Robert, Samarinda – Scores for students from the Mulawarman University in East Kalimantan provincial city of Samarinda demonstrated on March 30 against the 2009 general elections. During the action they destroyed or set fire to posters, banners and other promotional material belonging to legislative candidates.

The students began the action at 11.30 in front of their campus, after which they marched along Jl. Sungai Kerayan repeatedly chanting, "Reject the elections... reject the elections...".

During the march, the students demolished or forcibly pulled down hundreds of posters and banners belonging to legislative candidates and any political party flags that they came across. The material was then collected at the Jl. Sungai Kerayan-Jl Pramuka intersection, which is the entrance to the Mulawarman University. After being stacked in a pile, the paraphernalia was set on fire.

"The law explicitly prohibits the placement of legislative candidate promotional material within 300 meters of the campus grounds", shouted action spokesperson Dono.

In opposing the 2009 elections, the students said that the elections are a waste of the people's money. Never mind that the results of the previous elections brought no change to the people's lives or improvements to the nation. "The elections only benefit the political elite who [campaign] in the name of the ordinary people", asserted Dodo.

After setting fire to the paraphernalia, the students then held a long-march through the main streets of Samarinda such as Jl. M. Yamin and Jl. Pramuka. At Jl. M. Yamin, which is also in the vicinity of the campus, the students again pulled down hundreds of posters and banners belonging to candidates and political parties. No police could be seen watching over the action. (djo/djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

PPRM activists in Palu call on public to reject elections

Tempo Interactive - March 30, 2009

Palu – On March 30, activists from the Palu City branch of the Union for the Politics of the Poor (PPRM) in Central Sulawesi encouraged local residents to reject next month's legislative elections.

Actions were held as several different locations including the Masomba Market, the Inpres Manonda Market, Birobuli, the Tua Market, the State College of Islamic Religious Studies, the Muhammadiyah Islamic University and the Tadulako University.

The PPRM appealed to the public not to trust the political elite taking part in the elections. "Our agenda is indeed to oppose the 2009 general elections. So we have distributed 10 thousand leaflets, containing shameful [information] about the rotten politicians that are taking part in the elections", said Palu City PPRM spokesperson Jamaluddin on Monday.

Similar actions, said Jamaluddin, will continue to be held in the lead up to the April 9 elections, adding that the current campaigns by the political elite about bringing prosperity [to the people] are nothing but a daydream.

The PPRM will be holding massive simultaneous action against the elections in all parts of Indonesia on April 5.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Aceh

Terror and threats still rife on Aceh campaign trail

Jakarta Globe - March 31, 2009

Nurdin Hasan, Banda Aceh – Despite pledges by leaders of political parties to engage in peaceful campaigns, election preparations in Aceh Province continue to be overshadowed by acts of terror and intimidation, as well as kidnapping.

The province is where armed conflicts between government troops and members of the now disbanded Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, killed almost 20,000 people from 1976 to 2005.

All leaders of six local parties participating in the April 9 legislative elections, however, said they would not buckle under the threats.

"We're often persecuted, but that does not mean we accuse other parties [of being behind it]," said Aceh Party spokesperson Adnan Beuransyah. "We continue to urge Aceh Party sympathizers to abide by existing rules and not to use violence against violence," he added.

Aceh Party is one of the local parties established by former members of secessionist movement GAM, which was disbanded following the signing of the Helsinki agreement in August 2005, putting an end to decades-old bloody conflicts in the area.

The other five are the Aceh People's Party, or PRA; Sovereign Aceh Party, or PDA; United Aceh Party, or PBA; Safe and Prosperous Aceh Party, or PAAS; and Aceh People's Independent Voice Party, or SIRA.

In addition to the six local parties, 37 national parties are also vying for 69 seats in the Aceh Provincial Legislative Council, or DPRD, and hundreds of seats in district and municipal legislative councils.

Since the end of 2008, Aceh has seen a series of grenade throwing incidents, most of which targeted offices or houses of Aceh Party officials.

In the wee hours of Monday, two men threw a grenade into the house of Alimuddin Jabat, chairman of Subulussalam City branch of Aceh Party. No casualties were reported, but the explosion shocked the occupants.

Abubakar Nataprawira, spokesperson of the National Police, said last week that two suspects in grenade throwing incidents in Aceh had been taken to Jakarta for further investigation. He did not give the suspects' details, or their motives.

Adnan said violence and intimidation were perpetuated by "people who do not want peace to take root in Aceh and those who do not wish Aceh Party to win the elections."

He dispelled fears that Aceh Party, which has targeted to win up to 80 percent of seats in both provincial and district or municipal legislative councils, was promising its supporters independence.

Ahmad Farhan Hamid, chairman of United Aceh Party, said competition in the elections was lively, thanks to participation of local parties, but is slightly marred by "self-serving parties that resort to terrorizing and intimidating other parties to achieve their goals."

"I don't want to name those who engage in terror and intimidation, but everyone knows who they are," said Farhan, who is also a House of Representatives member from the National Mandate Party. "But basically, I appeal to all PBA sympathizers not to answer intimidation with intimidation. We'd be better off campaigning in a sympathetic manner."

Muhammad Nazar, chairman of SIRA Party, said that terror and intimidation may jeopardize democracy and peace in Aceh.

"The groups that engage in terror and intimidation are destabilizing forces who do not understand democracy," said Nazar, who is also deputy governor of Aceh. "They think that they are the only parties struggling for peace and that Aceh is theirs alone."

Thousands of SIRA Party sympathizers were intimidated by certain groups on their way to attend the party's campaign in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, last week.

Terror, intimidation and even beatings were also suffered by Aceh People's Party sympathizers. The party, which was established by former student activists, has run a series of articles in local newspapers.

Meanwhile, Sovereign Aceh Party chairman Harmen Nuriqmar, said some of his party candidates have resigned from their nomination "since they can no longer stand the terror and intimidation."

"If these [violent] actions continue, what kind of democracy are we going to build for Aceh, while we want Aceh to be a model of democracy for other regions in Indonesia," he said.

Ghazali Abbas Adan, chairman of the Safe and Prosperous Aceh Party, said it was difficult to hold a democratic election in Aceh while voters and party cadres in rural areas were under constant threats.

"Such [acts] are rare in cities, but in the villages, they get pretty brutal. The Election Supervisory Committee does not seem to have guts in Aceh," he said.

National parties also face a similar situation. The United Development Party, or PPP, which won 12 seats in the 2004 election, said its candidates and cadres encountered threats and intimidation as well.

Aceh Golkar Party leader, Sayed Fuad Zakaria, blames "the cadres and sympathizers of Aceh Party" for the terror and intimidation against political parties in Aceh. "Their method is well-designed," he said. "The terrorists do not come from the region, but were sent from other areas so the locals would not recognize them. Moreover, Panwaslu does not seem to have the power to overcome this problem."

The chairman of the Aceh Election Supervisory Committee, or Panwaslu, Nyak Arief Fadhilah Syah, said that his agency has a hard time solving cases of terror and intimidation because no one was willing to serve as a witness.

Aceh local parties hopeful to beat national parties locally

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Jakarta – Aceh's local parties are showing a definite edge in the competition with major national parties for legislative council seats, but are still jockeying to align themselves with their competitors to obtain a presence in the House of Representatives.

Secretary General of the United Development Party (PPP), Irgan Chairul Mahfidz, acknowledged Wednesday that his party would have difficulties in getting votes for local legislative councils as the province has its own local parties, but was confident of getting votes from Aceh for the House of Representatives in Jakarta.

"We realize, it may be difficult for us to get a lot of votes for the councils in regencies or at provincial level," Irgan told The Jakarta Post in Jakarta on Wednesday.

Aceh voters will be marking four different ballots in the April 9 elections. Local party candidates will be listed along with their competitors from the national parties on the provincial and regency ballots, but not on the DPR legislative ballots.

But at national level, local parties depend on major parties like PPP, Golkar, the Democrat Party, and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Irgan said that Aceh had supported his party since 1977 and it usually won every general election there. He believes his party will gain enough to take some local seats, but is focusing on the national seats.

The Democrat Party also expressed a high confidence level about getting votes in Aceh. "We are targeting 20 percent of all votes from Aceh," a member of the Democrat Party, Syarief Hasan, told The Jakarta Post.

Syarief Hasan, currently a member of the House of Representatives, said that the party had conducted a survey in the province and results indicated they would do well.

The Democrat party is also reportedly counting on local backing for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as president in the July.

They have approached the former spokesperson of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) Sofyan Dawood to lead the party's success team for Aceh, North Sumatera, West Sumatera, and Riau.

Sofyan Dawood acknowledged that he had been offered to be the success team leader for SBY to win as president. "Actually I haven't received assignment papers yet, but yes, I support SBY as the president," Sofyan, who is a member of Aceh Party, said.

He said that even though he supported SBY this did not mean his party would vote for the Democratic Party for the legislative elections. "We are supporting certain legislative candidates, not the parties," he said.

The Secretary General of Aceh People Party (PRA), Thamrin Ananda, acknowledged that local parties needed the national parties for leverage at the national level.

"We know that it is impossible for us to present our needs in the House of Representatives without the support of the national parties," Thamrin said.

According to him, PRA still has to wait for the legislative election results before deciding whether it will form a coalition with any of the national parties.

He predicted that three national parties would have success netting votes in Aceh. These parties would be the Golkar Party, the Democrat Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). (naf)

Aceh party chairman survived granade attack

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Jakarta – A granade that had failed to detonate was reportedly thrown at the residence of Aceh Sabulussalam Party chairman Alimuddin Jabat early Monday morning.

Aceh Sabululssalam Party deputy chairman Nurdin Ramli told tempointeraktif.com that the incident had left the house slightly damaged. "The rooftop and several lamps were damaged in the attack," he said by phone.

Jabat and family were resting at home in the attack. Jabat's son Mulyadi was said to have witnessed two of the attackers, but was not able to identify them. Mulyadi said the perpetrators had ridden a motorcycle.

"Mulyadi managed to chase after them but could not keep up, now the police are combing the area in their investigation into the case," Ramli said.

Central Aceh Party spokesman Adnan Beuransyah regretted the attack. "This is another form of intimidation against us in the run up to the 2009 election," he said. (amr)

Aceh Party denies seeking secession from Indonesia

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Jakarta – The Aceh Party, the leading local party in Aceh whose members mostly include former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) combatants, has denied it was still seeking Aceh's secession from Indonesia.

According to international and local observers, the party's leaders told their supporters during campaigning activities if they won the April 9 legislative elections, Aceh would be free from Indonesia.

"It is not true. We didn't set the party up to proclaim independence, but to implement what the Helsinki memorandum of understanding (MOU) stated, which is that former GAM members can set up a political party," the spokesman of the Aceh Party, Adnan Bransyah, told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday. "That means we are still part of Indonesia," he added.

The 2005 Helsinki peace agreement resolved years of separatist conflict in the resource-rich province. The presence of local parties in Aceh was one of the prerogatives the Indonesian government agreed to, following the signing of the Helsinki pact.

Adnan, who is also a former GAM member, said Aceh was part of Indonesia and that nothing would be done to separate Aceh from the country.

The Aceh Party said it currently had more than 50,000 members across the province and had set up 23 branch offices in cities and regencies.

According to the International Crisis Group (ICG), the Indonesian Military believes GAM still wants Aceh's independence, despite former members setting up a local party to contest the elections.

The World Bank also revealed some Aceh Party campaigners reportedly circulating leaflets stating their party was the only legitimate local party according to the MOU, and making promises that a victory in April would lead to a referendum on independence.

According to World Bank coordinator for the Aceh post-conflict program, Muslahuddin, the party said Aceh would be independent through a referendum in 2013.

"According to our report, the Aceh Party has declared itself the only legitimate party in the province, while five other local parties were illegitimate," Muslahuddin said in a recent interview.

The five other local parties are the People's Aceh Party (PRA), the Acehnese People's Independent Aspiration (SIRA), the United Aceh Party, the Aceh Sovereignty Party (PDA) and the Safe and Prosperous Aceh Party (PAAS).

Some reports showed the Aceh Party, aiming to dominate the provincial council, was most likely behind several intimidation attacks against other local parties' supporters.

Three days ago, SIRA party supporters were beaten up by other party supporters during the campaigning period in Aceh Barat Daya Regency. PRA supporters also received death threats from unidentified party members several days ago in Bireun, North Aceh.

Adnan denied accusations that his party had intimidated other party members.

The Iskandar Muda military command's spokesman, Major Dudi Dzulfadli, acknowledged several violations had occurred in Aceh recently. (naf)

Police arrest Aceh grenades terror suspect

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Jakarta – Two men suspected in several grenade explosion terrors in Aceh province was arrested in Langsa regency on Thursday and was immediately taken to the National Police headquarters in Jakarta, tempointeraktif.com news portal has reported.

According to tempointeraktif.com's source inside the police, the suspects, one of them identified as Irwan, had been involved in several grenade hurlings in Bireun area.

In the last incident, they throw a grenade at Langsa deputy regent's house several they after the suspects' proposal for a campaign fund donation for Free Aceh Movement (GAM) Party was rejected by the deputy regent.

The news portal reported that police confiscated a grenade, a rifle and 32 bullets from the suspects. National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Abubakar Nataprawira confirmed the arrests but refused to give further details. (dre)

Still 'mutual fear and loathing' between GAM, military: Report

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Banda Aceh/Jakarta – Police in Aceh on Monday were still investigating the latest violent incident ahead of the April elections, while a noted research group said the underlying problem – a "growing distrust" between former elements of Aceh's separatist group and the Indonesian Military – must be addressed.

Unless the "mutual fear and loathing" between the military (TNI) and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) is addressed, tensions are likely to increase in the lead-up to and in the aftermath of the elections, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in its report issued on Monday.

ICG reiterated observations that the military believes GAM is still aiming for an independent Aceh, even though its former members set up the local Aceh Party (Partai Aceh), which is contesting the April elections.

GAM members had laid down arms after signing an international agreement with the Indonesian government in Helsinki, Finland, in 2005.

However, critics have said GAM has yet to formally dissolve, with its leaders (and others) still using GAM letterhead for correspondence.

Since last year, cases of sporadic low level violence have increased – including abductions, murder and victimizing civilians – many of them linked to GAM and its new institutions.

However, ICG said the military's fears of a possible victory of the Aceh Party leading to a revival of the independence cause were "misplaced".

"Far from wanting to resume the conflict, [ex-combatants] are more interested in getting what they see as their fair share of post- conflict benefits, in some cases through extortion," the ICG report said.

Both parties believe the other "has reneged on commitments made in Helsinki or afterwards," the report said, "but existing channels for dialogue have been weakened by the nonparticipation of key parties".

Meanwhile, civilians continue to be victims of extortion both by TNI and former GAM members. Both the former GAM members and military should control their ranks against extortion, ICG says.

Civil society should demand accountability from both GAM and the TNI, "getting citizens to demand more from elected officials, and refusing intimidation from any party".

In 2006, for the first time Acehnese voted directly for their governor, regents, mayors and legislative councillors. Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam was the first Indonesian province to have independent candidates for local councils.

On April 9, 44 parties in Aceh will vie for legislative seats at the national, provincial and regency levels. Like other areas across Indonesia, Aceh also faces the possibility of disputes over election results, given the new and complicated system of voting.

"There is little danger in the short term of violence escalating out of control, let alone a return to armed conflicts," ICG said, "but the underlying causes of the tensions are not just election-related". Improving the skills of police, particularly in the investigation of serious crimes, is urgent, ICG said.

The inability of Aceh's police to solve recent cases of violence have led former combatants to continue to believe that preelection violence is linked to the TNI, which they believe is "determined to stop Partai Aceh at all cost," said Sidney Jones, ICG's senior advisor to its Asia program.

Apart from "patience, employment and targeted civil society efforts," the solution is better law enforcement," ICG says. The impression on the ground was that the TNI is again dominating security operations, ICG said.

[Hotli Simanjuntak contributed to this story from Banda Aceh.]

West Papua

Dutch journalists detained for covering Papuan demonstration

Jakarta Globe - March 24, 2009

Christian Motte & Fidelis E. Satriastanti – Indonesian authorities in Papua Province on Tuesday detained four Dutch journalists for reporting on a pro-independence demonstration in the provincial capital Jayapura, a journalist association said.

In a news release, the Independent Alliance of Journalists, or AJI, said that the four were arrested by immigration officials in Jayapura.

Agus Rianto, spokesman for the Jayapura Police, refused to comment on the incident, but the DPA quoted the Dutch international radio Wereldomroep as confirming that the incident involved three of its freelancers and a correspondent for the leading Dutch daily newspaper NRC Handelsblad.

The journalists had been covering the return of one of the founders of the rebel Free Papua Movement, or OPM, Nicolaas Jouwe, after more than 40 years in exile. His return has sparked renewed tensions in the troubled province, which is normally closed to reporters.

AJI demanded that the journalists be freed, with its chairman, Nezar Patria, calling the arrests "a form of violation of the work of journalists," saying "the journalists' right to information should be respected."

It is understood that the journalists had been covering a demonstration without the required permit on Monday and were detained for questioning at Sentani Airport before they were due to fly out of the province.

AFP reported that local immigration official Raden Hendiartono said authorities had not yet decided whether to charge or deport the two male and two female journalists.

Jouwe, the last surviving OPM founder, arrived in Indonesia from exile in the Netherlands last week at the invitation of Jakarta for talks aimed at reaching a peaceful solution for Papua, but failed to renounce calls for independence, identifying Indonesia as Papua's "neighbor."

Meanwhile, hundreds of indigenous Papuans in Jayapura held a rally calling for a referendum for independence. Carrying banners reading "election no, referendum yes," "stop the genocide of Melanesians," the protestors made their way to the Papua Legislative Council.

The rally ended peacefully after protestor representatives met with legislative leaders.

Oppression still rife in West Papua

Melbourne Age - March 24, 2009

Ronald May – Recent reports from Indonesia's West Papua of a raid on a military post by separatist fighters, and the news that a former West Papuan leader, Nicolaas Jouwe, has returned to Indonesia calling for a new dialogue on West Papua's political status, again draw attention to the long-running grievances of the Melanesian population.

West Papua – previously Dutch New Guinea – was formally, but controversially, integrated into the Republic of Indonesia in 1969, after several years under an Indonesian-dominated UN temporary administration. Rather than the intended popular plebiscite on West Papua's future status, the Indonesian government hand-selected some 1000 Papuan delegates to vote on the outcome, under the gaze of an ineffective UN special observer, and made it clear that any decision other than incorporation into the Republic would not be countenanced. When the process was critically reported, few UN members raised objection.

Since then, West Papua (officially known as Irian Jaya by Indonesia), has been subjected to a heavy Indonesian military presence and severe political repression. Over the years many West Papuan nationalists have been killed in incidents involving the raising of the West Papuan Morning Star flag. There has also been substantial immigration to the province, both through the government-sponsored transmigration program and spontaneous migration from other parts of Indonesia. Non-Melanesians now dominate commerce in even the smaller towns, and Melanesians complain that they are inadequately represented in the provincial administration.

The fact that the majority of inmigrants are Muslim, and that the West Papuan population is primarily Christian, adds another element to social tension. A 2008 report by the International Crisis Group noted that conflict between Muslim and Christian communities could erupt unless rising tensions are effectively managed, and there is little evidence to suggest that they are.

West Papua hosts one of the world's largest gold and copper mines at Freeport, but the local Amungme population have received little compensation, in terms of money, services or jobs, for the loss of their land and the pollution associated with the mine. Indonesian soldiers provide part of the security at the American-owned mine.

Unregulated forestry operations, in which the Indonesian military has been heavily involved, are another source of local grievance. The area is one of the richest parts of Indonesia; but most of the Melanesian Papuan population do not share in this wealth.

The Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM) emerged in the 1960s to press West Papuan demands for separate status. It has maintained a somewhat sporadic military campaign against the Indonesian Government, but has received little support, diplomatically or in terms of funds and weapons. The OPM has split into several factions and most of its leaders have either been killed or – like Jouwe – left for overseas.

Following the demise of former Indonesian president Suharto, and under the brief presidency of Habibie, there were attempts to open negotiations with the West Papuan nationalists. It was agreed to rename the province Papua, and to allow the Morning Star flag to be raised (under certain, increasingly restrictive, conditions). A Papuan Praesidium was created to begin a dialogue with the national government, and the province (along with Aceh) was granted Special Autonomy.

After Habibie, however, most of these concessions were withdrawn, the province was divided into two (Papua and West Irian Jaya), the critical Special Autonomy provisions were never implemented, the Praesidium was compromised and undermined, and military repression again escalated. Not surprisingly a number of West Papuans returned to the jungle to resume their guerilla campaign.

There has been no significant indication that President Yudhoyono is about to change policy on West Papua. The Government's immediate response to the recent OPM clashes with the military has been to increase troop numbers and offer a reward for the capture of the OPM military chief, Goliat Tabuni.

Reportedly, Jouwe's return after 40 years in the Netherlands was sponsored by the Indonesian Government, and there were promises of a "new autonomy agreement".

But it is hard to see what Jouwe's return has to offer. Reports suggest that Jouwe is still talking about West Papua as a "separate nation", and in any case it is not clear that he has credibility with a younger generation of West Papuans, who may well see his presence as being stage-managed to coincide with national elections.

And given that successive Indonesian governments have reneged on the promise of Special Autonomy, most educated Melanesians are highly cynical about any proposals for a new agreement.

Sadly, not many countries, Australia included, give much of a damn for the plight of the Melanesian population and do not want to risk offending Indonesia by asking why it was that the promising start to reconciliation made by president Habibie was allowed to collapse and give way to repression. Jouwe's return visit seems unlikely to change things, but perhaps it may provide an opportunity to have another look at the prospects for a renewed dialogue.

[Ronald May is emeritus fellow at the Australian National University.]

Thousands rally in Indonesia's Papua, demand referendum

Reuters - March 24, 2009

Jayapura – Over a thousand people rallied in Jayapura, the capital of Papua province, on Tuesday demanding a referendum on independence from Indonesia and rejecting the forthcoming elections, a Reuters witness said.

Independence activists in resources-rich Papua, on the western half of New Guinea island, have waged a campaign to separate from Indonesia for decades.

Tensions have increased in recent weeks ahead of national and local elections in Indonesia, with attacks against the military and an apparent split within the separatist movement over whether to continue the fight for independence.

The protesters carried banners with the words "Election no, referendum yes," "Stop genocide for Melanesian race in West Papua," and demanded the withdrawal of troops from the province.

Nicolas Jouwe, a separatist leader from the Free Papua Movement (OPM), returned to Indonesia from exile last week at the invitation of Jakarta for talks with Indonesian government officials. The talks were aimed at reaching a peaceful solution for Papua. Jouwe then flew to Papua on Sunday.

Indonesia took over Papua in 1969 from Dutch colonial rule, following a vote by community leaders which was widely criticized as flawed. The Indonesian military has kept a tight rein on this easternmost part of the country, and has been criticized in the past for human rights abuses.

The remote resource-rich province is home to the Grasberg mine, which is operated by Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc of the United States. The mine has the world's largest recoverable copper reserves and largest gold reserves.

Papua police chief F.X. Bagus Ekodanto told Reuters one soldier and two civilians had been killed in attacks this month, while another soldier was shot and wounded on Monday. He said a separatist group had led the attack in which a soldier died.

[Reporting by Oka Barta Daud; Writing by Telly Nathalia; Editing by Sara Webb and Valerie Lee.]

Indonesia military says no "direct" payments from US miner

Agence France Presse - March 24, 2009

Jakarta – Indonesia's military denied Tuesday a disclosure by US mining giant Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. (FCX) that the company pays for soldiers to guard a massive gold and copper mine in the Papua region.

The denial came after Freeport told shareholders it had paid support costs for the military guarding the Grasberg mine in the remote eastern province, where soldiers are regularly accused of human rights abuses.

The payments have continued despite efforts by the Indonesian government to stop the military from acting as paid protection for private interests. The company says it is doing nothing illegal.

Military spokesman Sagom Tamboen said while an unspecified number of soldiers indirectly received allowances from Freeport for providing security at the mine, they were there "on the request of police."

Freeport's allowance payments "cannot be said to be given to the TNI (Indonesian military)," Tamboen said. "Actually it is given to the police and the police give it to the TNI because the TNI are assisting the police."

He added: "My explanation is that the laws and regulations in Indonesia do not allow the military to be a security force at vital national assets anymore. That duty has been diverted to the national police."

However, a spokesman for Arizona-based Freeport has said the company paid less than $1.6 million to the police and military last year to provide a "monthly allowance" for personnel at and around Grasberg.

That is part of $8 million Freeport paid in broader "support costs" for 1,850 police and soldiers protecting the site last year, according to a company report filed with the US Securities and Exchange Commission.

Tamboen said he was seeking clarification from Freeport on the nature of its payments.

Indonesian soldiers have been accused of rights abuses as they seek to snuff out support for a low-level separatist insurgency in the resource-rich but impoverished region.

A 2007 ministerial decree, the latest of a number of legal measures, set a six-month deadline for the military to give up responsibility for security at "vital national assets," of which Graberg is one, to the police.

Human rights/law

Amnesty demands release of separatist flag raisers

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2009

Jakarta – The government has arrested more than 150 people for raising flags symbolizing regional independence over the past two years, according to a report from Amnesty International.

Nearly 100 people are currently in detention in Papua and Maluku on charges related to flag-raising activities, Amnesty said Friday.

In the report, Amnesty claims the government failed to distinguish between peaceful political activists and armed groups in its response towards nonviolent, pro-independence activities in Indonesia.

The report stated that some of the detainees were subjected to torture and other ill-treatment during detention and interrogation, while others were imprisoned after unfair trials.

"In the past few years Indonesia has made important advances in respecting free expression. But these cases show that when the sensitive issues of regional independence are at stake, the Indonesian government has made no distinction whatsoever between armed separatist groups and peaceful political activists. This blurring of the lines has allowed them to detain scores of people simply for the peaceful act of raising a flag," said Donna Guest, Amnesty International's Asia-Pacific Deputy Director.

"The Indonesian government has a right and duty to maintain public order in its territory. But it cannot imprison people in Maluku or Papua – in some cases for up to 20 years – just for the simple act of raising a flag," said Guest.

Court says restriction of ex-convicts' rights unconstitutional

Jakarta Post - March 25, 2009

Jakarta – The Constitutional Court partially scrapped Tuesday two articles in the 2008 legislative election law, effectively allowing former convicts jailed for serious crimes to contest the legislative elections.

In its ruling, reminiscent of the court's bold move to reinstate the right of ex-communists to contest official posts in 2004, the panel of judges deemed the restriction of ex-convicts' political rights imposed in Articles 12 and 50 of the election law was discriminatory and unfair, and therefore violated the Constitution.

According to the ruling, former convicts can run for office five years after they finish serving their sentences. The ruling also requires the former convicts not to conceal their criminal track records.

"In order for people to be critical of the candidates they will elect, there must be a provision that requires candidates who have served jail sentences of five years or longer to openly explain to the public who they are," the ruling reads.

The court, however, exempted former convicts jailed for the same crime several times, or those sentenced for treason or serious crimes that endangered state unity.

"This must be clearly stated, in order that the court will not disqualify them (ex-convicts) when they assume legislative posts," said court chief Mahfud M.D.

The court heard a judicial review demanded by an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) member, Robertus, whose bid for a legislative seat in the Lahat, South Sumatra, legislative council was denied due to his past serious criminal offense. Robertus was imprisoned for nine years and eight months, and was released in 1981.

The ruling upheld the Lahat elections commission's decision to disqualify Robertus from running for the legislative post.

Following the ruling, the court asked legislators to revise all laws that discriminated against former convicts, whom the judges said were entitled to their political rights, including the right to contest for public office, as guaranteed by the Constitution.

"We encourage lawmakers to seriously review all laws that restrict the rights of former convicts to take up public office," the court said.

The controversy over problematic legislative candidates was sparked after the House of Representatives endorsed the election bill in 2003 that allowed candidates implicated in criminal cases to contest the elections.

Lawmakers argued that criminal investigations could not force candidates to forfeit their political rights, citing the principle of presumption of innocence.

Corruption watchdogs and human rights groups have since then intensified their campaign against candidates whose track records have been marred by graft and gross human rights violations.

UN worried about lack of rights for indigenous people

Jakarta Globe - March 24, 2009

The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination is "concerned" about the Indonesian government's failure to respect the rights of indigenous people in their own forests and the increasing conflict between local people and palm oil plantations.

A letter from the committee to the Indonesia's Permanent Mission in Geneva said that the country's government had also failed to provide information on the way it had followed up recommendations laid out by the committee in August 2007, despite being asked to do so within one year.

It also urged Indonesia to review its laws. "The high number of conflicts arising each year throughout Indonesia between local communities and palm oil companies remains an issue for the committee, in particular with regard to the protection of indigenous' people's rights."

The letter, dated March 13 and obtained by the Jakarta Globe on Tuesday, further says that it has recently been brought to the committee's attention that oil palm plantations continue to be developed in the Kalimantan border region, "without any apparent attempt by the state to comply with the committee's recommendations or to otherwise secure and protect indigenous peoples' rights."

Indonesia's Indigenous People's Alliance, or AMAN, welcomed the committee's statement, saying it was further evidence of the growing international concern about the issue, particularly as it relates to local people's rights to own and control their traditional territories.

"AMAN urges the Government of Indonesia to respond by ensuring that it effectively implements the committee's recommendations and by providing accurate and timely reports to the committee that show the actual situation on the ground," a statement released by the group said.

The committee, in its letter, said it had been informed that Indonesia still lacked effective legal means to recognize, secure and protect indigenous peoples' rights to their land and resources.

"For example, it seems that Indonesia's 2008 'Regulation on Implementation Procedures for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation' reiterates Law 41 of 1999 on Forestry which appears to deny any proprietary rights to indigenous peoples in forests."

The regulation, or REDD, aims to cut carbon dioxide emissions through a system of carbon trading that would provide financial incentives to preserve forests.

The letter said that the UN again urged Indonesia to "review its laws," as well as "the way they are interpreted and implemented in practice, to ensure that they respect the rights of indigenous peoples to possess, develop, control and use their communal lands."

Abetnego Tarigan, director of Sawit Watch, expressed concern about the recent detention of three indigenous Dayak Ibans in West Kalimantan Province who were arrested for opposing oil palm plantations encroaching on their traditional land.

He called on the government to take measures to end repressive actions against indigenous peoples in handling conflict.

Labour/migrant workers

Tourism industry faces massive layoffs

Jakarta Post - March 31, 2009

Denpasar – The ongoing global financial crisis may see some 20 percent of 4.41 million people working in the Indonesian tourism industry lose their jobs.

"We haven't calculated the exact figure, but no more than 20 percent of the total tourism workers will be affected," Harry Waluyo, director of the Culture and Tourism Ministry's Data and Network Center, said on the sidelines of the International Conference on Tourism Statistics, which opened Monday.

He added workers directly employed in tourism establishments would face a bigger possibility of losing their jobs than those in tourism-related industries.

Tourism-related industries will be able to find alternative markets for their products, while tourism establishments, such as hotels, restaurants and tour operators, will certainly be hard- pressed once visitor numbers drop significantly.

Government ignores informal workers

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Malang – Activists have urged the government to provide greater protection to millions of informal laborers, especially those working in home industries, because of their significant contribution to the economy during the global crisis.

Ratno Cahyadi, chairwoman of the Partner of Female Workers in Home Industries' (MWPRI) research and legal division, said the government had not yet admitted that home industry workers were part of workforce that should be protected under the National Labor Law.

"The government seems to ignore their existence. Although there is much stimulus funding allocated to the informal sector, it never reaches this kind of worker," Ratno told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

She added the government only recognized those who worked independently in the informal sector. "So those who work for employers in the informal sector are not recognized in the manpower law."

Ratno said Manpower and Transmigration Minister Erman Suparno had guaranteed that Manpower Law No. 13/2003 would protect formal and informal workers, but the ministry has so far only recognized those who doing informal jobs, instead of workers in the informal sector.

"The uncertainty in the definition of informal workers had entrapped millions of people in 'modern slavery'. Workers in the informal sector do not have a standard minimum wage, work safety rules or health benefits. Unpaid workers and child labor exploitation are also rampant in the sector," she said.

She added that employers could also arbitrarily dismiss workers and recruit new ones without government intervention.

"In the production process, they work like other labors in the formal sector, but they don't have the same rights as formal- sector workers," she said. A 2007 national manpower survey by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) showed 62,090,967 people (62 percent of the country's workforce) were employed in the informal sector, while 37,839,250 people (38 percent) worked in the formal sector.

"Half of those in the informal sector are people who work for employers with wage, safety and health standards below the minimum. Most of the workers are women," Ratno said.

To protect workers in the sector, MWPRI secretary-general Cecilia Susiloretno urged the government to ratify the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention No. 177/1996 on Home Work.

"The government should also revise its definition of workers in informal sector. With the ratification and redefinition of informal workers, the workers can be guaranteed their rights like other workers," Cecilia said.

Rendra Kusuma, East Java chairman of the All Indonesian Workers' Association, supported the MWPRI's suggestion that Indonesia ratify the ILO convention soon. "We have also urged the government to ratify the convention," said Rendra who is also Malang deputy regent.

He promised his regency administration would soon unveil a bylaw to protect home industry workers.

Lack of skills blamed for low worker quality

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Agus Maryono, Cilacap – Lack of skills and a low level of education have been blamed for the poor quality of Indonesian migrant workers going abroad.

Manpower and Transmigration Minister Erman Suparno said that of the estimated 6 million Indonesians working abroad, some 75 percent were employed as domestic helpers.

"It's because most of them only have elementary or junior high school education. They don't have the skills to work abroad. So jobs as domestic helpers are the most suitable opportunity for them," Erman told the media on the sidelines of his official visit here.

Low education levels, he went on, made migrant workers vulnerable to a variety of abuse, including being cheated by scalpers before departing for the destination country, or by migrant worker outsourcing companies after working abroad.

"We can't just let this happen. I strongly appeal to regency manpower agencies to take strict action against naughty outsourcing companies and provide would-be migrant workers with enough skills to work abroad," Erman said.

He added his ministry had been working out on how to eventually reduce the number of Indonesian migrant workers employed as domestic helpers, and increase the number of those working in the formal and professional sectors.

"One way of doing so is to prioritize migrant workers who graduate from vocational high schools," he said, adding this would help raise the quality of Indonesian migrant workers abroad.

Erman also expressed concern over the huge number of Indonesian migrant workers employed aboard illegally, pointing out local village officials were often behind the phenomenon.

"It's common to hear of scalpers manipulating such things, but to learn that village officials here are involved is really concerning," he said.

He added such officials often issued documents containing fake information about the migrant worker. In most cases, they manipulated the ages of the person.

"They manipulate the ages of so many underage children, the practice of which is often revealed only after a problem arises," Erman said.

On the other hand, he added, many jobseekers were also desperate about finding work overseas, such that they would do anything, including seeking fake documents or being smuggled, to realize their ambitions.

Nurfaizi, chairman of the Association of Indonesian Migrant Worker Suppliers (Apjati), said half of the country's 6 million migrant workers employed overseas were illegally.

Most of them worked illegally because they went there through illegal outsourcing companies."We therefore strongly ask all Apjati branches and regency and municipal manpower agencies to cooperate in supervising candidate migrant workers, so they will not be easily cheated by illegal outsourcing companies," he said.

Environment/natural disasters

Warnings about Indonesian dam disaster ignored

Sydney Morning Herald - March 31, 2009

Tom Allard, Jakarta – The Indonesian Government ignored repeated warnings about a catastrophic flash flood at Situ Gintung and instead built a jogging track around its dam wall from funds earmarked for its inspection and repair.

A break in the dam wall at the lake, south of Jakarta, early on Friday morning has left at least 98 dead and 132 missing after a torrent of water destroyed hundreds of homes and left a field of debris one kilometre long.

Such was the power of the surge from the collapsed dam, the body of one young victim was reportedly found eight kilometres away.

As anger mounted over the disaster, the man in charge of overseeing the safety of Greater Jakarta's 200 lakes and dams said an inspection last year raised no concerns about Situ Gunting.

"An inspection at Situ Gintung in 2008 showed there was no problem so we built jogging track," Iwan Nusyirwan, Director General for Water Resources of the Public Works Ministry, told a news conference yesterday.

However, local residents have alerted authorities about leaks from the lake for years. Nirwono Yoga, the head of Indonesia Landscape Architecture Study Group, also warned of a calamity after conducting three surveys of Jakarta's dams in 2005, 2007 and last year.

Mr Yoga said the reports were forwarded to Mr Nusyirwan's department and raised particular concerns about Situ Gintung. It found 50 dams were in "poor condition".

"[The Public Works ministry] said they disbursed 1.5 billion rupiah ($180,000) for Situ Gintung," Mr Yoga told the Herald. "All we can see is the jogging track of five metres' width surrounding the 21 hectare reservoir."

He said rampant urban development had drastically reduced the capacity of Jakarta's dams, making another tragedy similar to Friday's "most likely".

The concerns were dismissed by Mr Nusyirwan, who said Situ Gintung was a one-off.

However, Mr Yoga said there were many other dams that could also be breached, some near crowded residential areas. Encroaching development had narrowed the width of dams, Mr Yoga said.

The dumping of garbage has further reduced dam capacity by halving the depth of the lakes that play an important role in collecting rainwater during the downpours that characterise Java's wet season. As urban areas extend to the lakes and dams, residents have also pilfered rocks and soil from dam walls to build homes.

Walhi warns six dams could go the way of Situ Gintung

Jakarta Globe - March 29, 2009

Putri Prameshwari – At least six of the 193 dams located in the Greater Jakarta area are in similar condition to the now- collapsed Situ Gintung dam, the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, or Walhi, said on Sunday.

However, Berry Furqan, chairman of Walhi, said that the Situ Gintung dam was unique in that it was elevated and there was a residential area located below the water level. "There are six other dams in a similar condition," Furqan said. "But Situ Gintung has the worst setup."

JanJaap Brinkman, team leader of a flood hazard mapping project under the Ministry of Public Works, said the water level at most of the reservoirs around Jakarta were at the same level as the surrounding areas. "The residential areas near these reservoirs are not below the water level," he said

Budi Widiantoro, the head of Jakarta's Public Works Agency, said the city administration maintained its dams by regularly carrying out dredging activities. "We conduct regular maintenance on the dams located within the city," he said.

He was quick to add that Situ Gintung was not handed by his agency because it was located in Banten Province.

However, Furqan said that 70 percent of the 193 dams were not well-maintained, saying the government should regularly inspect the condition of all the dams in the capital and its suburbs. "For instance, they can calculate how much rain will fall on a certain period to determine whether there is a possibility that a dam could exceed its capacity," Furqan said.

He also said that local governments should learn from the Situ Gintung tragedy and ensure that early warning systems were in place around every dam to prevent a repeat of the disaster. "People living near a dam should be prepared at any time, should it burst," he said.

Situ Gintung is located in Banten's Cirendeu area, just a few kilometers outside Jakarta. It was constructed by the Dutch colonial administration between 1930 and 1933 to accommodate water from tributary rivers and rainwater from nearby areas.

The dam was originally built with a flood gate, but the area is now a residential area.

Dry season to start early, with 'no extremities'

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Jakarta – Any potential drought in Indonesia this year would most likely occur due to environmental damage rather than a prolonged or extreme dry season, the Meteorology, Climatology and Geophysics Agency (BMKG) said Sunday.

"This year will not see any extremities in the dry season, besides a rather early start," agency head of the climatology division Soetamto told The Jakarta Post. "Environmental damage, such as deforestation, will most likely be the culprit for any drought cases that may hit the country."

According to the agency's report, in some areas the country's dry season will begin as early as late March or early April. This is premature when compared to the average season commencement times between 1971 and 2000.

"However, the country displays a wide variety of climates, so certain areas will enter the dry season earlier than others," Soetamto said.

The areas most likely to enter the dry season early will be Java, Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara and South Sulawesi. For those five areas, Soetamto said, the dry season would most likely reach its peak in August.

"Some areas will experience longer periods of dry weather than others. In East Nusa Tenggara, for example, the hot weather could extend for up to eight months, while some areas in Sumatra will likely experience less than a month of the season," he said.

The country had been through several severe droughts. In 1997, droughts triggered a national food crisis that forced the government to import five million tons of rice. Five years later, another drought led to the failure of more than 500,000 hectares of crops.

"Environmental damage, especially deforestation, will most likely be the cause of any drought or water crisis that may occur," Soetamto said. In Jakarta, for example, water shortages normally occur when there has not been adequate rain for around a four- month period. "However, nowadays just two months of dryness can cause the city to scream for water."

Hydrologist and water resources engineer from the Public Works Ministry Agung Bagiawan Ibrahim said after a seminar on climate change earlier this week that the country's water supply was being threatened by deforestation, especially along riverbanks. "Deforestation along riverbanks decreases the crucial impact of water catchments, causing water crises," Agung said.

In Java the water supply is traditionally scarcer in the eastern parts of the island compared to the west. "The authorities responsible for managing riverbank areas must take necessary steps, such as replanting trees, to ensure better water management systems in the future," Agung said. (dis)

'It sounded like a wave': 58 dead as dam bursts banks

Sydney Morning Herald - March 28, 2009

Tom Allard, Indonesia – At least 50 Indonesians are believed to have perished and hundreds of homes destroyed after a dam broke south of Jakarta, sending huge volumes of water rushing through a shantytown while its residents slept.

The disaster happened about 4am, according to witnesses, and followed days of torrential rain in Tangerang, on Jakarta's southern outskirts.

"I heard heavy rain. Then it sounded like a wave," Yunita, a distraught resident, told Metro TV. "I don't know where my child is. My sister is dead and I don't know where my family is."

Yunita said her house was washed away moments after she heard the dam break and she became submerged in water.

Most of the victims were from a kampung, or working class neighbourhood, set amid running streams and creeks. Most of the residents had built their ramshackle homes from waste timber and corrugated iron.

The ageing dam was protecting the residents from nearby Gintung Lake and, according to Indonesia's Vice-President, Jusuf Kalla, was in poor condition. Jakarta is coming to the end of its five- month rainy season, so the dam was full to overflowing.

The death toll was so high because most of the victims were asleep and had no chance to escape. The wave crashed into about 400 homes in the industrial area, the head of the Health Ministry Crisis Centre, Rustam Pakaya, said.

Floodwaters were up to 2.5 metres deep is some areas, police and witnesses said.

"A flash flood came suddenly and was horrifying," said Seto Mulyadi, whose car was washed nearly 100 metres from his driveway into a public park.

Mr Mulyadi said he heard a siren sound at the dam before the water smashed out all the windows and doors and inundated his home.

Mr Pakaya said 32 bodies had been recovered by rescue teams so far, but he expected the death toll to climb.

In some places water levels reached rooftops and television footage showed several bodies floating amid chairs, clothing and other debris. Telephone lines were toppled and cars swept away, some hundreds of metres.

The 10-metre-high dam, which was holding back about 2 million cubic metres of water in a lake fed by the Pesanggrahan river, was built about a century ago, while Indonesia was still under Dutch colonial rule, according to a city official, Dadang Arkuni.

Authorities were trying to determine the cause of the accident. Some said heavy rains caused the dam to first overflow and then, because the foundation was not made of concrete, to burst.

Jakarta dam: Wall of water kills 77

The Australian - March 28, 2009

Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta – Dozens have been confirmed dead and many more are still missing after a reservoir wall collapsed in the Indonesian capital, creating a "tsunami" that wiped out an entire suburban area.

The disaster, in South Jakarta only a few kilometres from the city centre, occurred at about 2am yesterday (6am AEST) after hours of heavy monsoonal rain.

The picturesque university residential district of Cireundeu was a disaster scene after the Situ Gintung lake, a popular tourist spot covering an area of 21ha, broke its banks.

The death toll had reached 77 on Saturday with many more still missing. The search and rescue agency which is keeping the death toll said the number keeps climbing.

Local police chief Captain Ngisa Asngari said on Saturday that hundreds of soldiers, police and volunteers were digging through piles of mud and debris in search of survivors or more bodies.

One survivor described the experience as "just like being in a tsunami", with water surges reaching several metres while victims slept. Many people are believed to have died without waking, their houses destroyed in the brute force of the tide.

A second wall collapse occurred at about midday, with more houses destroyed.

Hospitals were struggling to cope with the arrival of dozens of dead and injured, and with hysterical residents searching for family members.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, on the campaign trail for elections just two weeks away, arrived at the area about noon on the back of one of his military police outrider's motorbikes, after his convoy was trapped in gridlock traffic caused by the disaster.

The devastated area stretched for about 5km from the lake, and there were fears last night that more rain would make the situation worse.

One resident, Minu, told the online news service Detik.com her household was fast asleep when the lake burst. Suddenly, she said, there was a great commotion and the screaming of people.

"They were shouting, 'The water's coming in, the water's coming in', and our dogs were barking," she said.

She heard what she thought was someone knocking on the door of her house, until she realised it was the rushing water. Minu said she gathered her family and household staff and rushed to the upper floor of the home to await rescue.

She said a neighbour in her Cireundeu Permai housing estate narrowly escaped with his life after trying to escape by car.

"At the moment the water swept through, he immediately ran to the garage and tried to get his car out, but the water was already rising and the engine wouldn't start, so that suddenly the water was too high. He got out of the car by smashing the front windscreen," she said.

Other residents said they had been aware of cracking in the lake's retaining wall from about midnight, with heavy rain having fallen since the previous afternoon. A Dutch-era brick bridge was swept away before the wall collapsed.

Search and rescue personnel, as well as nearby residents, used rubber boats to rescue those they could, with hundreds of homes destroyed.

Deputy President Jusuf Kalla, who visited the area with Co- ordinating Minister for People's Welfare Abu Rizal Bakrie, said the Government would "provide emergency help to the victims. For those whose homes were destroyed, the Government will help with the repairs."

Danang Susanto, an official at the Health Ministry's crisis centre, said at least four children were among confirmed victims. All of them drowned, he said.

"Right now, residents are being evacuated. About half of them are still on rooftops waiting for help," said crisis centre chief Rustam Pakaya.

Survivors were being evacuated to dry ground at the nearby Muhammadiyah University and in local schools. A worker at Jakarta's Fatmawati hospital, Roni, said the hospital had received the bodies of four victims, including a nine-year-old girl. They were all blue and covered in mud. The nine-year-old had been found on the roof with head injuries, she said.

Houses and concrete buildings were buckled by the force of the waters as they swept through the neighbourhood, a mix of large middle-class homes in comfortable gated communities and crowded traditional kampungs, or urban villages.

"The floods caused a landslide, destroying my house and another one below it," local resident Mabruri told TV One. "Whenever it rains, water rises. But never like this."

Poor rules harm environment: Experts

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Jakarta – A lack of coordination between government institutions, as well as inconsistent and overlapping laws, have been preventing the government from taking the necessary measures to protect the environment, experts say.

"Each sector strives for its own interest, and each uses a different set of rules to justify its activities," Nurhasan Ismail, a lecturer from Gajah Mada University in Yogyakarta, said during a meeting on environmental mainstreaming in Jakarta earlier this week. He cited spatial planning as an example.

"Many entities have spatial planning divisions in their organizations," Nurhasan explained. "For instance, there is a spatial planning division in the Coordinating Ministry for the Economy, the National Development Planning Agency and the Public Works Ministry. This overlapping creates confusion and conflicts from time to time," he said.

Poor spatial planning stemming from lack of coordination hinders the development of more green spaces, State Minister for the Environment Rachmat Witoelar said on the same occasion.

"According to Law No. 26/2007, a region must have at least 30 percent of green spaces in its territory," Rachmat said. However, the country's capital, Jakarta, only has around 10 percent of its total area dedicated to green areas.

Rachmat said the lack of commitment to build green areas in the country came partly from contradictory and poorly formulated laws.

"There are currently 12 laws on natural resources management, which affect regional development and spatial planning," the minister said.

"However, those laws are still pro-investor and exploitative. They are not beneficial to environmental conservation nor to the people's rights."

Maria S. Soemardjono, another professor at Gadjah Mada University, said Indonesia failed to manage its resources appropriately due to weak policy-making.

"Legislators tend to formulate policies regarding the exploitation of resources according to each sector's needs. Thus the existing laws sometimes contain contradictory terms or purposes," Maria commented.

All laws on the exploitation of natural resources were derived from Article 3 (33) of the 1945 Constitution, which not only stipulates the government has the authority to control the country's resources, but also that those resources must be used for the people's welfare.

"However, people tend to interpret that article according to their own interests, thus often causing inconsistency," she said.

She added the inconsistency might lead to the depleting of more of the country's resources, which have been dwindling due to irresponsible exploitation.

Maria said for over 40 years, the archipelagic country has been exploiting its resources without sufficient attention to environmental sustainability.

"The global economic crisis will further increase the country's exploitation, because people view resources as an easy means to generate income," she said.

According to her, legislators need to formulate a comprehensive and detailed law to manage the country's resources. "We also need a special ministry to supervise the management of all natural resources," Maria said at the same forum.

Nurhasan said legislators should take into account existing laws before approving any drafts – forwarded by government institutions – wishing to exploit the country's resources.

"Legislators tend to pass bills according to their political interests, without considering the consequences of those bills or how they will reconcile them with existing laws," he explained.

For instance, Nurhasan said, some laws tended to give too much away to companies wishing to exploit resources.

He cited the now defunct Article 22 of Law No. 25/2007, stipulating that foreign investors were automatically given the right to use land for 95 years for their businesses. (dis)

Women & gender

Voters asked to close door to polygamist politicians

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2009

Dicky Christanto, Jakarta – Indonesian feminists have called on the public not to vote for legislative candidates or political leaders known to be polygamous, saying they would have a skewed bias on issues concerning women and children.

"How can we expect these men, who have ignored their wives' and children's feelings, to fight for the interests of women and children (in the future)?" Yeni Rosa Damayanti, of the Indonesian Women's Solidarity, told a press conference Friday.

In a list distributed during the briefing, the name of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) secretary-general Anis Matta was among those listed as a polygamous legislative candidate. "The complete list will be available soon," Yeni said.

She added the women's group was in the middle of collecting more such names. The list will be publicly announced to make people aware about not "casting their votes for the polygamous candidates" in the April 9 elections.

Anis responded to the distributed list by saying the issue of polygamy should remain in the private realm and should not be the government's concern.

"There is no direct relationship between polygamous legislators and the way they handle their public duties," he told The Jakarta Post. "I think the people are already aware about this issue, and thus they know how to deal with it."

Anis, a legislator at the House of Representatives' Commission XI overseeing financial affairs, was upbeat that public outcries over polygamy would not be an important issue later on. "People know what issues are more important to deal with right now," he said.

Jurnal Perempuan (Women's Journal) executive director Mariani Amirudin said a survey by the journal on the issue ahead of the 2004 polls found 98 percent of 200 respondents were against the practice of polygamy.

"Polygamy lies within the domain of discrimination against women. Thus the rejection of polygamy is our struggle to eliminate this unfair treatment," she said.

She added that voting for polygamous legislative candidates at the polls could be seen as violating the law on discrimination against women.

Indonesia ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) through Law No. 7/1984.

The law recognizes the existing problem of discrimination against women and provides the basis for ensuring equality between women and men.

It also ensures women's access to have equal opportunities in politics and public life, including the right to vote and to stand for election, as well as access to education, healthcare and employment.

Yeni called on the public to be more critical when dealing with political parties that were unperturbed by the polygamy issue. She said such parties would likely stay ignorant whenever there were issues on women and children that urgently needed to be addressed.

"It's time to raise the polygamy issue so that people will see it as a threat that requires immediate and firm action," she said. "People should know that for women, polygamy is as hurtful as corruption is for the whole nation."

The government is drafting the religious court on marriage bill, which states the practice of nikah siri (unregistered marriage) will be banned, while men will have to comply with more stringent requirements if they want to practice polygamy.

Laws restricting Indonesian women on the rise

Jakarta Globe - March 24, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati – Shariah-inspired laws have increased discrimination against women, a new report by the National Commission for the Protection of Women, or Komnas Perempuan, indicates.

The report, released during a discussion at the Constitutional Court building on Monday, covered bylaws issued by 69 district and municipal administrations in 21 provinces.

Komnas Perempuan chairwoman Kamala Chandra Kirana said as many as 64 bylaws "discriminate against women directly."

Of those laws, 21 governed how women could dress, while another 38 laws on prostitution attacked women's individual freedoms, she said. "We call this the institutionalization of discrimination because state institutions become the initiators and enforcers of the discriminatory actions against people, particularly women," she said.

In 2007, the Tangerang municipality west of Jakarta in Banten Province stirred controversy for issuing a bylaw on prostitution that banned women from going outside of their homes after 10 p.m.

That bylaw has resulted in the arrest of women who simply work at night. An appeal to the Supreme Court to annul the bylaw, however, was rejected.

The administration of Gowa district in South Sulawesi Province issued a similar bylaw that it claimed was meant to curb prostitution. The regulation forbade women from walking alone outside their homes after 12 p.m. without being accompanied by their husbands or male relatives.

A number of districts, includings West Pasaman, Solok and Padang in West Sumatra Province as well as Tasikmalaya in West Java Province, have issued bylaws requiring female students or female Muslims to wear Muslim attire and head scarves.

The local laws are enforced by local public order officers, often in conjunction with police.

Komnas Perempuan has asked the Ministry of Home Affairs to examine the bylaws because the regulations could result in the labeling of women as "immoral" if they returned home late at night or wore form-fitting clothes.

Most of the discriminatory bylaws were issued by administrations advocating the implementation of Shariah law. That trend followed efforts to shift power from the central government to regional authorities as part of democratic reforms that started after the fall of former President Suharto in 1998.

Last year, the Constitutional Court called on the government to scrap discriminatory bylaws because they violated the country's ideological document, the Pancasila, which protects diversity.

Responding to the call, the Ministry of Home Affairs indicated in November last year that it would review bylaws considered to be discriminatory. However, it has yet to issue results from that review.

A 'no confidence' vote for parties exploiting religion

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The National Commission on Violence against Women has called for a vote of no confidence against political parties that exploit religious issues for their interests.

If in power, such parties tend to promote policies that discriminate against women, National Commission on Violence against Women (KOMNAS Perempuan) chairwoman Kamala Chandrakirana says.

Voters should elect politicians and future leaders who are committed to the pluralist values enshrined in the Constitution, Kamala suggested at a discussion on Monday.

Indonesia's democracy allows discriminatory policies to subsist, which law enforcers and lawmaking bodies have failed to address, and the majority of people have remained silent about, Kamala said.

"We should not vote for 'leaders' who would repeat these same mistakes over the next five years, or even make things worse. "Our future leaders should maintain the rule of law, and uphold pluralism," Kamala said.

"Do not vote for politicians just because of their religious platform – because they may only use this for their short-term political interests."

Discriminatory policies include sharia-inspired bylaws, which are in place in several regional administrations, Kamala said. Such ordinances criminalize violations of religious values at the expense of women, she said.

The policy makers justify such bylaws, as "implementations of religious teachings, to improve faith and to establish Islamic values," Kamala added.

In its monitoring work over the past 10 years, KOMNAS Perempuan has found 154 bylaws issued by 69 regency or municipal administrations in 21 provinces, that have been inspired by Islamic law.

Of this figure, 64 directly impact on women, including bylaws that deprive women of their freedom of expression – by requiring them to wear headscarves while at school or in the workplace.

Among these regional ordinances are the 2002 bylaw issued by Solok municipality, West Sumatra, the 2003 bylaw enacted by Bulukumba regency, South Sulawesi, and the 2005 bylaw in Pesisir Selatan regency, West Sumatra.

The commission also found 38 bylaws violating women's rights to protection and legal certainty, including bylaws that ban prostitution issued by Tangerang, Indramayu, Tasikmalaya and Bantul administrations.

These bylaws stipulate that public order officers (Satpol PP) could take direct action against women who go out at night or who are suspected of being sex workers. The commission found that these bylaws had sparked many cases of wrongful arrest.

Another bylaw issued by Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam administration forbids khalwat (filthy acts) and imposes punishment by whipping, which is not regulated in the country's legal system.

According to the commission, the discriminatory bylaws were mostly issued by regencies and municipalities in six provinces – namely West Java, East Java, South Kalimantan, South Sulawesi, West Sumatra and West Nusa Tenggara.

Since Indonesia will soon hold legislative and presidential elections, the commission urged the future government to revoke all discriminatory regulations.

"The elected president should scrap all these bylaws immediately, because the state is responsible for the protection of the rights of all citizens, especially minority groups," Kamala said.

The commission also urged the People's Consultative Assembly to amend the Constitution so as to perfect the system and ensure human rights are fully upheld. (naf)

Discrimination against women in poll rampant

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Jakarta – The National Commission on Violence Against Women has urged all stakeholders in the upcoming legislative election to stop the ongoing intimidation and gender discrimination against women – especially women legislative candidates.

Presenting the results of a field survey that began last July, commission chairwoman Neng Dara Affiah said her commission had found numerous cases of intimidation and gender discrimination against female voters and legislative candidates.

"In this election it is still difficult for women, and this vulnerable group has often suffered from intimidation and has been more discriminated against [in the leadup to the 2009 election] than in the 2004 general election," Affiah said recently.

According to the research, many male legislative candidates had intimidated rather than coordinated with fellow female candidates, to reduce the latter's ability to attain popularity in the same electorate.

Affifah cited an example of a male legislative candidate who had deployed campaign members and thugs to intimidate a fellow candidate in Lumajang, East Java.

"The female candidate has a lot of potential supporters in her electoral district, because she is already popular and has proposed people-oriented policies, but her local party leader who acts like a thug has made a controversial policy, and her male competitors have deployed numerous tactics to prevent her from campaigning in their electorate.

"We are sure this intimidation of women candidates also happened in many other parties," Affifah said.

She also questioned election constestants' lists of campaigners, who were often party functionaries and legislative candidates.

"The worst thing is that male candidates often ask their party's constituents to choose the party symbol, rather than a candidates' name, which can have bad implications for women candidates. This is really not fair on women," she said.

According to the commission, the discimination can be blamed in part on the majority vote system used to determine election winners, that has prompted candidates to wage fierce campaigns against each other to win voters' support.

Intimidation has taken place in rural areas and among poorer families, where husbands mistreat their wives and children "and under feudalistic customs, husbands have frequently forced their wives, using pressure or by direct order, to cast their votes for certain political parties and legislative candidates," Neng Dara said.

Corruption & graft

SBY pledges special decree to uphold graft court

Jakarta Post - March 31, 2009

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Strengthening his stance against corruption ahead of the upcoming elections, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has unveiled a plan to issue a government regulation-in-lieu-of-law (Perppu) should lawmakers fail to pass a corruption court bill by the end of this year.

"The President will issue a Perppu to save the Corruption Court if the House cannot create the law before Dec. 19," Denny Indrayana, an advisor to the President on legal issues, said in Jakarta on Monday.

In 2007, the Constitutional Court concluded that the Corruption Court had violated the Constitution when it was established under the 2002 law on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), instead of the law on judicial powers.

The Corruption Court then ruled that a new law on the Corruption Court had to be enacted by December 2009, or else the existing Corruption Court would lose its legal basis, be dissolved and forced to hand over trials under its investigation to the district courts.

Observers and civil society groups have expressed concerns over the chance that corruption cases could be delegated to the district courts when they are widely regarded as one of the country's most corrupt institutions.

The current Corruption Court is the only court of its kind where prosecutors from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) bring the accused to trial.

However, the House of Representatives appears reluctant to complete the deliberation process on time, sparking outrage among anticorruption campaigners.

With the legislative elections just over a week away, legislators have been accused of ignoring the deliberation process of crucial bills, including the Corruption Court bill, to focus on their campaign efforts.

"It would be best if the House could pass the bill so we don't have to use a Perppu. But if there is no law decided upon by the deadline, then the President can issue a Perppu on grounds of an emergency situation," Denny said. He said the bottom line was that the Corruption Court must be saved by either a law or a Perppu.

"If we issue a Perppu, we can use the draft bill currently being discussed in the House, with some adjustments and input from the public," Denny said.

Two articles within the bill are of particular concern to corruption watchdogs. One designates district court heads to chair regional corruption courts while another assigns the district court chief the authority to select judges overseeing certain cases, such as those under review.

The bill also grants the Supreme Court head and district court chief the prerogative to decide on the balance of career and noncareer judges in district-level corruption courts.

The bill states the number of judges be odd, either three or five.

District court and career judges have a notorious history of colluding with corruption suspects appearing before them, which created a veritable "court mafia" embedded in the country's judicial system. Many anti-corruption activists say the bill could be a strategy to weaken the fight against graft.

It is feared that if the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is defeated each time it presents cases to the Corruption Court, its power and authority could be undermined.

Groups blast calls for an end to graft as 'empty'

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2009

Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – The ongoing election campaign period has seen political parties and candidates pledging to fight corruption, but they are really offering the public nothing more than empty promises, antigraft groups said Friday.

"By the end of 2008, the House of Representatives had only finished deliberating 162 of the total 290 bills. Three of the unfinished bills were related to fighting corruption," Indonesia Corruption Watch deputy coordinator Emerson Yuntho told a news conference.

Those bills, he added, were on the corruption court, the revision of the 2001 anticorruption law and another on asset confiscation. Only the corruption court bill had been handed over to the House for deliberation, while the other two were still being drafted.

"This shows the lack of commitment on the part of the government, the House and political parties because they do not make these anticorruption bills priorities," Emerson said.

A similar criticism was lodged by M. Nur Sholikin from the Center for Legal and Policy Study (PSHK) at the same event. Based on a study by the center, he said, the House had never met its target for finalizing laws.

"In the last few years the House has taken a 60:40 policy. Its legislative function is given a 60 percent (target), while the remaining 40 percent is assigned to its monitoring and budgeting roles," he said.

Nur said he was pessimistic the House would finish deliberating the corruption court bill on time.

The Constitutional Court had ruled that a new Corruption Court law must be enacted by December 2009 or the existing court system will no longer be valid under law.

Emerson said the House usually made a legislation priority list based on five categories. Those given first priority are the bills which are straightforward to approve, like a regional expansion bill, he said. "These bills are more like a copy and paste of the draft," he said.

The bills given second priority are those related directly with the House's interests, such as the legislative election and presidential election laws.

The third are bills related to private sectors such as oil, energy and investment, followed by those indirectly related to the House's interests such as the Supreme Court law.

Finally, bills regarding public interest such as those on the corruption court, freedom of information and witness protection are given last priority.

Emerson said any attempt at passing a law that could threaten the credibility or existence of lawmakers and politicians would never be made a top priority.

"That is why we doubt the House's commitment (to eradicate corruption)," he said, adding that the corruption court bill was "in a coma".

"They (legislators) are not interested in finishing the bill any time in the near future when many House members have been arrested and tried at the Corruption Court," Emerson said.

So far there have been eight legislators and former legislators tried or sentenced by the court for corruption in separate cases.

Among the convicted lawmakers were Saleh Djasit, Noor Adenan Razak, Hamka Yandhu and Anthony Zeidra Abidin – all from the Golkar Party.

Other convicted legislators include Al Amin Nur Nasution from the United Development Party (PPP), Sarjan Tahir from the Democratic Party and Bulyan Royan from the Star Reform Party (PBR).

"It is not surprising we are worried that the House's aversion of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Corruption Court could end up reflecting in its policy," said Emerson.

Need a law passed? Not without cash

Jakarta Post - March 25, 2009

Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – Seemingly jaded with the parade of legislators standing trial for graft, Corruption Court judges have queried whether bribery is simply the norm in parliament.

"Do all laws being discussed at the House [of Representatives] need extra money from the House's counterparts?" judge Hendra Yospin asked legislator Hamka Yandhu at the Corruption Court here Tuesday.

Hamka said he did not know if such a practice was implemented in discussions of other laws, but said, "There are some."

The Golkar Party legislator was presented to testify at the trial of four former Bank Indonesia deputy governors; Maman Soemantri, Bun Bunan E.J. Hutapea, Aslim Tadjuddin and Aulia Pohan, the father-in-law of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's son.

The four men are on trial for approving the illegal disbursement of Rp 100 billion (US$5.9 million) of BI's Indonesian Banking Development Foundation (YPPI) in 2003.

Of that amount, Rp 68.5 billion was disbursed to five former senior BI officials: Paul Sutopo, Hendro Budiyanto, Heru Soepraptomo, Iwan R. Prawiranata and J. Soedradjad Djiwandono.

The five had been implicated in corruption cases relating to the misuse of BI liquidity support (BLBI) funds during the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis.

The remaining Rp 31.5 billion was disbursed to two House of Representatives members, Hamka and Anthony Zeidra Abidin, both members of House Commission IX overseeing financial and banking issues, in an effort to get the House to approve a settlement of the BLBI cases and smooth the amendment of the BI law. Judge Hendra said the court needed to uncover the misconduct because it was related to legislators' behavior.

"We do not want all laws being endorsed [by the House] to approved simply because of vested personal or group interests," he said. "Our country will be ruined if we let the practice continue."

Hamka revealed the money he had received from former BI officials Rusli Simanjuntak and Asnar Ashari was then disbursed to other legislators through representatives of each faction.

He said he gave Rp 1.2 billion each to the National Awakening Party's (PKB) Amroe Al Mutasyim and the PKB Reform faction's Rizal Djalil, as well as Rp 3.2 billion to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle's (PDI-P) Dudi Makmun Murod, Rp 1 billion to the National Police and Military's Darsup Yusuf, and Rp 300 million to the Crescent Star Party's M.S. Kaban.

He also admitted giving Rp 1 billion to then commission head Paskah Suzetta, and Rp 300 million each to the PDI-P's Emir Moeis, the PKB's Ali Masykur Musa and several other legislators.

Hamka and Anthony were sentenced to three years and four-and-a- half years, respectively, for receiving gratuities from BI.

Kaban is the current forestry minister, while Paskah is the state minister for national development planning. Paskah was supposed to testify at the trial, but failed to show up due to working visits outside the capital. Prosecutors plan to summon Paskah again for the next hearing on March 31.

Islam/religion

Islamic party PPP woos hard-liners

Jakarta Globe - March 29, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati – The United Development Party, or PPP, has resorted to calling on the government to dissolve the controversial Islamic sect Ahmadiyah in an effort to appeal to conservative Muslim voters ahead of the April 9 legislative elections.

PPP chairman Suryadharma Ali, who is a member of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet, asserted during a campaign rally on Sunday that the Ahmadiyah sect had violated Islamic teachings, state-run Antara news agency reported.

"Ahmadiyah must be dissolved because it has disrespected the feelings and honor of Muslims," he told more than 10,000 party supporters in Jakarta.

Suryadharma said the growing number of cases of insults against religion, be it Islam or the other state-recognized religions, had occurred due to what he called "over-the-line democracy," where freedoms had been taken too far after the end of the late President Suharto's authoritarian New Order regime. "It is fine to be free, but every freedom has its limit," he said.

An Islamic party set up during the New Order era, PPP has seen its popularity suffer over the last decade. In elections in 1997, shortly before the end of Suharto's rule, it gained 20 percent of the vote, while in 1999 it secured 11 percent, and in 2004, only 8 percent.

The Ahmadiyah community has become a target in recent years for hard-line Muslims, who consider it "heretical." Attacks against Ahmadiyah escalated in mid-2008, culminating in the government issuing a joint ministerial decree banning its activities, in particular "spreading interpretations and activities that deviate from the principal teachings of Islam."

There are approximately 200,000 followers of Ahmadiyah who believe the sect's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was the last prophet of Islam – contradicting one of the fundamental doctrines of orthodox Islam.

PKS puts off Islamic face to lure secular voters

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Alfian, Jakarta – As the legislative election is around the corner, the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) is dealing with two biggest challenges; maintaining its clean image and winning the hearts of majority Indonesian secular voters.

With its anti-corruption movement, PKS has boosted its votes from only 2 percent in the 1999 election, when its name was Justice Party, to 7.3 percent in the 2004 election. But, its image as a clean and caring party has been fading slowly since it tied the knot with a coalition backing Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla in the 2004 presidential election.

"Many heroic stories of the party before 2004 have apparently disappeared because of its confusing positions as part of the government's supporting party and an opposing one," the party said in a book revealing its political platform.

In the 643-page book titled "Struggling for a Civil Society", launched April last year, PKS calls upon all its cadres to reevaluate the party's concept on cleanliness and care for a bigger public space context.

While trying to regain its good image, the party is working hard to win trust from secular voters. In this regard, the party is facing challenge on how to comfort secular voters with the party's strong Islamic image, vision and mission which will be fighting for Islamic state some time in the long future.

"We are seeking not to implement Jakarta charter but fighting for Madinah charter accommodating pluralism to allow all social elements with different ethnics and religions to live peacefully," said PKS's president Tifatul Sembiring.

Ahead of the election, PKS' campaigning as an open party is becoming stronger. In several ads campaigns, PKS uses a woman model with modern style without headcurf, instead of Islamic one, to make the party closer and familiar with the common people. The party also put posters in strategic locations with tag lines "Can Red, Yellow, Green be PKS? For Indonesia of course it can."

PKS has been trying to take over the position of National Mandate Party, National Awakening Party and Golkar Party dominating the campus world in the past. It has its stronghold in Jakarta and outskirts, West Java, Banten and urban areas in Java, Sulawesi and Sumatra.

Despite all these efforts, political observer Yudi Latif from Paramadina University said PKS was still facing difficulties to get a full acceptance even by educated secular voters. "Since PKS's legislative candidates must come from the party's internal cadres, the people still perceive PKS as an exclusive party," Yudi said.

Elections/political parties

Former Suharto general Hartono promises rebirth of New Order

Detik.com - March 31, 2008

Muhammad Nur Abdurrahman, Makassar – On March 31 the Concern for the Nation Functional Party (PKPB) held an election campaign rally in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar. Speaking before around one thousand sympathisers, PKPB General Chairperson R. Hartono promised the rebirth of former President Suharto's New Order regime.

In his speech, Hartono said that after travelled around the archipelago, the retired general came to the conclusion that the ordinary people have a strong desire for [a return] to the conditions when the New Order regime was in power.

"If there are those who deny that during the New Order era Indonesia was able prosper it means that they are fooling themselves", asserted Hartono at the Mandala Monument in Makassar on Tuesday.

The former army chief of staff even alluded to Indonesia's current leaders as being unable to maintain Indonesia's authority. Whereas when the country was led by Suharto, Indonesia was a country that was highly respected.

"When Pak Harto [Suharto] was the leader, this country was never disparaged by other nations. [If] a single grain of sand was taken without permission it mean a challenge", warned Hartono.

At the end of his speech, Hartono called in the ordinary people to vote for the PKPB, because only in this way will the spirit of Suharto's leadership be reborn. (mna/djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Indonesia's SBY starts search for running mate

The Australian - March 31, 2009

Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta – Indonesian leader Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is expected to start publicly testing the water within days as to who his running mate should be for July presidential polls.

The aim will be to further sow confusion among supporters of the Golkar Party – the vehicle of his current deputy, Jusuf Kalla – as Indonesians go to the ballot boxes for parliamentary elections at the end of next week.

Although Mr Yudhoyono is most likely to still need the support of a fracturing Golkar if his Democratic Party is to form government, he has thus far refrained from engaging in presidential election speculation – other than to make it clear Mr Kalla will not be on his ticket.

Mr Kalla, on the other hand, will almost certainly have to accept the Golkar presidential nomination, in part as payback for an expected poor showing for the party – which dominates the current house – in the parliamentary polls.

There is little expectation, even within his own party, that Mr Kalla could actually win the presidency, with his likely candidacy being seen as a sacrificial act.

According to a source deep within the Yudhoyono team, the most likely partner for Mr Yudhoyono in the July election would be former Golkar chief and one-time parliamentary speaker Akbar Tandjung.

This selection would effectively further split the Golkar vote for the presidential poll. The party, which was the ruling machine of former strongman Suharto, has, besides Mr Kalla, a number of other presidential hopefuls, including media magnate Surya Paloh, Yogyakarta Governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X and current parliamentary speaker Agung Laksono.

But none of them is an electoral standout and Mr Tandjung is judged by the Yudhoyono team as the one who best performs the contradictory tasks of dividing the Golkar vote – which benefits the Democrats – and yet still bringing the party machine on board for a governing coalition.

"They (Golkar) can't exist without access to key cabinet positions, including the Justice Ministry," the source said. Mr Tandjung would then also replace Mr Kalla as party chairman.

Although the accuracy of opinion polling is questioned, there seems little doubt that Mr Yudhoyono's Democrats will at best attract something under 30 per cent of the national vote next week.

This means that, should he subsequently regain the presidency, he would still be forced into coalition to govern, although with a much stronger hand to play than when he formed his current administration in 2004.

Golkar will most likely hedge its bets by trying to get a candidate in the second spot on all the major presidential tickets, including that of former leader Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P) is likely to emerge with a solid bloc in the parliament, but historical animosity makes a PDI-P-Democrats coalition almost impossible.

There is also a distant possibility that, should Golkar collapse completely at the parliamentary polls and the Muslim-orientated Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) pick up part of its vote, Mr Yudhoyono will then stand on a ticket with that party's Hidayat Nur Wahid.

However, the Yudhoyono source also predicted that if the Democrats won outright more than 20 per cent of the national vote – the figure required to field a presidential candidate – he was likely to still do a coalition deal in the house but offer the vice-presidential nomination to his impressive Finance Minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati.

Although the technocrat Ms Mulyani would bring no party machine to the ticket, she would give a massive boost to Mr Yudhoyono's reform credentials – and if the opposition parties perform poorly, this could be all he needs. But observers have also warned not to place too much stock in current polling figures, saying there could be big surprises after next week.

One, US academic Jeffrey Winters, told a public seminar last week that the biggest problem with Indonesian political polling was that "there is no cross-checking of the results... no one goes back to the villages and actually checks that the people that were supposed to have been questioned were questioned".

One potential dark horse is former Golkar military figure Prabowo Subianto, whose Gerindra party is quickly gathering national momentum. Ironically, the result of a Gerindra success would be a further Golkar downswing since General Prabowo is largely attracting former Golkar supporters.

MK: Quick counts now allowed on voting day

Jakarta Post - March 31, 2009

Andra Wisnu, Jakarta – Voters have been granted the right to know who the winner of the upcoming legislative elections is within a few hours of the ballots closing, a court has ruled.

In defense of the public's right to know and in honor of academic freedom, the Constitutional Court announced Monday that pollsters can announce their quick count results throughout voting day, effectively allowing political surveys to become a trademark of the country's elections.

In a 6-3 majority ruling, the court scrapped Article 245 of Election Law No. 10/2008 which banned the announcement of quick count results on election day, determining the stipulation went against the public's constitutional right to access knowledge.

The prior article ruled that quick count results could not be announced during the "cooling off period" three days prior to voting day and could only be released a day following the election. Any violation of this ruling could have resulted in imprisonment.

The court has now revised the election law four times, with the most significant change being the adoption of the open list to replace the decade-old party list system of election.

During the hearing Monday, the majority of judges rejected the government's argument that survey results announced in proximity to voting day could skew voter opinion to favor a certain candidate.

"There is no hard evidence that quick count results conducted in a democratic country can affect election results to favor a particular candidate," presiding judge and the court chief justice Mohammad Mahfud MD said.

"Furthermore, quick counts, by definition, should be delivered quickly. Disallowing survey institutes to announce their results close to election day would be contradictory to its purpose."

Quick count results conducted by a number of survey institutes during the 2004 presidential election and the regional elections held between 2007 and 2008 were generally proven accurate.

Three judges, Arsyad Sanusi, Akil Mochtar and Achmad Sodiki, voted against the change.

Sodiki said allowing quick counts to be announced around election day could offer an unfair advantage to the major parties which could potentially hire survey institutes to release favorable results.

"This industry is not free from the manipulation of big capital owners. Allowing these survey institutes to act freely will be an unfair disadvantage to smaller parties," judge Achmad said.

After the hearing, petitioners from the Indonesian Public Opinion Research Association (AROPI) celebrated their victory.

AROPI chief Denny Yanuar Ali called the ruling a victory to pollsters across Indonesia, which he claimed "came in one package with a democracy."

"This ruling has rejuvenated the health of our democracy and reaffirmed its appreciation of the country's scientific community," Denny said.

Andrinof Chaniago, a political analyst and chairman of the Cirus Surveyors Group polling company, welcomed the court's decision.

"The ruling has straightened out the government's erroneous assumption that the public can be easily swayed by polling results. The public are not so foolish to just base all their decision on polls," he said.

When asked whether quick counts could affect the outcome in provinces where elections were not held simultaneously, Andrinof said they would not have any adverse effects as long as the voting population was small.

The General Election Commission (KPU) hinted that elections in certain regencies in the Catholic-majority East Nusa Tenggara province may be postponed due to schedule clashes with religious holidays.

PKS has Jakarta seeing white, as others pile on the promises

Jakarta Post - March 31, 2009

Jakarta – In a show of confidence, some 100,000 Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) supporters thronged Bung Karno Stadium in Jakarta on Monday in a rally billed as the largest held since the campaign season kicked off two weeks ago.

Brushing aside the party's hard-line Islamic image, the crowd, clad in white PKS attire, followed the tunes of top bands like Gigi, Cokelat and singer Ipang, who performed during the rally.

PKS chairman Tifatul Sembiring asked the crowd to help the party to back-to-back wins in the capital. "We won in Jakarta in 2004. Let's make it happen again on April 9 and fight for victory in the rest of the country," Tifatul said.

In the 2004 polls, the PKS won 24 percent of total votes in Jakarta, and this year has set a target of securing more than 50 percent of votes.

During the rally, Tifatul touted the PKS's "clean" image, with the party relatively untouched after the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) found no evidence to implicate PKS legislator Rama Pratama in a recent bribery case involving dismissed National Mandate Party (PAN) legislator Abdul Hadi Djamal. "Yesterday, the KPK confirmed to the party that Rama was clean," Tifatul said.

The KPK arrested Abdul earlier this month for receiving an alleged bribe of US$90,000 (Rp 1 billion) and Rp 54 million ($5,000) from a Transportation Ministry official.

During the investigation, Abdul claimed Rama and Jhonny Allen Marbun from the Democratic Party also took the money, which was provided by businessman Hontjo Kurniawan to develop a pier and airport project in eastern Indonesia.

Monday's rally was considered the nation's biggest ever.

Novri, a PKS member who works as an engineer at a multinational oil and gas company in Jakarta, said he took a day's leave to attend the rally.

Nia Kurniawati, a lecturer at a private university in Kebon Jeruk, West Jakarta, said she traded her teaching schedule with a colleague to join the rally. "I planned the trade two weeks ago," Nia, 25, told The Jakarta Post.

In Bandung, the PAN and the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) pledged a slew of promises to woo support during their respective rallies.

PAN chairman Soetrisno Bachir told party supporters in Tegallega field that the party would urge the government to give every village in Indonesia a Rp 1.5 billion annual budget to support development projects. (hwa)

True alliances yet to be seen as parties close ranks

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Alfian and Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's re-election bid has gained support from beyond his Democratic Party, but analysts say neither of the recent political groupings in favor of or against him have substance in terms of true coalitions.

The Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party reiterated during its rally in the West Java town of Depok on Sunday the party's wish to form a coalition with Yudhoyono's party. "You heard it yourselves: Our constituents prefer an alliance with the Democrats," PKS chairman Tifatul Sembiring told reporters.

When asking party supporters if they would like the PKS to partner with the Golkar Party or the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the crowd gave a thumbs down. But they gave a resounding thumbs up to the Democratic Party.

Tifatul confirmed PKS chief patron Hilmi Aminuddin had attended a meeting at Yudhoyono's residence in Cikeas in Bogor on Thursday, but said any decision on a coalition would be put on hold until after the April 9 elections.

In response to a move by the PDI-P, Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP) to form a "golden triangle" coalition, the Democratic Party claimed it was looking forward to forming a "golden bridge" – with the PKS, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN).

Both PKS and Democratic Party leaders played down talks about the coalition. "The Democratic Party and the PKS are still together in the current coalition, which will last until the end of the term," PKS co-founder Hidayat Nur Wahid said Sunday.

"We have also agreed to join forces to save voters' right in the coming elections by establishing a monitoring team."

Democratic Party deputy chairman Anas Urbaningrum said the party appreciated the PKS's support. "Of course we'll cooperate with parties that share our mission, But we have yet to exactly interpret those parties' stance as real support," he said.

University of Indonesia political expert Fachri Ali said such political blocs were only temporary and created for pragmatic reasons.

"There is no guarantee these groupings will last long. If the parties were serious about forming coalitions, they would have discussed who would be president, who would drive politics and who would drive the economy. But they have not done any of these things," Fachri told The Jakarta Post recently.

PPP executive Emron Pangkapi said his party, the PDI-P and Golkar had held an official meeting to discuss the possibility of forming a coalition after the legislative elections. "But we have not officially reached any coalition agreement," he said, adding the decision would depend almost entirely on the results of the legislative elections.

State administration expert Irman Putra Sidin said the two groupings had been hastily established. "Some parties are looking overconfident, while others are freaking out," he said.

Indo Barometer political observer Muhammad Qodari said the "golden triangle" and "golden bridge" were not yet concrete platforms for coalitions. "They have yet to synchronize their common political agendas," he pointed out.

Why aren't parties paying attention to the youth vote?

Jakarta Globe - March 29, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati & Nurdin Hasan – Dian, 19, a communications student at a private college in Jakarta, was enthusiastic when asked if she would vote in the April 9 elections.

"I will cast my vote, for sure. I don't want to waste my right to vote," she said recently.

Dian was conversant about the upcoming legislative elections. She said she already knew the House of Representatives candidate she would vote for. However, she was still unsure about the candidates for the local legislative councils and the Regional Representatives Council, or DPD.

"I don't know much about them. I read newspapers and watch the news on TV, but I still don't know anything about their ideas. Maybe I will vote for a political party instead of a candidate for the local council and DPD," said Dian, who will be a first- time voter in the legislative elections.

Kunta Laras, 21, a student at a state university in Depok, West Java Province, said that he would not exercise his political rights this year.

"Ah, come on. You know who [the candidates] really are," he said. "They make empty promises during the campaign season. After they are elected, they receive bribes and get involved in other corrupt practices instead of thinking about our fate. They promise to provide jobs, but how will they do it? They don't even know how."

Kunta said that he had consciously decided not to vote, even though it would have been his first time taking part in elections. "Some of my friends are excited about voting for the first time," he said. "They said it's cool. But they don't know anything about who they will vote for. I won't do something stupid like that."

Fajar Nur Sahid of the LP3ES, a social, political and research think tank, said that a number of polls showed that a high rate of young voters, particularly first-time voters, were planning to cast their ballots on April 9.

"They are willing to vote this year, mostly because of the influence of their families, neighbors and peers," he said, adding that campaign ads only functioned to confirm their choices.

According to the Central Statistics Agency, based on a sample of 171 registered voters, about 60 percent fall into the category of young voters this year. This refers to voters aged 20 to 40 years old.

JPPR, a nongovernmental organization specializing in monitoring elections, predicts that first-time voters would make up 30 percent of the total voters this year.

"Their number is significant, but they are overlooked by both the political parties and the KPU," said Jeirry, who is chairman of the organization.

The KPU, or General Elections Commission, has reached out to young voters only recently, conducting events at schools, universities and shopping malls. On Sunday, the KPU held an event in Senayan, Jakarta. The event, complete with musical performances, managed to draw hundreds of young people. However, few political parties attended the event, although they had the chance to promote themselves.

J. Anto, who chairs Kippas, a nongovernmental organization involved in educating young voters about this year's elections in Medan, North Sumatra Province, said that young voters were enthusiastic about voting but many of them were ill-informed.

"At a voting simulation attended by some schools here, most of the students did not know whether they had to tick a candidate or a party on the ballots," J. Anto said.

Elly Supriadi, executive director of Community for Aceh Resources Development, or E-Card – a local nongovernmental organization engaged in voter education for first-time voters in South Aceh, Southwest Aceh, and West Aceh districts – raised other concerns, saying that young voters in Aceh had little interest in the polls due to lack of information about the importance of voting.

"Initially, they were not too enthusiastic. But after we explained their rights as voters, and the impact of every single vote, they became more eager," she said, adding that E-card provided comic books and workshops to make the voter education program more appealing.

Fajar of LP3ES said that young voters and first-time voters would cast their votes for political parties and candidates who offer change. "We are having this 'fever of change' due to the US elections. It's a trend among young and first-time voters," Fajar said.

There may be a reason many political parties are ignoring young voters, with analysts saying that this group is generally better educated and often more critical of the ideas and programs endorsed by the parties.

Kacung Mardijan, a political analyst from Airlangga University in Surabaya, East Java Province, said that most political parties were aware of the potential impact of young and first-time voters, but had done a poor job of attracting them.

"The parties have failed to accommodate the needs of young voters into party policies or programs," he said. "The young voters want assurance that the parties will be able to provide job opportunities and eradicate poverty."

Young voters will not hesitate to "punish" political parties that fail to fulfill their needs, Kacung said. He referred to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, which lost the 2004 elections after winning the polls in 1999.

"[Young people] voted for other parties which offered change," Kacung said, referring to the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, the Democratic Party and the Prosperous Peace Party, or PDS, all of which did surprisingly well in the 2004 legislative elections despite being new parties.

Fajar suggested that political parties should focus more on the young voters due to their significant numbers. "It's not difficult to gain their trust," he said. "Just deliver real programs to attract and maintain their loyalty."

Confident Yudhoyono rubs elbows with heads of small parties

Jakarta Globe - March 27, 2009

Febriamy Hutapea – With leaders of other major parties talking of grand coalitions, a confident President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has turned in recent days to some of the smaller parties in his current coalition in an effort that may hold clues about the president's strategy ahead of July's presidential election.

Over the last four days, the president reached out to top officials of three Islam-based parties that support the current government led by Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, who heads the Golkar Party.

Late on Tuesday, Yudhoyono met with Hilmi Aminuddin, a senior party official of the conservative Islamic Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS. He followed that up by meeting on Wednesday with Sutrisno Bachir, chairman of the National Mandate Party, or PAN, and on Thursday morning with Muhaimin Iskandar chairman of the internal strife-ridden National Awakening Party, or PKB.

In contrast to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, and Kalla's Golkar party, PKS, PAN and PKB each have traditionally drawn their supporters from among the ranks of Muslim organizations, though ones varying ideological and doctrinal flavors.

A top Democratic Party leader, Anas Urbaningrum, said the meetings were merely aimed at maintaining good relations between current coalition partners. "This is normal as we're partners," Anas said of the meeting. "We agreed to be together until this government's term is over."

The meetings, however, come after high-profile talks in recent weeks between Kalla and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri of the PDI-P, and as pollsters and pundits predict with increasing confidence a strong showing for Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.

If the party can approach or surpass 25 percent of the popular vote or 20 percent of the House seats in the April 9 national legislative elections, it would be in a strong position either to nominate Yudhoyono as a presidential candidate without the need to form a coalition, or to pick up the support of one or two smaller parties to broaden its base.

Hitching themselves to the Yudhoyono wagon would likely be an enticing proposition for the three parties, as another Yudhoyono victory would give them a good chance of retaining key cabinet positions.

PKB central board chairman, Helmi Faishal Zaini, was not particularly forthcoming about the details of Thursday's Yudhoyono-Muhaimin meeting, saying only that the top representatives of the two parties "discussed our commitment to making the election a success, as it is important for our future democracy."

PAN's Sutrisno was equally vague about the details of their meeting, but did emphasize his party's openness to potentially supporting the incumbent's re-election bid.

Representatives of the conservative Islamic PKS were decidedly more open about voicing their readiness to support the president once again. PKS chairman Tifatul Sembiring said his party was far more likely to join once again with Yudhoyono's party.

An internal survey among PKS cadres, he said, showed that many in the party preferred to maintain the partnership with the Democratic Party, rather than ditching the incumbent and throwing their weight behind either one of the two other leading contenders, PDI-P or Golkar.

PKS secretary general, Anis Matta, said he planned to follow-up the high level talks with working-level meetings next week.

"We will review the political contract between PKS and Yudhoyono," Anis said, but he suggested that the at least some in their party had already made their feelings known about the president. "PKS members believe that Yudhoyono's progress in implementing the reform agenda is running well," he said.

Will the controversial threshold rule lead to chaos?

Jakarta Globe - March 27, 2009

Camelia Pasandaran & Febriamy Hutapea – A controversial measure aimed at bringing stability to Indonesia's notoriously chaotic multiparty system will likely succeed at limiting the number of parties that make it into the next House of Representatives. But it has raised fears that the inevitable challenge of parties and politicians that receive votes but find themselves frozen out of Senayan may simply breed more post-election chaos.

Parties failing to net 2.5 percent of the national vote in the legislative elections less than two weeks away will not gain representation in the House of Representatives, or DPR, according to the 2008 Election Law, even if their candidates manage to pull off a victory in their given districts. A similar 3 percent threshold existed in the 2004 legislative elections, limiting the number of parties that made it into the legislature that has served over the last five years.

This year, however, the threshold is but one of a slew of issues that have arisen in recent weeks and months that could form a basis for challenging the results of the elections.

"In 2004, 271 election disputes were filed with the Constitutional Court," said Patra Zen, chairperson of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation, or YLBHI. "I can imagine the number could double or even triple this year."

The threshold is particularly likely to serve as the basis for disputes following a series of recent Constitutional Court rulings. Some legislative candidates and 11 minor parties filed a petition against the threshold, but the court threw it out last month, arguing that the threshold was the product of a democratic process and therefore perfectly legal.

That ruling, however, came just days after the court issued a separate verdict that said candidates who garnered the most votes in a district would be awarded seats, rather than simply the candidates who were ranked highest on the list of the winning parties.

As a result, a candidate could conceivably win the most votes in a specific legislative district, and therefore be entitled to a House seat, but still be barred from the House because his or her party failed to meet the 2.5 percent threshold nationally.

Says Patra of the potential legal disputes: "If in 2004 they held hearings until evening, they are likely to meet until morning thanks to this threshold ruling. Those elderly judges could suffer a stroke."

The potential for the threshold to leave a large segment of the voting public without their choice of representatives in the House has a number of elections experts concerned.

Kevin Evans, a political analyst who runs the election monitoring Web site Pemilu Asia, said that up to 33 percent of all votes cast would be for candidates from parties that would not make it into the House. He said this could be a post-election issue, especially in the provinces of Bangka-Belitung and South Sulawesi and throughout eastern Indonesia, including restive Papua where voters feeling disenfranchised could exacerbate already heightened political tensions.

Jeffrey Winters, a professor of political science from Northwestern University in Illinois, likewise called the 2.5 percent threshold "dangerous," though he estimated the percentage of votes that would go to parties that end up gaining no representation in the House at 25 percent.

Not everyone thinks the threshold is a bad idea, however, and few would argue with the measure's central aim of bringing clarity and order to the political landscape that today includes 38 national parties.

Sulastio, director of Indonesia Parliamentary Center, acknowledged that the policy "has the potential" to create post- election conflicts and could prompt parties that failed to clear the bar for entry into the House to cry foul. But he insisted the point was not to limit the number of parties but to simplify decision-making in the legislature, which despite the higher 2004 threshold is nevertheless made up of 11 factions and 16 parties.

Lili Romli of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, or LIPI, played down the potential for conflict based on the measure.

There would be inevitable protests, Lili said, "but their number will be insignificant. And as long as they are outside of the legislature, their threat is insignificant."

Still, dealing with the potential fallout require serious preparation by authorities, Lili said, particularly given the short window of time to deal with election disputes. "The court has only 21 days to resolve election disputes, so it should really maximize its time," he said. "Delays in resolving disputes would affect next steps."

Irman Putra Sidin, a former expert adviser to the Constitutional Court, said he thought the threshold was a valuable measure. "The threshold of 2.5 percent is appropriate. Many countries use that system and we're just adopting it from overseas," he said.

Some have even gone a step further, like Andrinof Chaniago from the University of Indonesia, who proposed increasing the threshold to between 3 percent and 5 percent to help consolidate the political party landscape. "Seven big parties in the House like now is good. But it could be simpler," he said. "There could be four or five parties supporting the government and the rest in opposition. If it's that, there will be checks and balances."

Setting high standards for parties, Andrinof said, would help boost their quality. "If they only meet administrative requirements, they should just be considered registered parties," he said. "If the party has branches in provinces, they may join elections. And if they pass the threshold, they may sit in the legislature."

Ex-militia leader plays cleanskin card in poll push

Sydney Morning Herald - March 28, 2009

Tom Allard, Kupang, West Timor – Eurico Guterres – the militia leader found guilty and then acquitted of crimes against humanity during East Timor's violence-soaked birth as a nation – is hoping to catapult himself into Indonesia's national parliament, raising concerns any victory would greatly enhance his finances and influence.

Campaigning to represent one of Indonesia's poorest provinces, Guterres retains strong support among the pro-integrationist refugees from East Timor.

He is regarded as a national hero by many Indonesians, despite detailed allegations of his incitement of murderous rampages in 1999.

In an interview with the Herald, Guterres denied he had any links with the Indonesian security establishment that sponsored his Aitarak (Thorn) militia in East Timor. He described himself as a mediator and advocate for the downtrodden.

"The living conditions at the refugee camps here are not good. They are being neglected," he said. "There are some who wish to return to Timor Leste [East Timor]. That's why I wanted to run, because I wanted to make sure, if and when they return, they will be accepted well."

Guterres lives in Kupang, the capital of West Timor, but has been campaigning for the past week in the towns and villages along the border with East Timor, where most of the refugees from the 1999 conflict live.

The region's living conditions remain harsh. Local media reported the deaths of six children due to malnutrition this month. The area is also rife with smuggling of fuel, drugs and, in some instances, weapons into East Timor, say police sources.

Guterres was accused of orchestrating a militia attack on the house of a prominent pro-independence activist, Manuel Carrascalao, in 1999, which resulted in 12 deaths. This allegation was the centrepiece of his indictment on charges of crimes against humanity.

He also made an infamous speech in East Timor's capital Dili, declaring the country would become a "sea of fire" if East Timorese voted for independence.

Guterres served two years of a 10-year sentence before being acquitted and released last year. He is the only person ever jailed in Indonesia for the abuses in East Timor in 1999.

"What happened in Timor Leste for me is in the past. I was tried, I was in prison, but the Supreme Court found me not guilty," Guterres said. "I have never killed anyone, nor issued orders to kill anyone. But, because I was the leader then, people assume the killings was done under my order."

Ed Rees, a Timor analyst and security consultant, warned that Guterres had the "ability to be a problem" if elected to Parliament and is probably still "ultimately answerable" to military figures in Jakarta, retired or otherwise.

Prabowo Subianto is the Indonesian military counter-intelligence officer widely credited with enticing Guterres to become a spy and later a militia leader for Jakarta. Mr Subianto went on to head the notorious special forces unit Kopassus and is now running a well-financed bid for Indonesia's presidency.

"The people in [West Timor's border area] aren't having a great time," Mr Rees said. "If Guterres was given money and direction, there's certainly a lot of tinder for a fire."

Indonesia's Parliament is notoriously corrupt and its representatives are well remunerated by local standards.

Reflecting the flexible ideologies of many Indonesian political parties, Guterres, a Catholic, is running for the National Mandate Party (PAN), which has its roots in the moderate Indonesian Islamic movement Muhammadiyah.

PAN secured about 10 per cent of parliamentary seats in the last election. It is not traditionally strong in West Timor but Guterres's high profile means few pundits are writing off his chances.

And, despite his murky past, Guterres is promoting himself as a political cleanskin and bemoaning the justice system. "There's corruption everywhere, but no one has been arrested. I want to change all that."

Hanura digs deeper into its conscience

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Ridwan Max Sijabat – Being number one on the list of contesting parties means little in the grand scheme of the elections, and that is something that the People's Conscience (Hanura) Party is well aware of heading into the upcoming legislative elections. fill.

Defeated in the 2004 presidential race, former Indonesian Military (TNI) chief, defense minister and four-star Gen. (ret) Wiranto, who expressed disappointment with the "deceiving results" of the past general elections that "gave nothing to the people", quit the Golkar Party and joined forces with close friends to form Hanura on Nov. 14, 2006.

The party was built to serve as a political vehicle to take over power through the polls, with the main mission of pursuing universal social welfare, free education and free or at least affordable healthcare for the needy.

With its name, the military-style party is determined to prove its leadership is a far cry from the TNI's leadership during the ruthless crackdown in the 1999 riots in then East Timor and the bloody sectarian violence in Maluku, while it tries to tout the promise of a national leader with a conscience achieving the party's national goals.

"The people should elect a national leader and legislative candidates who have a conscience, because development in all sectors cannot go on without a conscience," Hanura chairman Wiranto pleaded with his audience in a recent campaign speech.

Responding to reports of a lack of human resources, financing and internal consolidation, Hanura deputy chairman Fuad Bawazir denounced "misleading results" of certain surveys that indicated the party had little chance of attaining its target of 20 percent of votes in the legislative elections.

"Emerging as a nationalist party with two additional affiliate mass organizations in 2006, Wiranto, former Army chief Gen. Subagyo H.S. and former TNI general affairs chief Suaidi Marasabessy have their own networks to be deployed to seek political support for the party, presidential candidate Wiranto and our legislative candidates," he said.

As new party, Hanura lacks a strong voter base, but has been developing its leaders' networks, while the affiliate mass organizations have been working for the past two years to build new networks in rural and urban areas nationwide.

Bawazir criticized major parties' overconfidence in assuming they would certainly be eligible for the presidential race, saying no side could claim a ticket to the presidential race before the April 9 legislative polls.

"The legislative elections will prove which parties have a mandate to represent the people in parliament, and which are eligible to nominate presidential candidates. Regarding the national leadership issue, Wiranto failed in the 2004 presidential race, but has never failed as a president of course because he never became president," he said, adding that Hanura was pragmatic enough to realize it might need to form a coalition with other parties, including Islamic-based ones.

The party has promised that should it come out on top at the polls, it would reform the bureaucracy and fight corruption to bring about good governance, as well as review the investment law and other controversial laws to create public policy that would benefit the majority of the people.

"So far, Hanura still relies on Wiranto to bring forward its economic and public service development programs, and if he is eligible for the presidential race, most people, including farmers, the families of servicemen, veterans and Golkar supporters, will probably vote for Wiranto," Bawazir said, adding that to many, Wiranto, with more than 20 million votes in the last presidential election, was far more popular than Vice President and Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla or Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chairman Prabowo Subianto.

Voters ask for job security, entertainment

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Khairul Saleh and Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung, Jambi, Palembang – Election rallies have provided their attendees with various opportunities, for some a chance to voice their concerns directly to top campaigners, and for others an occasion to entertain themselves.

Bandung resident Puspasari made full use of her encounter with Golkar Party leader Jusuf Kalla on Thursday to ask for a job.

"I am jobless. It's very difficult for me to find a job even though all my family members voted for Golkar," Puspasari told Vice President Kalla and other Golkar executives attending a rally at Bandung's Gasibu Park.

Puspasari jokingly said she was a member of pejabat (government official), which also stands for pengangguran Jawa Barat (West Java jobless association).

She also asked Kalla to change the status of contract teachers to permanent government employees. "My sister is still a contract teacher," Puspasari told Kalla.

She was not the only rally attendant who had a rare chance to speak directly to Kalla. Siti Hamidah, a worker in the textile company Kahatex, also asked Kalla to get rid of outsourcing, which she said worsened workers' life.

"I am already a permanent worker, but I want to fight for my friends who work as contractors. I want the contract system to be removed. Could you do that for us Pak?" Siti asked Kalla.

Kalla said the party would take all the requests into consideration.

Unlike Puspasari and Hamidah, Sumardi, 35, attended the open campaign held by the National Mandate Party (PAN) in the South Sumatra capital of Palembang simply to enjoy a dangdut music performance, which he had wanted to do for quite a long time.

"It's not every day we can watch artists from Jakarta for free like this," Sumardi said. He even brought his 8-year-old son to the campaign, despite a regulation banning minors from attending election rallies.

"I do not really care about the regulation as long as I and my son are happy. I could not leave him alone at home," Sumardi said.

The PAN paraded several singers from Jakarta, including some from the AFI dangdut singing contest.

Despite Hindu's Nyepi (Day of Silence) national public holiday, top party executives still held campaigns across the nation Thursday.

In Bandung, Golkar deputy chairman and House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono called on party supporters in West Java to help Golkar win the elections.

He said Golkar would be meaningless in the legislature if it failed to win the most votes in West Java, as about 20 percent of Golkar's legislators in the current House were from the province.

"Without a victory in West Java, Golkar won't be taken into consideration in the rest of Indonesia," Kalla said.

In Brastagi, North Sumatra, former president and chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) Megawati Soekarnoputri also called on her supporters to fight for the party in the upcoming elections.

"Let's fight this year to make up for our poor results in the 2004 elections," Megawati said, as quoted by Antara.

In Jambi, the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) once again hinted its possible coalition with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.

The PKS president Tifatul Sembiring told reporters Yudhoyono met with the party's chief patron board Tuesday to seek a coalition. "It's a brotherhood meeting," Tifatul said.

PKS and the Democratic Party tied the knot to support Yudhoyono and Kalla in the 2004 presidential election run-off.

State assets, children used for election campaigning

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2009

Andra Wisnu and Ruslan Sangadji, Jakarta/Palu – Use of state facilities and the exploitation of children at campaign rallies remains rampant among major parties, the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) announced in its latest report Thursday.

Wirdyaningsih, Bawaslu's vice-coordinator of supervision, said major parties have been recorded to have the largest number of campaign violations, though she could not say which party tops the list.

However, she said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and the National Awakening Party (PKB) were two of the major parties that the Bawaslu pointed at as indictable for these violations.

"The preliminary investigation shows that the Democratic Party campaign rally may have violated election rules on the use of government facilities, such as government-owned vehicles, in their rally," Bawaslu vice-coordinator of supervision, Wirdyaningsih, said in Jakarta on Thursday.

"Meanwhile, preliminary investigations of the PKB show that they may have violated election rules and child protection laws by having children perform traditional dances on stage," she said.

The report documents 197 violations during a 10-day-period from March 16 to March 26. Jakarta and Aceh had the equal highest number of violations, with 17 each. Central Sulawesi had the second highest with 16 violations, while East Java recorded 15.

Criminal violations were also rampant, with 159 reports. Child exploitation comprised the majority of these violations, with 99 reported cases.

The most recent case happened on Monday, when a 15-year-old boy, identified as Acin, fell off the truck he was riding in on in his way to join a political rally of The Golkar Party in Palu, Central Sulawasi.

"He fell off the truck after he hit a tree branch. He injured his head and there were bruises all over his face from getting smacked by the branch," Muhammad Irsan, a local official from election watchdog KIPP (Independent Committee for Election Supervision) said.

While Acin's mother, Iswati, blamed the local Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) for allowing political parties to include children in their rallies, said she would simply leave her son's fate to God.

Irsan however, blamed Golkar and the General Elections Commission (KPU). "This simply means that the KPU has failed in doing its job," Irsan said.

Wirdyaningsih said rampant reports of child exploitation during campaign rallies showed that political parties have not properly educated their supporters about children's rights. When asked whether she thought the Bawaslu was implicitly responsible for the exploitation of children in campaigns, she said that everyone can be held responsible.

"I think parents, police, political parties, everyone is responsible for keeping children safe from harm, especially from intense situations like political rallies. As an official, I can only urge everyone to try to prevent children from joining in political rallies," she said.

Experts predict chaos after April 9 election

Jakarta Post - March 25, 2009

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta – Best case, there will be plenty of lawsuits and demands for a revote nationwide. Worst case, there may be violence as people reject the results of next month's election.

Two political experts sharing their thoughts about the general election with the Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club (JFCC) on Wednesday agreed that this year's poll will be messy and chaotic, with the potential of violence erupting after, rather than before, voting takes place on April 9.

"The Constitutional Court has to be prepared with so many petitions for a revote," said Chusnul Mar'iyah of the University of Indonesia and a former member of the General Election Commission (KPU).

Chusnul laid the blame squarely on the Court for ordering several local gubernatorial and regency elections, including the last one in East Java in February, to be retaken in response to demands from losing participants.

The Constitutional Court had acted outside its authority of just declaring something as constitutional or not, she said. "It had set a bad precedent that losing parties and candidates in the April 9 election would exploit."

She also predicted that the KPU would face many lawsuits for failing to communicate well to the political parties about the mechanism of election, particularly in converting votes to seats.

Jeffrey Winters, a senior Indonesianist from the Northwestern University in Illinois, said one area for a major controversy in the aftermath of the election is the voter registry, with claims that the total number being significantly bloated.

Quoting senior Golkar politician Surya Paloh, Winters said if people learned later that the voters' list had been tampered with in significant ways, "there will be violence".

A total of 38 political parties are contesting the election nationwide for seats in the House of Representatives and the provincial and regency/mayoralty legislative councils. Voters also cast their ballots for the Regional Representatives Council.

While Indonesia has not had a history of election violence, many people fear this year's election would be messy for lack of preparations, logistical challenges, budget constraints, and incompetence on the part of the organizers.

The KPU said more than 171 million people have been registered to vote, but the vote registry has of late been the subject of a major controversy.

Complicating the issue is the recent allegation of manipulation of the voter registry following the revelation by former East Java police chief Insp. Gen. Herman Surjadi Sumawiredja that he had been removed from his job last month just as he was discovering fraud in the gubernatorial election.

The national police chief General Bambang Hendarso Danuri has denied that the removal of Herman had anything to do with the investigation of election fraud, and insisted that the police were still continuing with the probe.

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) has since conducted its own investigation into the current updated voter registry in selected regencies in East Java and found that the number of voters have been bloated by as much as 40 percent.

Other parties are joining the PDI-P chorus for more transparency over the voter registry and some going as far as suggesting delaying the vote until after the registry is fixed in a way that satisfied everyone.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and KPU had meanwhile been blaming each other for the gross errors found in the voter registry.

Winters said these errors were too diverse and too frequent to be blamed on some computer glitches, and more indicative of manipulation going on.

Surveys not a great influence on voters

Jakarta Post - March 25, 2009

Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – Opinion surveys will not greatly influence the decision of voters in the April 9 legislative election, a discussion in Jakarta heard Tuesday.

Attendants of the event held by Institute for Studies on the Free Flow of Information (ISAI) agreed that the surveys only spark a bandwagon effect and barely impact a voters' preference.

Dodi Ambardi from the polling company Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) said that the behaviour of voters is determined more by a parties' prominent figures as well as their personal, peer group and family's preference than by survey results.

"There has not been any proof that voters choose a certain party just because the party ranks high in many surveys," Dodi told the discussion.

"People justify the great influence of surveys on the preference of voters' just because of the bandwagon effect, which is when, in some cases, voters "follow the mainstream" in deciding their choice of party."

To some extent, he added, there was an underdog effect that led voters to vote for parties with less support. Results of surveys predicting that one party or another will get the most are often criticized by the party's competitors.

They question the credibility of the surveys, saying they are intended to legitimize a party's unprecedented win and that the survey institutions are manipulated by the winning party.

Most recent surveys have constantly ranked President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party as the leader, ahead of the country's two largest parties, Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

Dodi maintained that survey institutions are independent and that their clients do not influence survey results.

"Our business is all about trust. Who will trust us if we modify the results upon the request of clients," he said.

"In LSI, indeed we receive many sponsors and funding, but we do not know who finances which survey because all of the money goes to a separate division."

The ISAI recently published the results of its research on media coverage of this year's election.

The research sampled 13 print media outlets between January and Mar. 20 and 10 national TV stations between Mar. 1 and 6.

ISAI research coordinator Ahmad Faisol said that the research was aimed at ensuring the media's ability to provide information about elections that the public needed, given its power to contribute to voters' participation in the elections.

Legislative candidates overlooked in political rallies

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Jakarta – The first week of the open campaign period saw many political parties rely on old strategies to address the different challenges facing them in the general elections.

It was the undisputed king of dangdut, Rhoma Irama, who managed to draw a huge crowd to an election rally hosted by the United Development Party (PPP) last week.

The same trick was exploited by the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party when it let a bevy top dangdut singers dominate its four-hour rally in Sunter, North Jakarta. The entertainers sang songs with the name of the party and its presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto worked into the lyrics.

The Democratic Party and the Prosperous Justice Party fielded their big guns at their rallies in Jakarta to draw the crowds – the bigger, the better, albeit at the expense of those who had to bear the brunt of the resulting traffic gridlock.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Democratic Party's chief patron, had to apologize to the public for the inconvenience caused.

Last December, the Constitutional Court annulled a regulation allowing party leaders to handpick close supporters for seats in legislative bodies. Consequently, the legislative seats will now go to individual candidates who win the most votes.

The major change has forced candidates to spend much more money promoting themselves, but many parties failed to anticipate the move.

Instead of allocating more time introducing their financially exhausted candidates, the parties held capacity-crowd rallies to promote their presidential candidates or perform music shows.

PPP Jakarta branch campaign manager Yulte Marjun said the party had deliberately prevented its legislative candidates from speaking during rallies to maintain fair competition among them.

"We asked our registered campaigners to speak at the campaign stage on behalf of all the candidates," Yulte told The Jakarta Post recently.

Egy Massadiah, a House of Representatives hopeful from the Golkar Party, admitted it was hard for legislative candidates to steal the show during a public gathering, with most supporters only familiar with the party's more prominent figures.

"Also, it's almost impossible for us to deliver our personal platform, as rally attendants will easily get tired," Egy told the Post on Monday.

Rustam Effendi, a National Awakening Party (PKB) candidate said it was not important for candidates to join rallies as long as they could hang on to their grassroots voter base.

"Rather than pay the transportation costs for supporters to go to the rally venue, I prefer spending money on social activities," Rustam, who has spent more than Rp 600 million on his bid, told the Post. "The number of rally attendants does not guarantee the party's victory." (hwa)

Preparation for elections inadequate: Students

Jakarta Post - March 24, 2009

Panca Nugraha, Jakarta/Mataram – Student groups have called on the government and the General Elections Commission (KPU) for more transparency over the real condition of their preparations for the upcoming legislative elections.

"Based on field reports and information from provincial student associations, there are still crucial problems... that make us doubtful about the organizing of the 2009 general elections," said M. Rodli Kaelani, chairman of the Indonesian Muslim Students' Movement (PMII) after a joint meeting of five students' groups popularly known as the Cipayung Group here on Monday.

He added the student associations were also concerned with non- technical and political issues, including high-level crimes in the distribution of invalid ballots, election violations and the risk of vote rigging and vote count manipulation.

Rodli said the election's success depended not only on the technical factor, but also on non-technical and political factors or the way the election was organized and conducted.

He warned the way the polls were being organized now would have an impact not only on the quality of the elections, but also on the number of potential conflicts brought before the Constitutional Court.

He said the five associations, comprising the PMII, the Indonesian Muslim Students' Association (HMI), the Indonesian Nationalist Students' Movement (GMNI), the Indonesian Christian Students' Movement (GMKI) and the Indonesian Catholic Students' Association (PMKRI) would closely monitor the elections to help improve the quality of the polls.

The student groups were responding to the alleged crimes during the East Java gubernatorial race and the findings by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) of voter list markups in East Java regencies as well as in Bali, which have rocked the political establishment as the country prepares for the April 9 legislative elections.

The alleged voter list fraud was revealed by former East Java Police chief Insp. Gen. Herman S. Sumawiredja and twice-defeated gubernatorial candidate Khofifah Indar Parawansa, who were suspicious of high-level intervention in the polls as part of a nationwide scenario in the general elections.

Despite denials by the government, the KPU and the police, there were also indications of fraud found on several voter lists in two regencies, where a key revote in East Java was held on Jan. 25.

Indonesian Police Watch (IPW) questioned the recent move by the National Police to return the contentious voter list case to the provincial elections supervisory committee (Panwaslu), saying the police should continue with their investigation into the case. "The police's decision... will discourage other police officials in other provinces from conducting objective and thorough probes into similar cases," said IPW coordinator Netha S. Pane as quoted by Antara.

Netha also called on the House of Representatives to immediately summon National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso to seek a satisfactory explanation over the case.

Economy & investment

State firms delay foreign debt payment

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2009

Jakarta – State companies have failed to settle at least Rp 15 trillion (about US$1.3 billion) in matured overseas debts, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) says.

The KPK said that if not addressed immediately, the debt could cause losses to the state coffers.

Haryono Umar, KPK deputy chairman for prevention, told The Jakarta Post Saturday the figures had come from the commission's calculations based on data from the Office of the State Ministry for State Enterprises.

KPK had involved in the issue in the first place as it has the potential to cause state losses, he added. "The loans were due from a long time ago and some of them were not settled immediately, causing the unpaid value to increase," he said.

Haryono did not mention as to when the loans were taken up and started to mature, only saying that, based on the ministry's data, there were 44 loan agreements involving a total of Rp 49 trillion in foreign debts, of which Rp 15 trillion were non- performing.

He did not mention either which state companies that had failed so far to fulfill their obligations, saying the commission was still gathering more data to look deeper into the issue.

"We will look further into this matter to find out what's causing these state firms to fail in paying their loans on time by communicating with the office of the state ministry for state enterprises," he said.

"We'll investigate whether the state companies use the loans accordingly or not. If they can not provide us with the evidence, there might be a case of irregularities or even corruption."

In response, State Minister for State Enterprises Sofyan A. Djalil said Saturday he had no knowledge of the KPK findings. "I don't know where they get the figures from?"

He said that in general, state companies were in no problems whatsoever in meeting their debt obligations, in part because basically the government – as the majority shareholders – guaranteed the loans and the firms needed approval from a foreign loan team before they could borrow money from overseas.

Sofyan said his ministry would verify the findings with the KPK to seek clarification.

Said Didu, the secretary to the minister, disputed the KPK findings, saying that by the ministry's calculation, the non- performing loans were actually estimated at around Rp 5 trillion. "What caused the loans to be non-performing was that there were some errors in the bookkeepings, and some of the SOE's projects were conducted without proper feasibility studies," he said.

The ministry has reported that last year, there were 23 state companies suffered from losses which amounted toRp 14 trillion, mostly due to the foreign exchange losses as the rupiah weakened against the US dollar.

Of the total losses, PLN contributed around 90 percent, or Rp 13.1 trillion, of which Rp 10 trillion came from forex losses. In 2007, the company suffered close to Rp 6 trillion in net losses. Overall, aside from 23 loss-making state owned enterprises, state firms booked a total of about Rp 75 trillion in 2008 in unaudited profits, a rather lower performance than the projected Rp 81 trillion. The estimated aggregated 2008 net profits were only a 4.7 percent increase on those of 2007. (fmb)

Bank Indonesia slashes growth forecast as crisis worsens

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – The central bank has cut its forecast for Indonesia's economic growth this year, as the impacts of the global economic turmoil look likely to hit the country's investments and exports harder than earlier predicted.

Under the revision, the country's economic growth this year could be as low as 3 percent, Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor Miranda W. Goeltom said Friday.

"There has been a revision," she told reporters. "BI forecasts (economic growth of) between 3 and 4 percent; whether it swings higher or lower depends on the implementation of the government's fiscal stimulus."

BI initially forecast the economy, the largest in Southeast Asia, to grow by between 4 and 5 percent, but with a "big downside risk".

Even the more optimistic figures were slower than the 6.1 percent growth recorded by the country last year, according to data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS).

"I think the economic growth is not only affected by (slowing) exports, but also investment. Drying global liquidity slows down the flows of investment," Miranda said.

Indonesian exports have been hit hard since last October, just as the global economy began weakening. Exports in January fell 36 percent from a year earlier as global demand dived, the BPS reported. It was the steepest year-on-year decline since 1986.

BI has estimated exports may contract by between 25 and 28 percent this year, while the Indonesian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) have predicted a bleaker figure of a 50 percent drop.

Kadin earlier predicted the economy might grow by 4 percent at best. "Therefore, we expect the fiscal stimulus can maintain growth to remain positive," Miranda added. "If you have a look around, you'll see we are the only ASEAN country still in the black."

Under the stimulus package, the government will disburse Rp 73.3 trillion (US$6.3 billion) to generate growth and mitigate the fallout from the global economic downturn.

As domestic demand slides, government spending and the fiscal stimulus are highly expected to help stimulate the economy.

But the stimulus, particularly the parts of it designated for infrastructure projects, may not pan out as scheduled due to certain issues, said State Minister for National Development Planning Paskah Suzetta.

For instance, some local-level projects included in the stimulus are not feasible for execution by the government, he said, but did not elaborate further.

Analysts have said the stimulus is indeed crucial to boost growth and that 4 percent growth was fairly realistic, but cast doubts on the government's focus in executing it ahead of the legislative and presidential elections.

"The economy may expand by about 4 percent this year, assuming that the (fiscal) stimulus runs effectively," said M. Fadhil Hasan, an economist at the Institute for the Development of Economics and Finance (Indef). "But some ministries are not yet ready to implement the stimulus, and that has become a problem."

Indonesia needs to maintain positive growth to help rein in, if not reduce, poverty and unemployment rates. Next week, Indonesia will join its peers at the G20 Summit in London to discuss restoring global trade and ensuring the flow of funds to emerging countries.

Major parties pledge equal treatment of investors

Jakarta Post - March 25, 2009

Alfian, Jakarta – Major parties promised to treat foreign investors equally, although their representatives did not elaborate on whether they would maintain or revise business regulations.

These include the list of sectors open to foreign investment and the limit of capital ownership, which is still being revised.

With varying emphases, the Golkar Party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Democratic Party said they welcomed foreign investment in Indonesia.

"We do not distinguish between local and foreign investors. All are treated equally. Especially in the current economic situation, we need investment both from local and foreign investors as stimulus," Golkar legislator Airlangga Hartarto, who is also a member of the party's economic team, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

But he said the party would prioritize state-owned companies and domestic private firms in investing in the coal and mining sectors. "Golkar is a promoter of the recently passed mining law, and the law gives first priority to state-owned companies and local private actors to develop reserves in state concessions," he said.

PDI-P economics advisor Iman Sugema said his party also welcomes overseas investors "as long as they are 'clean' and willing to transfer their technology". By "clean", he said the PDI-P would seek "to avoid foreign investors winning contracts just because of pressure" from their governments.

Darwin Zahedy Saleh, an economic team member of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, also pledged equal treatment for investors "as long as they support our national economic interests". He added that investors, local and foreign, would be required to involve and empower small and micro business.

Indonesia's investment regulations provide foreign investors with a wide range of businesses to invest in, with limited capital ownership. The open list includes banking, oil and gas drilling services, and insurance.

The maximum foreign capital ownership in the open list varies by sector, while defense is still closed to foreign investment.

Asked whether Golkar would revise the negative invesment list if the party won the elections, Airlangga said it would "depend on our macroeconomic situation".

The PDI-P's Iman took a similar stance, while Darwin said the decision to revise the list or change the maximum foreign capital ownership would have to involve other political parties. "We realize we're in a multiparty legislature, and no single party dominates," he said.

On Tuesday the President met with 30 foreign investors and local businessmen to assure them of the government's commitment to address the impact of the global financial crisis.

Analysis & opinion

Indonesia's dark-horse candidate

Asia Times - March 31, 2009

Katherine Demopoulos, Jakarta – Career soldier Prabowo Subianto is still a dark-horse candidate among the 38 different political parties jockeying for position ahead of next month's legislative elections and a looming presidential race set for July.

A former son-in-law of dictator Suharto, and an alleged mastermind of the violence and abuses that attended East Timor's break from Indonesia in 1999, he is running a decidedly slick and well-financed campaign that appears to have substantial grassroots resonance.

Although he is trailing incumbent president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and frontrunner Megawati Sukarnoputri in the polls, Prabowo and his political party's numbers could be pivotal to the formation of the next ruling coalition. His Great Indonesia Movement party, or Gerindra, claims 11.2 million members.

The most recent polls forecast his party to win between 2.6% and 6.23% of the legislative vote, sufficient popular support to cross the 2.5% threshold needed for a party to assume legislative seats. Those figures could rise considering between 9% and 50% of polled voters say they are still undecided.

Political analysts say that if Gerindra wins 6-7% of the legislature, it will be a major player in the coalition building for presidential nominations. A party or coalition needs 20% of seats of parliament or 25% of the popular votes to put forward a presidential candidate.

Political analysts partially credit Prabowo's and Gerindra's early success to the financial resources of his brother, Hashim Djojohadikusomo, who last year was ranked by Globe Asia magazine as Indonesia's 14th richest person with a net worth of just over US$1 billion.

He has helped to bankroll Prabowo's prime time media barrage, depicting glossy panoramas of Indonesia, peopled with smiling children and hard-working farmers and fishermen. Market research firm Nielson estimates Gerindra has garnered more TV exposure than any other party by positioning its ads around Sikar, the country's most popular soap opera and most viewed news bulletin. His campaign has also been burnished by high-profile foreign advisors, including US political communications expert Rob Allyn, who worked for outgoing US president George W. Bush's successful Texas governor campaign in 1994, and reportedly a German scriptwriter involved in various popular Indonesian soap operas.

"If you were a political actor in Indonesia, you'd have to be looking at him closely and paying attention. There might be a hidden agenda. It might be quite a legitimate tilt at the president or it might be a tilt for 2014, or getting something else he wants," said Damien Kingsbury, associate professor at Australia's Deakin University.

Rural sensitivity

By spending much of his campaign time in rural villages, Prabowo has shown a populist touch certain other top candidates have lacked. He has in particular courted farmers and fishermen, demographic groups which make up the majority of the rural population.

He has leveraged his position as chairman of the Indonesian Farmers' Association, which claims 10 million members nationwide, to build up his grassroots credentials and has lobbied the agriculture ministry on matters of rural concern. He has also vowed to create 36 million new agricultural jobs and double the average per capita income from its current $2,000 to $4,000 per year.

"I haven't seen any politician who has been so active and so persistent in approaching the farmers down to the village across the archipelago," said Aleksius Jemadu, professor at Pelita Harapan University, located on the outskirts of Jakarta.

"He is a military strategist and he has a long-term perspective and he knows what he can do to strengthen his popularity. He used to be known by the public as a general, but knows he has to change his image to [that of] an effective leader," he added.

Gerindra spokesman Haryanto Taslam echoes that assessment. He said in an interview with Asia Times Online that during a recent village visit Prabowo bought up palm oil stocks – at above the market price – from farmers who had complained about falling prices.

He has also distributed fertilizer directly to farmers and tried to get cheaper rice seed than that on offer from a government- appointed company, according to Haryanto.

In many ways, Haryanto is central to Prabowo's image-conscious electoral strategy. As a former democracy activist, Haryanto was kidnapped and held for 40 days during the waning days of the Suharto regime. In his capacity as former Kopassus commander, Prabowo has since personally apologized to him for his detention, Haryanto says.

"The issue is not personal, but [it was] the system at that time," he said. "Prabowo asked me to join him to fight together to fix Indonesia. And I wanted to join because my political attitude is parallel with Prabowo's, wanting to give the best for Indonesian people. I think there is no problem working together with him."

Prabowo has in the past admitted responsibility for kidnapping pro-democracy activists. Speaking recently to foreign journalists, Prabowo said of the government's past political kidnapping policy: "Under one regime it is preventative detention, then there is regime change and it is called kidnapping."

Controversial past

Such elliptical wordplay does little to assuage the activists who recall Prabowo's controversial history. He stands most pointedly accused of organizing thugs who terrorized pro-independence figures in East Timor, as well as involvement in orchestrating the riots that targeted ethnic Chinese Indonesians in 1998.

In a fully embedded democracy, "a candidate like him would not stand a snowball's chance in hell," said Kingsbury. "Indonesia is on a reformist political and economic path and Prabowo represents the opposite of that."

But for most of Indonesia's rural poor, activists' kidnappings and communal riots are a world away. Their hardships have not eased in the decade of democracy and among many there is nostalgia for Suharto's strong leadership and policies that helped to uplift tens of millions out of poverty.

"Some people are harking back to the New Order. I think there has been some re-swinging of the pendulum," said one Jakarta-based commentator, who requested anonymity. "My fear [of Prabowo's candidacy] is a reversion to fascism."

Prabowo's campaign appeals to the masses through promises to reschedule foreign debt payments and put the cash into education and healthcare. He has also taken a nationalistic line in vowing to stop the sale of strategic state assets to foreigners and review perceived unfavorable existing government contracts.

"The message is so concrete, so real, so relevant with the situation of his audience, especially the farmers, the people at the grassroots... He provides a clear vision to solve all the real problems that they are facing in their everyday life," added Pelita Harapan University's Jemadu.

"He's making some very basic appeals to popular nationalism and populist economics," said Tim Lindsey at Melbourne University's Asian Law Center. He warns that if some of Prabowo's proposed policies were actually implemented, Indonesia would risk being cut off from international credit markets.

Some analysts fear that a Prabowo-led or influenced government could bid to turn back the clock on Indonesian democracy. Prabowo has said he wants to revert to the original form of Indonesia's constitution, which gives strong powers to the executive and lacks checks and balances. Others, such as Lindsey, believe Indonesia has moved past Suharto's and his former New Order regime's legacy.

"The time for New Order leftovers is running out. In 2014, it's pretty unlikely that we'll be seeing the same array of politicians. We're witnessing a generational shift," said Lindsey. "Young ones are not aware of Prabowo's record, but it also works against them because the ideas they stand for resonate with fewer people. Rather than being the re-emergence of New Order politicians, perhaps this is their last hurrah."

[Katherine Demopoulos is a journalist based in Jakarta, Indonesia. She works as a freelance reporter for the BBC and Guardian, and also writes extensively on Asian energy markets.]

Raucous Indonesia rolls to the polls

Asia Times - March 24, 2009

Patrick Guntensperger, Jakarta – With its crumbling infrastructure, lack of a reliable mass transit system, and labyrinthine urban geography, Indonesia's capital of Jakarta was already plagued with some of the worst traffic conditions in the world. As political parties' roll out their spirited campaigns ahead of next month's legislative elections, Jakartans are girding themselves for more gridlock.

The campaigns are an emerging democratic ritual that seem to assume the greater inconvenience inflicted on voters, the more electoral support a candidate will win.

The election campaigns, which are characterized by raucous rallies, corteges of motorcyclists bearing party banners and lively speeches given by candidates' supporters, are failing to address the nation's substantive policy issues. The politics of personality and pomp are among the signs of Indonesia's political immaturity, despite nearly a decade of democratic rule and process.

For the country's 38 national political parties, campaigns are a combination of an extended party and an opportunity to make some money. In an effort to bolster their apparent grassroots popularity, parties routinely hand out party T-shirts along with an envelope containing Rp20,000 (US$17.50) to those who are willing to chant the party slogan, brave the ire of frustrated commuters, and wave flags in the windscreens of gridlocked vehicles. Savvy campaigners can attend several of these events in a single day, if several parties have "impromptu" rallies scheduled.

These events are also the venues where the terms and conditions of traditional vote-buying are laid out by campaigners. Election monitors in the past have noted that while accepting money to vote for a particular candidate is commonplace, vote-buying has had little impact on the actual electoral outcome, as voters sometimes accept money from different candidates and trust the privacy of the voting booth to cast their ballots as they see fit.

This year, however, the proliferation of communications technology has added a new wrinkle to the process. At certain key polls, vote-buyers are expected to provide bribed voters with a cellphone or digital camera to take into the polling station and will only pay when the image of a correctly filled out ballot is displayed. One political organizer was heard by this correspondent lamenting that such steps were necessary "to keep people honest".

The incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democrat Party kicked off its campaign on March 20. With nearly 90% of the population adhering to Islam, Fridays always generate appalling traffic conditions in Jakarta, as literally millions of the faithful attempt to head to mosques for afternoon prayers. This past Friday, the Democrat Party held its first major rally at Bung Karno Stadium in Senayan in Central Jakarta, adding to the human crush.

The rally, at which several of the country's most popular bands performed and attracted a crowd estimated at over 100,000 people, plunged the surrounding area into complete gridlock and chaos. This was despite the fact Yudhoyono, who has cut two albums of saccharine love songs, failed to croon on stage. The Democrat Party was not restricted to the stadium, however. At other key traffic bottlenecks, groups of several dozen motorcyclists, often two or three per vehicle, blitzed the stationary cars – their tiny motors revving – waving banners and chanting "SBY", as the president is popularly known.

His rallies were not the only ones. The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), lacking the campaign resources of the Democrat party, aimed to maximize its impact on Friday by staging five smaller rallies scattered at strategic locations throughout the capital city, rather than at one big-bang venue.

Although little of substance was said at any of the rallies this correspondent attended, the theater was not contained to the usual musical acts, dangdut performances and traditional dancing. PKS legislator Rama Pratama, recently accused of receiving bribes in a case involving the construction of infrastructure projects in Eastern Indonesia, was quoted saying, "The PKS lawyers and I will fight for our party's dignity. Corrupt officials do not like the PKS because our party is clean!"

Both the chaos and entertainment value of the campaigns are expected to snowball over the next few months, as other big parties and their potential presidential leaders bring their respective road shows from the hinterlands toward Jakarta, the brass ring of Indonesian politics. As they do, the traffic situation in the capital and party's environmental credentials are both expected to deteriorate as the presidential election season kicks into full gear.

Bung Karno Stadium, where the Democrat Party's first major rally was held, was left with the detritus generated by the crowd. By nightfall, after the crowd had dissipated, the soccer pitch had been utterly destroyed by the placement of the stages and VIP seating and the milling about of the fans of the musicians and supporters of the Democrat Party. The trampled pitch was left knee-deep in plastic bottles, food containers, discarded party T-shirts and every other sort of refuse imaginable. The only people who benefited from the destruction of the national sports venue were the scavengers who swooped in to gather reusable and recyclable garbage. It will likely be touch and go as to whether the football pitch can be restored to international standards in the three months before Indonesia hosts British football club Manchester United on July 24.

While pundits decry the lack of substance in Western politicking, Indonesia's rally rhetoric rarely, if ever, entails candidate's pronouncing policy positions for voters to consider. Beyond paying lip service to eliminating corruption and graft, Indonesian politicians spend most of their stump time discussing victory strategies. Even at press luncheons, most candidates devote their face time with the foreign press, not to an exposition of their platforms or political philosophies, but to explaining the graphs and charts their staff have drawn up to demonstrate how they intend to target particular demographic groups.

Meanwhile, the contesting parties make it clear that they do not adhere to any particular policy, other than acquiring power. Many party operatives assume that people will vote, not on the issues, but rather to be associated with a winning candidate. Boiled down, Indonesian election campaigns are all about enthusiasm, crowd pleasing, denying accusations of corruption, and deriding opponents.

When the electoral dust settles and a selected candidate enters the legislature, it's almost anyone's guess as to what policies and agenda the politician will prioritize. Recent history shows that elected politicians, once in power, will vacillate, reverse course, and even support contradictory policies in an effort to maintain popularity and appease powerful groups.

This inevitably leads to even more rallies between election periods, as activists and interest groups of every stripe recognize that the more vocal they are, and the greater inconvenience they cause, the more likely they are to be in line for political appeasement. Such are the growing pains of Indonesia's young democracy.

[Patrick Guntensperger is a Jakarta-based freelance journalist and political and social commentator. He lectures in journalism and communications at several universities and is a consultant in communications and corporate social responsibility. He may be reached at pguntensperger@yahoo.ca.]