sumatra island, WWF-Indonesia and four other groups said Tuesday.
Though not protected, the plush, lowland forests are considered an important area for biodiversity and have been used since 2002 as a release point for around 100 Sumatran rehabilitated orangutans some orphaned when their mothers were allegedly killed by workers on nearby palm oil plantations.
"It took scientists decades to discover how to successfully reintroduce critically endangered orangutans from captivity into the wild," said Peter Pratje of the Frankfurt Zoological Society. "It could take APP just months to destroy an important part of their new habitat."
Asia Pulp & Paper acknowledged that one of its suppliers had applied for a license in the area. It made no mention of the proposed plantation's impact on orangutans, but said it would be creating a buffer between the site and Bukit Tingapuluh National Park, and a corridor linking the park with Taman Raja Reserve located east of the park.
"Because of the business APP is in, and the fact that we operate in an environmentally sensitive part of the world, we understand that we may be an easy public relations target," the company said in a statement. "Despite that, we urge stakeholders to be responsible and considered in their approach to long term sustainable development in Indonesia."
The company said last month that the government had officially allocated the forest for plantation use and that it would follow all legal procedures including carrying out an independent, third party assessment about potential conservation threats.
There are an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 orangutans left in the wild, around 10 percent of them on Sumatra, and the rest on the nearby island of Borneo, which is divided largely between Indonesia and Malaysia. Their numbers have dropped dramatically as rain forests have been cleared and burned on both islands.
Logging drove much of the destruction in the last few decades and now palm oil plantations have emerged as the biggest threat. Indonesia is the world's top palm oil producer with some 15 million acres covered by plantations and is likely to grow amid an Indonesian policy that requires biofuels to account for 5 percent of the country's energy mix by 2025.
Along with biofuels, palm is used in everything from cosmetics to cooking oil.
The forests around Bukit Tigapuluh National Park are also home to 100 of the last 400 critically endangered Sumatran tigers left in the wild, said Dolly Priatna of Zoological Society of London, and roughly 50 endangered elephants.
The groups protesting the APP's plans which include WARSI and the Sumatran Tiger Conservation and Protection Foundation have written an official letter of complaint to the government.
Jakarta The palm oil industry has sparked controversy over environmental issues, as well as concerns over security.
The National Commission on Human Rights has received 10 cases of conflict related to oil palm plantations this year, while the environment ministry has received 56 environmental cases in 2009.
M. Zoel Fachry, the ministry's deputy assistant, said cases of land disputes between oil palm plantations or mining companies and indigenous people were not uncommon across the country. "Complaints from indigenous people against oil palm firms have continued to rise in recent years," he said.
Sawit Watch researcher Norman Jiwan said this kind of case was typically found across Kalimantan and Sumatra. "In Riau, there are places where conflicts between indigenous people and plantations have been waged for the past 15 years," he said Monday.
"The problem is not only the large scale of this robbery [of forests], but the systematic rate at which it occurs," he said. "What I fear is that it has come to the state where these problems over palm oil have become a regular occurrence," he said.
He added the case of Langkai in Telawan district, Central Kalimantan, was just one of many cases where natives were trying to defend their rights.
"The country can be very proud of being the biggest producer of crude palm oil, but are the indigenous people allowed to have their say in this business? Have they been asked permission for the use of their land?"
He warned that anger over the companies' lack of respect for local cultures could boil over, as had previously occurred.
"It's just like the conflict between the indigenous Sampit people and Madura migrants," Norman said, referring to the Sampit tragedy of early 2001, when hundreds of people were killed in ethnic clashes between Kalimantan-native Dayaks and migrants from Madura Island in East Java. He added the potential for social unrest was already there.
In 2007, along with other local NGOs, Sawit Watch took the matter to the UN, seeking its intervention into the violation of the rights of the indigenous people of Kalimantan. "We requested the UN's help to eliminate racial discrimination and prevent social conflicts," he said.
In a statement made public on March 18, 2009, the UN's Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination strongly criticized Indonesia for failing to respect indigenous peoples' rights in relation to oil palm plantations.
Sawit Watch has, until mid 2007, registered 500 cases of communities facing encroachment upon their lands by oil palm companies.
There are about 1,000 oil palm companies currently operating in the country, with total plantations of up to 7.5 million hectares, according to Sawit Watch. "For years, indigenous people have been losing their civil rights, and also their economical, social and cultural rights," Norman said. (iwp)
Jakarta While a handful of oil palm plantations are raking in a fortune from their activities, many villagers are reeling at the loss of the source of much of their livelihoods.
The expanding plantations have also seen wildlife driven from their habitat, put on the verge of extinction or forced to compete with villagers for food.
"I miss the animals we used to have back in my hometown," Guntur, from Telawan district in Kotawaringin regency, Central Kalimantan, says after a recent trip to Jakarta's Ragunan Zoo.
He adds the animals in his village disappeared when the oil palm plantations came around. "There used to be orangutans everywhere. But now you'd be lucky to spot one orangutan a year, ever since the palm oil companies came to our village," he says.
Guntur came to Jakarta sponsored by three friends to report on palm oil companies he says have snatched up hundreds of hectares of land owned by the villagers.
"The first oil palm company came to the village in 2002, and the next company a year after," he says. "Since then, the damage to the forests has gotten worse."
He adds hundreds of hectares of forest around his village have been turned into oil palm plantations, with nothing remaining from the original forests.
The wildlife exodus has also been drastic, with just a handful of monkeys still frolicking in the treetops, and the occasional rare glimpse of a sunbear, Guntur says.
"When we used to go hunting back in the day, we could get at least one kancil [Java mouse-deer], but now that's down to only one a year."
The animals have consequently been driven to foraging and living off the villagers' crops, which are also eaten by insects and birds whose habitat has been razed for the oil palms. "Our harvests have frequently failed since 2002, due to locusts. In 2008, the whole village lost its crops to birds," Guntur says.
A report by Save Our Borneo, an environmental protection foundation, claims oil palm plantations are wiping out forests that have long been a source of income for natives, rich in wildlife, medicinal plants, rattan and clean air.
The forests are also home to insects and other creatures that attack the villagers' crops when their natural habitat is destroyed.
The report also says Telawan district has seen a slew of problems in land acquisition by oil palm companies. Between 2004 and 2006, three such companies made massive expansions in the area, with each now occupying 19,000 hectares, the report says.
However, Edi Suhardi, head of CSR at oil palm heavyweight Agro Harapan Lestari Group, says the group is a member of the Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO). "Our companies are very responsible and always comply with the rules set by the RSPO," he says.
He adds the RSPO lays out principles that must be followed, including a restriction on the types of land that can be farmed, which rules out protected forests.
"There are seven basic principles in the RSPO and we have to follow the strict indicators. One of them is high conservation value of the plantation. Those who damage forests are usually companies that are not RSPO members."
The RSPO keeps tabs on its members through complaints registered on its website. RSPO members must also disclose data such as the size and location of their plantations.
"We do not clear-cut prime forests, only land that has been previously used or exploited, for logging, for instance," Edi says.
"Mostly we clear-cut unproductive land or areas left by villagers who farm nomadically. Our company also has programs to preserve land for orangutans. We see palm oil as part of development, but we try to make it a sustainable development," he added.
Guntur, however, says oil palm companies have not helped improve the villagers' welfare. Each villager working for the plantations earns Rp 36,000 a day (US$3), he claims. "That's less than Rp 1 million a month. We used to make Rp 2.5 million to Rp 3 million before the companies came."
Orangutans remain the most vulnerable because they do not only lose their habitat, but are killed when they try to feed off the oil palm fruits, now that their food has gone.
The Center for Orangutan Protection warned last April that at least 3,000 orangutans in the Central Kalimantan regency of Katingan faced imminent death due to the clear-cutting of their habitat for oil palm plantations. The permit to clear-cut was issued by the regent. (iwp)
Jakarta A group of movie stars, soap opera personalities and celebrities took a break from their busy agendas Monday to join Greenpeace to demand an end to logging activities in Indonesia.
Greenpeace submitted a petition, signed by around 60,000 "forest defenders", to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, urging he put a moratorium on logging.
The green activists submitted the two plastic container-loads full of signed petitions through the State Secretariat. A the time of the rally, however, Yudhoyono was busy undergoing a medical checkup necessary for the July 8 presidential election.
Greenpeace also collected some 500 letters from elementary school students in Jakarta, Bandung and Semarang, asking the President to stop deforestation.
The green group had submitted a similar petition to Yudhoyono during the climate change conference in Bali in December 2007, during which he had made some encouraging statements about forest protection.
After their visit to the secretariat, the activists moved to the National Monument park to erect a banner with a map of Indonesia on it.
"Our forests are massively important. If the forests vanish, so do we. It's as simple as that," actor Krisna Mukti said while holding up the huge banner tied to a corner of the park facing the palace.
"The environment is an issue which everyone needs to be involved in. The government, corporations and us the community need to fight together against deforestation."
According to Greenpeace, at least a half of the 150 million hectares of forests in Indonesia has been destroyed, partly due to overlapping forest concessions and conservation forests.
Even national parks have been cleared to make way for plantations and are vulnerable to logging, Greenpeace activist Yuyun Indradi said.
In 2002, for example, East Kalimantan administration built a 60 km road connecting Bontang and Sengata, dissecting Kutai National Park. Later, the project turned some of the forest areas into seven villages and two districts, damaging the orangutan habitat.
The population of the primate in the park has dropped sharply from 600 in 2004 to 30 in 2009. At present, the official record shows there are now only 60 left. The habitat campaign manager of the Center for Orangutan Protection, Yon Thayrun, said the park had changed into a city complete with an airport, gas stations, marketplace, BTS towers, bus terminal and prostitution complex.
According to Greenpeace, the Indonesian government has allowed 1.8 million hectares of forests to be cleared annually.
"That's equal to an area five times the size of Bali," Yuyun said. (iwp)
Jakarta Having secured seats in the House, winning women candidates from Jakarta's electoral districts say female legislators should also focus on issues other than gender.
Vera Febyanthy, 38, an incumbent legislative candidate of the Democratic Party, said she was expecting to see more women serving in "tougher" House commissions in the upcoming period.
"Women legislators should not limit themselves to serve merely in education or women's empowerment commissions. They have to make the most of their potential by entering more challenging commissions like those which oversee defence, legal or financial affairs," Vera told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
"If they keep flocking to the same commissions, the 30 percent quotas for women will never make a difference."
Vera, currently a member of House Commission XI for financial affairs, secured her re-election after clinching more than 35,000 votes from the Jakarta-3 electoral district covering East Jakarta, West Jakarta and the Thousand Islands regency.
Melani Leimena Suharli, 58, another winning Democratic Party candidate echoed Vera's view, saying she had seen many women candidates trapped by a false perception that they had to focus their House duties on gender-related issues.
"Women's discrimination, for example, is a problem at the tip of an iceberg. It needs an integrated solution to solve the basic problem which triggers it, like poverty or a lack of education," Melani told the Post. "So, I basically don't believe that a big number of women legislators would instantly solve all women- related issues."
Melanie, who is the only female member in the party's supervisory board, won her first election after clinching 73,312 votes in the Jakarta-2 electoral district covering South Jakarta, Central Jakarta and voters residing overseas.
To focus on her upcoming duties in the House, the mother of three, who currently runs an executive-class Hajj Travel business, is planning to hand over the family business to her son.
Among the 21 House seats contested in Jakarta, five went to women candidates which include the Democratic Party's Melani, Vera, novelist Nova Riyanti Yusuf, Chinese-Indonesian Ratnawati Wijana and the United Development Party's (PPP) model-turned-politician Okky Asokawati.
Almost half of the 171 million eligible voters in Indonesia are women, and of the 12,000 candidates who contested seats in the recent general elections, almost 35 percent were women.
However, the proportion of female legislators in the House has always been lower than these figures. The highest number of women sitting in the House was during the 1987-1992 period, when women occupied 65 House seats, or 13 percent. This dropped to 9 percent in the 1999-2004 period before rising slightly to 11 percent during the 2004-2009 period.
Activist groups have long sought a ruling to ensure that a minimum 30 percent of legislative representatives are women, but such a law has yet to be introduced.
Some of the prominent women already assured House seats are former president Megawati's daughter Puan Maharani, Surakarta Sultanate Princess Koes Moertiyah, former Miss Indonesia and incumbent House member Angelina Sondakh, and two actresses, Rieke Diah Pitaloka and Nurul Arifin. (hwa)
Suherdjoko, Semarang More than 50 female journalists forged the Semarang Female Journalists Coalition on Wednesday, to focus on gender inequality and the promotion of women's rights.
Speaking on the sidelines of the coalition's declaration, chairwoman Valentina Estiningsih said female journalists would have better communication, information, dialogue and more power united under a coalition.
"We want to voice what women have to say through the media, while also improving our journalistic skills," Valentina, who is also a Suara Merdeka daily journalist, said.
Endang Istanti, a journalist from Metro TV who also attended the declaration, said: "Lots of women's issues need to be raised. We are trying to advocate women's rights and keep our work sustainable."
Following the declaration of the newly formed group, the coalition held a discussion with Central Java Deputy Governor Rustrinigsih, Hastaning Sakti, a psychologist from Diponegoro University in Semarang, and Evarisan, a coordinator from the Semarang Legal Resource Center for Gender Justice and Human Rights (LRC-KJHAM). All of the speakers were female.
Evarisan said there were 385 reported cases of violence against women in Central Java in 2008. Of the 385 cases, Evarisan explained, 117 were of rape, 104 were domestic violence, 54 were for sexual harassment and obscenity, six included violence within a relationship, 51 involved prostitute exploitation, 39 involved migrant worker exploitation and 14 involved trafficking.
One of two domestic violence victims attending the discussion said she still suffered domestic violence even though she was divorced.
"I'm a woman who was divorced by my husband. After (my) divorce, my ex-husband kept trying to possess all our joint property," said the 40-year-old mother.
"But I manage to survive and live in the house with my children because of my determination and the help of LRC-KJHAM, which has allowed me to get through it," she added.
Deputy Governor Rustriningsih said she often received reports of violence against women when she was the Kebumen regent. "In facing these cases, women also suffer the burden of social stigma from their families, neighbors and community leaders," she said.
In several cases, "inappropriate" opinions from community leaders can overburden female victims, she said. "Therefore, I provide assistance for women who experience domestic violence, when I learn of it," she said.
Rustriningsih also encouraged women not to take the Javanese term "sumeleh", meaning acceptance, for granted, and to be economically independent of their husbands. "We women, must rise. Women must have full consciousness of their self-respect and value," she said.
Hastaning said women often accepted being criticized for lacking comprehension, an inability to please their husbands, rejecting their husband's wants and having a lower social status.
"Whatever the reason is, no one has the right to inflict violence on their spouse. Everyone has fundamental human rights that must be protected," she said.
She said domestic violence could result from an unbalanced relationship and an incorrect interpretation of love, which she said were "influenced by the dominant gender ideology that subjugates women".
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Women should be more actively involved in politics and should utilize their right to vote in July's presidential election, the state minister for women's empowerment said on Thursday.
Meuthia Hatta, who is also chairwoman of the Indonesia Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), said women must use politics to channel their aspirations.
"Women must encourage other citizens to vote in the elections because we should make use of our political rights," Meuthia said during a seminar held in Jakarta on politics and women.
"Every woman must check whether or not she is registered as a voter," she said, referring to the voters list for the July 8 presidential election.
Three other female political party leaders attended the discussion Kartini Sjahrir, chairwoman of the New Indonesia Party of Struggle (PPIB), the Pioneer Party's Rachmawati Sukarnoputri and Amelia Yani, chairwoman of the National People's Concern Party (PPRN).
Kartini said that for too long, Indonesian women had believed that politics were the sole domain of men and that they had no right to be involved. "And now all of us are evidence of how Indonesian woman have the same rights as men in politics," she said.
The four politicians also called on the country's political parties to work for a peaceful and fair presidential election.
Amelia Yani said that Indonesians had experienced much conflict since gaining independence in 1945, which had resulted in animosity between the country's political figures.
Amelia, whose father, Gen. Ahmad Yani, was killed during the 1965 coup attempt blamed on the Communists, said it was important for people to work together to build the nation. "I have traveled to almost all of our country and found that everyone needs peace," she said.
Rachmawati urged all politicians to remain civil during the campaign for the presidential election, which starts on May 29. "People do not want to see political figures attacking each other," she said.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla, Golkar's chairman and the party's presidential candidate, has attacked President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on a number of occasions. Kalla has said that the president's political vehicle, the Democratic Party, has acted as a buffer for the government's unpopular policies, with Yudhoyono reaping the rewards.
Kalla is running with Wiranto, a retired Army general, while Yudhoyono has tapped former Bank Indonesia Governor Boediono as his running mate. Former President Megawati Sukarnoputri and her running mate, Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prawobo Subianto, round out the race.
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Suherdjoko, Bandung, Semarang Unsupportive regulations and culture have not prevented the increasing representation of women in local legislative councils, election results revealed Monday.
The West Java Elections Commission (KPUD) officially announced that 24 women would become members of the 100-seat provincial legislative council, a sharp increase from the 2004 election that placed only nine women in the council.
"We have calculated the representation of women has reached more than 20 percent or 24 seats from nine seats (in 2004). Hopefully, this will further the rights of women in the province," West Java KPUD chairman Ferry Kurnia Rizkiansyah said.
Among the 24 women, nine are from the Democratic Party, seven are from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), while Golkar, the United Development Party and the Prosperous Justice Party each secured two seats held by female councilors. The Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the National Awakening Party (PKB) each have one female councilor.
In Central Java, the representation of women at the provincial legislative council increased from 15 seats in 2004, to 23 seats after the April 9 elections.
The PDI-P secured nine of the 23 seats, the Democratic Party won four seats, Golkar and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) obtained three seats, Gerindra won two seats, while the PKB and the National Mandate Party (PAN) secured one seat.
Three of the four elected members of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) from Central Java are women.
They include royal member of Surakarta Palace GKRA Koes Indriyah, former local election supervisory council member, Denty Eka Widi Pratiwi, and designer-cum businesswoman Poppy S. Dharsono.
The one man elected at the DPD is Sulistyo, institute rector from the IKIP PGRI, Semarang. The number of women in the North Sulawesi Council also increased.
Previously many observers believed the Constitutional Court decision to annul the vote counting method based on the party list, would disadvantage female candidates.
The court's decision was criticized for denying female candidates the affirmative action policies womens' groups claimed they needed to secure legislative and council seats.
Following the decision, civil society organizations worked with women candidates on their campaigns, urging the public to vote for women.
Despite the substantial gains women have made across the archipelago, not all areas recorded an increase of women elected to legislative councils.
Women's rights activists in Aceh expressed their concerns over the small number of women elected as councilors in the provincial legislative council as a result of the election. "I am disappointed that women are still considered incapable of working with men in politics," Soraya Kamaruzzaman said Monday.
Among the 69 seats at the Aceh Legislative Council (DPRA), women secured only five seats, three from Golkar, and the remaining two women from the PAN and the Aceh Party. In the provincial capital Banda Aceh, only one woman secured a seat at the city legislative council.
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta An alliance of civil society groups staged a demonstration at the Corruption Eradication Commission in Jakarta on Tuesday, demanding the new bill on the corruption court be processed faster.
Demonstrators gave flowers to KPK staff at the South Jakarta antigraft headquarters to symbolize the court's 100 percent con- viction record during its time in existence.
The NGO alliance, named the Coalition to Save Corruption Eradication Efforts, also counted down from five to warn the House about the five remaining months until the deadline for deliberations is up.
"The court has five more months, because on Sept. 30 all lawmakers will be replaced. To date the House has not made any progress in deliberating the bill," Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) legal researcher Febri Diansyah said.
He said they staged the protest to remind the President and the House of Representatives to pick up the pace and pass the bill into law to retain the current corruption court.
"The corruption court has run very efficiently and finally fulfilled public expectations, but lawmakers have made no real effort to conclude their discussions," ICW coordinator Danang Widoyoko said.
The House has been under fire for its slow progress surrounding the bill, particularly as the KPK continues to target legislators implicated in corruption. The government plans to issue a government regulation in lieu of law (perppu) if the bill is not endorsed by the deadline.
So far the court has jailed several former lawmakers and legislators for corruption and bribery including Noor Adenan Razak, Saleh Djasit, Hamka Yandhu, Anthony Zeidra Abidin, Yusuf Erwin Faishal, Sarjan Tahir, Al Amien Nur Nasution and Bulyan Royan.
Despite this shakedown, the House has not seemed to pay any attention, with Abdul Hadi Djamal caught receiving a US$90,000 and Rp 54 million bribe from Transporation Ministry official Darmawati Dareho in February. Darmawati was acting as a mediator for businessman Hontjo Kurniawan, who allegedly paid the bribe to guarantee his company PT Kurnia Jaya Wirabhakti won infrastructure contracts in Eastern Indonesia.
Besides Abdul, the KPK has also announced three suspects in a bribery case related to the conversion of protect forest land in South Sumatra into commercial lots Azwar Chesputra, Fachri Andi Leluasa and Hilman Indra.
"Why is the House prioritizing deliberations for the Supreme Court Law instead of the Corruption Court bill?".
He said the House was trying to weaken the fight against corruption in a strategy to disable the KPK while its chairman Antasari Azhar remains suspended. Antasari has been detained by police as a suspect for the murder of businessman Nasruddin Zulkarnaen.
Firmansyah Arifin from the National Consortium for Legal Reformation (KRHN) slammed the House for missing the original deadline for passing the bill into law in December, 2008.
In 2006, the Constitutional Court annulled the corruption court under the 2002 KPK law, saying its presence violated the Amended 1945 Constitution.
Jakarta The murder of businessman Nasruddin Zulkarnaen may have been set up to remove Antasari Azhar from the Corruption Eradication Comission (KPK), as both men had many "enemies", lawyers say.
"Many top state officials have benefited from the arrest of my client. Under his (Antasari's) command the KPK has revealed many graft cases involving officials and lawmakers," Antasari's lawyer Juniver Girsang told The Jakarta Post on the weekend.
Nasruddin, director of state-owned pharmaceutical company PT Putra Rajawali Banjaran (PRB), was shot dead on March 14. His lawyer, Boyamin Saiman, said separately that it was believed Nasruddin was in possession of damning evidence and documents related to corruption cases involving political parties.
One of Nasruddin's corruption reports, involving the misuse of Rp 4.5 billion (US$440,000) in funds from PT Rajawali Nusantara Indonesia, the holding company of PRB, has been processed by the KPK, Former RNI finance director Ranendra Dangin is currently on trial at the Corruption Court for his involvement in the crime.
On Monday, Ranendra told the court that former president Megawati Soekarnoputri had received Rp 500 million from RNI to fund her party's campaign in 2003. This accusation was later denied by Megawati's aides. Boyamin said many people might have considered Nasruddin a "serious threat".
Juniver said he believed the murder was orchestrated by individuals who wanted revenge on Antasari. "Antasari's conflict with Nasruddin has been used to corner my client and put him in jail," he said.
Juniver said the conflict between the two men revolved largely around the fact Nasruddin was allegedly blackmailing Antasari about his affair with the victim's third wife, Rani Juliani.
Antasari asked National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri for protection in October 2008 when he felt the threats were going too far and a team was assigned to arrest Nasruddin.
A hotel room in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi, occupied by Nasrudin and Rhani was raided in January but no arrests were made. The team was then disbanded as Antasari believed his point had been made.
The enemies of Nasrudin and Antasari may have somehow conspired together to "eliminate" both men, Juniver said.
"When Antasari was named as the mastermind behind the murder, the real killer managed to escape into hiding. It's not logical that a person who requested police protection would then commit murder. Something sinister has happened here," Juniver said.
A source told the Post that one of Antasari's enemies was from the Attorney General's Office (AGO). Antasari was the head of the South Jakarta prosecutor's office before he was elected to chair the KPK.
In February 2008 the KPK, under Antasari's command, busted senior state prosecutor Urip Tri Gunawan accepting a US$660,000 bribe from businesswoman Artalyta Suryani. The Corruption Court sentenced Urip to 20 years in prison in September 2008. Urip was dismissed from the AGO.
Artalyta was a colleague of media magnate Sigid Haryo Wibisono in the National Awakening Party. Both were sacked separately in 2008 for disciplinary reasons.
Sigid was charged with allegedly providing Rp 500 million ($50,000) to former South Jakarta police Sr. Comr. Wiliardi Wizar to fund Nasruddin's murder. Both Sigid and Wiliardi are among nine murder suspects currently being detained by police.
Another suspect, a naval officer identified by the initials AB, was arrested by the Military Police on charges of providing the weapon allegedly used to murder Nasrudin, Navy spokesman First Adm. Iskandar Sitompul said to Antara news agency.
University of Indonesia criminologist Adrianus Meliala said this conspiracy theory would have to be proven through the course of investigation.
Meanwhile, Jakarta Police detective chief Sr. Comr. Iriawan said the police investigation was focusing on the murder, not allegations of links to corruption.
The police seized Sigid's computer and CCTV footage while searching his home, the place where Sigid, Antasari and Wiliardi allegedly arranged to murder Nasruddin. (bbs)
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has been accused of softening its approach toward combating graft and state officials, particularly lawmakers, linked to crime.
In the last 16 months, the KPK has adopted a much softer approach to dealing with corruption suspects. "There is some confusion surrounding policy enforcement, with corruption cases halting or stalling altogether when embezzled money is returned to the state through the KPK," ICW deputy coordinator Emerson Yuntho told a conference in Jakarta on Sunday.
He cited the case against Emir Moeis from the Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Amru Al Mutasssin and Ali Arsyad, from the National Awakening Party (PKB), and Bobby Suhardiman from the Golkar Party.
The lawmakers have admitted receiving a portion of Rp 31.5 billion from Bank Indonesia's Banking Development Foundation (YPPI) in 2003.
The embezzled money was distributed through Golkar legislator Hamka Yandhu, who was sentenced to three years and five months in prison for his involvement.
The bribes were handed out to smooth the political settlement of corruption cases involving Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) funds and to speed up the amendment of a BI law being deliberated at the House of Representatives.
The accused lawmakers said they returned the money to the KPK in 2007. "They returned the money to the KPK and the commission did not follow up their involvement in the case any further," said Emerson.
He said this decision was in direct violation of Article 4 of the 1999 corruption law, which stipulates that individuals who simply return money linked to illegal activities are not cleared of involvement.
Emerson said in a similar way former health minister Ahmad Sujudi and his former secretary-general Daddy Aryadireja returned Rp 700 million (US$67,500) each to the KPK. The money was allegedly linked to crimes committed in relation to a project in 2003 for the Health Ministry.
"The KPK's approach to handling corruption cases tends to call on soft therapy instead of shock therapy," Emerson said.
The ICW also cited several other cases that had stalled due to strong intervention by "certain political parties".
These cases, Emerson added, included an alleged bribery scandal behind the election of BI senior deputy governor Miranda Goeltom, which was reported to the KPK by former PDI-P legislator Agus Tjondro Prayitno.
Among other cases in this category was the alleged distribution of BI money to prosecutors at the Attorney General's Office (AGO) in an attempt to free former BI officials implicated in the BLBI case.
"So far it seems the KPK is only capable of exposing corruption cases but fails to finish them off," Emerson said.
These unresolved cases, the ICW stated, had something to do with the "intervention" by political parties into the KPK.
"The KPK's enforcement hits a snag when it comes to individuals with strong political backgrounds, tycoons or incumbent ministers," Emerson said.
Indra Harsaputra, Magetan, East Java Many have been shocked to learn that 1,700 Muslim clerics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia have issued an edict banning communication between sexes using mobile phones, and online social networks such as Facebook.
For Jani Sularto, her BlackBerry is an essential part of keeping connected with business partners and friends. "The nature of my work requires that I continually check for incoming emails because many of our business partners are overseas," she said Friday.
"It all depends on individuals. I stay online 24 hours, but only log in to Facebook for two hours a day to get in touch with old friends," said Jani, who found her elementary school friends using Facebook. "For me, this gadget has more advantages than disadvantages."
Jani is among the many mobile phone and Facebook users who may be affronted by the new edict.
NU spokesman Abdul Muid Shohib said communication using mobile phones was prone to adultery, especially between the sexes. "Communicating through mobile phones could lead to extramarital affairs," Abdul told The Jakarta Post through his mobile.
The only communication allowed between different sexes is that which spreads Islamic teachings, he said.
"We have banned social networking such as Facebook, Friendster and others because they are not used to spread Islamic teachings, but for gossiping," he said.
"The edict is to warn Indonesian Muslims, because many of them including our santri [students] are using Facebook and Friendster. We are very concerned that cyber pornography is infiltrating these networks."
Ulemas requested social networking operators block online pornography, Abdul said. "If nothing changes in a month, we'll demand the government block access to Facebook, Friendster and other networks."
Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) East Java chapter head Abdussomad Buchori acknowledged he had no idea about online social networking, but would support the edict if it prevented adultery. "The MUI would never ban Internet use provided it is for learning or information seeking purposes."
Nurfika Osman This conclusion was drawn when Muslim clerics from Islamic boarding schools, or pesantren, from across Java and Madura islands convened on Thursday.
The clerics were seeking the best way to deal with the rising popularity of social networking sites like Facebook, which they believed disturbed learning activities and threatened to change how male and female students interacted.
Gus An'im, spokesman for Lirboyo pesantren in Kediri, East Java, which hosted the meeting, said that the clerics had noted a recent decrease in students' concentration, believed to be caused by spending too much time on the wildly popular site.
"We are very concerned about our students as they tend to spend more time on Facebook," An'im said. "It totally disturbs their concentration. We have to control them, especially those under 17."
An'im said that the social network had also changed behavior between male and female students in the pesantren, normally staid, traditional institutions where separation between boys and girls was the norm. He said that Facebook encouraged students to flirt and this could lead to sinful lust.
"The impact on male and female students is not good as they can now flirt with each other. This may lead to a boyfriend- girlfriend relationship as they are able to chat as well as show their pictures online to everyone," he said. However, An'im said that the clerics did not aim to ban Facebook in pesantren across Java and Madura.
"Our discussion only underlines the bad effects of Facebook that may lead to students being unproductive in their studies and the sin caused by chatting, flirting and exchanging photos online," he said.
"Banning Facebook is not likely to solve the problem and we are not sure whether it is going to be an effective way or not," he said, without elaborating.
Separately, Amidhan, head of the Indonesian Council of Ulema (MUI), said that the Internet and social networking sites could be beneficial or bad depending on how they were used. "We will never ban the use of the Internet as it can enrich our knowledge and have a good impact on Muslims," Amidhan said. "The problems occur when people use this media in a careless way, such as creating porn sites."
Citing his 7-year-old grandson who already has a Facebook profile as an example, Amidhan said that "it is the parents' job to monitor him" when online.
Facebook recently said that Indonesia, with a population of about 222 million, has outpaced China and India in terms of user growth. In 2008, the number of Facebook users in the country soared by 645 percent to 831,000.
Facebook is the top-ranked site in Indonesia, ahead of search engines Yahoo and Google, according to Alexa.com, which tracks Internet traffic. Nearly 4 percent of all Facebook visitors are from Indonesia, making it the largest source of visitors after the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Italy.
Jakarta Recent moves by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) may have carved deeper scars into the already tarnished image of Indonesia's Islamic-based political parties, experts say.
"The parties, especially PKS, have very clearly demonstrated to the public how politically inconsistent they can be, considering recent threats and backflips," Burhanuddin Muhtadi of the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
The PKS was the first party to align with the Democratic Party (PD) for the July 8 presidential election. The PAN, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the United Development Party (PPP) then followed suit. All are Islamic-based parties.
However, the decision by PD's presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) to name Bank Indonesia governor Boediono as his running-mate sparked anger with both the PKS and PAN.
The PKS first questioned Boediono's faith in Islam then threatened to quit the coalition if SBY insisted on keeping the senior economist as his vice-presidential candidate.
Finally though the PKS decided to remain allied with the PD after a special meeting called with SBY on Friday. "PKS' actions reveal their true colors as an inconsistent party. The party's executives were the ones who suggested SBY name a technocrat as his running mate," Burhanuddin said.
"But when Golkar broke from PD, the PKS proposed the vice- presidential candidate come from the political parties (withing the coalition). SBY then picked a technocrat, Boediono, and all of a sudden PKS' executives were crying out their disappointment. They claimed Boediono did not represent Islam but was a neoliberalist."
The popularity of Islamic-based parties decreased significantly in the 2009 legislative elections. The top three spots were ruled by nationalist based parties PD, Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
An Indonesian expert from the Northwestern University in Chicago, Jeffrey Winters, shared similar views. He criticized the parties' manoeuvres as "shameful" and said they could have maintained their integrity if they went about the whole situation differently.
"The behavior of PKS and PAN was especially shameful. It looked for a moment like they had finally found a principled issue on which they could take a stand with their rejection of Boediono as SBY's choice for vice president," he said.
"Politicians from many parties, not just Islamic-based ones, had acted without principles recently, Winters said. "There are no issues or principles behind any of the manoeuvres on the part of the political parties," he said.
"Behind the scenes, large sums of money were the central issue of negotiations in every aspect of the process I observed or discovered through interviews while the horse-trading was underway." (hdt)
Lynn Lee, Jakarta Pollsters say President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) will be re-elected easily on July 8, but some analysts insist that such predictions are premature.
Dr Yudhoyono and his running mate, former Bank of Indonesia governor Boediono, must win over 50 per cent of the votes cast the first time. Otherwise, Indonesia's 171 million voters will have to go to the polls again on Sept 8.
While the approval ratings for Team SBY were high in a recent Indonesian Survey Institute poll some 70 per cent of respondents said they would vote for the pair the institute's senior researcher Burhanuddin Mutahdi said that could change.
"The opinion of society is dynamic. Even if the electability of SBY-Boediono is high, it does not mean they cannot be defeated," he wrote in the Suara Pembaruan daily.
Two other pairings former president Megawati Sukarnoputri with former general Prabowo Subianto, and Vice-President Jusuf Kalla with ex-general Wiranto are running against Team SBY.
Analyst Bima Arya Sugiarto told The Straits Times that all the candidates are still in the running.
"It's still too early to say that SBY will win in one round. There is the Boediono factor," he said, referring to the perception of Mr Boediono as a pro-free-market policymaker, a view which could turn off some voters.
Some sectors in Indonesian society fear that this means the government will be pro-foreign investment and have little interest in helping the ordinary folk prosper.
Mr Bima, who runs the Charta Politika political consultancy, said the candidates' campaign teams would have to play up their strengths. For instance, Mr Kalla and Mr Wiranto could portray themselves as the most representative of Indonesian society, he said.
Mr Kalla is from outside Java, an entrepreneur and has the support of Islamic groups. His running mate is Javanese, a former military man and seen as advocating the protection of the domestic market.
But Indonesia expert Jeffrey Winters believes Dr Yudhoyono's only obstacle to a one-round contest has been removed. Had Mr Prabowo run for the No. 1 post as he had at first indicated, Dr Yudhoyono could be facing a tougher fight, said Dr Winters.
Mr Prabowo has been accused of ordering the abduction and killings of pro-democracy activists in 1998, but gained "a surprising amount of popularity" in the April 9 election. His new Gerindra party won 4.6 per cent of votes.
Dr Winters, who teaches at Northwestern University, said Mr Kalla and Ms Megawati were weak rivals and that their running mates made no difference to voters. "Even if Mega ran with Obama, she would still lose," he said, referring to popular US President Barack Obama.
Ms Megawati, who lost the second round of the 2004 election to Dr Yudhoyono, is seen as a weak choice and Mr Prabowo's track record would be "a liability" to her, observed Mr Bima.
While Mr Wiranto has also been accused of human rights abuses he allegedly allowed killings by military troops in then-East Timor in 1999 this is not the first time Indonesians are being reminded of it, said Mr Bima.
Then backed by Golkar, Mr Wiranto contested the 2004 presidential election but lost in the first round.
Jakarta Although presidential candidate Megawati Soekarnoputri earned credit and some sympathy for her willingness to confront prominent businesspeople in a high-level economic dialogue, her remarks seemed less substantive and unimpressive compared to those of her rivals.
While trying hard to appear confident, Megawati's replies to most of the questions raised by her high-powered audience appeared to lack substance, weight and detail.
"The questions are so difficult, luckily I was a president before," said Megawati, who during her presidential term regularly took a nap and watched Indonesian soap operas in the evening, which maybe showed up her popular touch.
During the 2004 presidential campaign Megawati tried to avoid open or television debates, and was the last candidate appearing in this dialogue held by the influential Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin).
Her rivals, Vice President Jusuf Kalla and incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono attended the dialogue sessions on Monday and Wednesday, respectively.
During the dialogue, Megawati's most controversial statement may have been when she said past mining contracts had been bad for the nation, but she had not tried to revise them over concern at being labelled "too fussy".
"It turns out that we have weaknesses in the contracts because we are a nation with [high-standards] of decency. I'm sorry for having given out licenses, but [then] not questioning them. If I did, they [the public) might label me [on this point] as being too fussy," she said.
However, she pledged that if she was elected as president she would overhaul such contracts.
Despite her lack of background in economic policy, Megawati's 2001-2004 presidency succeeded in stabilizing the post-crisis economy by astutely appointing the right man for the job. Boediono was her finance minister (and is now Yudhoyono's vice presidential hopeful).
But, her economic mistakes included the flawed sale of state assets, and energy deals with third countries leading to heavy state losses.
Megawati told the business leaders that she had been unable to avoid selling such state assets given prior commitments by her predecessor which could have resulted in legal actions for breaches of contract.
"I'm not denying it (the state asset sales). This is a problematic issue [arising from] past governments that I have to settle," she said.
The eldest daughter of the country's first President Soekarno said if elected she would put most of her effort into supporting populist economic policies which she thought were needed to help the people, although she was not quite sure, at this stage, of the details.
Afterwards, Megawati's running mate Prabowo Subianto tried to help clarify this point. Prabowo, who would take overall control of economic affairs if the pair is elected, remained upbeat that 10 percent economic growth was possible.
"The target is irrational for the current situation," said Kadin member Erwin Aksa, who is also chairman of the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Hipmi). "What I can say from the overall dialogue, [is that] Kalla has presented more practical ideas, while Yudhoyono seems to be more systematic in elaborating the issues. As for Megawati, she only prone to present her ideas to help less fortunate people," Erwin said. (naf)
Jakarta Politicians have been advocating so-called "people oriented" platforms, pitting them against "neoliberalism" as a way to win voters' support for the July presidential election.
But ironically, they seem to be completely clueless about the essence of their platforms, a panel of economic and political experts said Friday.
"The ghosts the politicians are conjuring up neoliberalism versus the people's economy have been lurking around as the presidential election nears," University of Indonesia economist Faisal Basri said at a discussion about political economy in Jakarta.
"The candidates penchant for contrasting what they deem is a choice between neoliberalism and the 'economy of the people' just doesn't make any sense."
"Neoliberalism is an ideology, while the 'people's economy' is a political orientation, therefore two completely different concepts. The 'people's economy' aims to improve the common people's welfare, and has been implemented in communist nations such as Cuba, or in countries adapting to free market policies such as Norway," Faisal added.
Political rivals of the Democratic Party's presidential candidates incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former Bank Indonesia governor Boediono have repeatedly attacked the latter pair on the 'people's economy' issue.
Many have condemned SBY for adopting a completely "free market policy" during his term, including Amien Rais, National Mandate Party (PAN) founder.
Amien took a few punches at SBY's governance in his book, Selamatkan Indonesia (Save Indonesia), arguing the President had sold too many national assets to foreign entities during his "free market" governance.
However, Amien softened his rhetoric toward SBY following the Democratic Party's victory in the legislative elections, teaming up with the party for the July presidential election.
Senior PAN legislator Djoko Susilo claimed Boediono's "neoliberal Western economic perspective" did not suit Indonesia. He also suspected the US might had interfered in SBY's choice of vice presidential candidate.
However, Faisal noted the neoliberalistic and pro-American portrayal of the SBY-Boediono duet was not only out of context but completely misconstrued.
"Accusing certain candidates of being neoliberalist is completely clueless, because there is no such thing as pure neoliberalism. The state will always have the power to interfere in the market," he said.
"And the place that has the most neoliberalist tendencies is Hong Kong, not the United States. The US is one of the countries where the government intervenes the most in the economy and market activity," he added.
Indonesian Centre for Responsive Politics political expert Bara Hasibuan said despite Megawati-Prabowo claiming they represented the poor, their behavior and lifestyle revealed a completely different picture.
"Prabowo is a man who enjoys playing polo in his spare time, an activity that is even extravagant for noblemen in Europe," he added. Bara also said Prabowo was yet to explain where his wealth came from, which according to a recent audit amounted to Rp 1.7 trillion (US$165 million). (hdt)
Jakarta Golkar has the shakiest presidential campaign team of the three tickets, political experts said Thursday, a major factor that could severely hamper party chairman Jusuf Kalla's ambitions of winning the presidency.
"In my opinion, Golkar's presidential campaign team has the highest amount of fragmentation. Such a situation will make it difficult come election time," Ari Sujito of Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University told The Jakarta Post. "I see SBY's team as the most solid, while Megawati's is somewhere in between."
Ari was referring to Kalla's rivals incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his running mate Boediono, and the ticket of Megawati Soekarnoputri and Prabowo Subianto.
Paramadina University's Ikhsan Ali Fauzie echoed Ari's views, adding Golkar also lacked financial backing. "SBY's team is very well managed and very experienced. Megawati's team will be heavily boosted by Prabowo's coffers," he said. A recent audit shows Prabowo's total assets amount to Rp 1.7 trillion.
An executive from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Maruarar Sirait, said Prabowo's financial prowess would definitely boost the party's chances, but added the outcome of the polls would not depend solely on his personal wealth.
Golkar presidential campaign team head and Industry Minister Fahmi Idris admitted his party lacked financial support, but insisted it remained solid and that "a few disappointed people" would not significantly affect Kalla's chances.
"I admit we don't have big financial support because businesspeople prefer to go for the favorite," he said, alluding to public opinions polls that have Yudhoyono as the overwhelming favorite to win.
A serious rift is forming within Golkar over the nomination of Kalla and his teaming up former military chief Gen. (ret.) Wiranto.
On Monday, Golkar's top power brokers held a potentially rebellious meeting at the house of chief welfare minister Aburizal Bakrie, one of the party's elite members, in Menteng, Central Jakarta. In attendance were prominent party figures such as Agung Laksono, Priyo Budi Santoso and Akbar Tandjung.
Agung, Akbar and Aburizal had been on the list of names selected as possible running mates for Yudhoyono, before the incumbent President decided to pick Boediono, the Bank Indonesia governor.
Golkar campaign team spokesman Yuddy Chrisnandi said he suspected the meeting's agenda was to discuss bringing forward a national consultative meeting to topple Kalla as party chairman and throw a spanner in his presidential bid.
However, Agung denied the meeting was aimed at ousting Kalla as the party's chairman. He said the party's prominent figures met at Aburizal's house for a "friendly gathering between old friends".
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) chairman Tifatul Sembiring, a member of Yudhoyono's campaign team, pledged solid backing for the incumbent President to win a second five-year term in office.
The Islamist party had initially opposed the vice presidential nomination of Boediono, questioning his religious faith and neo- liberal stance on the economy. (hdt)
Jakarta Presidential candidate Megawati Soekarnoputri and her running mate Prabowo Subiakto says they are promising at least ten percent economic growth if they are elected.
"Me and [Prabowo] have talked about two-digit [economic growth]," said Megawati during economic dialogue held by the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industries (Kadin) at Sangri-La Hotel Jakarta, Megawati added that the target would be gained if the economic infrastructures were ready to be operated.
Similar with Megawati, Prabowo Subiakto said that he was optimisitic to net two digits of economic growth, generating agriculture sector and prepare sustainable energy in the country.
"The target is 10 percent economic growth," Prabowo told reporters "We have to stop disbursement of our national wealth. Every year our national wealth is leaking to overseas," he said, adding that the current economy system was to ask loan for paying loan.
The economic growth target of the pair is higher rather than their two competitors Jusuf Kalla and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who are only targeting 8 and 7 of economic growth, respectively, for the next five years.
The target was criticized by businessmen saying that the target was irrational because the world has hit by crisis. Erwin Aksa from the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Hipmi) said that the target was impossible due to many problems which have to face by the new president.
"The most important thing is to boost the existence of our economy resources. If we can use the sources efficiently, probably it will increase the economic growth," Erwin said. (naf)
Febriamy Hutapea In the latest sign of a split within the Golkar Party ahead of the July presidential poll, news emerged on Tuesday of a secret meeting of dozens of senior national and district-level party officials.
The news prompted speculation that they were planning to call an emergency party congress to unseat chairman and outgoing Vice President Jusuf Kalla, who is Golkar's presidential candidate.
Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie, an influential Golkar leader, hosted the meeting on Monday night at his residence. It was attended by House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono, Golkar central board members Firman Subagyo and Priyo Budi Santoso, and other leaders.
Agung, Firman and Priyo were known to have favored a coalition with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party for the July election. Instead, Kalla parted ways with Yudhoyono and secured Golkar's presidential nomination.
Yuddy Chrisnandi, a member of Kalla's campaign team, said that Monday's meeting was aimed at speeding up the holding of an extraordinary party congress, which is not scheduled to be held until the end of the year. Kalla's chairmanship could be challenged at the congress.
Yuddy said he regretted that the meeting even occurred given that Golkar had formally endorsed the Kalla-Wiranto ticket.
"I urge all Golkar leaders, members and cadres to restrain themselves," he said at the House. "If they don't want to support or oppose the [Kalla-Wiranto] candidacy, they should at least not make moves that could disturb the strength of the pairing."
Opinion polls earlier this year showed Kalla lagging far behind the other two presidential candidates, Yudhoyono and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri. It is not clear how Kalla's campaign might be affected if he were ousted as Golkar's leader.
Golkar officials who attended the meeting denied they were seeking to challenge Kalla. Agung characterized it as a gathering aimed at discussing and evaluating the Kalla-Wiranto ticket.
"There is no talk about speeding up the extraordinary national meeting to unseat Kalla," he told reporters on Tuesday. "We're just talking about how to boost the party's performance next time. We hope Golkar can rise again."
Former Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung said on Tuesday that it was suggested during the meeting that the party hold its extraordinary congress soon to discuss consolidating its position after Golkar's poor showing in April's legislative polls. He said that they did not discuss ousting Kalla.
Ikrar Nusa Bakti of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said the rift in Golkar was due to a rivalry between supporters of Kalla and Akbar. "There's still a movement to harm the legitimacy of Kalla to run for president within Golkar itself," he said.
Slamet Susanto Presidential hopeful Jusuf Kalla criticized Monday's potentially rebellious meeting of a group of Golkar Party elite figures as unethical, saying he was against any speeding up of the next party congress.
Spokesman for the 'JK-Win' campaign team Yuddhy Chrisnandi underlined that based on reliable sources and media reports, the meeting held by Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie in Menteng was aimed at calling for a speeded up Golkar congress before the party anniversary in October.
"We see the election as a serious issue and all party members and figures should be solid in backing up Pak Kalla and his running mate Wiranto," he said here on Tuesday.
Yuddhy was apparently suspicious that the meeting and any speeding up of Congress was aimed at toppling Kalla from the party's top position and at shifting the party's support to the SBY-Boediono pair.
Also attending the meeting were House Speaker Agung Laksono, former chairman of Golkar Akbar Tandjung and Chairman of the Golkar faction in the House of Representatives Priyo Budi Santoso.
"I am stressing that such a meeting is rebellious. If they have any objections to Kalla's candidacy, they should now keep it to themselves because they have previously accepted the special national party meeting which recommended the nomination of Kalla as presidential hopeful," he added.
Separately Agung Laksono confirmed his presence in the meeting at Aburizal's residence but denied the meeting was held to call for an accelerated congress to topple Kalla.
"It was just a friendly gathering between old friends, nothing special. We still maintain our stance to support Kalla and Wiranto," he said.
Meanwhile political analyst at the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) Burhanuddin Muhtadi, said such a political move was no long surprising as a similar thing happened five years ago when Akbar was ousted in the party's Bali congress in 2004. "Golkar is more like a business entity rather than a political party. Its members are the stockholders and each has different interests," he said.
"In my view, Aburizal is very pessimistic regarding the chances of the JK-Wiranto to win the presidential election. Therefore, he is trying to bring his block closer to SBY who according to him has a bigger chance in the race," he added.
Burhanuddin said that he thought Aburizal had two main agendas in the back of his mind, which motivated him to move closer to Yudhoyono rather than to JK.
"Firstly, Aburizal wants to take over the party's chairmanship. Secondly, he also wants to be re-appointed as a minister in the next presidential cabinet. By maintaining his position in the country's power elite, he will be able to protect his businesses," Burhanuddin said.
He said Kalla has been the support for Aburizal's businesses throughout the past few years, but the current situation has forced Aburizal to be realistic and move closer to SBY.
In a related development, Kalla and Wiranto met Yogyakarta governor Sultan Hamengkubowono X and several influential clerics in Magelang, Central Java, to seek their political support in the presidential race.
After the meeting with Hamengkubuwono, Kalla said that he and Wiranto had discussed the concept of developing national independence, unity and a people-oriented economy.
"It has been our stance to put the independence issue in the front row and he (the sultan) will remain a source of inspiration to us," he said.
Hamengkubuwono said if the pair won the race, they should give top priority to the accelerated development of the maritime and fisheries industry sector which had yet to command adequate attention from all sides.
"Whoever wins the race, he or she should improve the country's competitiveness in the global economy."
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Cracks appear to be forming in the coalition of 23 political parties backing incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and running mate Boediono, despite initial displays of unity.
Internal rifts within the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) surrounding the decision to back the Yudhoyono coalition in the upcoming presidential election are dragging on.
The fact the leaders of the two parties have signed a political contract agreeing to support Yudhoyono seems to have had no impact.
PPP chairman Suryadharma Ali said Tuesday the party would hold an internal meeting in coming weeks to discuss how it should respond to any party members defying party policy by working for other candidates.
Suryadharma said the PPP's decision to join forces with the coalition led by the Democratic Party (PD) was final. "We will meet to decide what to do with any members who act against the party policy," he said.
PPP executive Lukman Hakiem Syaifuddin has pledged to campaign for the Jusuf Kalla and Wiranto ticket, who were nominated by the Golkar Party and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura). "That is surely a violation of our party policy," Suryadharma said.
Suryadharma said Lukman informed him via text message that he had decided to side with Kalla and Wiranto as their spokesman.
Previously Suryadharma said he was not concerned by Lukman's decision, but the PPP chairman has now back flipped, claiming the party must take action against him in accordance with the party rules.
Before joining forces with Yudhoyono, Suryadharma held a series of meetings with Golkar chairman Kalla and the leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Megawati Soekarnoputri, to consider forming a coalition known then as the "Golden Triangle". The proposal never materialized, with both Kalla and Megawati separately running for president.
PAN has been dealing with party conflict since its chief patron Amien Rais gathered party executives to rally support for Yudhoyono while chairman Soetrisno Bachir was leaning toward the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra). Later, Gerindra formed a coalition with the PDI-P.
Soetrisno had been reluctant to agree to a coalition with the PD before its chief patron Yudhoyono personally asked the PAN chairman to sign the deal.
In response to the split, PAN deputy chairman Patrialis Akbar said the party's constituents were free to choose other candidates in the July presidential election, despite the fact the party has made its official stance clear.
"We won't enforce sanctions on our members who choose different presidential candidates. They have their rights and we have to respect that," Patrialis said Tuesday.
Patrialis was one of the PAN leaders to witness Yudhoyono's declaration to contest the election in Bandung last Friday. PAN lawmaker Dradjad Wibowo, however, has publicly expressed his support for Kalla and Wiranto. (hdt)
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Recent asset verifications show the fortunes of presidential and vice presidential candidates have grown.
Eko Tjiptadi, the Coruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) director of prevention, said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was among those whose wealth had increased.
"The verification completed today reveals the President's wealth has increased by 20 percent since the last report in 2007," he said as quoted by Antara. Yudhoyono last reported the value of his assets at Rp 7.14 billion (US$680,380) and $44,887 on July 2, 2007.
All six presidential and vice presidential candidates were required to report their assets, however the KPK said they did not have the authority to judge if the increase in wealth had been honestly accrued. "Our task was only to check if the actual and the reported wealth matched," said Eko.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) set the May 16 deadline for all candidates to file their reports. The KPK later followed up the report by checking all the submitted data. So far, the KPK recorded Prabowo chairman of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) as the wealthiest of the six candidates, with assets valued at Rp 1.7 trillion, including Rp 28 billion in cash, vehicles and stocks in companies in Argentina and France.
Muhammad Sigit, the KPK's director of the state official wealth report, said that according to a report recently given, Megawati was recorded to have assets worth Rp 122 billion.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) secretary- general Pramono Anung said Megawati's fortune was raised after the government gave her two houses in Menteng. The houses are worth at least Rp 60 billion, and other assets that still need to be verified include several gas stations owned by Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's husband.
Jakarta The Democratic Party and its 22 coalition partners signed in Cikeas, West Java, on Saturday what they call as a "coalition contract". The contract, says Democratic Party deputy chairman Anas Urbaningrum, represents cooperation ties between the parties.
Refusing to mention in details the contents of the contract, Anas said its substance was the parties' work plans for the next five years.
"This is what SBY (President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) has mentioned as platform and policy direction. We will share this to the public in details during campaigning," Anas said.
He said 23 members of the coalition had not just agreed on the political platform of Yudhoyono and Boediono, but also agreed to support the pair. "Their political support is evident today with their enrolling of the candidacy of the pair to the KPU," Anas added.
Four main parties in support to the coalition are the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
Chairman of these parties, except that of PAN, all were present in the enrollment ceremony.
Jakarta Political experts are not sure if the presidential elections will get to a second round, but say incumbent SBY will almost certainly win.
"It's going to be a close race with the three pairs of candidates. The race will end in two rounds with the winner leading by a thin margin," University of Indonesia lecturer Boni Hargens said Sunday.
"The competition will not be easy for SBY because his popularity and positive image have been slightly tarnished by recent issues such as the voter list fiasco and the extravagant fiesta he held during his official candidacy declaration in Bandung," he added.
However, there was one positive outcome from the costly declaration, namely SBY running mate Boediono's unscripted and clear speech, which experts said was "surprisingly phenomenal".
"Personally, I was very surprised to hear Boediono's speech, which was even better than the ones given by SBY," said Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) analyst Burhanuddin Muhtadi.
The Democratic Party's coalition partners the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) heavily criticized Boediono for having weak political networks and little experience in politics.
"Boediono's excellent speech has cast off any doubts about him. The speech also shows Boediono is a quick learner in politics," Burhanuddin said.
Boediono's competent and sincere image was also reflected in his speech, which could potentially boost SBY's support, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) expert Lili Romli said.
"Boediono did not show a defensive stance in response to all the criticisms made against him. His answers to his critics were sincere and contained a good amount of naivet, which can be an added value to his image," he said.
Both Lili and Burhanuddin said it was possible the SBY-Boediono pair might win the elections in one round unless their rivals Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto and Megawati Soekarnoputri-Prabowo Subianto played the right cards.
Lili said being a native Bugis from South Sulawesi and the only non-Javanese candidate, Kalla could use his background to lure voters from outside Java.
"However, I still prefer the Megawati-Prabowo duet's way of competing. JK has become too personal lately with his attacks on SBY. He really needs to cool off, while Megawati and Prabowo have offered something concrete and rational with their people-based economic policies," he added.
Jeffrey Winters, an Indonesianist from the Northwestern University, said he also believed SBY would win the election in a single round.
"The only major risk SBY is facing is running against Prabowo, whose potential to win is hard to calculate. However, Prabowo's inability to forge an alliance to become a presidential candidate has removed all roadblocks for SBY," he said.
"SBY will have no difficulty defeating Megawati and Jusuf Kalla, and could do it in a single round. He is on a secure path to becoming the first reelected president in the history of Indonesia's democracy," he added. (hdt)
Dicky Christanto and Erwida Maulia, Jakarta All three presidential tickets registered themselves for the July 8 polls with the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Saturday, which is expected to be a neck-and-neck affair.
The presidential candidate from the coalition of Golkar Party and People's Conscience (Hanura) Party, Jusuf Kalla, said all three tickets stood an equal chance of winning the election, which will see voters elect their national leaders directly for the second time in the country's history.
"They are both tough rivals," Kalla said at the KPU office, referring to the duo of incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Boediono and the pairing of Megawati Soekarnoputri and Prabowo Subianto.
Kalla's running mate, Wiranto, said the three presidential tickets were the nation's best figures to lead the country in the next five years.
A ticket needs 50 percent of the valid votes to directly secure the presidential and vice presidential tickets. If no candidates win the simple majority, a runoff pitting the top two tickets will be held on Sept. 8.
The Yudhoyono-Boediono and Megawati-Prabowo tickets were declared Friday evening, after each came through an energy-sapping negotiation that was settled at the last minute.
Yudhoyono and his running mate Bank Indonesia Governor Boediono were nominated by a coalition of 23 parties led by the Democratic Party (PD), of which Yudhoyono is the paramount chief patron.
Former president Megawati and former army strategic reserve command chief Prabowo are supported by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and seven parties that failed to win House of Representatives seats.
"The coalition of parties is out to help SBY and Boediono win the election," said PD chief Hadi Utomo, who is Yudhoyono's in-law.
Yudhoyono said he and his partner were ready to face every step of the race, which he hoped would run in a fair, orderly and dignified manner.
"If the rules of the game require us to face other candidates in an open debate, election rally or whatever, we hope all will be conducted in an ethical and civilized way."
Cabinet ministers Hatta Rajasa, Suryadharma Ali and Sudi Silalahi, in their capacity as leaders of parties that supported Yudhoyono's reelection bid, were also present in the registration process.
PDI-P Secretary General Pramono Anung expressed his optimism that Megawati and Prabowo would win the competition. "They are the most ideal ticket, combining the most beautiful and the most handsome candidates," Pramono said at the KPU building, to the audience's mirth.
Megawati said she felt proud to partner with Prabowo, Gerindra's chief patron, whose bright military career included a three-year spell as the army's special force commander. Prabowo was also married to the daughter of Soeharto, Indonesia's longest serving president.
"Of course his track record will make it easier for Indonesian people to vote for us," Megawati said, ignoring the persistent campaign launched by human rights groups against Prabowo for his alleged connection with past atrocities.
Megawati lost to Yudhoyono in the runoff five years ago.
Gerindra deputy chairman Fadlizon said the coalition of parties supporting Megawati and Prabowo would support Kalla and Wiranto in the second round or vice versa, citing an agreement between the parties to form a parliamentary coalition earlier this month. (fmb)
Ed Davies & Sunanda Creagh President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is a clear favorite to win a second term in office in a July election, helped by the resilient performance of Southeast Asia's largest economy during the global crisis.
The poll line-up was finalized after a deadline to register expired on Saturday and will pit the reform-minded Yudhoyono against a political elite with its roots in the Suharto era.
Yudhoyono is being challenged by his outspoken Vice President Jusuf Kalla, who chairs Golkar, once the political machine of former strongman President Suharto, and Megawati Sukarnoputri, who heads the PDI-P Party and was defeated by Yudhoyono in a second-round vote in 2004.
"The economy will be the main issue in the election campaign," said Sri Eko Budi Wardani, a political analyst at the Center for Political Studies at the University of Indonesia.
A second Yudhoyono term is regarded as the most investor friendly outcome and the markets have widely reflected this, helping make the rupiah the best performing currency in Asia this year and driving up the benchmark stock index.
"Looking at the latest numbers, I think it will be maybe one round," said Anies Baswedan, a political analyst from Paramadina University. To win the election in one round, a candidate needs 50 percent of the vote, otherwise there will be a second round some time in September.
Yudhoyono may try to seek more professional ministers if he won a new term rather than handing out jobs to appease parties in his coalition, Baswedan said.
Some current ministers from allied parties have been seen as a drag on Yudhoyono's reform efforts. "He will want to leave a good legacy in his second term and he will need the right people in the right place for that," Anies said.
Febriamy Hutapea The National Mandate Party continued its flip-flopping over the weekend as rifts again emerged over President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's decision to name Boediono as his running mate.
"If in the beginning we gave 100 percent support to the Democrats, now we are changing our minds," Dradjad Wibowo, a senior politician from the party, known as PAN, said on Sunday.
After weeks of opposition to forming a coalition with Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, PAN chairman Sutrisno Bachir signed a letter of support backing Yudhoyono's choice of Boediono on Saturday night.
Dradjad, an economist turned legislator who is close to PAN founder and party supervisory board chairman Amien Rais, said that PAN was again reconsidering its decision to support the Democrats, saying they wanted State Secretary Hatta Rajasa as the vice presidential candidate.
The party, however, had decided to support Yudhoyono during its national meeting and the decision could not be overturned until next year's meeting. Dradjad said Boediono was not the right person to develop the best social economic policy in line with the Constitution.
Dradjad is among a group within PAN that supports Golkar Party chairman Jusuf Kalla and People's Conscience Party (Hanura) chairman Wiranto, who registered their official candidacy for the nation's top jobs at the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Saturday morning.
Dradjad said Amien, who had initially steered his party toward supporting the Democrats and proposed Hatta to run with Yudhoyono, could not accept the president's decision to name Boediono as his running mate.
Meanwhile, the Golkar faction chairman in the House of Representatives, Priyo Budi Santoso, confirmed there had been intense communications between Golkar and PAN. "Kalla met Amien late on Friday," he said, although he refused to reveal what was actually discussed between them.
On the other side of the equation, Panda Nababan, a member of the campaign team for Megawati Sukarnoputri from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Prabowo Subianto of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), said that Prabowo and Sutrisno were also still involved in discussions.
Previously, Kalla had said that he was unphased by the support given to the Democrats from 23 political parties. Speaking before he registered his presidential candidacy at the KPU, Kalla told his supporters that it was just politicking and the parties' elites were only playing games.
He likened the 23 parties to buses, saying "There's no problem if the buses are parked in another place so long as the passengers are here."
PAN has been riddled by deep divisions since its poor showing in the legislative elections in April, where it secured only 6 percent of the popular vote. The majority of the party, including senior member and State Secretary Hatta Rajasa, have been actively supporting Yudhoyono, while Sutrisno's faction had wanted the party to back Prabowo.
Despite Sutrisno's letter of support for Yudhoyono, Dradjad said that the party's decision to support the president earlier this month had been made in haste and before he had actually chosen Boediono as his running mate. He said that this had opened up old wounds within the party, once again driving a wedge between supporters and detractors of Yudhoyono.
The rift was clear to see at the official declaration of the Yudhoyono-Boediono pairing in Bandung, West Java, on Friday, with PAN secretary general Zulkifli Hasan and senior legislator Patrialis Akbar the only party members attending the event.
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta After declaring their bids for the presidency, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla are said to have not communicated, raising concerns on the continued effectiveness of the outgoing government.
Yudhoyono and Kalla made their last appearance together at the National Development Planning Consultation (Musrembangnas) last week at a hotel in South Jakarta. At that time Yudhoyono asserted the two had maintained their close working ties despite their rivalry.
A close aid to Kalla, Zainal Bintang, however, said the opposite. He said that the presidential office no longer contacted Kalla to remind him of cabinet meetings.
"Pak Kalla has neither been involved nor invited by the President to sit in cabinet meetings," Zainal of the Golkar Party told The Jakarta Post on Friday. "The government is now like a plane that is flying with one wing. It clearly shows disharmony between the two leaders."
Kalla, who is also the Golkar chairman, has picked Wiranto from the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) as his running mate for the July 8 presidential election. President Yudhoyono has appointed Bank Indonesia Governor Boediono as his vice presidential candidate.
Yudhoyono and Kalla have recently been involved in media rivalry, with each taking credit for the government's successes.
Kalla decided to contest the race after Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party used procedures which made Kalla wait in uncertainty, not knowing whether he would continue their partnership, or not.
The absence of communications, or of a common position, was clear when they made contrasting remarks about the crash of the Air Force Hercules plane in the East Java town of Magetan on Wednesday, which killed over 100 people.
Kalla said the accident reflected the limited budget for military aircraft maintenance. But Yudhoyono quickly refuted this viewpoint, claiming out that routine spending, including on operational and maintenance budgets, was adequate.
On Friday, Kalla met several groups of people in Bandung, West Java including the Pasundan community to rally support for his election. West Java Governor Ahmad Heryawan attended the meeting. In his capacity as the Vice President, Kalla visited the Army's arms maker PT Pindad in the West Java capital.
President Yudhoyono toured Surabaya, where he met about 60 Muslim clerics behind closed doors. State Secretary Hatta Radjasa, whoheads Yudhoyono's campaign team, accompanied the President.
Presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng denied reports of disharmony between the two or of any adverse impact on the government.
"There is no need to worry about the government's performance. As the incumbent, the President is tasked with running the government, and if people deem it is good, it will of course benefit him," Andi was quoted by Antara news agency.
Maswadi Rauf of the University of Indonesia said government was no longer effective due to rivalry. "It is a lie if the two say they could run the government together until October," he said.
Maswadi, a professor of politics, suggested Kalla step down from his post for the good of the government.
[Suherdjoko and Yuli Tri Suwarni contributed to the story from Semarang and Bandung.]
Jakarta With much of the nation gripped by the goings-on surrounding the run-up to the presidential election, members of the current House of Representatives are basking in a glut of free time away from the intense public gaze.
With draft bills mounting and their time in office set to end in four months, House legislators were expected to intensify efforts to at least push through the bills at the top of the House's priority list before their time was up.
Friday, however, saw the House almost empty, although usually no meetings are scheduled on Fridays. A meeting of Golkar Party legislators was the only one on the agenda, and resulted in the party's push for the government to give civil servants and police and military personnel a 13th monthly salary in June.
Ganjar Pranowo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said most legislators were still doing their jobs seriously.
"Of those bills on our list, not everybody will discuss everything. Some draft bills have been handed to formulating teams, while others are still in the hands of working committees," said Ganjar, who heads the working committee on the bill on the structure and position of legislative bodies.
He added the public might not even be aware that even if the House looked relaxed, its members were busy with deliberation of bills.
"With our workload at this time of year, we cannot always use the rooms at the House to hold our meetings, since some meetings are marathons that last several days," he said. "Some of us use the House's villas in Cikoko [in West Java], and some use hotels."
There are at present 71 bills awaiting House approval, while the time remaining for meetings is less than 20 weeks.
In April, the House decided in a consultative meeting to finish 39 bills by the end of the current term on Sept. 30, 2009. The plan was to complete at least 16 legal drafts by July 3, and the other 23 before the new members are sworn in on Oct. 1.
The 39 bills include the drafts on the corruption court, state secrecy, prevention and eradication of money laundering, and state finance.
In the 2009-2014 period, the House will see some members leave and welcome many new faces.
The Democratic Party and the Prosperous Justice Party won more House seats, while new parties the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the People's Conscience Party (Hanura) will mark their House debuts.
"The House of Representatives has made no progress in accomplishing its legislative function," said Transparency International Indonesia (TII) chairman Todung Mulya Lubis. "The performance of the members has hit a low level."
TII, he added, was deeply concerned about the corruption court and the judicial commission bills, which it said were key to corruption eradication within government institutions and the judiciary. "We are worried with their slow performance and feel there is negligence, whether intentional or not, in treating these urgent tasks," he said.
Their negligence could hinder the accountable process of change from an authoritarian to a more democratic government, he said.
"Members of the House have only finished legal drafting of laws that are not urgent, such as the law on new regencies," said TII policy and research manager Franki Simanjuntak. "And technically, many of them have just 'copy-pasted' the contents."
Suspicion is rife that the regencies bill involves bribery to win House approval. (iwp)
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta The government has continued to raise foreign loans, citing climate change as the cause, but said Thursday the loans would be used to service the budget deficit.
The move immediately sparked criticism from environmental activists who said it was the responsibility of rich nations to help both developing and poor nations finance climate change mitigation.
"The government needs to find alternative channels of finance, including grants or carbon trading. Foreign loans should be used as the last resort to fund climate change reduction policies," WWF-Indonesia climate change program director Fitrian Ardiansyah said Thursday.
The National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) said the French and Japanese governments have expressed commitment to increasing their climate change loans to Indonesia this year.
"We are still discussing the amount, but both France and Japan have agreed to provide US$100 million toward climate change reduction measures this year," Bappenas director of forestry and water resource conservation Basah Hernowo told The Jakarta Post.
"The government will use the money to cover the budget deficit," Basah said. This year's budget deficit is set to be Rp 139.5 trillion ($13.47 billion), or 2.5 percent of the GDP.
He said the Finance Ministry and Bappenas were still drafting policy on how to use the loans, which would be offered by foreign lenders.
The government received a $200 million loan from the French financial institution Agence Francaise de Development and a $300 million loan from the Japan Bank for International Cooperation last year to help combat climate change. The government has admitted that acquiring foreign loans was easier under the pretext the money would be put toward environmental policies.
"The loans for climate change issues have cheaper interest rates compared to other foreign loans," Basah explained.
Indonesia is one of the nations most vulnerable to the severe impacts of climate change, threatening the lives of millions of people, including those living in coastal areas.
Climate change is also expected to boost the frequency of natural disasters such as flooding, landslides and water shortages, jeopardizing the agriculture sector on which millions of Indonesians depend for their livelihood.
Basah said the government would set up a climate change trust fund to pool all foreign aid allocated for climate change.
The government is set to announce details of the trust fund during a climate change meeting in Bonn, Germany, next month.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono set up the Climate Change National Council (DNPI) as Indonesia's focal point for climate change issues. However, it remains unclear whether the DNPI will collect foreign funds for climate change mitigation.
The DNPI said it had received commitment from many countries to provide money to help Indonesia deal with climate change, including the United States which promised to provide a $2.8 million grant to protect biodiversity. The German government pledged $30 million, while the Australian government allocated $30 million toward helping reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Jakarta The Indonesian rupiah strengthened to Rp 10,200 against the US dollar in the interbank market Friday morning, Antara state news agency reported.
The rupiah was traded at 10,260 on Friday morning, compared to 10,310 at the close of the previous trading day. The Jakarta market was closed Thursday for the public holiday.
Money market analyst Edwin Sinaga told Antara that the strengthening of the rupiah was driven by market optimism that the country's economy would perform better than its peers in the region.
Foreign investors continue to buy the local currency so they can invest in local shares or bonds, and this results in the strengthening of the rupiah, he said.
He noted that the strengthening of the rupiah was in line with the active trading at the Indonesian Stock Exchange, which was also driven by the influx of foreign capital.
"We are confident that the rupiah will continue to strengthen and get closer to the Rp 10,200 level," he said.
Jakarta Presidential candidate Jusuf Kalla is selling a line on economic nationalism to top business people, despite his family's close business ties with Japan.
In a dialogue forum organized by the country's powerful business lobby, the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), Kalla said Indonesia had not only fallen victim to unfair business practices by overseas companies, but was also becoming too dependent on foreign entities.
Kalla is the first presidential candidate attending the economic dialogue, which will feature incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Wednesday. Presidential candidate Megawati Soekarnoputri has been at odds with Kadin since 2003, and has yet to confirm attendence.
While assuring listeners that he was not anti-foreigner, Kalla strongly criticized foreign companies for taking excessive profits from the country, and argued that free trade was basically unfair to Indonesia.
He slammed the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which he said was trying to "destroy" the country by requesting that all commodities be available for export.
"What we need is investment that is honest, and fair trade which is not free trade," said Kalla. "They [the foreign companies and entities] are not necessarly plundering [the country's resources], it is us who give them [the resources] due to our helpless condition."
He pledged that if elected as president he would seek fair business deals with foreign companies, investors and multilateral agencies. "I'm not saying that I want to prevent outsiders from coming to Indonesia. Indonesia is an open country, but we need investments which are more productive and with more benefits to us," he said.
However, it remains to be seen how far Kalla's nationalist line might be nailed down in detail. His family's business empire has been primarily nurtured by Japanese automotive kingpin Toyoto Motor Corp., since back in the 1970s, when he was the sole distributor of Toyota for the eastern part of Indonesia.
Kalla also helped his brother-in-law Aksa Mahmud to set up a dealership for Toyota's rival, Mitsubishi competing for the same market.
Since taking office as vice president, Kalla often visited Japan to "socialize" with Toyota executives. He invited an influx of Chinese contractors, suppliers and lenders for the construction of the government-initiated 10,000 megawatt power program.
During the dialogue, Kalla criticized how easily Indonesia had taken up foreign loans that had eventually mounted up to cost the country between US$6 billion and $7 billion in interest payments annually.
But it was during his tenure that Indonesia inked an economic partnership agreement (EPA), a kind of free trade deal, with Japan which analysts believe could mean higher costs to the country than benefits. Under the EPA, the country would remain heavily dependent on Japan in the automotive sector and in heavy machinery.
Kalla is also aware that the recent free trade agreements between the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) and Australia and New Zealand potentially brought more disadvantages than profits, especially to the country's cattle farmers and dairy industry.
While keeping these problems to one side, Kalla continued his strong criticism on the country's heavy dependence on foreign products.
"To be a self-reliant country means we are not addicted to support from foreign countries like loans or financial assistance," Kalla said before 350 businessmen.
"We can do everything for our selves, by our own power, our own know-how and our own finance. Indonesia is a rich country, we have to use everything we can to build this country for ourselves."
He said there were three obstacles to Indonesia competing with foreign countries; the high cost of funds, lack of infrastructure and insufficient electric power capacity. If these obstacles could be addressed then Kalla is upbeat the country could easily grow at 8 percent annually by 2011.
Kalla answered about 15 questions from Kadin members, mostly about free trade, capital markets, the real economic sector, banking and his strategy for the economic crisis.
However, none of the businessmen raised questions about conflict of interest between public officials with their family businesses, nor about governance or accountability.
Sofjan Wanandi, the chairman of the Indonesia Employers Association (Apindo), said Kalla's target to reach 8 percent of economic growth was acceptable. "During the Soeharto regime, Indonesia recorded 7 to 8 percent economic growth. We also can do that now," Sofjan said.
Kadin chairman M.S. Hidayat did not attend the dialogue as he was taken ill. (naf)
Jakarta Indonesia's palm oil business, already hit by lower prices, risks an overseas buyers boycott, with NGOs saying government plans for huge plantations in Kalimantan may mean big environmental damage.
The Indonesian Palm Oil Board (DMSI) said last week that fears about the government's proposed palm oil expansion program for north Kalimantan which ironically has been postponed has triggered calls for a boycott of Indonesian crude palm oil (CPO), particulary in European Union countries.
DMSI is a grouping of palm oil stakeholders including the palm oil farmers, palm oil corporations, biodiesel producers and associoated food oil corporations.
Derom Bangun, DMSI deputy chairman, said that the calls largely initiated by non-governmental organizations (NGO) have undermined the image of the Indonesian palm oil business by claiming that the palm oil companies will destroy 1.8 million hectares of forest in Kalimantan.
"This black (publicity) campaign has caused a decline in palm oil exports to Europe since 2006," added another chief deputy of DMSI, Sahat Siahaan. In 2006, the palm oil export volume to the Netherlands, the main importer in Europe, reached 1.5 millions ton. However, the figure only reached 1.3 million tons last year.
"European palm oil exports actually only made 15 percent of the country's total (CPO) export. However, Europe has high political influence and other countries may follow its example," said Sahat.
The claim about the danger of destruction to Kalimantan's forests was made referring to a statement from Agriculture Ministry Anton Apriyantono in 2005 about a proposed program to develop massive oil palm plantation developments across Northern Kalimantan.
At that time, the Minister said that the government planned to build an oil palm plantation zone along the 840-kilometer Malaysia-Indonesia border in northern Kalimantan. He said the plantations would be built to raise the level of economic development in the border area and to promote a belt of development alongside the border. This was to improve security for local residents and to help improve border supervision, along the land border between Malaysia and Indonesia..
"However, the program proposal was never implemented but the industry is still feeling the damage (from the fall-out) even until now," said Derom.
After doing further research, the Agriculture Ministry found that the geographic and soil conditions of the borderline less suitable for the establishment of palm oil plantantions than first thought, and eventually the government decided to stop the plan, according to Derom.
Though the plan was called off, many people in foreign countries thought that the Kalimantan proposal was still to be implemented. Foreign media have still been questioning DMSI officials regarding the proposal, said Derom.
In addition to the potential negative impact on the proposed expansion of export volume, fears that the program might still go ahead may make it more difficut for Indonesian companies to obtain required Sustainable Palm Oil certificates which are needed to acquire permission to import into countries with high environmental protection standards.
The certificate is given by the Round Table on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), a multi-stakeholder international organization aiming to ensure that the palm oil industry meets environmental standards.
"Last month a Malaysian company application for an SPO (certificate) was rejected because RSPO thought the company involved in the Kalimantan program," said Dorum. Malaysia and Indonesisa share Borneo island also known as Kalimantan to Indonesians.
He added DMSI was worried the same thing could happen to Indonesian companies in future, blocking their exports to the EU. (mrs)
James Van Zorge In 1998, Indonesian campuses were a beehive of political activism and, literally speaking, served as the vanguard for pushing Suharto out of the palace. Buzzing with excitement and a newly found belief that they could change their world with the power of protest, students continued their marches in the streets and took aim at Suharto's protege and successor, BJ Habibie, until he, too, was unceremoniously shown the exit.
Today, more than a decade later, the scene is strikingly different. Universities across the country have turned conspicuously quiet. Most of all, one is struck by the lack of interest by students in anything to do with politics. Rather than engage in debates about democracy or mobilize for a cause, students prefer to think about their job prospects and, if they feel the urge to find a ballast in life, visit the local mosque or church. And when students do talk about politicians and possibilities for change, you are likely to hear cynical remarks and pessimism, not dreams for a better future.
In many ways, the rise and fall of Indonesian student politics is reminiscent of the tumultuous 1960s when American and European campuses had become a hotbed of public protest. In the United States, students found common cause because of a deeply ingrained belief that the Vietnam War was unequivocally wrong and that the only honorable policy was one of retreat. Protest found purpose not only in the immorality of war, but in perceived injustices against minorities as well, hence spawning a nationwide cry for social revolution.
Across the Atlantic, there emerged an obsession with overturning the old order, manifesting itself more often than not in violent protests in the streets of Berlin, Rome and Paris. Even behind the Iron Curtain, students in Warsaw and Prague took the radical cue from their counterparts across the Wall and protested for more political openness. Everybody at the time, it seemed, had a cause.
By the early 1970s, however, youthful zeal for change was quickly diminished. The prosperity of the '60s came to a sudden end, and in the midst of high inflation and deepening structural unemployment with no apparent fix in sight, communitarian causes took a backseat to individual needs.
It would be wrong to conclude, however, that economic concerns were the only reason for which students decided to put down their rocks and Molotov cocktails. Having seen the end of the Vietnam War and unprecedented legislature in protection of civil rights, expanded social welfare and equal opportunity, student activists walked away from their campuses and into the mainstream with a sense of real accomplishment. With having achieved so much, most students felt that they did not have any battles left to fight. Sure, there were some radical exotica that persisted, mostly para-Marxist groups and anarchists like the Bader-Meinhoff gang of Germany, but for the most part their theories and illusions of revolution were viewed as strange curiosities.
In stark contrast, Indonesian students in the late '90s must have regretted what could be viewed, in retrospect, as a premature return to their campuses. Indonesian students were naive in believing that when the two icons of political dissent during the Suharto era rose to power, first Abdurrahman Wahid and then Megawati Sukarnoputri, they would become the protagonists and guardians of democratic reform. Over time, these hopes were replaced by a bitter realization that neither leader had the capacity or will to make any bold moves as president. Reform stopped dead in its tracks.
When Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono took office, university students felt they had good reason to cheer the demise of Sukarnoputri. On the one hand, most students generally liked Yudhoyono and trusted him as a national figure with true democratic intentions. On the other hand, they also had more than their fair share of disappointment. If students were once exuberant, they now realized it was an exuberance born of innocence, and turned therefore to a colder, more jaded view of politics in general and to Indonesian politicians, in particular. Universities were no longer hotbeds of dissent and reformist sentiment rather, they had become, for the most part, political ghettos.
In any healthy democracy, universities are a place for critical discourse. Intellectual society especially plays a crucial role in challenging conventions and fostering public debates about political and social life. As such, what rectors, professors and students alike need to recognize is that while the great debates and fight to replace dictatorship with democracy are over, more sober yet equally important debates await them.
While democracy is here to stay and direct elections are a fact of life, most people are wondering what democracy means for them personally. Is it just the right to vote, or something bigger? For some, this vacuum on university campuses has not gone unnoticed. In part, it has been filled by religious organizations, even on traditionally secular public campuses such as the University of Indonesia and the Bandung Institute of Technology. One political party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), has been clever enough to recognize Indonesian students' feelings of estrangement with politics, especially on issues related to the moral turpitude of public officials. Using ancient scripture as their weapon of choice, PKS leaders and activists have successfully organized students in support of their party.
The political ghetto I speak of, then, is not one where university students are absolutely disengaged. In many instances, students are being engaged, but unfortunately it is in a dangerous fashion, primarily because a political party that utilizes religion as its ideology is holding them captive. Religious parties of any ilk, whether they are linked with Muslim, Christian or other faiths, are driven primarily by moral absolutism, which, as history clearly shows by numerous examples, is incompatible with democracy.
Given this state of affairs inside Indonesian universities, what should be done? It seems clear that the onus for creating a healthier political atmosphere on campuses lies with the government and educators. The national government, in particular the Ministry of National Education, should take a serious look at outdated public school curricula and pose one question: Now that Suharto is dead and gone, what type of coursework is needed to strengthen a student's understanding of and appreciation for a secular, liberal democracy?
Educators can play an important role, as well, by creating a vibrant atmosphere for more diverse student politics and stimulating intellectual debates on public issues, hence removing the monopoly held by religious groups and parties. If the government and educators can achieve this, then it would prove to be an eloquent recognition and fitting respect for the sacrifices made by the students of 1998, who, in the end, made democracy possible for Indonesia.
[James Van Zorge is a partner in Van Zorge, Heffernan & Associates, a business strategy and government relations consulting firm based in Jakarta. He can be reached at jvzorge@rad.net.id.]
Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Camelia Pasandaran & Febriamy Hutapea After confusing and at times dizzying maneuvers by nine top political parties in forming coalitions and tickets for the July 8 presidential election, the chosen ones have emerged.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla has joined with former Armed Forces Chief Wiranto; former President Megawati Sukarnoputri with former Army Strategic Reserves Command Chief Prabowo Subianto; and incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with former central bank Governor Boediono.
While the April 9 legislative elections held only a few surprises, there's plenty to talk about with the "unexpected" vice presidential candidates chosen by Kalla, Megawati and Yudhoyono, and whether their running mates will help the tickets. It would be hard to find another country with such a colorful cast of candidates.
Both Wiranto and Prabowo have major human rights questions attached to their military careers that are still well-remembered by voters. Both figures were implicated in the fatal shooting of students at Jakarta's Trisakti University and in the May 1998 riots, and have been accused of atrocities in East Timor.
Prosecutors for the United Nations in East Timor indicted Wiranto for alleged human rights abuses related to its bloody breakaway from Indonesia in 1999 but he has denied any wrongdoing.
For his part, Prabowo has been accused of involvement in the kidnapping and torture of pro-democracy activists during the New Order regime, which was led by his then father-in-law President Suharto.
Junaidi Simun, a researcher at Imparsial, a prominent human rights group, criticized Kalla and Megawati for ignoring the "bleak human rights records" of their respective running mates.
"This year's elections will confirm that Indonesia is suffering from amnesia of its history, as there will be two vice presidential candidates in the July polls who are [accused of being] responsible for a series of rights violations," he said, adding that it would be an issue for voters come July.
Imparsial, as well as the families of victims of human rights cases attributed to both Wiranto and Prabowo, had earlier asked executives of the Golkar Party, chaired by Kalla, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), chaired by Megawati, not to pursue the two former generals as vice presidential candidates.
Far from being in the spotlight for alleged human rights violations, Boediono has his own baggage: his background and economic policies.
Boediono, like Yudhoyono, is from East Java. Yudhoyono's vice presidential choice goes against the long-held conventional wisdom in Indonesian politics that an ideal presidential pair should be a representation of Java and the regions outside Java, civilian-military and nationalist-Islamic.
Andrinof Chaniago, a political lecturer of the University of Indonesia and chairman of the Cirus Surveyor Group, an election observer, said he agreed with a number of polls showing that Yudhoyono, whose Democratic Party easily won the April elections, would win the July poll regardless of the identity of his running mate.
"However, the background origins [of Boediono] could reduce votes for Yudhoyono," he said, adding that Kalla and Wiranto could benefit from the "Java-outside Java" formula as Kalla is from South Sulawesi.
Burhanudin Muhtadi, of the Indonesia Survey Institute (LSI), said Kalla's campaign team could use this issue during the upcoming campaign to attract non-Javanese, which make up more than 30 percent of the country's 170 million eligible voters.
He predicted that Megawati and Prabowo would perform better than Kalla and Wiranto because of the PDI-P's solid political machine and the financial power of Prabowo's Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra). They have also touted alternative policies to those of Yudhoyono's government, such as pro-people economic programs.
Yudhoyono and Boediono, however, are still the favorites to win the polls, possibly in only one round, Burhanudin said. The president romped to victory in 2004, without a huge political machine, by making a personal connection with voters. Now, he has both as the Democrats won a commanding 20 percent of the vote in April's polls, in which both Golkar and the PDI-P lost numbers.
Some noted economists also predict that Boediono, a former finance and economic minister, would add value to Yudhoyono's ticket by giving confidence and hope to Indonesians amid the global financial crisis that has hampered the country's economy.
"Boediono fits the position as he is a reputable economist, calm and decisive. Such abilities to handle the country's economy in this time of crisis become a necessity," economist Faisal Basri said.
He also brushed aside claims that Boediono was a supporter of neo-liberalism, saying that Boediono supported pro-people policies when he was Yudhoyono's coordinating minister for economic affairs.
Djimanto, who chairs the Indonesian Entrepreneur Association, praised Boediono for "having a thorough understanding and experience of economic fundamentals."
"But I think he is not suitable to lead recovery attempts if the economic crisis hits its lowest level," he said, "although he would still be okay to handle it at the middle level of the crisis."
Some Islamic-based parties that are part of Yudhoyono's coalition protested his selection of Boediono, who is a Muslim but not an Islamic leader. Their bluster was more likely to hide their disappointment at not having one of their cadre become the vice presidential candidate, as they soon closed ranks last week after the president stood firm on his running mate.
Lili Romli, of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the absence of an "Islamic" candidate on the tickets was not surprising as Muslim-based parties suffered their worst showing in the polls since 1955, with less than 30 percent of the combined vote.
In the 2004 presidential elections, Yudhoyono and Kalla won despite their rivals fielding an "Islamic" candidate.
"It's true that Muslim voters are the majority. Contrary to the beliefs of many Western analysts, Indonesian Muslim voters are rational [and] religious background is not a major preference here," Romli said.
The most recent survey conducted by LSI showed that religion and ethnicity appeared to be losing their hold as factors in voter preferences and replaced by concerns about the economy and which team was best equipped to deal with the issues.
The pen is sharper than a blade. This was an adagium used by social observer and woman activist Debra H. Yatim to describe the struggle of the Javanese lady aristocrat Kartini in breaking the old customs that barred women from access to education and the right to self-determination.
She was the moderator of a film discussion on the national heroine's life story held at Erasmus House on April 18.
The event started with a film screening Just Call Me Kartini. The original title was in Dutch Noem Mij Maar Kartini, a documentary written and directed by Hans Hulscher.
The documentary is about Raden Adjeng Kartini's life based on her letters written in Dutch to her friends, black and white archive film and photos of Kartini and her Java traditions from the 19th century.
The films opens with Javanese gamelan music; continued by a narrator speaking in Dutch who read Kartini's letters to her friends in the Netherlands.
Kartini's letters reflect her rebellion against the old customs in Central Java, revealing her deep thoughts on women's emancipation, education, the fight against polygamy, and finally her understanding of her social environment. Kartini's big dream, which was to fight for her freedom and women's rights was not realized in her own lifetime.
She had to marry the regent of Rembang who already had three wives and seven children, in a show of loyalty to her father.
Dutch ambassador Nicholas van Dam said in his speech after the movie that the whole event was held to commemorate Kartini Day on April 21.
In her speech, State Minister of Women's Affairs Meutia Hatta highlighted that despite modernization, a lot of women were still thinking in a backward way, far from Kartini's forward thinking. She hoped there would be more modern Kartinis in these present days.
"Kartini, who lived 130 years ago, used letters to communicate and share her thoughts. Nowadays with the rise of technology, women could communicate their concerns much more easily, such as by Facebook, which is known by most city people, as a great tool for communication," said Debra, starting off the discussion.
Irma Alansyah, on the specialist staff from a state ministry, drew attention to the spirit of communication, better education, humanism, and the changes in the mindset of women moving from domestic to public life, as making relevant Kartini's message for modern times.
"In Kartini's era, there was a need of emancipation. But, nowadays men and women have the same rights. Nevertheless, there are still a lot of problems including poverty, domestic violence, polygamy, human trafficking, low job opportunities, and low involvement of women in government policy," added Yuda Irlang from the Institute of Women's Voice Development Movement (Yayasan Gerakan Pemberdayaan Swara Perempuan).
Reza Dyan Perdani, a medical student at the University of National Development "Veteran" (UPN) Jakarta, said Kartini had changed the nation into what it is today.
"I'm proud of Kartini ...she deserves the title of Indonesian heroine. I feel blessed that I can have a proper education, freedom to express myself, and freedom to choose from my own free will, unlike in Kartini's era."
Barbara Brouwer, the event organizer, said: "The public responded very much. Maybe some people miss the spirit of the women's movement. Years before, Kartini Day commemorations were always a little stiff; people just used kebaya and traditional clothing [to remember her contribution]. Now, by discussing and working out the solutions on women's issues, we can make a real contribution on Kartini Day."