Jakarta – The Regional Representatives Council (DPD) members are pushing for a constitutional amendment which would formalize press freedom as a pillar of democracy.

"Indonesian journalists need a regulation that protects them from criminalization, which will work only through a constitutional amendment," DPD member Muhammad Ichsan Loulembah told a talk show at the House Representatives on Friday.

The council draft amendment proposes inclusion of the Corruption Eradication Commission, General Elections Commission, Judicial Commission, National Commission on Human Rights and the Press Freedom Commission as specified permanent state institutions.

Ichsan said media workers deserve more protection due to the impact of the news they generate. "The 1945 constitution is the highest legislation in the country. Press freedom will be guaranteed if it is enshrined in the Constitution," he said.

Indonesian Press Council member Abdullah Alamudi and journalist Ricky Rahadi supported the plan. "We have been fighting for press freedom. The DPD plan encourages us," Alamudi said.

"We support the plan because the media stands among various interests and provides information to the public," Ricky, chief editor at Suara Karya newspaper, added.

However, Alamudi criticized some parts of the draft, which stipulated that "the press freedom commission will be appointed and discharged by the president, with the consent of the members of the House of Representatives.

"Actually as the fourth pillar of democracy, our responsibility is to the public, not to the president or legislators" Alamudi said.

According to Ichsan, only a few legislators are aware of press freedom, while most thought that the job of journalists and the media was limited to publishing news stories.

Alamudi also warned that many journalists failed themselves to capitalize on press freedom. According to the 2005 survey conducted by the Indonesian Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI), about 85 percent of journalists had never read the Press Code of Ethics. (naf)

Government study: State agencies not accountable enough

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2009

Jakarta – Minister of Administrative Reforms Taufik Effendy said Tuesday that the first ever accountability evaluation report for state agencies confirmed the bureaucracy was more interested in getting their share of the annual state budget than producing beneficial outcomes for the country.

The State Ministry for Administrative Reform announced the results of its state agency accountability evaluation at their headquarters in Central Jakarta on Tuesday.

"By having standard methods of evaluation, we can prevent the agencies wasting resources, including money from the state budget," the minister said, adding that there was clearly a lack of professionalism among the civil service.

Deputy of Accountability for the ministry, Herri Yana Sutisna, told The Jakarta Post that the 74 evaluated agencies scored an average of 42.71 out of 100, well below the minimum standard of 50.

According to the ministry's evaluation, the Education Ministry scored the highest with 75.35, while the Judicial Commission Secretariat scored less than 17 on the same scale.

Herri said the ministry evaluated the agencies' accountability according to their capability to plan, report, and evaluate projects, as well as the output and outcomes of those projects.

This method deems a bureau's ability to plan as the most important, giving it the biggest share of 35 in the scoring system.

The evaluation was carried out from September to November last year using the criteria reference test method, Herri said. "We received accountability reports from the agencies before going to the field for an inspection."

The evaluation method currently has only been able to measure systemic achievements of the agencies, and cannot be used to measure the practices at a staff level. "We are putting the staff and human resource aspect to one side, at least for the time being," he said.

"The Education Ministry proved it was able to consistently plan and report its outcomes accordingly," Herri said. "Most agencies cannot even plan projects properly. They often start projects without reporting them first."

The Judicial Commission Secretariat fared poorly in this area, he added.

Herri said agencies must sign a working contract with a higher body, for example, through a Ministry with a Minister's permission, before undergoing any projects. At the end of the agency's working period, it must report its output in the same manner.

"However, most agencies prefer to skip this process, or some claim that they have a working contract when they are actually carrying out projects solo," Herri said.

Public complaints over corrupt and incompetent public officials are reported in the media on a daily basis but there has been no improvement, with many surveys suggesting public services are actually getting worse and that most agencies are corrupt.

Minister Taufik said recently that over 60 percent of the country's current 3.6 million public servants were incompetent and poorly suited to their jobs. He said the number of civil servants would be reduced by at least one million in order to improve efficiency. (dis)

Kalla says "thug" needed to run Indonesia

Jakarta Post - February 23, 2009

Jakarta – Vice President Jusuf Kalla said Saturday that it would take a courageous "thug" who dared to face risks to lead the country to a better future. If everybody acted like a bureaucrat, he said, Indonesia would never improve.

"Without someone willing to take risks, nothing will happen. When will this country improve? When can our industries advance?" he said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.

What he actually meant by the word thug, preman in Indonesian, is actually a mispronunciation of "free man".

"Preman means free man, an entrepreneur. Not a government official," Kalla said at the national meeting of youth organization Pemuda Pancasila in Pondok Gede, East Jakarta.

Kalla, chairman of the Golkar Party, recently announced his readiness to become a candidate in the upcoming presidential election, which would see him compete directly against his boss, incumbet President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The youth organization is known to have a strong allegiance to the Golkar Party, and served as a Soeharto-backed thug club during the New Order era.

Kalla said the country needed more entrepreneurs to move forward and develop. "We need a preman to run the economy, the market. We need adventurous people to engage in fair development," he said.

Aceh

Foreign observers needed to monitor elections in Aceh

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2009

Hotli Simanjuntak, Banda Aceh – Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf underlined here on Friday the importance of the presence of foreign observers in the upcoming legislative elections in Aceh.

Speaking to reporters after a meeting with Dutch Minister of Justice Hirsch Ballin, Irwandi said that the presence of foreign observers was expected to help safeguard and improve supervision of the election process.

"The international observers are badly needed in Aceh at present, especially with regard to the presence of local parties," he said, adding that the deployment of foreign observers was vital to ensure that the elections ran smoothly.

"Despite the national regulations on foreign observers, we refer to Point 127 of the memorandum of understanding signed in Helsinki in 2005. Under this point the election in Aceh in 2009 has to be directly monitored by the foreign observers, especially those from the European Union," the governor said.

The election in April will the first direct election for the Acehnese to directly vote for their legislative council members. It will also be the first since the signing of the historic MoU between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian government in 2005.

Irwandi underlined the importance of the presence of the foreign observers apparently because of the hotting up of security matters in Aceh highlighted by a series of violent incidents, including kidnappings, shootings and murders over the last two months.

The Dutch minister of justice, who made a visit to Sumatra's northernmost province on Friday, was briefed by Irwandi about the security situation in Aceh ahead of the election.

"Besides intending to get the latest information on the security conditions in Aceh, the Dutch minister also wanted to check on the implementation of the MoU," the governor said.

Irwandi further explained that it could not be denied that there has been significant progress with regard to security conditions in Aceh since the signing of the peace agreement.

Many of the points of the MoU, have been implemented in the field, he said, including the establishment of local parties, which constituted the most important mandate to transform the armed struggle by GAM combatants into a political struggle.

One of the points which has not been implemented in line with the mandate of the MoU is the establishment of a human rights tribunal along with the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission, the governor said.

Meanwhile, a group of students from the Democratic Care Students Alliance were busy tidying up campaign banners installed carelessly around the campuses of Syah Kuala University and the State Islamic Institute in Banda Aceh.

The students handed over the confiscated banners to the local chapter of the General Election Supervising Commission (Panwaslu).

The putting up of party emblems, ranging from banners, to stickers and flags around the campus compound was violating Law No. 10/2008 on the general election, which explained that educational institutions should be free from any campaign activities.

"We have taken down the emblems around the campus since Jan. 29, 2009, as they were put up against the regulations," said Syarkawi, coordinator of student activities.

Military warns of increased tension ahead of Aceh polls

Jakarta Post - February 24, 2009

Jakarta – Indonesian Military (TNI) Chief Djoko Santoso said Monday that widespread vandalism, intimidation, threats, attacks and even murder could occur during the 2009 polls in Aceh province.

"Conflicts will occur in Aceh as a consequence of the heated political situation there," Djoko said at the House of Representatives during a meeting with legislators in Jakarta on Monday.

Djoko said conflicts would arise both between warring parties and also among the inter-party factions, as well as with the local election commission (KPUD).

The military chief also predicted a soar in the number of crimes being committed, saying they would disturb the election process.

"We will deploy local soldiers to help the police secure election proceedings in Aceh. We have no plan to bring in troops from outside of the province," Djoko said.

"Aceh is at peace now, just like in other provinces," Djoko said, adding that the institution would use the election law to ensure security in the region.

President Susilo Bambang Yu-dhoyono, on an official trip to the province Monday, also underlined the need to keep peace processes in Aceh intact following the 2005 Helsinki agreement between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

"I hope no party will disturb the Aceh people's decision to enjoy peace and to end the conflict. Therefore, let us protect and continue the peace process in Aceh," the President said.

The Secretary General of the Aceh People's Party (PRA), Thamrin Ananda, however, acknowledged the possibility of conflict.

"We acknowledge there is tension, but we hope incidents like those which occurred earlier this year were unrelated crimes, not of a political motive," Thamrin told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

In October last year a grenade exploded at the residence of Muzakkir Manaf, Aceh Party Chairman and former commander of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

On Feb. 5 this year, a gunmen shot dead two former Aceh rebels and wounded another. All were members of the Aceh party, the political faction started by GAM.

A day before, Secretary of the Aceh Transition Commision (KPA) branch in Bireuen, Dedi Noviandi, was found dead in his car from bullet wounds in Gampong Baru village in Bireuen on Tuesday night.

At the end of January, two armed men raided the KPA's Aceh Besar branch in Kajhu village, killing one person and seriously wounding another. On Jan. 16, a bomb exploded in front of the UKM Hotel in Banda Aceh, destroying three cars, including one belonging to the Aceh Party.

"I am afraid people will resort to criminality to further their interest in the political process, as it could destroy the peace agreements in Aceh," Thamrin said.

He said Aceh was the only province allowed to have local political parties. "If we fail in this experiment with democracy, local party regulations will never be allowed to occur in other provinces," Thamrin said.

According to Hayatullah Khumaini, an Aceh Lawyer, since January 2009 there have been more than 15 violent incidents in the province related to local parties.

"The conditions are getting worse because the police have failed to establish justice and order in Aceh," Hayatullah said. "The recent incidents were probably meant to give the impression that Aceh, with the coming elections, was in a state of insecurity."

Aceh women still face huge hurdles after tsunami, conflicts

Jakarta Post - February 23, 2009

The international community has lauded Indonesia for its success in resolving years of conflicts in Aceh as well as its ability to quickly rebuild the province after the tsunami disaster that struck the province in December 2006. The bloody conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the tsunami have had an deep impact on Aceh women. But little is been known about the condition of the women, post conflict and tsunami. The Jakarta Post's Nani Afrida talked with Evelyn Suleeman, a sociologist from the University of Indonesia and author of Inong Aceh di Tanoh Nusantara (Aceh Women in Nusantara Land) on the current condition of Aceh women. Below are the excerpts of the interview:

Question: How has the prolonged conflict in Aceh influenced its women until today?

Answer: One thing's for sure, the prolonged conflicts have made many women become widows after thousands of men were killed. Three of the province's eight regencies, renowned as GAM strongholds, have more widows. Pidie, especially, has more widows than any other regency.

The conflicts have also caused many Aceh women difficulties in pursuing education, although previously Aceh women were among the country's most educated groups. They could have been much more advanced than women from other provinces.

Still, as we see now, women in Aceh have similar opportunities in education, just like men. You can see many women continuing their studies at high school, college and university. On average, Aceh women manage to keep their education high, despite suffering huge obstacles during the conflict period.

Do the women have any other problems in regard to education?

Unfortunately, most Aceh women enroll in Islamic state schools rather than secular state schools, especially at MTS (junior high school) and MAN (senior high school). That makes it quite difficult for them to get jobs if they have an Islamic state school background.

Any other negative impacts they inherited from the past conflicts?

Yes, there are some issues. Aceh women still have problems in dealing with family planning, healthcare for babies and children, and single parenting.

Could you elaborate?

The majority of Aceh women seek assistance from experienced medical staff, nurses or doctors to give birth or check their pregnancies. Unfortunately, only few women join the family planning program.

Another serious problem that needs government attention is healthcare for babies and children. Aceh is the second lowest in vaccination rates among all the provinces in Indonesia. Only few women bring their babies for vaccination. No wonder Aceh children get sick so easily, and the most common serious diseases are tuberculosis, diphtheria and polio.

What about the tsunami's impact?

Actually, HIV/AIDS is the core issue in Aceh after the province was opened to outsiders following the tsunami. If the government fails to inform and educate people about the disease, it will have a negative impact on Aceh people, especially the women.

On the plus side, many women find work after the tsunami, don't they?

Yes, the international and national organizations coming in after the tsunami are handing out aid for the survivors, creating various opportunities for Aceh women, even if they only have an Islamic school education.

The problems will occur when these organizations leave Aceh. Only then, women with an Islamic school education will probably find it difficult to compete with those from state schools.

Did you find any characteristics unique to Aceh women?

The most interesting progress in Aceh is the fact that women can own land, just like men. The equality of land ownership for women and men is the first in Indonesia. Another surprising fact is that even though Aceh women are generally well-educated, they are OK with domestic violence.

Did you have any difficulties writing this book?

Indonesia lacks information and data about Aceh, especially about its women. You see, I had to use a secondary database, meaning I had to rely on data gathered by other people. We just process the data and write about it.

But Aceh has data provided by the Central Statistic Agency (BPS). Did you utilize this?

The BPS has several publications on the province. But the data in the publication are incomplete, inconsistent and unclear.

You've examined the women and their problems; how about Aceh men? Is there anything unique about them?

Hahaha... the men are also interesting because they are quite different from men I've ever known. Aceh man are so close with coffee shops that they spend hours there. I heard so many time that people often make appointments at coffee shops.

West Papua

Police on the hunt for shooter in Papua

Jakarta Globe - February 28, 2009

Arientha Primanita – Armed violence erupted again in Papua Province on Friday morning leaving one man injured after a shooting incident by what police believe was a member of the Free Papua Movement, or OPM, separatist group, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Abubakar Nataprawira said.

Abubakar said intelligence officers from the Puncak Jaya subdistrict police, along with nine Mobile Brigade officers from the provincial police, were currently in pursuit of the perpetrator. "The shooter shot twice, first hitting a man and the second shot hitting an oil drum in a car," Abubakar said.

He said a man named Andreas was injured by a shot that grazed his forehead.

Abubakar said Andreas was sitting in the back of a pickup truck as it was crossing a bridge at the Kurage River in Puncak Jaya district. The shooter, Abubakar said, fired at the car from high a nearby mountain.

"The suspect fled to somewhere up the mountain after the shooting," Abubakar said, adding that this was a typical separatist tactic.

In January, a group of 20 people believed to be members of the outlawed OPM attacked the Tingginambut Police station, also in Puncak Jaya district.

The group were armed with SS-1 assault rifles and stabbed the wife of an officer who happened to be at the station.

Police then shot dead two suspected group members, Yendedak Wenda Muli and Yembinas Murib, during a police patrol.

The two men were carrying guns when they ambushed the patrolling officers along with several other armed men.

Military officials in the area suspect that the attackers belonged to a group of OPM members led by Goliath Tabuni, the alleged leader of OPM in the area.

Australia says it does discuss Papua with Indonesia

Radio New Zealand International - February 24, 2009

The Australia Secretary for International Development Assistance, Bob McMullan, says his government discusses issues around Papua with Indonesia a lot.

This is despite complaints by the Australia West Papua Association that issues around Indonesia's troubled eastern region are never addressed at the bilateral visits that have become more frequent since the Rudd government came to power.

Mr McMullan was one of the delegates at last week's high-level conference in Sydney on bilateral relations with Indonesia called "Australia and Indonesia: Partners in a New Era".

He says he wasn't aware of any discussion about Papua at the conference.

"We do air our differences, and we have a few, but we happily we have more agreements, we will continue to do that. We can only do in another persons country what they agree with, we don't allow other governments to do things in our country we don't agree with and vice-versa."

But Mr McMullan says they encourage Jakarta to continue going in the direction of giving Papua more autonomy.

Canberra warned it cannot ignore Papua in talks with Jakarta

Radio New Zealand International - February 23, 2009

An Australian activist says his government is going the wrong way about improving relations with Indonesia if it continues to ignore the West Papua issue.

This follows last week's conference in Sydney on Bilateral Relations called "Australia and Indonesia: Partners in a New Era".

Joe Collins of the Australia West Papua Association says there has been a large number of bilateral visits since the Rudd government came to power in Australia and yet there's been little apparent discussion of Papua.

He says the policies of Indonesia's Government, compounded by the actions of the Indonesian security forces in West Papua, could lead to the very instability the Australian Government is trying to avoid.

"If we really want to improve the relationship with Indonesia, we should be actually talking and discussing the issues in West Papua, the human rights situation. it's only by talking about it, that we will come to resolve the problems of concern in the territory. By ignoring it, it's only putting it on the backburner and one day will explode and probably destroy the good relationship we try to have with Indonesia."

Human rights/law

Government 'not serious' about abduction investigation

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2009

Jakarta – The special committee for missing persons at the House of Representatives has said the government is "not serious" about resolving human rights abuse cases after top government officials defied a second summons for questioning about the disappearances of democracy activists in 1997-1998.

The officers who failed to show up once again were Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Djoko Santoso, National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri, National Intelligence Agency chief Syamsir Siregar and chief security minister Widodo Adisucipto.

All sent letters explaining their failure to comply with the request, while Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono sent a member of his staff, Agus Susilo Broto.

"Twice now we have summoned those officers to attend meetings and none of them have once shown up. It is fairly clear they do not intend on resolving these human rights cases and have no issue insulting us as the legislators," special committee member Suripto said after the meeting. "We may have to summon them by force. We have the right to do that," he said.

Article 201 (6) of the House regulation stipulates that legislators have the right to summon by force anyone refusing to show for questioning on two or more occasions.

"If they still refuse to come, we will make a decision on this matter without asking their opinion. We will simply just let the people consider this issue without their testimony," another committee member, Darmayanto, said.

"We also have to write a letter to the president to report on the behaviour of his staff," Nadra Izahari, another commission member, said.

Darmayanto said the meetings were crucial for investigators, who require a wide range of evidence from a variety of witnesses to shed some light on the disappearances of democratic activists during the reformation era.

"Some witnesses have informed us that the intelligence agency, police and military were involved in some way with these disappearances. We need to clarify this, so we invited them to discuss the allegations," Darmayanto said.

The committee, established in 2007, has no punitive authority and can only collect information.

"We only have the authority to convey the results of our investigation to the President," he said. He said the families of victims, demanding justice for their missing relatives, have been putting pressure on the committee.

"Just imagine if one of your relatives was abducted in a way like these people have experienced," Darmayanto said.

Data from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) shows 23 activists were abducted between 1997 and 1998, with 14 remaining missing, while thousands of others were reported missing. According to the ad hoc investigation team formed by the National Commission on Human Rights, around 20 people linked to former president Soeharto and his military aides were responsible for the abductions.

Rights body identifies violations in Sidoarjo disaster areas

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The National Commission on Human Rights says the displacement of thousands of mudflow victims from their homes in the East Java town of Sidoarjo could be classified as a human rights violation.

The commission said based on the team's findings, it was highly unlikely the incident was a natural phenomenon, but was instead caused by PT Lapindo Brantas Inc., a mining company owned by the family of Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie.

Commission deputy head Hesti Amirwulan told a press conference Wednesday that essentially the mining company should be held responsible for the devastating consequences of the mudflow disaster.

Besides displacing around 13,000 families from their homes, the mudflow also led to an explosion at a gas pipeline belonging to state-oil firm PT Pertamina, which killed 14 people.

"There were deaths and injuries, and thousands of people displaced from their homes. The military was mobilized in the now-inundated areas to control the disaster," Hesti said.

"It is the commission's task to see whether or not gross rights violations indeed took place."

The commission agreed in its plenary session Tuesday on the immediate establishment of an ad hoc investigation team to collect evidence related to the Sidoarjo case.

Law No. 26/2000 on the Human Rights Court classifies the widespread, systematic eviction of people from their homes a gross human rights violation.

The commission also found that violations of at least 15 economic, social and cultural rights of mudflow victims occurred during the displacement process. Some of these included the right to settlement, food, health, education, security and the right to live and work.

The commission slammed the central government for issuing regulations that failed to protect the victims while blaming local administrations for acting too slowly and showing negligence in dealing with victims and their rights.

It also accused central and local politicians of not paying sufficient attention to the resolving the mudflow case early enough. "The Lapindo mudflow disaster is an extraordinary case but is being handled in an ordinary way," it said.

The commission will send copies of its report to the government, the East Java and Sidoarjo administrations, the Sidoarjo Mudflow Mitigation Agency (BPLS), the Attorney General's Office and PT Lapindo Brantas.

Hearings on abductions delayed yet again by missing ministers

Jakarta Globe - February 26, 2009

Febriamy Hutapea – With several ministers and other senior officials once again declining to attend a House hearing concerning military abductions of students in the late 1990s, lawmakers on Thursday roundly criticized the government for failing to take serious steps to resolve the issue.

Lawmakers said they would send a letter to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to urge him to take action over the absence of cabinet ministers who were summoned by the House of Representatives, causing yet another delay in proceedings that have already been suspended for more than 10 years.

The committee deputy chairman, Darmayanto, said that if the officials skipped the next hearing as well, the House would go ahead without their input in determining whether the abductions constituted a gross human rights violation and thus merited an ad hoc human rights court.

"Don't blame us if we go ahead and make a decision on our own," said Darmayanto, of the National Mandate Party, or PAN. Politicians and even some activists had earlier questioned the timing of efforts to reinvigorate the House special committee's proceedings ahead of this year's elections, in which multiple former military members are running as candidates – some of whom, like presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, are implicated in the abductions.

Poengki Indarti of the NGO human rights watchdog Imparsial said the families of the missing did not want the case to be politicized or used to blast rival parties in the elections. "We just need them to take real action to finish the case and find the 13 people who have been abducted," she said.

During former President Suharto's rule, 22 pro-democracy activists disappeared from 1997 to 1998. Nine of them resurfaced with accounts of torture at the hands of the military, but 13 remain missing.

The special committee hearing was supposed to be attended by the National Police chief, Bambang Hendarso Danuri; the State Intelligence Agency head, Syamsir Siregar; the military chief of staff, Djoko Sutanto; the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, Widodo A.S.; Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono; and Attorney General Hendarman Supandji. Only Agus Brotosusilo, an adviser for the Defense Ministry, came to the hearing. Lawmakers said that Agus was sent to the House merely as a "victim" and that he was not in a position to speak for the government on the case.

Legislator Soeripto from the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, and Andreas Pareira from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, said the absence of the government insulted the House and showed that officials underestimated the case. "They have not put serious emphasis on this case," he said. "We should serve them a warning."

The fact-finding team of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, or Kontras, has presented its conclusion to the House and Attorney General's Office that the abduction of student activists was a gross human rights violation.

The House committee was formed following the fall of Suharto in 1998 amid widespread civil unrest. The committee adjourned in 2007 and resumed again last year.

Porn law 'endangers country's pluralism'

Jakarta Post - February 24, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – Plaintiffs have demanded a judicial review of the 2008 pornography law by the Constitutional Court, saying the law had turned the country's cultural diversity into uniformity.

During the first hearing of the review Monday, the plaintiffs, comprising 11 people from Christian-majority Minahasa in North Sulawesi, asked the court to scrap three articles in the controversial law for "ruining the country's pluralism and harmony".

"All along, Indonesia has protected this diversity, until the endorsement of the pornography law, which turned our diversity into uniformity," the plaintiffs told the panel of judges presided over by justice Maria Farida Indrati.

The three contentious articles are Article 1(1), which defines the term "pornography"; Article 4(1d), which bans the production, distribution and other activities related to the dissemination of pornography that displays nudity; and Article 10, which bans people from performing porn-related acts in the public.

"What about the use of the koteka [a traditional penis sheath] in Papua? What about the jaipongan dance in West Java, and women wearing kemben [traditional strapless top] in Central Java and East Java?" the plaintiffs said.

"Nobody considers these pornographic; they are part of Indonesia's beautiful and rich culture that have attracted people from other countries."

They asked the court to declare the three contentious articles in violation of the Constitution and scrap them.

However, the judges questioned the legal standing of the plaintiffs, who said they spoke for the Minahasa tribal community. They asked the plaintiffs to provide proof confirming they were representatives of the Minahasa community.

The 11 plaintiffs each said they represented NGOs in Minahasa, including the Minahasa Bible (Masehi) Church, the North Sulawesi branch of the National Committee for Indonesian Youths, the Manado Catholic Youths, the Alliance of Southern Minahasa Students and Youths, and the Minahasa Cultural Assembly.

Should they fail to prove their status as representative of Minahasan people, the plaintiffs were told to present themselves as individuals instead.

The judges also criticized the plaintiffs' wrong citation of the contentious articles, and told them to name detrimental effects of the articles specific to the Minahasa community. The plaintiffs were given 14 days to comply with the judges' requests before a second hearing is held.

The plaintiffs' lawyer, Rico Pandeirot, said after Monday's hearing that most Minahasa people were concerned that unclear regulations in the law could someday be abused. But he admitted the plaintiffs had failed to address concerns specific to the Minahasan people, as they preferred to present it from the "national perspective".

The controversial pornography law was passed by the House of Re- presentatives in October last year.

Porn law dispute driven to court

Jakarta Globe - February 22, 2009

Camelia Pasandaran – The Constitutional Court is scheduled to hear the first legal challenge to the controversial Pornography Law today, after several Christian, student and ethnic minority organizations from North Sulawesi Province filed for a judicial review.

The groups, represented by prominent attorney OC Kaligis, are challenging three articles of the law, which was passed by the House of Representatives last October and signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono despite widespread criticism and vows by some provinces not to enforce the legislation.

According to Nallom Kurniawan, a Constitutional Court expert, the groups are challenging the definition of pornography in Article 1, Article 4 on the production and distribution of pornographic materials, and Article 10, which bans public performances deemed pornographic.

"The first [challenge] is on the definition of pornography," he said recently. "The definition itself is absurd and may lead to conflicting interpretations. If the head is weak, then the whole body of the law is weak. [The groups'] main concern is cultural preservation, which may be endangered by the law."

The Pornography Law has been widely panned for its possible negative impact on women's and minority rights, pluralism and freedom of expression. Lawmakers were accused of adopting the legislation to appease Muslim groups ahead of the upcoming legislative and presidential elections.

Still, authorities said last week that it would be almost impossible to enforce the law. Public prosecutors, the heads of the South and Central Jakarta district courts, the police, and experts from the Constitutional Court all agreed that poor public acceptance, unclear terminology and contradictory articles were a hindrance to the law's execution, and more government regulations were needed to clarify exactly what the law meant.

Fachmy Badoh, a senior official at Indonesia Corruption Watch, said the House had failed to read public opinion on the Pornography Law. "Lawmakers should stand for the aspirations of their constituents," Fachmy said.

Legislator Eva Kusuma Sundawi, who voted against the legislation during committee hearings, said she was happy that the law could not be implemented.

Eva said a number of provincial officials had misused the anti- pornography law. "The governor of West Java used the law in an attempt to ban jaipongan, a traditional West Javanese dance, based on his subjective opinion of it," she said.

Sundawi, a member of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, said the biggest problem with the law was the fact that the public was allowed to enforce it themselves. She said such a setup could encourage vigilantism. "A certain group of people could use the porn law as a way to attack the cultural beliefs of others," she said.

However, Balkan Kaplale, the former chairman of the committee that drafted the legislation, argued that the police are enforcing the law effectively.

"The Central Jakarta Police once stopped a dangdut singer who was allegedly violating the porn law," he said. "The law has been effectively implemented. As far as public reception goes, I guess people now are realizing that the law is needed. Many provinces that rejected the law at first are now silent."

Labour/migrant workers

Workers demand respect for their right to associate

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2009

ID Nugroho, Surabaya – Hundreds of workers grouped under a number of different organizations staged a rally Wednesday to demand the East Java High Court respect their right to form workers' associations.

The demand was made over fears that the court would turn down a sentence handed down by Bangil District court in December last year to the general manager of PT King Jim Indonesia (KJI) for banning workers from establishing a workers' association at the company.

The KJI case was sparked after general manager Fatoni Prawata barred KJI workers from establishing an association in the company. Fatoni, who received an 18-month sentence, appealed to the East Java High court.

"This is the first time that the workers' right to associate has been legally protected. We must therefore guard it," said Anwar Sastro Ma'ruf from the Alliance of Workers in Protest (ABM).

With university students also taking part, Wednesday's rally began at the Industrial Relations Settlement (PHI) office and proceeded to the provincial prosecutors' office and the court.

In their speeches, the workers said that although they still faced gloomy conditions, that did not mean they had no right to associate.

Jamalluddin, coordinator of ABM's East Java branch, said Fatoni's appeal was well within his rights. However, he added, the uncertainty in Indonesian law had made workers worried that the court would annul the sentence.

"That is why we need to take to the streets, stage a rally to demand the high court not play with workers' fate," he said. In a closed-door meeting with workers' representatives, the court confirmed they had already reached a verdict for Fatoni's appeal on Monday.

But they insisted they could not give a copy to the demonstrators for fear of violating Article 10 of the Criminal Code, which stipulates only prosecutors and defendants deserve a copy of the verdict.

"It's now in the rephrasing process and will be sent to the prosecutors and the defendant," said court chief M. Arief. He added any party not satisfied with the verdict was welcome to appeal to the Supreme Court.

Responding to the statement, Jamalluddin said he respected the high court's decision not to give out a copy of the verdict, but warned that if it was not to the workers' liking, workers across East Java would return to the streets in a much bigger rally.

"We will camp in front of the high court building if it really disappoints us," he said, adding that courts in East Java had a "bad track record" when it came to trying cases related to workers.

Environment/natural disasters

Four tigers killed in Riau this month

Agence France Presse - February 28, 2009

Indonesian villagers have trapped and killed their fourth endangered Sumatran tiger amid a flurry of tiger attacks blamed on illegal logging, the environmental group World Wildlife Fund said on Friday.

Four tigers and six people, it said, have been killed on the island of Sumatra this month.

"We learned on Feb. 24 that another Sumatran tiger had been trapped and killed by villagers after it attacked two farmers on Sunday," said Syamsidar, a WWF spokeswoman.

"This is the fourth tiger killed this month and we are concerned because it is a protected animal and an endangered species."

Syamsidar said the two farmers, from Simpang Gaung village in Riau Province, were seriously injured in the attack. "The tiger in the latest killing had wandered into the village after its habitat had been destroyed by people," she said.

The Detikcom news portal reported that MS Kaban, the minister of forestry, had urged the provincial police to arrest the tiger killers. "They can't kill these tigers as they please," he said. "Whatever their excuse, the tigers must be protected."

According to WWF, there are fewer than 400 Sumatran tigers left in the wild and their increasing contact with people is a result of habitat loss and continuing deforestation.

The nongovernmental organization said about 12 million hectares of forest on Sumatra had been cleared in the past 22 years, which equated to a loss of nearly 50 percent of the island's forests. The incidents in Riau occurred in an area dotted with pulp and palm oil plantations. This intense deforestation has left Sumatra's wildlife – tigers, orangutans, elephants and rhinos – with little room to move.

Krystof Obidzinski of the Center for International Forestry Research said a lot of Indonesians got into the black market timber business during the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis. "Significant numbers of people are being put out of work already, so we will have to wait and see what impact that will have for illegal logging," he said.

Victims skeptical of Bakrie's new pledge

Jakarta Post - February 24, 2009

Indra Harsaputra and Ridwan Max Sijabat, Surabaya – Victims of the Lapindo mudflow disaster remain skeptical of the new pledge made by the Bakrie Family to pay disaster compensation in phases.

Suwito and Pitanto, who as leaders of the Renokenongo Mudflow Victims Association represented 465 families who have been living in temporary shelters at the Porong market building for almost three years since their homes were destroyed by the disaster, stressed that the victims did not accept nor reject Lapindo's new commitment, which they said the company could break whenever they wanted to.

"The reality is that the energy company has not yet paid the full amount of compensation and the government is nothing in the eyes of the Bakrie Family, who have ignored the 2007 and 2008 presidential instructions on the compensation payment and have given similar pledges twice previously," Suwito, chairman of the Renokenongo Mudflow Victims Association, told The Jakarta Post by telephone on Monday.

Suwito and Pitanto stressed that that Bakrie Family's new pledge to pay the victims Rp 15 million (US$1200) monthly would certainly prolong suffering because the families could not do much with the amount.

Representing the Bakrie Family and holding the majority of shares in Lapindo, Nirwan Dewanta Bakrie made a new commitment before Social Affairs Minister Bachtiar Chamsyah, Public Works Minister Djoko Kirmanto and National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendrarso Danuri last week that Minarak Lapindo Jaya, a subsidiary of Lapindo, would pay Rp 15 million per month to each victim until 80 percent of the compensation was paid.

The new commitment was made only two months after the Bakrie Family pledged on Dec. 3, as witnessed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, to pay Rp 30 million per month to each victim. The pledge was made after Lapindo failed to pay the compensation by the original deadline of August, 2008.

Minarak's president Andi Darussalam insisted that his company keep the new commitment because of the Bakrie Holding Group's financial problems.

Activists: Car-free days are 'a waste'

Jakarta Globe - February 24, 2009

Dessy Sagita – Environmental activists on Monday urged the Jakarta Administration to temporarily halt its car-free days on selected city roads, saying a re-evaluation was needed because the event had failed to reduce air pollution and loose regulations have resulted in many violations, including those by senior officials.

"Legally, the car-free days cannot be stopped, but the city administration should halt them temporarily and conduct a review of what went wrong. Honestly, it's been such a waste," Selamet Daroyni, the executive director of the Jakarta branch of Indonesian Forum for the Environment, or Walhi, told a press conference.

Selamet said car-free days, generally on Sundays, had failed to achieve the short-term objective of minimizing air pollution and also had failed to encourage Jakarta residents to be more environmentally friendly and less dependent on cars.

"If we perceive this issue from the three success indicators, I'd say these events did not help much," Selamet said. He said the indicators were public participation, air pollution reduction and public obedience, including by government officials and law enforcers.

Ahmad Safrudin, of the Committee for Phasing Out Leaded Gasoline, said car-free days merely relocated traffic flow from one place to another without reducing air pollutants. He said that a report by the Jakarta Environmental Management Board, or BPLHD, that air pollution has decreased significantly was unreliable.

"Jakarta has five air quality monitoring systems, but only one of them is working, so I doubt the report," he said.

Ahmad said the inefficiency of car-free days had been proven by many violations, with some of the violators being government officials and policemen.

Responding to criticism, Rina Suryani, the BPLHD head of natural resources monitoring, said they had scientific measurements to prove that car-free days had in fact contributed significantly to air pollution reduction.

"In some parts of Jakarta, the air quality has gotten better because of this program," she said. Rina said the board could not enforce sanctions against violators because the 2005 bylaw enabling car-free days had not stipulated any.

Jakarta's car-free days began in September 2007 and are held on the last Sunday of each month. This year BPLHD has scheduled 22 road closure events.

Corruption & graft

AGO drops graft-tainted officials from new posts

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2009

Dicky Christanto, Jakarta – The Attorney General's Office (AGO) has bowed to public pressure by removing two graft-tainted officials from their new posts as corruption investigation supervisors.

Deputy attorney general for special crimes Marwan Effendi said Kemas Yahya Rahman and Muhammad Salim, implicated last year in a high-profile bribery case involving prosecutor Urip Tri Gunawan, had been officially removed from their posts as of Wednesday morning.

"From now on, their duties and authority will fall under my supervision. I hope this will end the problems," Marwan said. He added Attorney General Hendarman Supandji had ordered the dismissals to quell public criticism.

On Jan. 22, Hendarman named Kemas and Salim as coordinator and deputy coordinator, respectively, of a special team on corruption.

Antigraft activists were quick to blast the move, citing their dismissals from previous posts as deputy attorney general for special crimes and special crimes investigations director, respectively, for misconduct.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) also expressed surprise at the appointments and asked the AGO to reconsider the controversial policy.

The antigraft body once accused Kemas and Salim of plotting corrupt practices with graft convict Artalyta Suryani, a close friend of tycoon Sjamsul Nursalim.

Urip led an investigation into alleged embezzlement of Bank Indonesia liquidity support (BLBI) funds involving Sjamsul, which the AGO eventually dropped due to "lack of evidence".

In the trial of Urip and Artalyta, the court found Kemas and Salim held conversations with Artalyta while the probe into Sjamsul was underway.

Urip was eventually sentenced to 20 years in prison for accepting a US$660,000 cash bribe from Artalyta, who got five years in prison. Marwan said Kemas would be given a post that did not deal with special crimes.

"Pak Kemas happened to have his term within the AGO structure end as of Feb. 15," he said.

He added both Kemas and Salim were aware of the fresh dismissals. "They accepted the decision without hard feelings," Marwan said, quoting the two officials.

Kemas had been sent to the Southeast Sulawesi capital of Kendari and the North Sulawesi capital of Manado, and Salim to Ambon in Maluku when the attorney general revoked their appointments.

However, Marwan lamented the public's reaction to the appointments of Kemas and Salim, which he said would adversely affect the AGO's performance if left unchecked.

He pointed out both Kemas and Salim had performed better than the rest of the corps of prosecutors. "Their reports were excellent, even better than previous reports."

University of Indonesia legal expert Hasril Hertanto lauded the AGO's about-face, which he said was the right move.

But he questioned the AGO's reason for appointing problematic prosecutors to positions they had failed to live up to in the first place, saying the AGO lacked a self-critical mechanism that would otherwise help it regain public trust.

Transparency International Indonesia secretary-general Teten Masduki said the government should learn a serious lesson from the case by scrutinizing every move made by the AGO in the future. "Don't give AGO officials a chance to slow down the fight against graft with their tricks," he said.

Activists slam Indonesian anti-graft appointments

Agence France Presse - February 25, 2009

Jakarta – Indonesia has appointed two prosecutors, whom activists allege to be corrupt, to oversee graft investigations as part of its crackdown on corruption, an anti-graft group said Tuesday.

Indonesian Corruption Watch activists slammed the appointments and called on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has talked tough on corruption in an election year, to revoke them immediately.

"As the country's leader, President Yudhoyono has to revoke the mandate given to the two corrupt prosecutors," Corruption Watch activist Emerson Yuntho said.

"The attorney general's office is a tool of his administration in the fight against corruption. He has a responsibility to control his subordinates."

Prosecutors Kemas Yahya Rahman and Muhammad Salim were named recently as supervisors of corruption investigations conducted by the attorney general's office, or AGO, which is itself tainted by numerous corruption scandals.

Both men were reprimanded and dismissed from their previous posts in the AGO last year after the country's powerful anti-corruption watchdog made public secretly tapped phone conversations between them and a corrupt businesswoman.

The scandal saw another senior prosecutor, Urip Tri Gunawan, sentenced to 20 years' jail in September for accepting a $660,000 bribe from the woman, who was also jailed.

"If the president fails to annul the nomination of the two prosecutors, his administration will lose public confidence in his campaign against corruption," Yuntho said.

Yudhoyono promised to stamp out corruption when he was elected in 2004 but Indonesia remains one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Clean government is shaping up as a key issue ahead of presidential polls in July.

Indonesia faces 'long' corruption battle

Australian Associated Press - February 25, 2009

He counts lawmakers and senior officials among his scalps but Indonesia's anti-corruption chief says it could be 20 years before graft entrenched at all levels of government has been cleaned up.

Since its inception in 2003, the independent Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has gained a fearsome reputation as one of the few clean institutions in a country ranked among the world's most corrupt.

This reputation has only been boosted by a 100 per cent prosecution rate at the country's corruption court and a new plan to make defendants there wear special uniforms marking them out – before a verdict – as "KPK prisoners".

But despite the commission's successes, corruption is "systemic" from the top to the bottom of Indonesian society, KPK head Antasari Azhar said in an interview with AFP.

"If conditions stay like this, and we keep doing everything, I think that it will take 15 to 20 years to get an Indonesia that's nearly free of corruption," Azhar said.

If "policies are not weakened or altered" Indonesia will be "at minimum 60 to 70 per cent" free of corruption by that time, he said.

Seen as a key instrument in enforcing the anti-corruption drive of reformist President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the KPK counts among its successes a recent five-and-a-half year sentence handed down to former central Bank Indonesia (BI) chief Burhanuddin Abdullah for graft.

Two other bank officials have been sentenced to four years over the case involving 100 billion rupiah ($A12.92 million) in embezzled bank funds, and four BI deputy governors – including the father-in-law of Yudhoyono's son – are on trial.

But the KPK has also been criticised for failing to handle the vast majority of cases brought by the public and for easing off in its efforts in recent months.

Corruption campaigners also point to setbacks outside the KPK's purview – such as the recent victory of the youngest son of late dictator Suharto, Hutomo Mandala Putra, popularly known as Tommy, in a $US400 million ($A615.3 million) civil corruption case brought by the attorney general's office – as signs of impunity at the top of Indonesia's elite.

But Azhar denied anyone is untouchable in Indonesia, saying the dearth of so-called "big fish" being caught was due to the difficulty of proving corruption cases.

"For example even if I strongly suspect you're corrupt, I just can't arrest you as I please. The KPK doesn't want to abuse its power," he said.

Upcoming legislative and presidential elections this year could trigger isolated cases of graft but the country's anti-corruption fight would go on whether or not the reformist Yudhoyono is re- elected, Azhar said.

"I think there could be potential for corruption, for example you're a legislative candidate who is still on duty and you use state money for your election," he said. "I think whoever is president, as long as the laws stay the same, I think things can still go on."

Indonesia's anti-graft fight has seen it move up in the rankings of Berlin-based watchdog Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, to become the 126th cleanest country on earth, from an earlier 143rd.

The improved ranking puts Indonesia on equal footing with countries including Uganda, Libya and Ethiopia.

AGO gives anti-corruption duties to tainted officials

Jakarta Globe - February 24, 2009

Heru Andriyanto – Critics on Monday attacked the Attorney General's Office for its decision to entrust two officials who were at the center of a major bribery case last year with corruption cases at the district and provincial levels.

Kemas Yahya Rahman, former deputy attorney general for special crimes, and Muhammad Salim, former director of corruption investigations, have been included in the AGO's newly established supervisory team on corruption cases and maritime and economic crimes, less than a year after the two were involved in a bribery case that was a major embarrassment for the office and removed from their positions.

"Two officials who should have been prosecuted and convicted of a bribery case are now given a chance to continue their careers," said Marwan Batubara, head of the anticorruption team with the Regional Representatives Council, or DPD.

"That's really not what we want to hear from the AGO." He said appointing troubled officials would further tarnish the AGO's reputation, which is already in tatters after the bribery case was brought to court by the Corruption Eradication Commission, or KPK.

Kemas and Salim came under scrutiny last year after the Anti- Corruption Court in Jakarta played recordings of their phone conversations with a businesswoman, Artalyta Suryani, who was later convicted of bribing prosecutor Urip Tri Gunawan and sentenced to five years in jail.

In the conversations, they used affectionate nicknames for one another while discussing the major embezzlement case of tycoon Sjamsul Nursalim, an associate of Artalyta's.

The embezzlement case was dropped by Kemas on Feb. 29 last year. One day later, Kemas phoned Artalyta and said "my job is done," apparently referring to the termination of the case.

"It's very disappointing. Their appointment reflects the AGO's insensitivity toward the public," said Emerson Yuntho, coordinator of legal affairs with the nongovernmental organization Indonesia Corruption Watch. "The new jobs of the two officials will allow them to intervene in corruption cases being handled by the AGO."

AGO spokesman Jasman Panjaitan said that Kemas would be the coordinator of the supervisory team. Leaving a former deputy jobless, he said, "is a waste of talent."

"He has the experience as a deputy for special crimes. He could become a big help to regional prosecutors in better preparing indictments for corruption cases," Jasman said of Kemas, adding that their cases would be limited to those at the district and provincial levels.

Islam/religion

Ahmadiyah refugees to take risk, return home

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2009

Panca Nugraha, Mataram – After living in uncertainty at a refugee center in West Nusa Tenggara for three years, 68 members of the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect have decided to risk returning home.

Syahidin, coordinator for the refugees, said the 68 people from 17 families would move from the Transito building in Mataram back to their homes in Ketapang hamlet, Gegerung village, Lingsar district, West Lombok regency, on March 14.

"We the 17 families, including mine, have decided to return to our homes in Ketapang, whatever the risk we might face, after having lived here in uncertainty for three years. We want to live like any other citizens," Syahidin said Friday.

He added at least four people had died at the refugee center, while nine babies were born there during the same period.

At least 160 Ahmadiyah members from 33 families were driven from their homes after hard-line Muslims attacked them and destroyed their homes and belongings in early February 2006.

The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) previously issued an edict calling the Ahmadiyah heretical. The edict was seized upon by other hard-line Muslims to attack the sect's followers elsewhere, including in West Java.

Based on the edict, among other factors, the government then banned Ahmadiyah followers from spreading their teachings.

The MUI said Ahmadiyah followers had deviated from mainstream Islam by believing that sect founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was a prophet.

Human rights activists have long deplored the attacks against the sect's followers and criticized the MUI for issuing the edict that triggered the widespread violence.

Syahidin said the 17 families decided to return home because their houses were still habitable, while the remaining 16 families chose to stay because their homes were completely destroyed.

He added he hoped the police and local administration would accompany the refugees on their return.

"But if they don't, we will still go back home. On the security front, we believe the police are responsible for security," he said.

The Social Services Ministry previously stopped donating rice to the refugees, saying they could no longer be considered refugees because they had lived at the center for three years. The ministry said the rice stock would be prioritized for victims of natural disasters.

Jauzi Djafar, West Nusa Tenggara chairman of the Indonesia Ahmadiyah Group, said his group had sent a letter to Governor M. Zainul Majdi to inform him of the planned return.

He added copies of the letter were also sent to the President, Vice President, home minister, religious affairs minister, social services minister, National Police chief, attorney general and the National Commission on Human Rights.

"We sent the letters on Feb. 20 to high- and low-ranking officials, including in Gegerung," he said.

He added the planned return was the Ahmadis' own initiative since the government had seemingly forgotten their plight.

Indonesian film tackles women's role in Islam

Agence France Presse - February 23, 2009

Aubrey Belford, Jakarta – With its harrowing scenes of rape and abuse and its rousing calls for equality, a new film on the oppression of women in Islamic societies is courting controversy in Indonesia.

The film, "Perempuan Berkalung Sorban" (Woman with a Scarf Around her Neck), by local filmmaker Hanung Bramantyo is the latest Islam-inspired movie to ride the wave of a cinematic revival in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-majority nation.

While most of this growth has been in schlock-horror flicks, teen sex romp comedies or Muslim love stories, "Perempuan Berkalung Sorban" is aimed squarely at prompting a difficult internal debate among Muslims about how women are treated.

The film, which is based on a 2001 book by Abidah El-Khaliqey, tells the story of the rebellion of Anissa, the headstrong and intelligent daughter of the head of an Islamic boarding school on Java island.

Anissa wants to study at university, but her father pressures her into marriage to another cleric's son who beats her, rapes her, and impregnates another women who he then takes as a second wife.

That is only the first 30 minutes. Suffice to say, some clerics are not happy.

But filmmaker Bramantyo says it is not a critique of Islam but of the patriarchal culture in many of the boarding schools and mosques throughout the country.

In the film, the answer to Anissa's struggle is not less Islam but more. "The Islam born in Arabia under the Messenger of Allah is a free religion," Bramantyo told AFP.

"God created men and women as a partnership, and they're equal. But over time, culturally and socially, that understanding has been misused and misinterpreted so that men became superior," he said. "Right now there is a lot of pushing and shoving between Islam and (patriarchal) culture."

After being divorced by her husband, Anissa goes to study and returns to the boarding school with the goal of getting the girls to read books other than the holy texts of Islam. And in her struggle, she comes armed with Islamic arguments.

While the film has not had the same box office success as Bramantyo's last Islamic film "Ayat-ayat Cinta" (Verses of Love) – a religious love story dealing with intolerance and polygamy that famously brought President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to tears at one screening – it has found its fair share of critics.

Ali Mustafa Yaqub, the head imam, or prayer leader, at Jakarta's main Istiqlal Grand Mosque, said the film should be yanked from cinemas in order to "correct the depiction" of his religion in some scenes.

"The film portrays a bad image of Islam," Yaqub said. "Islam doesn't forbid women to get out of the house to study, to pray, in fact to do any activity... to relax or to enjoy themselves, as long as the activity is not haram (forbidden in Islam)," he said.

But Indonesia's women's minister Meutia Hatta said the film is an important tool to correct centuries of tradition, and the creeping influence of religious hardliners drawing inspiration from the Middle East.

"I think it is an improvement on the old mindset that oppresses women," Hatta said. "(Some Muslim leaders) think it's Muslim culture but actually it's not, the influence of Arabic culture is there," she said.

"I think people are scared to talk openly, but I think someday we have to. Even in the United States they dress with tank tops or something like that and nobody thinks 'she's doing something wrong.' So why can't we be like that?"

Elections/political parties

Voters 'prefer parties' to candidates

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2009

Jakarta – Most voters still prefer parties over candidates, despite a Constitutional Court ruling that means parties will have little say in who gets a legislative seat, a survey said Friday.

"People still vote based on the flags of political parties, and not the candidates," Kusrido Ambardi from the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) told a press conference in Jakarta to unveil the survey's findings.

The study was conducted from Feb. 8-18, 2009, using a random sampling of 2,455 eligible voters across Indonesia.

It has a margin of error of approximately 2.4 percent. Using simulation ballots, respondents were asked whether they would vote for parties, legislative candidates or both.

Kusrido said 44 percent of respondents voted for parties, while 36 percent voted for candidates and only 12 percent voted for both.

This indicated the new open system would have no significant role in increasing votes for candidates, the survey said.

"There are too many candidates and too little time," Kusrido said. "This creates confusion among voters. Thus they prefer the easy way of identifying certain parties."

He added there was little space for individuality since the candidates' images were still very much influenced by their parties. "If the image of the party is good, whoever it nominates will tend to benefit," he said.

"Conversely, if the candidates are of good quality but their parties have a poor image, they tend to be categorized into a bad political group, so they are not elected."

Kusrido added voters with higher educational backgrounds tended to vote for candidates, as opposed to those with less education, who mostly voted for parties.

The LSI is one of many pollsters conducting a flurry of surveys as the April 9 legislative elections draw near. The presidential election will be held on July 5.

The institute was hired by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party to help boost its political support ahead of the elections, party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok has confirmed.

Not surprisingly, the survey also revealed that the Democratic Party enjoyed the biggest support of 24.3 percent, as compared to 17 percent for its strongest contender, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

"Voter preference for the Democratic Party increased steadily from June last year," Kusrido said.

However, the party is highly dependent on Yudhoyono to draw voters. "From December 2006 to February this year, the survey showed there was a weak correlation between Yudhoyono and the Democratic Party," he said.

According to Kusrido, the number of those voting for Yudhoyono was almost always twice as much as those voting for the Democratic Party.

"While the preference for Yudhoyono increased significantly by 7 percent from December 2008 to February, preference for the Democratic Party only increased by 1 percent," Kusrido said.

He explained that so far the public remained satisfied with Yudhoyono's performance, thus bolstering the President's chance of being reelected in July. "Some 70 percent of respondents said they were happy with Yudhoyono's work."

Kusrido added that according to the survey, the public thought well of the President's efforts to maintain security and combat corruption.

Nevertheless, the party's dependence on Yudhoyono will lessen its power in parliamentary politics, J. Kristiadi from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies said during Friday's LSI survey launch.

"The Democratic Party will have to pair up with a party that has enough power in the House of Representatives," Kristiadi said, pointing out the Golkar Party as the most sensible choice. Golkar is headed by Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

"In this case, maintaining the Yudhoyono-Kalla partnership is the best step for winning the presidential election," Kristiadi added. (dis)

Kalla calls supporters for calm

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2009

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – Vice President and Golkar Party chairman Jusuf Kalla has called on his supporters to calm down, amid mounting calls for him to declare his presidential bid.

Kalla said he would stick to the party's policy of selecting a presidential candidate based on an internal survey now underway.

"It has been decided that the [presidential] candidate will be announced after the legislative elections, so let's focus on winning the legislative elections in April," he said Friday.

The heads of Golkar's provincial branches, mainly from Sulawesi, have called on the party to bring forward a national meeting to name the party's presidential candidate before April.

They said the survey was unnecessary because Kalla, as party chairman, deserved the nod.

As though hinting at his presidential bid, Kalla held a rare meeting Friday with Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) co-founder and People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker Hidayat Nur Wahid.

But when asked if the encounter was to pave the way for a coalition, Kalla said, "No, I was just meeting an old friend. I think it's just natural."

Kalla is slated to visit his hometown of Makassar on Saturday for a Golkar meeting. About 5,000 party members, including Golkar heads at subdistrict and village level from across South Sulawesi, will attend the meeting.

South Sulawesi is a major Golkar stronghold, but crucially lost the gubernatorial election to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) last year.

Kalla unveiled his readiness last week to run in the presidential race after all 33 heads of Golkar's provincial branches expressed their support for him.

"The provincial branches form the majority in the decision-making process in Golkar's congress," Kalla said.

He also played down a split among Golkar supporters about his candidacy, saying it was part of democracy. "But there is no factionalism [in Golkar]. Difference of opinion is part of democracy in the party," he said.

Kalla is widely considered to have the competence to contest the presidential election, but opinion polls consistently rank him below other contenders, including widely respected fellow Golkar stalwart and Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X.

Most polls indicate Kalla would be far better suited as vice president.

The latest survey conducted by the Indonesia Survey Institute (LSI) revealed only 2 percent of 2,455 respondents would vote for Kalla for president if the election were held today.

The LSI survey placed Kalla eighth on the list of popular presidential candidates, below Hamengkubuwono, former MPR speaker Amin Rais and Hidayat.

In December, the National Survey Institute (LSN) found Hamengkubuwono was the most popular Golkar figure vying for the presidency, eclipsing second-ranked Kalla, former Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung and senior party adviser and media tycoon Surya Paloh.

Government election rules spark controversy

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The government has been slammed for issuing a regulation-in-lieu-of-law to allow double marking on ballots and to update the permanent voter list.

At least three political parties – the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Crescent Star Party (PBB) – questioned the motives behind the issuance of Government Regulation-in-Lieu-of-Law No. 1/2009, signed Thursday by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

PKB deputy secretary-general Marwan Jafar said the new regulation was "highly controversial" because it was issued only a few days before the House went into recess from March 3 to April 19.

He added he was worried the ruling on voter capitulation could be used to benefit certain parties by allowing new names to be included in the list.

Similar concerns were voiced by PBB chief patron Yusril Ihza Mahendra, also a constitutional law expert and former state secretary in Yudhoyono's Cabinet. The regulation will only benefit the "interests of power holders" currently seeking reelection, Yusril said.

"We couldn't possibly discuss the regulation because there is hardly any time left. Legislators are busy preparing to campaign across the country, while discussions on this issue require a lot of debates," Marwan argued.

He added the regulation also failed to provide clarity over how to mark ballots, while expressing concern it would lead to numerous "technical problems".

The regulation, Marwan went on, could mislead the public because of its ruling on marking ballots, which differed from the method now being publicized by the General Elections Commission (KPU) through its public service announcements.

Under to the Constitution, a regulation-in-lieu-of-law must be approved or rejected by the House of Representatives.

Presidential expert staff for legal affairs Denny Indrayana said the government had submitted the new regulation to the House soon after it had been signed by the President.

Senior PDI-P legislator Ganjar Pranowo said his party was not troubled by the contents of the regulation, but rather questioned why the government had not instead issued a "more urgent" regulation on the distribution of votes among legislative candidates.

He said parties were still confused over how exactly to distribute seats they won to their candidates, since the Constitutional Court ruled that seats would go to candidates who won the most votes.

However, Denny said such a regulation was not needed after the court had issued the ruling. KPU chairman Abdul Hafiz Anshary said his office was ready to follow up on the new regulation.

Government Regulation-in-Lieu-of-Law No. 1/2009

Article 47(4): "For those registered as voters but with their names not appearing on the permanent voter list, the KPU can revise the list by including them as eligible voters."

Article 176(1a): "In the case where election workers find – while tallying the ballots – more than one marking on the same column for a party and/or column for a candidate and/or column of legislative candidates from the same party, the vote is declared valid and counted as one."

Article 176(2a): "In the case where poll workers – while tallying the ballots – find one or more markings on the same number and/or photo column and/or name of Regional Representatives Council (DPD) candidate, the vote is declared valid and counted as one."

Article 176(3): "Technical guidance for the implementation of the regulation is regulated further by the KPU."

BIN to House: No threat to elections seen

Jakarta Globe - February 26, 2009

Nivell Rayda – The State Intelligence Agency, or BIN, assured the House of Representatives on Wednesday that there were no known threats that could disrupt the April 9 legislative elections or the presidential election in July.

Agency head Syamsir Siregar said after a closed hearing with the House's Commission I, which oversees defense and security, that political friction among competing parties would be inevitable, but was unlikely to disturb the elections.

"From the intelligence that we have gathered, no group poses any threat nor will there be any turmoil in disputes over the election results," Syamsir told reporters.

He said there had been some intimidation and criminal behavior meant to coerce civilians into voting for a specific party in Aceh Province. However, Syamsir said he had assured the House that such incidents had been isolated and sporadic and would not upset the elections as a whole.

"It's regional and would not pose any threat to national security," he said. "These matters are being handled by the local police. We don't see any potential that the threat could escalate to a national level."

Under a 2005 peace agreement between the government and the now- defunct Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, the province secured the right to form local political parties.

Six such parties are eligible to contest the April polls, including the Aceh Party, which was founded by former GAM rebels. Earlier this month, two Aceh Party politicians were shot and killed by unidentified gunmen, and a grenade rocked one of the party's regional offices.

Since last year, a number of grenades have been thrown at the party's headquarters, but the police have yet to determine a motive for the attacks.

Yuddy Chrisnandi, a lawmaker with the Golkar Party, said the House commission had accepted the intelligence report from the agency. "We are confident about the details given to us by the head of BIN," Yuddy said. "If there were any threats, BIN would immediately alert Commission I."

"Of course, House Commission I will make its own assessment of security during both elections. But we are certain that our assessment won't be any different."

Golkar Party encourages Kalla to run for presidency

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2009

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – Golkar Party chairman Jusuf Kalla has received a much-needed boost of support from party heavyweights in his uphill battle to contest the presidency next July.

On Tuesday, Vice President Kalla met with Golkar chief advisor and media tycoon Surya Paloh at the vice presidential office for a discussion that appeared more a consultation.

"I came to verify [Kalla's] statement about his readiness to contest the presidential election. He replied he was ready," Surya told reporters after the meeting.

Kalla announced his presidential bid last Friday, after 33 heads of the party's provincial branches threw their weight behind him.

But Kalla, faced with rock-bottom popularity ratings and less than solid support from Golkar, was reportedly not confident about taking on his boss and red-hot favorite President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Golkar legislator Yuddy Chrisnandi admitted there was a rift within the party over Kalla's bid for the presidency.

"There's a group of party members with double standards: on the one hand, they're loyal to Kalla; but on the other, they're pushing for Kalla to maintain his partnership with Yudhoyono," said Yuddy, who is also mounting a presidential bid.

On Monday, Kalla met with party strategists Burhanuddin Napitupulu and Firman Subagyo, as well as deputy chairman Muladi. During the meeting, the three executives encouraged Kalla not to deviate from the symbiosis he had built up with Yudhoyono since the 2004 presidential election.

However, Burhanuddin told The Jakarta Post that Golkar would fully support Kalla's nomination if the party took the most votes in the legislative elections in April.

"But if Pak Kalla has confirmed his readiness to Surya Paloh, the discussion is over. There is no hope for Kalla to pair up with Yudhoyono," Burhanuddin said Tuesday.

"This means Kalla is set for all the consequences he will face, and we will support his candidacy."

Burhanuddin previously said the Yudhoyono-Kalla partnership would be the strongest combination in the presidential election.

Another Golkar stalwart and presidential candidate, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, has warned the party to wait for the results of an ongoing internal survey before publicly announcing its candidate.

"Golkar should explain the ongoing survey to vet presidential candidates, because the public sees that Kalla has been named as Golkar's candidate and will disregard other candidates," he told reporters.

Golkar had promised to unveil its most qualified candidates after April's legislative elections.

A survey by the Information Research Institute says Kalla could win the election if he picked the Prosperous Justice Party's (PKS) Hidayat Nur Wahid as his running mate.

But the PKS says Kalla would have to do a "fit-and-proper test" if he wanted Hidayat on his team.

Golkar's South Sulawesi branch will host a forum in Makassar to invite the party's other branches to push Kalla to proceed with his bid. "Such a meeting is legal, but the decision is not binding for the party," Yuddy pointed out.

He called on the party to fully support Kalla in the race. "Golkar should give all its support to help Kalla win the election."

Court revokes media rules

Jakarta Globe - February 25, 2009

Muninggar Sri Saraswati – The Constitutional Court on Tuesday handed another victory to the country's dominant political parties, ruling that print and electronic media were not required to give all political parties equal opportunity in carrying campaign advertisements.

The verdict opens the door for wealthy parties to dominate pricey media with campaign ads and edge out smaller competitors.

The ruling came just a few days after another Court decision closed the door for independent candidates and candidates who do not have the backing of large parties or a coalition of parties to run for president.

During the hearing, the Court's president, Mahfud MD, said that two articles in the legislative election law surrounding restrictions on campaign media were against the Constitution.

"The articles have caused legal uncertainty, are unfair and are against the principle of freedom of expression that is guaranteed by the Constitution," he said.

The scrapped articles outlined possible sanctions – from a mere reprimand to the revocation of a license – against media that failed to provide equal advertising space or time to all political parties and legislative candidates running in an election.

Mahfud said that the law mixed up the authorities of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission, or KPI, the Press Council and the General Elections Commission, or KPU, in dealing out sanctions against media that violated the rules.

"Sanctions to the broadcast media could only be handed out by the government while the [printed] press law does not recognize any organization authorized to revoke the publishing license for print media," Mahfud said. "The article has lost its legal power and raison d'etre so it must be annulled," he said.

Sanctions for media considered to have violated the legislative election law could be derived from separate broadcast and press laws that already exist, Mahfud said.

The existing law on print media lays out sanctions in the form of reprimands or fines, while the law on broadcast media lists possible punishments that range from reprimands or the suspension of broadcast rights to the revocation of broadcasters' licenses, which could only be done by the Minister of Communication and Information Technology following a recommendation from the KPI.

Eight chief newspaper editors filed a demand for a judicial review of the media advertising articles contained in the legislative election law, arguing that running campaign ads was a necessary source of income to keep them alive.

They said the country's various political parties had different strengths when it came to financing ads in media.

The eight chief editors who filed for a judicial review of the law include Tarman Azzam of the daily Harian Terbit; Kristanto Hartadi of the Sinar Harapan evening daily; Sasongko Tedjo of the Semarang-based Suara Merdeka; Ratna Susilowati of the Rakyat Merdeka daily; Marthen Selamet Susanto of Koran Jakarta; Badiri Siahaan of the Media Bangsa; Dedy Pristiwanto of Warta Kota daily and Ilham Bintang of Cek & Ricek Tabloid.

At the national level, a total of 34 political parties have been declared eligible to take part in April's legislative elections, 10 more than in the previous elections in 2004. The 34 parties include 18 new political parties running for the first time.

Out of the old parties, only 16 are represented in the House of Representatives, and only six hold more than 50 seats in the 550-seat House.

Indonesian officials have previously stated that there were too many parties and that it would be better to winnow the number down to just a few.

Indonesia presidential hopeful says conscience clear on abuse

Agence France Presse - February 23, 2009

Jakarta – A former son-in-law of Indonesian dictator Suharto who is running for president said Friday his "conscience is clear" over human rights abuses he committed as a senior army general.

Prabowo Subianto, a former commander of the notorious Kopassus special forces, told foreign reporters he was unrepentant over the kidnapping of pro-democracy activists in the dying days of Suharto's regime.

"In a certain administration we could say it was preventative detention, and if the regime changes, then we say it's kidnapping," said Prabowo, who is running in a July poll against opponents including incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also an ex-general.

"I served with honor, my conscience is clear, I took responsibility. I consider myself a warrior, I consider myself an officer," he said.

Prabowo, once considered heir apparent to Suharto before the 1998 fall of his 32-year regime, was found guilty by a court of honor of "exceeding orders" and forced to retire over his confessed role in the kidnappings, over a dozen victims of which were never seen again.

He also stands accused of involvement in human rights abuses in East Timor, then under a brutal 24-year Indonesian occupation, and of orchestrating riots and mass rapes of Chinese women in Jakarta in 1998.

Prabowo has denied these accusations but said he remains barred from traveling to the United States since first being refused entry on human rights grounds in 2000.

Despite the reputation, Prabowo said he is a committed democrat and is pinning his hopes of unseating the liberal Yudhoyono on a platform of reining in the free market and overcoming poverty by promoting agriculture.

Indonesia faces a "Malthusian bomb" of a surging population but the pro-market Yudhoyono has failed to reach the "double digit" growth necessary to lift the country out of poverty, Prabowo said.

Indonesia's economy grew 6.1% last year but growth is expected to slow to between 4.5% and 4.7% in 2009 on the effects of the global economic crisis.

Prabowo was married to Suharto's daughter Siti Hediati Hariyadi, who goes by the name Titiek, but they divorced some years ago.

Former Kopassus chief adopts bizarre poll tactic

Sydney Morning Herald - February 23, 2009

Tom Allard, Jakarta – A Soeharto-era commander of Indonesia's notorious Kopassus special forces unit has a novel way of deflecting concerns about grave human rights abuses on his watch as he contests this year's national elections: he has hired some of the activists abducted and beaten by his troops as campaign workers and legislative candidates.

Prabowo Subianto, who is running a well-financed campaign for the presidency thanks to his billionaire brother, Hasyim Djojohadikusumo, was sacked from his military post in 1998 after a tribunal found troops under his command kidnapped pro-democracy students.

He is also accused of orchestrating multiple abuses during Indonesia's occupation of East Timor and playing a role in the looting of Chinese businesses and the mass rape of Indonesian- Chinese women in Jakarta as Indonesia descended into chaos in 1998, the year the dictator Soeharto was ousted from power.

Prabowo, who fled to the Middle East after the fall of Soeharto, denies any wrongdoing. Still, the US continues to deny him a visa – highly problematic if he becomes president. "In a certain administration we could say it was preventive detention, and if the regime changes, then we say it's kidnapping," Mr Prabowo said on Friday of the activities of Kopassus's Rose Team, responsible for the abductions.

Three of those kidnapped now work for his party, the Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra. "Some say it's the Stockholm principle," he said in an often jocular address to correspondents in Jakarta. One of the former activists is his media officer while two are standing for seats in the new parliament.

Pius Lustrilanang is one of the legislative candidates, and was snatched off a Jakarta street by Kopassus forces in February 1998.

"I was forced to go into a car. My eyes were blindfolded," he told the Herald. "They interrogated me, tortured me and I was beaten. They held me for about two months."

Mr Lustrilanang said Mr Prabowo had apologised to him years ago but acknowledged the wealth behind the Prabowo campaign was a factor in joining the party after two attempts to stand for parliament for Megawati Soekarnoputri's PDI-P organisation.

"Look, I'm tired of siding with the wrong guys. I don't want to make that mistake again," Mr Lustrilanang said. "To me, Prabowo is a character who doesn't give up easily and is willing to learn. These elements are essentially important today as this country is still sunk in various problems."

Mr Prabowo, who previously attempted to launch a political career through Golkar, the party of Soeharto, is standing on a populist economic agenda with strong nationalist overtones.

Somewhat brazenly for a scion of Indonesia's elites who was once married to Soeharto's daughter and whose father was a finance minister in the Soeharto regime, he claims to head the "party of the dispossessed".

Gerindra claims a membership of 11.2 million and a stint as head of the Indonesian Farmers Association has given Mr Prabowo an extensive network of contacts. He has a powerful oratory style and his reputation as a charismatic strongman still carries appeal.

Polls show Gerindra has less than 5 per cent support, placing Mr Prabowo fourth or fifth among the presidential candidates.

Nonetheless, he is regarded as a dark horse in the poll. Gerindra has been blitzing the media with slickly produced TV ads. No party has more than 25 per cent support and candidates for the July poll will be selected in coalition-building after the April elections. Mr Prabowo's enormous financial clout ensures he will have plenty to bring to the table once the horse-trading begins.

[With reporting by Karuni Rompies.]

Parting is (not) sweet sorrow, SBY proves

Jakarta Post - February 23, 2009

Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono says he is not bothered by Vice President Jusuf Kalla's decision to stand as his rival in the presidential election this July, a statement many view as the Democratic Party's farewell bid to the Golkar Party.

In an interview Saturday with local broadcaster Metro TV, Yudhoyono said he respected the political right of the Vice President and Golkar chairman, adding that Kalla's move should not disrupt the ongoing administration's work.

"I hope that even though in the 2009 [presidential elections] Pak Jusuf Kalla and I will go separate ways, we will remain a good presidential-vice presidential team," the President said in response to Kalla's bid Friday for the presidency.

"We have to maintain the function of the current administration and lead it with our best until the end of our term on Oct. 20 this year."

Yudhoyono said he had a "good" relationship with Kalla, and expressed hope it would remain this way despite both men vying for the highest seat in the country.

As if confirming his good relations with Kalla, Yudhoyono held a closed-door meeting late Sunday with Kalla at his private residence in Cikeas, Bogor, West Java.

It was not immediately clear if the meeting was aimed at mending their political ties after a troubling few weeks, but presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng said the meeting was between the President and his Vice president, not between Democratic and Golkar Party leaders.

He added Yudhoyono would receive a report from Kalla on his trip to several countries last week.

After the 40-minute talk, Yudhoyono and Kalla did not say anything to the press about their discussions, sparking another wave of speculation on the future of their relationship.

However, political observer Mohammad Qodari said Yudhoyono's TV statement confirmed many people's suspicions that he and the Democratic Party had indeed intended to part ways with Kalla and Golkar in the upcoming presidential elections.

If Yudhoyono wanted Kalla to stay on as his running mate, Qodari added, he would not have held the interview and would instead have lobbied the Vice President to stay with him.

"The Democratic Party and SBY [Yudhoyono] personally are actually not comfortable with the coalition with Golkar. Yes, they've received support from the party, but they have often been pressured as well.

"SBY has growing confidence that the Democratic Party will be bigger than Golkar, so it doesn't need it anymore. I believe SBY and the Democratic Party have long planned to leave Golkar," Qodari said.

He added the signs could be seen from the Democratic Party's refusal to name Kalla as its vice presidential candidate during its recent national meeting, and from a statement by party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok, who said Golkar would win a mere 2.5 percent of the total votes at the April 9 legislative polls.

Yudhoyono, the Democratic Party's chief patron, publicly reprimanded Mubarok for the controversial statement after Kalla took offense to it. "But that's just for public relations," Qodari said.

During the TV interview, Yudhoyono also called on incumbent Cabinet ministers and other state officials wishing to contest the elections to commit to their jobs until the end of the Cabinet's term.

He added Golkar also had the right to claim the achievements of the current administration as its own by proclaiming it in their campaign ads.

Parties draw near to Kalla as presidential race opens up

Jakarta Post - February 23, 2009

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – With Vice President Jusuf Kalla gearing up for a presidential bid, the country's political constellation is realigning as parties look ahead to the possibilities now opening up.

Elites from old and new parties applauded the readiness of Golkar chairman Kalla to contest the presidency, saying it would provide more options for coalitions.

They said the parties could opt to team up with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, Megawati Soekarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP-P) or Golkar, the largest party based on the 2004 elections.

"We welcome the candidacy of Pak Kalla; it will give us more options for coalitions in the presidential poll," Razikum, chairman of the Prosperous Justice Party's (PKS) campaign team, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

Asked whether the PKS's Hidayat Nur Wahid would run with Kalla, Razikum said "It's very likely to promote the duo of Kalla and Hidayat." "But we will wait for the results of the legislative elections in April before linking up with other parties."

Kalla startled the country last week by announcing his plan to run in the presidential election, after mounting demands from Golkar's provincial branches.

Fadly Zon, vice chairman of the Greater Indonesian Movement Party (Gerindra), also hailed Kalla's move to run for president this July. "It's good news for our democracy. Kalla's move is valid, because Golkar will remain one of the most influential parties in the country, even after the 2009 elections," he told the Post.

He revealed there had been "informal talks" to have Kalla team up with Gerindra advisory board chairman Prabowo Subianto. Prabowo was a former high-ranking Golkar member.

"There's talk among members about the two parties discussing a possible Kalla-Prabowo pairing."

Umar S. Bakry, executive director of the National Survey Institute (LSN), said such a pairing would be the most appropriate to represent the both civilians and the military, young and old, and Javanese and non-Javanese groups.

"Kalla and Prabowo must combine their supporters to face Yudhoyono. If that happens, Yudhoyono will have his toughest rivals yet in the election," he said, adding that Kalla's popularity would increase sharply in the coming months.

"Kalla has always been labelled a vice president, meaning his popularity as a presidential candidate remained low. But this will change fast because Kalla has the capacity to lead the country," Umar said.

An LSN survey last December showed Yogyakarta Governor Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X was the most popular figure from Golkar to run for president. Kalla came in second, followed by former chairman Akbar Tandjung and media tycoon Surya Paloh.

However, University of Indonesia political expert Andrinof Chaniago warned that Kalla stood no chance in the presidential race.

"If Golkar wants to name its own candidate, it would be better to choose Hamengkubuwono because he is more acceptable to the grass roots," he said.

"Kalla can choose to remain Yudhoyono's vice president or become a kingmaker. That's more respectable than follow his emotions and running for president."

Armed forces/defense

TNI reform remains slow under SBY government

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2009

Jakarta – Reforms within the Indonesian Military (TNI) have remained slow under the administration of retired Army general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a discussion concluded Thursday.

"I believe the military has not reformed at all during the 2004- 2009 period because of difficulties implementing the laws," presidential advisor Agus Widjojo told the discussion on the future of the military at the House of Representatives building.

The former three-star Army general said the military had still not shifted its control to the Defense Ministry as required by law, but remained under the jurisdiction of the President.

Among other major problems was the military's failure to resolve its affairs and to establish a National Security Council.

He said many articles within defense and security laws, including the amended 1945 Constitution, were still confusing and the separation of the police and military forces remained unclear.

The former deputy chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly said the 2004 military law was convoluted and being interpreted in a number of ways.

"The most controversial article in the military law is that soldiers must abide by the public criminal law, meaning their misconduct would be investigated by police," Agus said. Such a measure would place psychological pressure on TNI soldier, he argued.

"The government has to promote trust between police and the military first and foremost before enforcing this law [on soldiers]."

The law forbidding soldiers from partaking in political affairs, including voting, was also very problematic, he said.

"This definition is very obscure and could easily lead to misinterpretation. No wonder we still find many high-ranking commanders making political statements," Agus said, claiming control was needed to prevent military leaders becoming involved in political campaigning.

Prominent military analyst Kus-nanto Anggoro said that during the 1998-2004 period, only one reform took place internally within the military. "The reform took place without any involvement from public," he said.

Military reforms failed to meet the demands of the people, he said, making the institution "untouchable and difficult to access". "For example, in resolving human rights cases involving soldiers and issues of military businesses, there was little change," he said.

"The military is still a long way from being like the armed forces in other nations, maybe even 20 years away," Kusnanto said.

Agus Widjojo said military reforms would remain a task for the next government to challenge. "The military has to transform from the traditional fighters of 1945 to professional soldiers," he said.

Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) legislator Mutammimul Ula, however, said the military had changed in many ways. "Several prominent generals have said military reforms have succeeded, even if they are internal," he said.

He said laws were needed to smooth the reformation process within military institutions. "Improving soldiers' welfare is also very important," he added.

Armed forces chief stresses neutrality once again

Jakarta Globe - February 25, 2009

Febriamy Hutapea – The head of the Armed Forces, or TNI, again on Tuesday ordered the military to remain politically neutral during the run-up to legislative and presidential elections this year.

"We will not become involved in politics and we have to keep an eye on efforts to compromise our neutrality," TNI Chief of Staff Gen. Djoko Santoso told thousands of officers at the Navy-owned Balai Samudra convention center in North Jakarta. The meeting, also known as a commander's call, allows the TNI's senior leadership to speak directly to military officers.

Hot on the heels of the so-called "S" incident in which President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono alleged that there were forces within the TNI actively engaging in the campaign, Djoko said allowing election advertisements to be placed by parties outside military installations or property could be viewed as a breach of neutrality.

"Don't be uncertain about such a situation. You have to be firm and remove all party slogans," Djoko said. "The final word is that we are neutral."

The TNI enacted a code barring active military personnel from political activities, including participation in political events or serving as volunteers. A new handbook regarding political neutrality rules for the military was issued last year.

Djoko talked to the crowd about service and commitment, encouraging them to be ready to face threats to the nation's unity.

The general also told his troops to communicate openly with residents. "Remember we are not dealing with the enemy, but our own people," he said.

During former President Suharto's rule, the military was used as a tool to secure and maintain political power.

Economy & investment

Rupiah weakens for seventh consecutive week

Jakarta Globe - February 27, 2009

The rupiah has weakened again for the seventh straight week, prompting the government to search for new ways to stabilize the volatile currency.

The currency depreciated past Rp 12,000 per dollar for the ninth day in a row on Friday, on what analysts said was concern that global funds were continuing to dump emerging-market assets amid the deepening global recession.

On Friday, according to data compiled by Bloomberg, the rupiah plunged to Rp 12,100 per dollar at 1:09 p.m. in Jakarta, before stabilizing at Rp 11,980 just after 4 p.m. The currency has fallen 4.7 percent this month, the second-biggest drop among Asia's 10 most-traded currencies excluding the yen.

Non-deliverable forwards contracts signal traders are now betting the rupiah will weaken 2.8 percent to Rp 12,350 per dollar in a month, compared with expectations for a rate of Rp 12,315 on Thursday.

Forwards are agreements in which assets are bought and sold at current prices for delivery at a future specified time and date.

"The [weakening] appears to be driven by capital flows, as we have seen no substantial deterioration in the trade surplus thus far," said Helmi Arman, an economist at PT Bank Danamon Tbk.

"We think the rupiah may remain under pressure until first half this year, particularly if worsening external conditions generate further concern over global deleveraging."

Juniman, an economist with PT Bank Internasional Indonesia Tbk, said thin trading volumes on the Indonesia Stock Exchange, or IDX, showed that foreign investors were not yet interested in emerging-market stocks.

The Jakarta Composite Index has dropped 4.8 percent this year as overseas investors sold more Indonesian shares than they bought. But Juniman said some foreign investors were still holding Indonesian government bonds due to their high yield spreads.

Bank Indonesia has been trying to stem the currency volatility by intervening in the currency market through foreign-exchange transactions. This has triggered a sharp drop in the country's currency reserves, which stood at $50.9 billion at the end of January, down from $60.6 billion six months earlier.

Boediono, the BI governor, said this week that Indonesia's foreign reserves would soon increase due to the foreign bonds the government recently issued, along with other foreign loans. The government has sold $2 billion of 10-year notes with yields of 11.75 percent and $1 billion of five-year notes with yields of 10.5 percent. The government this year also plans to issue yen- denominated bonds to Japan, or Samurai bonds, as well as international Islamic bonds.

The country signed bilateral currency-swap agreements worth $12 billion with Japan on Sunday to serve as a second-line defense if the rupiah slides further.

Meanwhile, the State-Owned Enterprises Ministry called a meeting of the 20 biggest state-run firms on Thursday to discuss their dollar exposure. State-Owned Enterprises Minister Sofyan Djalil ordered the companies to report their rupiah holdings to ensure they were not causing the currency to weaken. "We want to see the extent of their dollars exposure. We expect all of the reports by Monday," Sofyan said.

There has been speculation that SOEs have been buying up dollars recently to protect them selves from currency fluctuations. Sofyan said dollar exposure could be impacting the availability of the currency in the country and the ability of the central bank to stabilize the rupiah.

State oil and gas producer PT Pertamina reportedly bought between $100 million and $150 million of the US currency per day over the past month, to be used to buy gasoline on the international spot market.

Airline PT Garuda Indonesia also uses dollars to maintain and lease aircraft and buy aviation fuel. (Bloomberg, JG)

Stimulus package approved, raised

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – Legislators approved late on Tuesday a provision in the 2009 state budget that enables the government to unleash its much-needed stimulus package, and even increased it by Rp 2 trillion (US$176 million) to help shield the economy from the global economic meltdown.

The provision centers on Article 23 of the state budget, which can be used under "emergency" conditions only.

"The emergency conditions constitute, among others, economic growth plunging 1 percent below the government's assumption and the significant rise in government bond yields," said Suharso Monoarfa, vice chairman of the House of Representatives' budget committee.

The Rp 2 trillion increase, which puts the total stimulus at Rp 73.3 trillion, will be allocated to finance infrastructure projects, which lawmakers consider of high importance to generate employment to protect "people's prosperity", Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said in a hearing with the committee.

Suharso said ministries, government agencies and regional administrations that failed to execute the stimulus for the sake of the people would have their budget allocation cut in the 2010 state budget.

The increase means the budget deficit is raised to Rp 139.5 trillion, or 2.5 percent of the GDP. The figure is Rp 88.2 trillion higher than the Rp 51.3 trillion stated in the 2009 budget.

The government will have to finance it by using Rp 51.3 trillion of unused funds from last year's budget and seek additional loans worth Rp 44.5 trillion and program loans worth Rp 1.1 trillion, Suharso said.

Mulyani said the economy was expected grow by 4.5 percent in 2009, far slower than the 6.1 percent booked last year. Exports may contract by 3 percent this year due to the slowing economies of Indonesia's trade partners.

Investment will also likely be hit, down to 5.9 percent from the 7.5 percent previously expected as the liquidity crunch halts flows of money.

All these factors, Mulyani pointed out, would contribute to a higher rate of unemployment and poverty.

As of January, export-oriented industries had laid off 24,790 workers, and were planning to lay off another 25,000 in the coming months.

However, she said, the impacts to the economy would be much heavier if the government failed to come up with the stimulus.

With all economic indicators taking a beating, the unemployment rate is predicted to soar to 8.87 percent of Indonesia's 230 million population if the government does not act immediately.

The economic stimulus package, which is expected to take full effect as early as March, is estimated to contain the rate to less than 8.34 percent.

The stimulus is aimed at maintaining private consumption, the main driver of the economy, growing at between 4 percent and 4.7 percent, Mulyani said.

Of the total, Rp 12.2 trillion to be allocated to infrastructure projects and empowerment programs for people living in rural areas, considered the most efficient way to cushion massive layoffs.

Indonesia pledges continued investment reforms

Jakarta Post - February 23, 2009

Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – The government will continue trying to improve the investment climate, which has been reformed since 2005, to attract more investment to stimulate the country's economy, according to senior ministry officials.

On Sunday, Edy Putra Irawadi, industry and trade deputy to the coordinating minister for the economy, said the government would keep pushing for regulatory reform in various economic sectors amid the global economic downturn.

"Along with the state minister for administrative reform, we've designed licensing guidelines for state officials at central and local levels. We also have a team whose job is to oversee the national single window for investment, providing electronic services for information and investment licensing," he said.

He added the government also had a logistics team to develop the national logistics system in a bid to reduce business costs, increasing Indonesia's economic competitiveness.

"All of those are expected to better Indonesia's investment climate. But we can't improve it overnight due to the dynamic in regional autonomies and democratization in the country," Edy said.

According to the latest report from the European Business Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia (EuroCham), which represents more than 100 European companies and organizations here in the country, the government needs to address several issues to attract more foreign investment to generate higher growth.

These include reforming heavy bureaucracy and difficult operating environment for businesses both at central and regional levels; improving rigid manpower regulations that force companies to limit hiring new employees; and developing infrastructure, particularly roads, ports and electricity networks, to help cut business costs.

Foreign investment makes up a large part of investment in Indonesia. Last year, according to the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM), Indonesia secured Rp 20.36 trillion (US$1.69 billion) and $14.87 billion in domestic investment and foreign investment, respectively.

Mahendra Siregar, investment deputy to the coordinating minister for the economy, said the government would address EuroCham's recommendations by improving the investment climate, while mitigating the impact of the global financial crisis.

Edy said the government was "open to receive any complaint and recommendation" from businesses operating in Indonesia. "We'll discuss their complaints at a coordination meeting called the Ekuin Club [comprising related ministry officials]," he said.

Amid pressing economic times, investment growth may plunge to about 11 percent this year, from 20.5 percent growth in 2008, said BKPM head M. Lutfi.

Bambang Susantono, infrastructure deputy to the coordinating minister for the economy, said the government had provided Rp 8.4 trillion in stimulus funds for important infrastructure projects, including trains, roads, ports and airports, in addition to more than Rp 90 trillion already set aside for infrastructure projects in the 2009 state budget.

Analysis & opinion

Jakarta Observed: Outsider prompts 'general' unease

Australian Financial Review - February 25, 2009

Angus Grigg – It was a performance to remember, an act of sheer front. Prabowo Subianto, the retired three-star general, spent two hours rewriting history last week in preparation for his tilt at the Indonesian presidency.

The son-in-law of former president Soeharto was deathly funny and worryingly convincing. It was spin of the highest order.

The man who played a central role in Soeharto's New Order regime labelled the kidnapping of student activists in 1998 "preventative detention", while in East Timor he was just a soldier serving his country.

He had an answer for everything, even suggesting Indonesians should thank him for never staging a coup.

"I commanded 34 battalions and did not use them to continue the power of the New Order," he said. "I wished I had led a coup, now that I think about it," he said, laughing with the crowd.

But there was one question Prabowo couldn't evade. In an address to the Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club he confirmed the United States had refused to issue him a visa.

This speaks to the seriousness of allegations made against him. In East Timor, for example, he is accused of funding gangs that tortured, murdered and kidnapped pro-independence figures. Some believe he should be tried as a war criminal.

In the May 1998 riots that brought down Soeharto he is accused of using troops under his command to propagate rape and violence against the Chinese community in north Jakarta.

Despite volumes of testimony to the contrary, Prabowo maintains he "served with honour" and that his "conscience is clear".

Regardless, he should still be politically toxic in a country proud of its hard-won democracy and the reforms of the past decade. This, however, is not the case.

Prabowo, while an outsider to become president, has re-emerged as a political force. His Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra, claims to have 11.2 million members and is forecast to win more than 7 per cent of seats at the national elections in April.

This would not be sufficient to give Prabowo a shot at the presidency – candidates need 20 per cent of seats – but would provide the basis for a coalition ticket. If this were to happen the race could become very interesting.

Prabowo, with his presence, humour and command of the language, is a highly effective campaigner. He also has huge financial resources, thanks to his businessman brother Hashim Djojohadikusumo, who has already poured many millions into a national TV campaign.

Another factor is Indonesia's demographics. It's estimated that one in four voters are too young to remember the Soeharto era in any detail and therefore Prabowo is something of a cleanskin to them.

He could, with the right spin, represent change. To this end his campaign has targeted the lower rungs of society and those left behind in the good years, who will be hardest hit in the present financial downturn. "We have become the party of the dispossessed and the poor," he said.

That a gold-plated member of the Indonesian elite, who launched his campaign at a polo club owned by his family, can consider himself a man of the people is certainly curious.

Even more of a stretch, however, is his claim to have always been a democrat and advocate for reform, while systematically undermining democracy and human rights during his 28 years in the military.

"Prabowo is the most charismatic, enigmatic, unusual and weird guy I have ever known in my life," a defence analyst was quoted as saying in Adam Schwarz's book, A Nation In Waiting. "He's also laudable and detestable... Pick an adjective and it fits."

Political and religious leader Amien Reis is less charitable, describing Prabowo as a "criminal" and a "mercenary intellectual". Others have labelled him a "toy soldier" and "nut case".

Whatever his reputation, he can't be written off as he could well have a stake in the next government of Indonesia. There is a suggestion that, while the presidency is the ultimate goal, he might settle for control of one or two powerful ministries.

If President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono wins a second term, as the polls suggest, he is likely to once again assemble a "rainbow" cabinet to ensure parliamentary support for his legislative agenda.

If Gerindra were to gain about 7 per cent in the new parliament it could well ask for one or two cabinet seats in return for its support.

Prabowo has told some in Jakarta he is eyeing the mining and agricultural ministries – hardly surprising given his family's extensive interests in coalmining, corn production and palm oil plantations.

Prabowo's bid for presidency

Jakarta Post - February 24, 2009

Aleksius Jemadu, Tangerang, Banten – Among the retired generals who have nominated themselves for the presidency, Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto, former Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) chief, is the most aggressive in terms of the use of television advertisements and the consolidation of party constituents at the regional level.

In 2004, Prabowo attempted to bid for the presidency at the Golkar Party's convention, but he failed to gain the required level of support. Now that Prabowo has decided to go his own way for the presidency, all his supporters within the Golkar Party will choose to leave the party and support his candidacy.

So far, we can say that the Great Indonesia Movement Party, (Gerindra) of which Prabowo is the founder, has been successful in introducing itself to the public as a new party. What is more interesting in this context is Prabowo's emergence as a serious contender in the upcoming presidential election.

There is no clear indication whether Prabowo is willing to be somebody else's vice presidential candidate. His ultimate choice will depend on the results of the legislative elections in April 2009.

Some people argue it is difficult for a new party led by any ex- general to repeat the success of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with his Democratic Party, which managed to surpass the parliamentary threshold in 2004.

However, there is a prediction that with a huge amount of financial support for television advertisements and an extensive network of constituents, especially among farmers and fishermen, Prabowo's Gerindra may become a serious to against the established parties.

The skeptics will immediately say that Prabowo's controversial past will be a great constraint against him building a wide- ranging spectrum of constituencies.

Although he has never been declared guilty by the court in the case of the abduction of student activists while he served as the commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus), many human rights NGOs still associate him with the crime.

It remains to be seen how effectively the campaign conducted by those NGOs will persuade voters not to support any presidential candidate they accuse of being implicated in past human rights violations.

It is very likely that the NGOs will intensify their campaign as we get closer to the legislative and presidential elections.

In addition, unlike the other presidential hopefuls with military backgrounds, Prabowo has never held a civilian position within the bureaucracy.

People can only guess how he will behave in an environment where the military rule of hierarchy cannot be used. Thus, there has never been a real test of his democratic credentials.

A critical study of the content of Gerindra's television advertisements will tell us that there is nothing new in the issues raised by this political party. Creation of new jobs, poverty alleviation, progressive agricultural policies, cheap education, political pluralism and national pride are among the main messages used by Gerindra to allure voters through the media.

The logic behind the use of television advertisements is that if the public is bombarded with the same information every day, at a certain point they will come to like the messages and will take them for granted. They will no longer question whether or not the party has sufficient capacity to carry them out.

With the limited time he has, Prabowo seems to have exploited this theory, although he has had to pay a high price for it.

It is not yet clear what other strategies or instruments Prabowo is going to use in addition to the building of a good image through the electronic media. When he led the Kopassus he trained many middle-ranking officers and they became very loyal to him.

We can only speculate to what extent these officers still have an emotional link with Gerindra or Prabowo himself. If they become part of Gerindra's party infrastructure after they retire, they may constitute an effective instrument in strengthening and widening the social basis of the party.

The position of Maj. Gen. (ret) Muchdi Purwopranjono, who was just acquitted by the court of all charges in the murder of human rights activist Munir, as deputy chairman of Gerindra, is of special importance for Prabowo.

With his extensive experience in intelligence, Muchdi could be a strategic asset both for the party and Prabowo himself.

Prabowo's optimism in his bid for the presidency is not without foundation. Within a relatively short space of time he has made Gerindra quite popular among the Indonesian public. The main basis of his popular support may come from the Indonesian Farmers Association (HKTI), of which he has been the chairman since December 2004.

Over the last few years he has been very active in consolidating the organization and promoting the fundamental interests of the farmers.

Time will tell whether a complicated combination of military gallantry and the spirit of populism in Prabowo's personality can be an effective formula for realizing the man's strong passion for power.

[The writer is acting dean of the School of Social and Political Sciences at Pelita Harapan University (UPH,) Karawaci. The opinions expressed are his own.]

Solving the civilian-military balancing act

Jakarta Globe - February 24, 2009

Beni Sukadis – More than 10 years have passed since Indonesia first sought to restructure the relationship among the Indonesian Armed Forces, or TNI, the Ministry of Defense and the central government. Systemic change, however, has been slow to take root. Instead, the transition period has been highlighted by an ongoing tug-of-war between newly empowered democratic forces and entrenched military mind-sets bent on maintaining the status quo.

The root of the problem is the military's continued autonomy and ability to stay outside the ministry's jurisdiction; this has occurred despite new legislation aimed at bringing the TNI under ministerial command. While the defense minister has the authority and influence to shape policy, design budgets and procure goods and services, the minister exerts no authority over the military. The TNI commander still reports directly to the president, and that has created the perception of a dual leadership within the defense establishment. A 2004 law was supposed to give a clear division of labor between the defense institutions but until today implementation and further clarification of some ambiguous articles has not been forthcoming.

One clear constraint in bringing the military under the ministry's authority – something that would reshape perceptions about the military's role in society – is a 2002 law stipulating that both positions will answer directly to the president and assist with defense matters. That has caused the military to be viewed publicly as a policy maker instead of a policy implementer. Adding to the perception is the inclusion of the TNI commander at all cabinet meetings regardless of the subject matter. Also, nominees for TNI commander must come before the House commission on defense for a "fit-and-proper" test, implying the position is a political post.

The competing roles between the TNI commander and the defense minister negatively impact the management of the defense establishment. However, while the ministry would like to see the TNI's powers curbed, it at times contradicts itself, sending a mixed message to the public over whether its reform efforts are genuine. For example, it almost always defends former military officers accused of past human rights violations.

To the specific functions of each post, both Law No. 2/2002 and Law No. 34/2004 confirm that the roles of the Ministry of Defense and the TNI are in fact different. The ministry is the said policy maker and the TNI the implementer of that policy at the operational level, although in practice the TNI regularly usurps the ministry's authority.

A glaring example of this was the procurement of Sukhoi jet fighters from Russia in 2003. The TNI spearheaded the effort, and it is well known that the ministry was sidelined during the process. Moreover, its team of representatives was not even included on then-President Megawati's delegation to Russia. A memorandum of understanding with Russia was actually signed by the TNI commander at the time, Gen. Endriartono Sutarto, and his chief logistics officer, Widjanarko Puspoyo.

That is a clear violation of the article on the procurement of defense equipment in the 2004 law, which states that it is the responsibility of the ministry to procure such items. Other examples of the TNI bypassing authority were the establishment of "raiders battalions" in Regional Military Command Posts, known as Kodam, and the re-establishment of a new Kodam in Aceh Province. Both occurred without consulting the ministry or receiving its consent.

Those three issues also can be viewed in relation to Article 4 from the 2004 law, which states that "in regard to defense policy, defense strategy and administration support, the TNI will be under the coordination of the Ministry of Defense." Nevertheless, the article does not clarify what it means by "under the coordination." Without adequate explanation and a detailed legal framework to make the TNI accountable at an administrative and operational level, it is almost certain the TNI will remain beyond the ministry's control.

A 2002 UNDP report clearly delineates international norms on both civilian authority and military authority, explaining that the ultimate authority on key security matters must rest with elected representatives. For real change to occur within the defense establishment, a well-articulated hierarchy of authority between the two camps and the obligations of each must be spelled out with total transparency and respect for human rights.

Internationally accepted standards for how this relationship should be tailored must serve as the backbone of Indonesia's own restructuring to ensure the TNI becomes subordinate to the country's political authority. In the past, particularly when Gen. Endriartono was TNI commander, the military resisted such overtures. But now the time is right to push ahead with a systematic and thorough restructuring under the leadership of the current TNI commander, Gen. Djoko Santoso.

Reform should be viewed as a balancing of the two institutions aimed at fostering a sound military-civilian relationship in Indonesia. By placing the TNI under the ministry, this could become a reality. Given the fact that President Yudhoyono will be in office for at least another eight months, the plan could still go ahead this year with the House of Representatives overseeing restructuring at the TNI headquarters. Additionally, the House and other third parties could ensure a transparent implementation of the policy. Finally, the coordination and cooperation among the ministry, the House and civil society in general is imperative in order to uphold the democratic control of the military.

[Beni Sukadis is a program coordinator at the Indonesian Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, or Lesperssi, in Jakarta.]

A cult of personality among candidates who have no personality

Tempo Magazine - February 17-23, 2009

Election fever mounts as candidates discuss strategic alliances and running mates, but academic and Indonesia expert Max Lane says this may be an election characterized by disappointment – for candidates and constituents alike.

Back-packing through Indonesia as a university student in the late 1960s, Lane was intrigued by a country with a rich political history, though he says you may not see much of that richness today.

A Visiting Fellow with the Department of Malay Studies, National University of Singapore, Lane sat down with Tempo, amidst his own research and interviews, to share his thoughts on the state of Indonesian politics today. Excerpts of the interview:

You launched a book last year, Unfinished Nation: Indonesia before and after Suharto, how is it going?

The English edition was launched in June last year, the Indonesian edition in 2007. It's going very well, I think we might have to reprint soon and it's only been out seven months.

We're coming into the national elections and accountability of politicians has always been seen as a problem. Can you comment on that?

I think in many respects, the formal structures, the rules and procedures that have been set out – 60-70 percent of them are on the right track for a better system. Although, rules and procedures still advantage political parties with no members, but a lot of money. And they disadvantage parties that have members, but no money.

There are 44 parties in the upcoming election. On the whole, this system has created a situation where in reality none of these parties are particularly popular. I think that's why if you watch television at the moment, or the talk shows, or read the commentaries, the most commonly discussed phenomenon in relation to the election is golput. And it's not because people don't want to vote. In 1999, the voter turnout was 93 percent. If you do the sums, the most popular party in the last election was Golkar with 22 percent. But that's 22 percent of 60 percent, because only 60 percent of the people voted. Which is what, 15 percent? You've got 15 percent of the entire population supporting the most 'popular' party. And I think in this election, in every case, the general trend will be a further drop in voter turnout.

And how has this lack of voter confidence and enthusiasm come about?

There are two issues; one is the long-term deep and fundamental impact of not having any real politics for 30 years, just controlled situations. When Suharto left there was nothing there. You're starting from scratch in terms of genuine political activism on a national scale. But the second is the rules and procedures, because the parties in the current parliament passed laws that made it almost impossible for any new party without money to be registered.

You have to have an office everywhere you claim to have a branch, you have to have offices across the archipelago. And a lot of genuine parties starting up from a grass-roots base have active members, but they can't set up 200 offices throughout the country. But if you have no members and a lot of money, you can just buy some members and some offices for show.

You say it's a structural problem, that's why truly popular parties can't participate. Is there a solution?

All you really need to do is go back to the 1999 electoral law, the first elections after Suharto. If you had that electoral law, I'm sure you would have three or four parties participating in the elections that would be qualitatively different to the parties you have now. Everybody knows the current parties are in it for the monetary gain of being able to participate in the system.

And every one comments, if you read the news reports on political parties in Indonesia in the context of the elections, there's no discussion of the state of the economy and policies, there's no discussion of the education system and policies – 99 percent of all political discussion now is who will be who's vice-presidential candidate. It's all about what coalitions are needed to win, there's nothing about actual policies. If the 1999 election laws had been in place, I can think of three parties, all of which were small, but had serious [voter] bases, they would be participating in the elections now – and that would produce a different mood, a different atmosphere. A change in electoral law wouldn't guarantee big change overnight, but it would open up the system more. Right now, if you don't have money, forget it.

Indonesia seems to have a 'cult' of personality around its leaders, why do you think this is?

It's a cult of personality among candidates who have no personality. If you look, 80 percent of posters are about parties with no political slogan, and the others are a picture of someone with slogans like "vote for the creative one", "we are for the people"; completely abstract and meaningless slogans.

There was an interesting editorial in Kompas recently about narcissism. Narcissism in the Indonesian political elite, where everyone's happy having their photo on display. It's all centred on personality, even though none of these people have any personal following. It's a reflection of the vacuum. Why is there a vacuum? Because all of the parties come out of the same political and social elite, and they're all satisfied with the current policy framework.

There has been a lot of talk around the rise of conservative Islam in politics. Do you think parties like PKS will have a large following in this election?

My half-guess is that their following will remain about the same as it is now. They (PKS) lost a lot of support when they came out with political advertising promoting Suharto. But, I think the other thing you have to note about the Islamic parties is that in the provincial elections they haven't been doing very well. And secondly, the general trend is for a situation in the past where there are two big Islamic parties. Masyumi, which doesn't exist anymore and MUI, which still exists, but as a social-religious organization. These two, which controlled 30-35 percent of the population between them – went from two very strong parties to 10 or 15 parties fighting among themselves. So, I think the trend of Islam going up is actually an illusion. But, you have to ask another question, if it's not really going up, why do people talk about it so much? I think in terms of outlook, there's nothing else. You don't have the old-style Suharto developmentalism, because there's no development. You have nothing on the Left, you have a small part of the political spectrum represented. [PKS] has a, kind of clear, world view associated with its politics, everyone else is just a personality. At least political Islam has some direction.

What does Megawati stand for? What's SBY's world view? On his party placards it says 'Nationalist Religist'. What does that mean? But, the Islamic ones, especially PKS, even though they won't admit it, are directed by Islamic Shari'a law. The West Java Governor, a PKS member, just banned a traditional West Javanese dance with a slight erotic character to it. They say their long-term direction is not Islamic law, but as soon as they get a bit of power, we can see what kind of regulations they bring in.

Indonesia has been lauded as a success for democracy in the past, but in light of the recent violence in Sumatra, do you think this election could be violent?

There's a lot of money at stake for those participating. A lot of people invest a lot of money in campaigning in the hope that if they win, in a very unclear manner, the money will return. I wouldn't be surprised if you get tensions here and there with different scuffles. But I think the general attitude among society at large will be lack of interest.

You were an admirer of Pramoedya Ananta Toer's work, translating many of his texts. You also began long-running journal Inside Indonesia. What, or who, do you think are the inspiring and challenging voices coming out of Indonesia today?

I don't know that I would identify any one commentator, but I think the Indonesian media is very interesting to read. To be honest I think it is 5,000 or 10,000 percent more interesting to read than the Australian media, which has almost nothing in it. First of all, in Indonesia you have so many different newspapers, there's a lot of choice. And also because Indonesia has come out of a period of struggle against dictatorship, many journalists have a background as activists. Or if they weren't activists themselves, they went to university or they were formed in this period of struggle and ferment. So that brings a different kind of attitude to journalism, an experience that a lot of people going through journalism courses in Australian universities would not have. Thirdly, you have a much bigger involvement of academics, writers, literary people writing in the media, than you do in Australia. But I think as time goes on, from the time when university students were active en masse, that feeling will deteriorate; these media organizations are owned by big business. Up until six months ago, I thought television here was quite good, but that has deteriorated too. People still watch it; they just shake their heads and walk away.

You say student activism influenced today's media and brought about huge change in the past. Where is it today?

I don't think it's died off. It's just become atomized, fragmented. Before 1998, everyone had a common target, easy to identify: overthrow Suharto. Now Suharto's gone, some things have improved, especially in politics. The fear factor has gone; you don't have to be worried about arrest or censorship. And while some romanticize the time, most people don't want to go back to being afraid. But, there's still enormous problems. Campaigning to solve these problems is harder than just concentrating on overthrowing one person. There are lots of groups and movements in provinces and cities, but I'm not sure how long it will take to go from atoms, to fragments, to something more substantial – because the main parties want to keep them out. I'm sure the process will continue, but it will be slow, there will need to be a crisis, a crack or jolt to speed it up.

Are you optimistic about this young democracy?

I am optimistic, but I think it's going to be quite a gruelling process. It's basically going to require all sorts of groups, which are there but are currently outside the party system, to find a way to force themselves into that realm. Women's groups, student groups, unions – there's a huge amount of activity, but it's not mobilized into the arena where people are struggling for power.

You have no charismatic figures in parliament. Megawati never says anything, never appears on television. SBY keeps his hair nice and neatly parted. The fourth-largest country in the world, with many problems and a very rich political history... but at the moment, there's really nothing.