Jakarta The police has named a total of 66 suspects allegedly involved in violence that led to the death of North Sumatra Provincial Legislative Council Speaker Abdul Aziz Angkat last week. All suspects had been detained at Medan Police Headquarters.
North Sumatra Police chief of detectives, Sr. Comr. Wawan Irawan said Thursday that the suspects were classifieds into eight groups. "We classified them into initiators, financiers, mass gatherers, field coordinators, and [four groups of] demonstrators," he said as quoted by tempointeraktif.com.
Aziz died of a heart attack last week, hours after he was attacked in Medan by a mob protesting his decision to postpone a plenary session to discuss the proposal for the creation of a new province called Tapanuli.
Wawan said that among the names included in the initiators group was Chandra Panggabean, who chairs a committee advocating the creation of Tapanuli province. Chandra is also Sinar Indonesia Baru newspaper's deputy publisher and editorial board chairman.
He said police investigation was expected to be finished by March 3. The police are charging the suspects violating five articles of the Criminal Code, including inciting violence and premeditated murder.
Wawan however failed to explain which suspects were charged for premeditating murder. (dre)
The West Java branch of the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party has been ordered to lose that loving feeling.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati Just a day after Mujtahid Rahman Yadi, who chairs the Depok-based branch, announced that the party, or PKS, would woo younger voters by distributing chocolates and flowers on Valentine's Day, party big wigs on the executive board crushed his plans.
"The plan has been aborted because the Shariah Council bans it. The reason is because [Valentine's Day] is related to Jewish culture," Tifatul Sembiring, chairman of the PKS, said on Monday. "We would never celebrate anything that is not in line with Islamic culture."
Tifatul said the council had asked for an immediate explanation from Depok on the plan.
On Sunday, Mujtahid said that on Feb. 14, the branch planned to distribute chocolates, which would be attached to pictures of the party's legislative candidates, and flowers tied with a ribbon bearing the number 8, which will be the party's official ballot number for April's legislative elections.
The branch believed the plan was in accordance with the party's "Knocking on One Million Doors" program, which is aimed at introducing the increasingly popular party to voters.
Ahmad Mabruri, a PKS spokesman, said that the program was introduced as part of the party's national program but that the implementation was the responsibility of the party branches.
"It is up to them when and how they do it. They have the freedom to choose the moments, whether its Mother's Day or other celebrations," he said.
The National Police said Monday it had identified a group of elite based in Jakarta who was responsible for planning and financing the violent rally in Medan last week that led to the death of North Sumatra legislative council chairman Aziz Angkat.
Aziz died of a heart attack on Tuesday, allegedly caused by beatings and trampling by protestors who demanded the establishment of a new administrative province in Tapanuli Province.
"There was a national figure involved," Police spokesperson Insp. Gen. Abubakar Nataprawira told reporters in Jakarta.
Abubakar said a total of 105 people had been questioned on the case and 36 of them later named suspects. More people would be questioned in relation to the violent rally, including the owner of Suara Indonesia Baru daily, G. M. Panggabean. "He will be questioned as a witness," Abubakar said.
The newspaper owner is the father of Chandra Panggabean, a leader in a civil society group that proposed the establishment of a new province in Tapanuli. Chandra has been named suspect not long after the violent rally.
G.M. Panggabean is suspected of participating in funding the rally. Those directly involved in the rally said that they were paid Rp 25,000 each.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati Bowing to the fact that love will be in the air next weekend, members of the country's leading Islamic-based political party, the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, will distribute chocolates and flowers on Valentine's Day in hopes of wooing young voters, whom the party is having trouble attracting as supporters and members.
The pre-election strategy comes despite a standing order by the Indonesian Council of Ulema, or MUI, against Muslims celebrating the day, which has been declared haram, or forbidden, in many majority Muslim nations.
Mujtahid Rahman Yadi, who chairs the party's West Java Province branch based in Depok, said on Sunday that PKS cadres will go door to door looking for teenagers on the international day of love, which falls on Saturday, to hand out goodies while "introducing" the party to them.
"We have plans to distribute gifts associated with Valentine's Day, such as chocolates attached to stickers bearing pictures of [our] legislative candidates and flowers tied with a ribbon bearing the No. 8 logo," Mujtahid said, referring to the party's ballot number for the April 9 polls.
The PKS is popular among urban intellectuals, many of whom have conservative views of Islam, but it is now attempting to cast itself as an inclusive group. The party won about 7 percent of the vote in the 2004 legislative election, during which it removed its stance that Indonesia become an Islamic state from its platform.
"Our cadres face difficulties in approaching young voters," Mujtahid said. "To date, we haven't found a formula to reach them."
Valentine's Day usually sparks criticism among conservative Islamic leaders and radical groups around the world who say its aim is to lure Muslims to worship a saint from another religion.
The MUI maintains that celebrating the day is forbidden for Muslims, although it has not issued an edict on the issue. It believes the holiday has a pagan origin and that it celebrates sexuality more than love.
Rizal Harahap, Medan North Sumatra Police have rejected allegations that police officers had conspired with protesters demanding the establishment of Tapanuli province during a violent rally on Feb. 3.
Critics say the conspiracy may have contributed to the death of the province's legislative council speaker Abdul Aziz Angkat.
"I cannot say if the police made a mistake (when safeguarding the rally) or if we did not have proper security procedures in place. The (investigating) team will evaluate that. All I can say is two officers have already been summoned to our headquarters for further investigation. We will hold an ethics hearing and listen to their statements to determine whether there were any procedural violations," North Sumatra Police spokesperson Sr. Comr. Baharuddin Djafar said Saturday.
"There's no point in getting defensive. We must uphold the law objectively without any interference. We are investigating the case," he added.
National and North Sumatra police departments set up an investigative team then dismissed two officers from their posts early Saturday: the Medan Police intelligence unit chief and the Medan Baru Police precinct chief.
National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said Friday North Sumatra Police chief Insp. Gen. Nanan Soekarna and Medan Police chief Sr. Comr. Aton Suhartono would be dismissed for being "neglectful" in their duty to ensure security. Meanwhile, a fact-finding team from the House of Representatives said Friday that "early indications" pointed to a "serious" lack of security during the incident.
North Sumatra councilor Raden Syafi'i of the Reform Star Party said there were indications that the riots had been planned. "We have evidence including recordings and photographs of the riots. All eyewitnesses have spoken with the House's fact-finding team," he said.
He questioned the security blackout that coincided with the riots all the closed circuit TV monitors stopped working and the locking of the gates inside the council building compound.
"It's not a coincidence. How can the power have shut down just when the mob rushed into the plenary meeting room? How could the mob have locked all the gates?
"The protest coordinator had told (the police) they would deploy about 10,000 people and the police had been through a similar protest in 2007, but they failed to anticipate problems. How could a council speaker be beaten like a petty criminal?" he said.
This incident mirrors a violent protest that took place in Medan in 2007, in which police also failed to react accordingly. Then- council speaker Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, likewise confronted by protesters demanding clarity on the Tapanuli issue, was also mobbed, but managed to be rescued.
As for last week's incident, Baharuddin said the police had only received a letter informing them a rally would be staged late Monday. "It was illegal. It was against regulations, which stipulate the police should receive an informing letter at least three days prior."
He also said the police could not easily disperse the crowd as there were four other rallies in other places. "We have to prove whether the protesters had planned the riots."
So far, police have questioned 55 people and named 20 of them as suspects. Sisingamangaraja University deputy rector Rudolf Marpaung and his seven students were named suspects, Antara reported.
The police have earlier named Chandra Panggabean, head of a committee advocating the establishment of Tapanuli province, and his deputies FM Datumira Simanjuntak, Burhanuddin Rajagukguk and Viktor Siahaan as well as two students, Parles Sianturi and John Eros Samosir as suspects. They will be charged with Criminal Code articles on provoking hostility and destructive acts.
Yogyakarta Around 50 students from the University of Gadjah Mada (UGM) campus' Proselytizing Institutions Goodwill Forum held an action on February 13 opposing the celebration of Valentines Day claiming that it tarnishes the sanctity of love.
The students also went from one faculty to another holding speeches opposing the celebration of Valentines Day on February 14 each year. "The celebration of Valentines Day is not [part of] Indonesian culture, it damages Indonesia's younger generation", said action coordinator Defri Daryanto on Friday.
According to Daryanto, activities demonstrating feelings of love provide [no] benefit. Moreover they are far from the ethnics of social intercourse that are in line with religious teachings. Never mind that many of the activities that are held lead towards the legalisation of sexual relations outside of marriage.
Valentines Day, said Daryanto, in fact narrows the meaning of love more in the direction of sexual relations outside of marriage. Moreover based on evidence, in the lead up to each Valentines Day the sale of condoms goes up at pharmacies and shops as well as condom ATMs, and as a consequence, pregnancies outside of marriage following the celebration of Valentines Day are widespread.
The increase in the sale of contraceptive devices such as condoms, which is widespread in the lead up to Valentines Day, is an indicator of the kind of behaviour that is becoming pervasive among youth.
"The celebration of Valentines Day is usually done through erotic parties that promote sex. Whereas love is far nobler and is not limited to sexual relations," said Daryanto. Daryanto added that the promotion of free sex also results in an increase in the number of HIV/AIDS sufferers.
After holding speeches opposing Valentines Day, they marched around the UGM campus handing out leaflets against the commemoration of Valentines Day and gave out flowers as a symbolic message that love is eternal for all time and not just for one day.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Amir Tejo, Surabaya Around 3000 victims of the Sidoardjo mudflow took to the street in Surabaya, East Java Province on Tuesday to demand that PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya, owned by the family of Aburizal Bakrie, the coordinating minister for people's welfare, honor its promise to pay the remaining 80 percent of damage compensation it owed to local residents.
The angry mob tried to break into the office of PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya, the company appointed by PT Lapindo Brantas to deal with the compensation claims, on Jalan May. Gen. Sungkono, Surabaya, but was thwarted by 1,300 police officers deployed to keep order during the rally.
Around 13,000 people have been displaced since the mudflow started in May 2006 and Lapindo has paid only 20 percent of the agreed compensation to residents whose houses and land were submerged by the mud.
In an agreement signed during a meeting between representatives of victims and Lapindo in Jakarta on Dec. 3, the latter agreed to pay the remaining 80 percent of compensation to Sidoarjo residents in monthly installments of Rp 30 million ($2,550), from January 2009. The meeting was also attended by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
However, Lapindo told representatives of mudflow victims during a meeting in Surabaya on Wednesday that it was unable to pay the required amount.
"I do not have the wherewithal [to do that]. But if the residents agree to accept Rp 15 million [in installments], I'll pay it," said Andi Darussallam Tabusalla, vice president of PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya, who met with residents.
A number of reasons were presented by Andi to account for the company's inability to pay the installments as per the agreement on Dec. 3, including the global economic crisis that has hit the Bakrie business group. The residents, however, flatly refused to accept the offer. They reasoned that the sum of Rp 30 million was decided on in an agreement made by the victims and Minarak Lapindo, a fact also acknowledged by Andi Darussalam.
Residents stood firm on their decision to hold out for the full amount of compensation.
"If they only pay Rp 15 million, of course we'll refuse [the offer]. The Rp 30 million installment was based on Nirwan Bakrie's claim of the amount the Bakrie group was prepared to pay in accordance with the corporate financial situation," said Kus Sulaksono, coordinator of victims representatives.
Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta Four years after the Boxing Day tsunami that wiped out large parts of coastal Aceh, almost everyone involved in the Indonesian province's reconstruction is talking up the special agency President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono created for the task.
But as that body prepares to shut its doors, storm clouds are brewing for the society that spent decades at war with Jakarta.
The nationally mandated Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Agency (BRR) for Aceh and the nearby island of Nias, headed by apparently incorruptible former mining minister Kuntoro Mangkusobroto, winds up in just a few weeks after managing about $US7.2 billion ($11 billion) in pledged funds.
The figures are impressive: 134,000 houses built, more than a thousand schools, thousands of kilometres of roads, dozens of harbours, 12 airports.
But with the country heading to national elections, simmering tensions in Aceh have already erupted into clashes and what appear to have been politically targeted assassinations.
There are fears the violence could build even further as groups including elements of the Indonesian military vie for power in the increasingly wealthy province. Yesterday, at what has become an annual meeting in Jakarta to show international donors how well the reconstruction is going, Dr Yudhoyono outlined details for a new agency that will continue BRR's work, albeit with greater direction from provincial authorities.
Tellingly, the name of the newbody is the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Continuation Agency. Its birth enables the President, who came to office promising a corruption-busting, governance-promoting term, to point to an out-and-out success by closing the original office and declaring its work done, whilst quietly allowing its mechanism to continue.
Dr Kuntoro reported yesterday that about $US6.7 billion of the total pledged amount or 93 per cent had been committed to reconstruction projects.
However, there is still a long way to go. "The things that remain to be done is a lot of roadwork, houses well, the houses have been built, but a lot of them still don't have water or sanitation, or electricity," said Simon Field, head of the UN Development Program in Aceh, after Dr Yudhoyono opened proceedings in the grand arena of the Jakarta Convention Centre.
"The President is going to Aceh in a couple of weeks to open a new airport that still doesn't have full computer systems or even proper luggage conveyor belts and is operating with its old control tower, and a museum that I think will still be empty," hesaid.
"You can see it as a kind of election issue the President gets to say that his efforts at governance reform have succeeded. In fact, nothing has (been) finished, there's still a lot of money, but it certainly gives a closure date for Kuntoro."
Closure for Dr Kuntoro, heavily tipped for a senior minister's position in a second Yudhoyono government, is one thing. Continued electoral legitimacy for Aceh's wily Governor, Irwandi Jusuf, could be quite another.
Dr Irwandi, a US-trained vet and leader in the former rebel Free Aceh Movement (GAM), has had to constantly duck and weave as he pulls his province into shape after winning office as an independent in Aceh's first real elections two years ago.
Two former GAM guerillas were shot dead in the past week in what many are reading as direct military intimidation of the group, which has more recently gained political legitimacy through the vehicle of its Aceh Party. A spokesman for the Aceh Transitional Committee (KPA) the body created after the 2005 ceasefire to accommodate former GAM fighters sounded an ominous warning.
"The two cases indicate that the KPA and the Aceh Party are being targeted by persons who do not want to see peace in Aceh," Ibrahim Syamsuddin said. "Do not provoke us into ratcheting up tensions prior to the elections. Terrorists and killers must be captured before things get worse."
Fortunately, the belligerent language was mostly posturing and anger. The UNDP's Mr Field insisted yesterday that "rent-seekers" and jostling between competing interests had been behind most of the incidents, rather than genuine political agendas. "It's low- level stuff; there definitely won't be the level of conflict again in Aceh that there was," he predicted.
Jakarta A former rebel whose wife is contesting regional elections in Indonesia's Aceh province has been fatally shot, raising fears the April polls could descend into violence, police and party officials said Friday.
Tengku Syamsuddin, a spokesman for the former rebels, said assailants gunned down Taufik, the local head of the rebel- founded Aceh Party, at his home Thursday.
Taufik, who like many Indonesian goes by a single name, was shot five times in the chest, he said. Police were still investigating and did not announce any suspects.
Syamsuddin urged authorities to quickly find the perpetrators to create "a smooth and peaceful environment" ahead of the elections.
The motive for the shooting was unclear. It followed two grenade attacks on Aceh Party offices in recent weeks in which no one was hurt.
Indonesia holds general elections on April 9 to pick members of national and regional legislatures. Taufik's wife is seeking a regional seat for the Aceh Party.
Aceh has been relatively calm since the government signed a peace deal with separatists in 2005, ending a 29-year rebellion in which more than 15,000 people died.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho A House member on Wednesday sought help from the Army to prevent local political parties in Aceh Province affiliated with former members of the now defunct separatist Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, from winning the majority of seats in the provincial legislative council, or DPRD.
Anhar Nasution, a Reform Star Party, or PBR, representative from Aceh, made the request during a formal hearing between the Army and the House of Representatives' Commission I, which oversees defense matters.
Army Chief of Staff Gen. Agustadi Sasongko Purnomo attended the meeting along with other army generals.
"[The Army] should help to think and find ways of preventing the provincial legislative council from being dominated by local parties," Anhar said.
He said his own research had shown that most members of local parties in Aceh had tried to attract votes of local residents by promising to push for Aceh's independence from Indonesia.
"They promise that if Aceh gains independence, the people will not need to work anymore because Aceh's wealth is enough to fulfill all needs," said Anhar, who is seeking re-election in April's national legislative polls.
He said he was concerned Aceh might be heading toward a referendum on its future as a part of Indonesia, as had occurred in East Timor before its secession from Indonesia in 1999.
In response, Agustadi said the Army had no authority to comply with Anhar's request and was barred from actively influencing political issues in Aceh. However, he added, "I myself am really interested in monitoring Aceh, and I hand over whatever intelligence I receive to the military chief."
Speaking to reporters after the meeting, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, lawmaker Tjahjo Kumolo said Anhar's statement had been based on excessive fear and should be ignored by the military.
"I am not worried about any political games in Aceh because we have already passed a good and clear regulation affecting the province," said Tjahjo, who represents a Jakarta district. However, he said that the government should always bear in mind the needs of the Acehnese.
A 2005 peace deal between the Indonesian government and GAM required that the movement end its quest for independence in return for receiving broader regional autonomy, including the right to establish political parties. National parties have since raised concerns over the power of local political parties to win elections.
Irwandi Yusuf, a former GAM member, won the 2006 gubernatorial election, beating candidates from big national parties like Golkar, the PDI-P and the National Mandate Party, or PAN.
Former Army Chief Tyasno Sudarto last month said local parties could empower a nonviolent separatist movement in Aceh.
Jakarta The slow pace of development in Papua 12 years after the implementation of special autonomy has lead observers to believe that a reevaluation of the special autonomy law is needed. They believe that the stipulations enacted in the 2001 law have lost their spirit, namely bringing prosperity to the Papuan people.
Speaking in Jakarta on Thursday February 12, Poengky Indarti from Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial) said that between 2005 and 2009 Papua's human development index has been in 33rd position out of the 33 provinces in Indonesia. "Yet, every year funds are poured into Papua in amounts reaching the trillions of rupiah", he said.
Data gathered by Fransiskan International show that in 2004 as many as 80 percent of the indigenous Papuan population was living in poverty. In addition to this, as many as 36.1 percent of the population have no access to healthcare facilities.
It appears that the massive exploitation of Papua's natural resources has not had any significant impact on the progress or prosperity of the Papuan people.
This still does not include the many cases of human rights violations against the Papuan people that are yet to be resolved.
Quoting from a statement by a Papuan figure, Indarti said, "Waiting for justice to come from the central government is like boiling a rock".
The situation has also been aggravated by the weak role played by the Papua People's Council. (JOS)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Medan, North Sumatra The Indonesian government must not deport Rohingya asylum-seekers stranded in Aceh Province, a Muslim organization said on Friday.
"The foreign affairs minister should not deport the predominantly Rohingya Muslim refugees and should not categorize them as 'economic migrants,'" said Djoko Wiyono, head of the Ukhuwah Jama'ah Muslimin, or Hizbullah.
Wiyono also urged the government to form an independent fact- finding team to investigate the factors that forced the Burmese Rohingya to flee their home country.
He called on the government and the Aceh provincial administration to give the refugees protection, clothing, food, medicine and other assistance, particularly to teenagers and elders.
Wiyono said Hizbullah had provided the Rohingyas and Bangladeshis with shelter at Kuala Idi, East Aceh district, and donated medicine, clothing and copies of the Koran.
The Muslim organization also condemned the Burmese military regime for persecuting the Rohingyas. Wiyono said that the Rohingyas had been intimidated, tortured, kidnapped, raped and even killed in Burma. Such ill-treatment was a crime against humanity, he said.
"Those actions are against human rights and have hurt the feelings of Muslims throughout the world," he said.
Hizbullah urged the international community to pressure the Burmese government to respect the rights of Rohingyas.
Wiyono said that the health condition of the Rohingya migrants in East Aceh had improved, and a number of Islamic boarding schools had expressed their willingness to accommodate them.
Over the last month, Aceh Province has received nearly 400 Rohingya refugees. Some 193 Rohingya boat people were stranded in Sabang, Aceh on Jan. 7, and another 198 Rohingyas reached the coast of East Aceh after 21 days at sea, some of them arriving in critical condition on Feb. 3. Twenty-two of the refugees in the second boat had reportedly died at sea.
Both Burma and Thailand have faced condemnation from many quarters, including Indonesia, over their alleged mistreatment of the Rohingyas. The Thai Navy was alleged to have towed as many as 1,000 Rohingyas out to sea in boats without engines and cast them adrift with little food or water. Rights groups say hundreds are still missing at sea.
On Wednesday, AFP reported that Burma's senior official in Hong Kong described the Rohingya ethnic group to be "ugly as ogres" in a letter sent to media and foreign officials. "In reality, Rohingyas are neither Myanmar people nor Myanmar's ethnic group," the country's consul general, Ye Myint Aung, wrote in the letter.
Dicky Christanto, Jakarta Politician and campaigner for pluralism Zannuba Arrifah Chafsoh Rahman Wahid, better known as Yenny Wahid, was summoned for questioning at the Jakarta Police headquarters Tuesday in connection with a report of defamation filed mid last year by Muslim hardliner Munarman.
Yenny, however, refused to undergo the questioning, citing her unclear status in the case.
"There are several important things that I need to clarify with the police about this case, such as my legal capacity and what crime the police wants to change me with as I realize that I have done nothing wrong," the first daughter of former president Abdurrahman Wahid told reporters.
In a show of support her mother Sinta Nuriyah and around 100 Islamic Student Association (HMI) and Association of Muhammadiyah Student members accompanied Yenny to the headquarters of the Jakarta Police.
"I come with many supporters to show Munarman that we are not easily intimidated," Yenny said in a text message to The Jakarta Post. She questioned the motive of her questioning, which comes more than six months after Munarman filed the defamation report.
Munarman accused Yenny and several other activists, including noted lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution and human rights activist Asmara Nababan of defamation because of statement they made in the media which referred to Munarman as "the field actor" who initiated an attack on activists of the National Alliance for Freedom of Religion and Faith (AKBB) at the National Monument (Monas) park last year.
The freedom of religion supporters were rallying in a show of support for followers of the Ahmadiyah Islamic sect, which was declared deviant by the Indonesian Ulema Council.
Human rights and moderate Islamic groups lashed out at the attack, saying it violated freedom of religion, which is enshrined in the Constitution.
In his defence Munarman argued that he was attempting to stop his followers from committing violence against the AKBB activists. Munarman and Islamic Defenders Front leader Rizieq Shihab were later sentenced to 18 months in jail term for their acts of violence.
Yenny asked the police not to get confused or be manipulated by the defamation report.
"I and other rights activists are the one who fight for pluralism in this country. So don't get this all upside down," she said. Jakarta police spokesman Sr. Comr. Zulkarnaen ensured there was no political reasons behind the questioning of Yenny.
Commenting on the seven-month interval between Munarman's report and the summons, Zulkarnaen said the investigators needed to work on the case step by step.
"It is merely because we have to question Munarman and Habib Rizieq in connection with another case. Furthermore, there were dozens of witnesses summoned nearly at the same time, while we lack personnel to question them," he said.
Arientha Primanita A daughter of former President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid was brought in for questioning by Jakarta Police on Tuesday in relation to a defamation claim filed by Munarman, commander of fundamentalist group the Islamic Defenders Front, or FPI.
Munarman has alleged that Zannuba Ariffah Chafsoh Rahman, or Yenny Wahid, in June accused him of strangling an activist from the National Alliance for the Freedom of Faith and Religion, or AKKBB.
Munarman is serving an 18-month jail sentence for his role in attacks in June against AKKBB activists at a rally at the National Monument, or Monas.
He filed the defamation complaint in June, shortly before he was charged by police in connection with the violent clash now known as the "Monas incident" that injured several activists, including three seriously.
Newspapers have published a photograph showing Munarman with his hands around a man's neck, but he claims the man was one of his allies and that he was simply restraining him, not strangling him. He does not deny his role in the violence he is currently serving time for, however.
"I don't know what I said to prompt Munarman to report me," said Yenny, secretary general of the Gus Dur camp of the National Awakening Party, or PKB. "But I'm opposed to people who use religion as an excuse for violence." She said she did not know why the police did not issue a summons for her until last Wednesday.
Yenny went in for questioning at the Jakarta Police general crime unit accompanied by her attorneys, her mother and dozens of supporters. Officers questioned her for an hour and a half.
Yenny said that her questioning may have been politically motivated. "Everything is possible in Indonesia. We should first view this from a political standpoint," she said.
Zulkarnain, a police spokesman, refused to comment on whether the case was politically motivated, but said the summons was not issued earlier because the police needed time to investigate the defamation allegations.
Adnan Buyung Nasution, a lawyer and activist, has also been issued a summons regarding the defamation claim, but Zulkarnain said he was yet to show up for questioning.
Jakarta A former top official of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) and key witness in the Munir Said Thalib murder case, Vice Adm. Bijah Subjanto, has died in China, succumbing to prostate cancer.
Tempointeraktif.com news portal reported that Bijah died in a hospital in the city of Guangzhou on Friday afternoon after receiving treatment there for the past month.
Bijah was the BIN's former deputy for information and technology, and reportedly knew of the plan to kill Munir. During his testimony, which helped convict Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, Bijah said he had invited Munir to discuss some political matters, but denied being involved in the case.
Human rights activist Munir died of arsenic poisoning on board a flight to Amsterdam in September 2004. The South Jakarta District Court found former Garuda Indonesia pilot Pollycarpus guilty of direct involvement in poisoning Munir and sentenced him to 20 years in prison.
ID Nugroho, Surabaya Amid the increasing threat of mass layoffs in the province, business continued as usual Friday in the industrial areas of Rungkut, Surabaya, and in Sidoarjo, while dismissed workers who have yet to receive their normative rights remained at their workplaces to seek a settlement to their disputes.
No strikes or suspensions on operation were reported, despite thousands of workers being laid off in the past two months and thousands more at risk of following suit. The PT Philips Indonesia factory in Rungkut was no exception, despite recent grumblings over its dismissal early last month of ten permanent workers, replaced with contract-based workers.
The workers said they were confused by the lamp producer's decision, which, in addition to laying them off, barred them from returning to their workplace.
With the case now at court, the dismissed workers remain unpaid. They said they were trying to give a valuable lesson to the management that it should respect the normative rights of the dismissed workers because their case was still being processed.
After the Surabaya District Court turned down their complaint, the dismissed workers are now appealing to the Supreme Court, which they hope will uphold justice in their case.
"While the case is being processed, we have the normative right to receive our monthly salaries for January and likely this month, as well as other allowances we got while we were still employed," said Bambang Esoe Ariwibowo, one of the dismissed workers, referring to the 2003 Labor Law.
Bambang and his dismissed colleagues had filed a complaint with the city police over the Philips management's failure to pay their salaries in January, hoping the police would mediate in their dispute with the company over the suspended payments and other normative rights.
The workers also questioned the management's decision to outsource part of its main work to PT Madurasi Emas and PT Triple S, which they said was against the labor law. They also claimed their low performance evaluation scores had been orchestrated to require them to quit or be dismissed.
"The latter issue goes against Manpower Minister Decrees No. 69/2004 and No. 227/2003," Bambang said.
Philips general affairs manager Abdul Nadjib said he was unaware of the workers' police complaint, adding industrial relations at the company had remained harmonious.
"I don't know anything about the problems, including the suspended payments and the fake data on the workers' performance. I will study the case further and will later give a press conference," he told The Jakarta Post.
The dismissed workers from Philips are only a small part of the thousands of workers who have been dismissed and laid off in the province because of the recent minimum wage hike and the fallout from the global economic downturn.
On Thursday, around 2,000 workers from plywood factory PT Sejahtera Usaha Bersama in Jombang gathered to protest their unilateral dismissal and demand recognition for their normative rights, while 200 workers from furniture company PT Timur Selatan in Kediri filed a complaint with the local manpower office over their unilateral dismissal due to the minimum wage hike.
A drop in orders from the US and the EU, manifest in the decreasing volume of exports through Tanjungperak Port, has prompted employers to downsize their workforces, reduce working hours and sue the governor over the minimum wage hike.
Coordinator of the Alliance for Labor Rights (ABM) Jamaluddin said recently workers did not object to being laid off as a last resort, but the management should be transparent about their financial conditions, and the dismissals must be conducted in accordance with the law.
Peter Gelling, Jakarta Wani, an Indonesian domestic servant, tells Human Rights Watch in a new report that when she was 13 years old, her female employer would pin her up against a wall and slap her repeatedly, calling her "stupid," or "the devil."
Another girl, 15, recounted stories of her employer's husband walking around the house naked when they were alone together, asking if she would like to see his penis. A 17-year-old said she had been raped.
Such stories, according to the Human Rights Watch report, released Wednesday in Jakarta, are not uncommon among the hundreds of thousands of child domestic workers in Indonesia.
The International Labor Organization found that about 690,000 children under 18 were employed as domestic help, where they were often forced to work up to 18 hours a day for, in some cases, as little as six cents an hour, with no day off and no vacation time. In the worst cases, the children were physically, psychologically or sexually abused.
The report chastises the Indonesian government, which has recently begun lobbying for better working conditions for Indonesian domestic workers in other countries, for not taking care of the ones at home. The legal employment age in Indonesia is 15, but many domestic workers start as early as 11.
In a letter to Human Rights Watch, the governor of Jakarta, Fauzi Bowo, admitted that although labor organizations did inspections at commercial places of work and factories, there were no inspections made at homes.
The 73-page report, titled "Workers in the Shadows: Abuse and Exploitation of Child Domestic Workers in Indonesia," called on the Indonesian government to "grant fundamental labor rights to domestic workers," and to enforce the existing minimum age requirement of 15 for all workers.
"Indonesia's child domestic workers work longer and harder than many adults, but the government excludes them from laws that protect the rest of the work force," Bede Sheppard, a researcher at Human Rights Watch and author of the report, said in a statement.
Employers often purposely hire underage workers because they are not subject to the same laws as adults, can work longer hours for less pay and have fewer social connections to distract them. Adult workers in the Indonesian formal sector are entitled to a minimum wage, overtime pay, an eight-hour workday, a 40-hour work week, a weekly day of rest and vacation. Domestic workers are not, the report said.
The Indonesian government has passed several promising laws in the last five years to protect child workers, but they are only sporadically enforced.
Panca Nugraha, Mataram The West Nusa Tenggara Social, Demography and Vital Statistics Agency recorded 227,633 cases of child neglect in 2008, 24,705 of which involved children below the age of five.
Based on the official data published by the provincial statistics agency this year, the victims of child neglect are scattered over seven regencies and municipalities; West Lombok (79,878 children), Central Lombok (5,760), East Lombok (84,673, West Sumbawa (174), Sumbawa (12,438) Dompu (8,755), Bima (8,286), Mataram city (24,058) and Bima city (3,601).
Children between the ages of 5 and 18 categorized as neglected generally come from very poor families and have to work to supplement the family income. Provincial social office head Bachruddin confirmed the high number of child neglect victims in West Nusa Tenggara, adding that the data used indicators regulated in Law 23/2002 on child protection.
The indicators include children who work to supplement the family's income for at least four hours per day and whose basic rights, such as education and social interaction, are not met.
"The figure of more than 200,000 of the province's total population of 4.2 million is fantastic because it refers to the child protection law, and there are a great number of parents in this province requiring their children to earn income for the family," Bachruddin said.
Based on data from a survey by the social office children are employed in a number of ways, as horse carriage drivers, farm laborers and in the pottery industry.
"They work for more than four hours a day and so are listed as victims of child neglect," Bachruddin said.
He added the high number of neglected children in the province was attributed to the poverty issue, because those listed generally come from very poor families, which according to the office's data stood at 369,236 families.
The huge interest among people to work as migrant workers, he said, had also triggered the high rate of victims of child neglect in the province, because the migrant workers usually entrust their children to relatives, or neighbors, when they are working overseas.
Bachruddin said the provincial administration could only take care of 6,865 of the hundreds of thousands of neglected children due to limited funds, while the role played by the community through foster homes took up another 10,453 of them.
Jakarta Indonesia should overhaul legal protections for child domestic workers to tackle widespread abuse and exploitation throughout the country, a rights group said on Wednesday.
The roughly 688,000 minors cleaning, cooking and looking after children in Indonesian homes are being let down by a system that does not recognise them as workers and excludes them from local labour laws, New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in a report.
Children as young as 11 are working long hours and receiving little or no pay treatment that is illegal under Indonesian labour law but they go unprotected as they are classified as "helpers", it said.
"Indonesia's child domestic workers work longer and harder than many adults, but the government excludes them from laws that protect the rest of the workforce," report author Bede Sheppard said in a statement.
"There's a wilful blindness on behalf of some government officials who choose to ignore or deny child domestic workers are exploited and abused," he said.
Furthermore, as many as 40 per cent of child domestic workers face some form of physical, psychological or sexual abuse, Aidi Milihari, the director of the women's rights group Rumpun Gema Perempuan, told AFP.
"We need to address the social context of Indonesia where people think it is all right for children to work in the home. The government says they are treated as part of the family but they are not," Ms Milihari said.
Indra Harsaputra and Ridwan M. Sijabat, Surabaya Home Minister Mardiyanto urged new East Java Governor Soekarwo to address a number of pressing problems in the province, including the Lapindo mudflow disaster.
"With the numerous crucial problems of poverty, education, healthcare and unemployment, and the pending issue of the Lapindo mudflow, the new governor and vice governor no longer have time to rest," Mardiyanto, speaking on behalf of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, said in his address at Thursday's swearing-in ceremony in Surabaya.
"Starting here and now, they must work hard in close cooperation with regents and mayors, the bureaucracy, the private sector and the public to address the problems and improve the people's social welfare,"
The minister said the governor should bear in mind the mudflow was only one of several pressing issues weighing on the public, and had to be addressed immediately.
Following the disaster that began on May 29, 2007, the police have shown little progress in their investigations into the case. Lapindo has not yet paid yet the remaining 20 percent of compensation owed to residents of four villages in the disaster site, and the government has not yet paid any compensation to residents of five other affected villages outside the disaster radius.
With hot mud continuing to gush from the leak sites, the government has yet to relocate damaged infrastructure.
In the latest in a litany of rallies and protests over the past three years, some 2,000 mudflow victims staged a rally at the office of the Lapindo Mudflow Handling Agency in Sidoarjo on Wednesday, demanding energy corporation PT Lapindo Brantas Inc. and the government pay the full compensation to some 16,000 victims whose properties were damaged in the disaster.
PT Minarak Lapindo Jaya, a subsidiary of Lapindo, has several times pledged to pay the remaining compensation with an appeal for the victims to exercise patience.
None of the gubernatorial candidates, including Soekarwo, took a tough stance on the Lapindo issue during their campaigns.
Besides the Lapindo mudflow, the new governor will also have to deal with the daunting statistics of 7.1 million people living in poverty and 1.5 million jobless, as well as mass layoffs in industrial sectors, a high illiteracy rate and limited access to healthcare services for most people.
The minister also asked the governor to introduce a transparent and accountable pro-poor budget to allow the provincial government to alleviate poverty, generate more jobs and cope with the healthcare and education problems.
Asked to comment on the recent gubernatorial election, Mardiyanto said it would be a reference for rising demands for a review of the 2008 law on regional administrations. "The democratic election of a governor can be also conducted by the provincial legislature," he said.
Soekarwo said that in the short term, he would set up a crisis team to deal with the floods and landslides that have ravaged the province over the past two weeks.
"The team, including myself and the vice governor, must go down to areas affected by and prone to disasters to implement the pro- poor budget," he said.
He declined to say how he would address the mudflow issue, but, he pledged to set up a special P.O. box address to take in public complaints and comments in handling numerous the problems his administration faces over the next five years.
Suherdjoko, Semarang Heavy flooding over the past two days has paralyzed parts of the northern Java north coast, popularly known as Pantura, disrupting both land and air traffic.
Floodwaters 20 centimeters deep swamped the runway of Semarang's Ahmad Yani Airport, forcing airlines to cancel flights into and out of the Central Java capital. Airport operator PT Angkasa Pura I managed to briefly resume operations between 7:05 a.m. and 8:42 a.m., before closing the airport down again.
"We'd hoped to fully resume operations at 1 p.m. but the rain fell heavily again," Angkasa Pura I general manager Bambang Suwastono said Monday, adding that air traffic had normalized by 4 p.m.
Train services connecting western and eastern Java were also disrupted.
PT Kereta Api (KA) Semarang branch spokesman Warsono said 10 lines had been affected, with trains having to be rerouted to the southern lines. Three trains were stranded mid-journey two from Jakarta to Semarang, and one from Bandung to Semarang.
"Some trains from the west [Jakarta and Bandung] managed to retreat to Tegal before continuing their journeys through Purworejo, heading to Yogyakarta; while trains from the east [Surabaya] had to go through Surakarta and Yogyakarta," he said.
The lack of locomotives has cut short the evacuations of some train cars trapped in flooded areas.
"We only have two hydraulic locomotives in Brumbung and Alastuwo Stations, and it takes at least three hours to evacuate the cars," KA Surabaya branch spokesman Sugeng Prijono said, adding that only this type of locomotive was able to pass through inundated railways.
"Trains arriving in Brumbung Station have to change from an electric locomotive to a hydraulic one before heading to Alastuwo Station, and vice versa," he said as quoted by Antara, adding the process caused delays of between 3 and 18 hours.
Warsono said the railway operator could not ask passengers to disembark at smaller stations around Semarang and continue their journey by bus, since the northern coast roads were also inundated.
The 1,316-kilometer Pantura which serves as the main artery along the north of the island floods frequently during the rainy season.
Police had to turn back eastbound vehicles from Kaliwungu, west of Semarang, due to the floods. "We'd planned to attend a gathering with colleagues, but the police stopped us and told us to turn back, although it's just 25 kilometers from Semarang. What can we say? It's a natural disaster," one of stranded passengers, Awaludin, said.
Floods also hit Demak regency, disrupting traffic between Semarang and Surabaya.
In West Java, knee-high floodwaters swamped the key rice-growing regency of Karawang and wreaked havoc with Jakarta-bound traffic from Cirebon. Many drivers and motorcyclists who attempted to go through the water ended up with stalled engines.
Heavy rains also caused landslides on Jl. Talangsari Raya in Gajah Mungkur district, Semarang, killing local resident Heri. Other residents fled to safer ground, while a search and rescue team patrolled the city's flooded areas to evacuate those trapped in rising waters.
Jakarta Increased coal use could pose severe environmental threats for the nation, activists warned Monday.
"Using coal is not a sustainable solution, because it can severely damage the environment. The government must not use it in the long run," Darwina Sri Widjajanti, executive director of the Sustainable Development Foundation (YPB), told The Jakarta Post.
To counter the country's power shortages, the government has embarked on a 10,000-megawatt power plant project that will see a string of coal-fired plants spring up across the country.
Indonesia boasts the world's largest coal reserves, but also fast-depleting oil reserves, leading the government to turn to coal-fired power plants as the best solution to replace the oil- fueled plants currently in widespread use.
With a long-term plan in place to build more coal-fired plants, analysts say coal production and domestic demand will also increase exponentially.
However, environmental groups are blasting the trend, saying coal produces more carbon in its combustion, and is thus more harmful for the environment.
Marta Szigeti Bonifert, executive director for the Regional Environmental Center (REC), said Indonesia was not the only country putting "too much hope" in coal, despite clear threats of climate change and a global energy crisis.
"If we continue to live the way we do now, global energy demand by 2030 will expand by 45 percent, with an average annual increase of 1.6 percent," she said. "Coal will account for a third of the overall rise."
Darwina added besides environmental damage, increased coal use would also cause health problems.
"The government must find a way to maximize the use of renewable energy, instead of continuing to rely on fossil fuels," she said, adding the government and industries could turn to geothermal energy and hydroelectric plants.
Darwina said another threat specific to the Indonesian environment was the misuse of land, which could lead to deadly natural disasters.
"Many forests have now been wiped out and converted into farmland. Even worse, these areas are not developed properly," she said. (dis)
Jakarta Seasonal flooding in Indonesia has inundated hundreds of houses, forced the closure of a regional airport and triggered landslides that killed at least two people, officials said Monday.
Dozens of flights to Semarang in central Java were canceled Monday after the main runway was submerged, said provincial spokesman Achyani.
It was unclear how long the airport would remain closed because heavy rainfall caused by Tropical Cyclone Freddy continued to lash the city of 1.3 million, said Bambang Suastono, the general manager of Semarang airport.
Railways and roads were submerged by up to 3 feet (1 meter) of water, cutting major transportation links, said Achyani, who like many Indonesians uses a single name.
Two people died Sunday in landslides, one near Semarang and a second in west Java, officials said.
Riverbanks overflowed Monday morning in Jakarta, the capital, forcing hundreds into emergency tent shelters, said Edi Darma, a Disaster Management Agency spokesman.
Indonesia, a vast archipelago of 17,000 islands, is hit by deadly storms and floods that kill scores of people every year.
More than 200 people died in January when a ferry sank in the treacherous Makassar Strait off Sulawesi island after being hit by high waves.
Nani Afrida, Jakarta Millions of women have continued to retain their widow or divorce status, choosing to support their families as single parents, despite challenges they face within society.
A study by the Empowerment of the Female Heads of Households (Pekka) shows that women are the breadwinners in 17 percent of homes, meaning more than 8 million households in the country are headed by women.
That proportion is even higher in conflicts areas, including Aceh, Maluku and West Kalimantan, due to continual flare-ups of violence that have claimed the lives of many men.
However, those choosing to keep their widow or divorce status has risen in more developed provinces, including Jakarta, Central Java and West Java, although many women find it difficult to stand the community's treatment of them.
Being a widow in Jakarta is not easy for Diana, 34, who works at a private company in Kuningan, South Jakarta.
"My status as a widow creates difficulties. For no reason, people seem to exile me," Diana told The Jakarta Post recently. "People think that a widow or divorce will instantly become someone's mistress or a home wrecker."
She said she tried to cope with the situation, and only recently she started getting used to it, although sexual harassment continued to be a daily experience for her in her office and neighborhood.
Diana's husband died in a traffic accident five years ago, leaving her with three little children. Fortunately for her, Diana kept her job after she married her husband. "I am the head of the family and I am very happy I can raise the children, even without a husband," she said.
Rumilah, 43, went through a similar experience. The mother of five has been a divorce since she was 30 years old, after her husband went to Saudi Arabia as a migrant worker and left her with five children.
"My husband divorced me in a letter, which he sent from Saudi Arabia. I was terribly shocked, then but then I think life must go on."
To feed her family, she worked selling vegetables at a small market in Bojong Gede, Bogor, West Java. But it turned out that the toughest problem was her status, not the business.
"People just discriminate against me. It is so hurtful. The men harass me, while the women view me with suspicion and stay away. So I get bad treatment from both women and men," she said. Rumilah added that although she never acted provocatively to attract men in her surroundings, they still thought she wanted something from them.
Pekka coordinator Nani Zulminami said divorces, widows and single women faced various obstacles in making a life for their families.
"Local culture and religious bigotry have led people to harass and discriminate against widows, single women and divorces," Nani told the Post.
She said single women, especially young and attractive women, had been negatively stigmatized as lonely women badly in need of a man. The stigma made the women afraid to be more creative and active in the community, Nani added.
"People always think that the core problems for divorces and widows are sex and how to manage their loneliness," she said. "This is really stupid."
She also pointed out that many woman did not want to report domestic violence against them to the police, because of the fear of getting divorced.
Nani added that negative labeling of widows and divorcees were almost the same as the stigmatization against former prisoners or ex-prostitutes.
"The government has to educate people and change their mind-sets about this group, to help prevent harassment and discrimination against them," she said.
Jakarta Most generic medicines consumed here fall short of international standards, with drug companies complicit in the scam, experts said Tuesday.
"The generic drugs are often of far lower quality than patented ones," Anugerah Corporation chairman W. Biantoro Wanandi told The Jakarta Post after an event to launch his book on community health.
He revealed that pharmaceutical companies had been dishonest in their claims concerning generic and patented drugs. "They say generic drugs only differ from patented drugs in terms of the packaging, but the difference goes far beyond that," the pharmaceutical expert said.
The ingredients used in making generic drugs can be of lower quality than those used in making patented drugs, he explained.
"What's more, the process of making generic drugs tends to be lower in standards. Thus, traces of fine chemicals, which are pure chemical substances, may still be left in the finished product." These chemicals, he warned, were dangerous for the human body and could produce ill effects if allowed to accumulate.
Biantoro also said local drug makers currently used the Farmakope No. 4 of 1995 as a pharmacopoeia to determine their quality benchmark. A pharmacopoeia is a book containing standards for making compound medicines.
However, the standards used are outdated, he said, since the book referred to the 1995 United States Pharmacopoeia (USP) No. 22. The US government has issued new standards in its 2008 USP No. 31.
"The new pharmacopoeia contains many changes in drug quality standards," Biantoro said.
"The government should adjust the nation's drug standards accordingly, and make sure the pharmaceutical companies obey them."
Generic drugs here are produced by state-owned drug companies such as Kimia Farma and Indofarma.
Community health expert Hasbullah Thabrany echoed Biantoro's concerns, saying those in the public pharmaceutical sectors often distorted data in procurements and quality control documents.
"This results in low-quality drugs in public facilities," he said at the book launch.
Biantoro added that the pharmaceuticals problem was just one of many plaguing the nation's healthcare system.
"The government must take serious steps in improving its healthcare policies," he said the event.
Lower-income people receive poorer health services, he explained.
"The number of doctors in remote areas are inadequate, and some don't take their work seriously."
He also said public healthcare facilities must be able to compete with private ones in terms of service and equipment.
"In order to ensure the sustainability of public healthcare centers, the government must have a clear health financing system."
Such a system, he went on, was part of a social security mechanism under Law No. 20 of 2004, which obliged each citizen to pay an insurance fee commensurate with their salaries. The system is meant to provide a safety net for those with a lower income.
But despite passing the law five years ago, the government has not taken serious steps to implement it, Biantoro said. (dis)
Febriamy Hutapea The Corruption Eradication Commission, or KPK, on Wednesday denied allegations that it used "backdoor channels" to secure its budget for 2009.
Antasari Azhar, the head of the KPK, was questioned by members of the House of Representatives' Commission III, which oversees legal affairs, after the legislators learned that the Ministry of Finance and the House's budget committee approved the KPK's Rp 93 billion ($7.9 million) budget without its approval.
Antasari said that in 2008, he had asked the commission on three separate occasions to approve the KPK's request for a budget of Rp 187.9 billion, but the request was ignored.
After a meeting with House Speaker Agung Laksono on Friday, Antasari denied that the KPK had forwarded its budget proposal directly to the Finance Ministry, saying that at the time it had just presented its outline to House Commission III.
Antasari said that he was surprised by the Finance Ministry's approval of the proposal. He had planned to ask the ministry to clarify its action, he said. "We were also confused after the Finance Ministry decided to approve our budget," Antasari said.
On Wednesday, several House commission members also raised questions about the visit of two lawmakers Johny Allen from the Democratic Party and Setya Novanto from the Golkar Party to the KPK's headquarters weeks before the House's budget committee and the Finance Ministry endorsed the state budget plan in October.
The visit of the two lawmakers raised fears that the KPK had struck a "secret deal" with them to facilitate the approval of its budget.
Trimedya Panjaitan, chairman of Commission III, said that it had previously rejected the KPK's budget proposal for the recruitment of new staff and the construction of a new office. However, the House's budget committee backed the proposal and approved the release of the $8 million.
Johny, who is the deputy chairman of the House's budget committee, said on Friday that his visit to the KPK was part of his duties to confirm whether the proposed projects were really necessary. "It was part of my job, [so] it shouldn't be politicized," he said.
Concerned with the KPK's weakening performance in early 2009, journalists presented the agency with a canvas of handwritten valentines critiquing the commission's performance to mark Valentine's Day.
They also gave the agency a bouquet of flowers and some stale krupuk (chips) to symbolize the KPK's recent sluggish follow-up on major graft verdicts from the Corruption Court.
These cases included two bribery scandals from Bank Indonesia, which implicated many House of Representatives members and at least two Cabinet ministers.
"This is a symbol of our love for the KPK. We criticize because we love this commission and we support its efforts to eradicate corruption," protest coordinator Okky Puspa Madasari said as she handed over the tokens to Antasari and KPK deputy chair Chandra M. Hamzah.
Antasari then expressed his gratitude for the support. He said further the KPK would continue doing its job professionally. "We're not going to change just because we get flowers."
Minutes later Antasari took the opportunity to announce new suspects had been named in two graft cases involving procurement of 20 patrol boats at the Transportation Ministry and equipment for vocational training centers at the Manpower Ministry. (JP/Irawaty Wardany)
Jakarta An Indonesian court rejected Wednesday a civil corruption case against the youngest son of ex-dictator Suharto involving the alleged misuse of 400 million dollars in state funds.
The Central Jakarta district court cleared Hutomo Mandala Putra, popularly known as Tommy Suharto, of government allegations that he illegally sold off assets to avoid paying debts to the state.
"The panel of judges reject all accusations filed by the plaintiff (the Indonesian government) against all defendants," judge Reno Lestowo told the court, adding that a countersuit filed by Tommy was also rejected.
The government had alleged that Tommy illegally sold off assets from troubled car importer PT Timor to five of his companies at a discount to avoid paying off state loans made to Timor during the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
The civil suit filed in May last year alleged Tommy defrauded the government of 400 million dollars by failing to pay off the loans to the business, which imported South Korean cars and changed their labels to make them appear as if they were made in Indonesia.
The reputed favourite son of the late Suharto enjoyed insider access to business deals during the crony capitalist years leading up to the Asian financial crisis and his father's 1998 fall from power.
Tommy successfully fought off a separate 61-million-dollar civil corruption case against him in February 2008, winning 550,000 dollars in a countersuit.
One of six children, the former playboy also served just a third of a 15-year jail term for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge in July 2002. He was released in October 2006.
Lawmaker Trimedya Pandjaitan said Wednesday that low attendance of lawmakers in meetings held to discuss the corruption bill had made it impossible for the House of Representatives to pass the bill in April as scheduled.
"We find it difficult to complete the discussion on the bill as there were too many members absent from the meetings," said Trimedya, member of House Commission III overseeing legal, security and human rights affairs.
Trimedya said that as discussions on the bill involved members from various commissions within the House, it created an enormous communication problem between lawmakers. "It would be much easier had we appointed committee members from Commission III only," he said.
As the House is scheduled for a recess starting March 8, he said that the discussion likely to extend beyond April. "The discussion could go on until August," Trimedya said.
According to law, the House must pass the bill before December or face the possibility of disbanding the corruption court, and forcing the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to hand over its cases to other courts district and regional courts, which are often deemed untrustworthy by the public. (ewd)
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta New Supreme Court chief justice Harifin A. Tumpa admits there are problems within the country's judiciary, but denies allegations that the institution he leads is infested with corruption.
Citing recent surveys conducted by Transparency International Indonesia (TII) and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), Harifin said Tuesday the findings indicated a lack of control within the judiciary.
"Yes, I've certainly seen the results of the surveys by TII and the KPK," he at the State Palace, shortly after a ceremony to inaugurate him as the chief justice. "I think there's something wrong, perhaps a lack of control in the management [of the judiciary]."
Deputy chief justice for judicial affairs Abdul Kadir Mappong and deputy chief justice for nonjudicial affairs Ahmad Kamil were also sworn in at Tuesday's ceremony.
"We will improve supervision; that will be part of our job," Harifin said. "I'm not sure, however, if there is such thing as a 'court mafia', but of course we will take firm action against anyone found guilty [of involvement in it]."
The TII perception index survey, released last month, found that the police force was the most bribe-riddled public institution in the country. The survey, however, revealed that bribery in the judiciary was the most costly.
The KPK released its integrity survey last week, singling out the judiciary as the most corrupt public institution. It ranked the three district courts of West Jakarta, North Jakarta and Central Jakarta as the most graft-ridden of all public institutions polled.
Harifin said he and his deputies would initiate measures to clear the court's backlog of cases, but insisted the Supreme Court leadership would "maintain the existing system".
To boost transparency, Harifin said the Supreme Court would allow the Supreme Audit Agency to examine its revenues from the collection of fees for handling cases.
Harifin's predecessor, Bagir Manan, was embroiled last year in a lengthy dispute with BPK chief Anwar Nasution over the agency's plan to audit the Supreme Court's financial report.
Indonesia Corruption Watch, a vociferous critic of the Supreme Court, has filed a report with the KPK on alleged collective corruption between 2006 and 2008 within the Supreme Court.
Quoting the BPK report, ICW said the misappropriations included a Rp 13 billion disbursement for unjustified expenses in the recruitment of civil servants, fees charged to those filing legal cases, faked official trips, and other unjustified expenses.
The BPK also found Supreme Court officials cashed in Rp 917.33 million from the budget allocated for their insurance premiums between 2006 and 2007.
Harifin, 67, was elected the new chief justice last month, replacing Bagir, who turned 70 and retired in November last year after leading the court for seven years.
The Supreme Court also elected Abdul Kadir, 67, and Ahmad, 62, as deputy chiefs. Their inauguration on Tuesday marks the start of the three top justices' five-year term from 2009 to 2014.
However, with the controversial 2008 Supreme Court Law requiring justices to step down at 70, it looks like Harifin and Abdul may only serve for three years. The law extended the retirement age of justices from 65 years to 70 years.
Heru Andriyanto President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must immediately issue a government regulation to ensure that a court to handle corruption cases exists, antigraft campaigners said on Sunday.
Currently, the Anti-Corruption Court operates under a law that will expire at the end of this year and it is expected that its work will be transferred to a new court by that time.
However, the existing court is in danger of being disbanded before the bill for the new court is passed because lawmakers are taking too long.
Major parties in the House of Representatives, or DPR, "are lacking commitment to pursue the corruption court bill on time," including Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said Indonesia Corruption Watch, or ICW, a nongovernmental group.
The DPR is running out of time in the 25 days between now and March 6 when the current lawmakers take a break and then complete their term on the legislative election day, April 9.
"It is highly unlikely that the House will pass the bill before the election and the House working committee [on the corruption court bill] appears to be buying time because their members are focusing on preparations for the legislative polls," said Febri Diansyah, a researcher with ICW.
The group noted that 36 out of 50 members of the working committee have been officially nominated again by their respective parties for the upcoming election.
Newly-elected lawmakers will not start work until September, meaning that only three months will be available to keep the existing court functioning. "The court is in an emergency situation and the only hope is a regulation from the president," Febri said.
The Anti-Corruption Court may not be a priority for the DPR after at least eight lawmakers were convicted or are currently being tried for corruption cases, he said.
If four major parties made a concerted effort to pass the bill, their combined votes would be enough to enact it into law, according to ICW, after conducting joint research with the Jakarta Legal Aid Foundation, or LBH.
The combined strength of the Golkar Party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, the Democratic Party and the Social Justice Party, or PKS, would collect 337 votes, representing an absolute majority of the 550-member House, it said.
"We call on the president to issue the government regulation in lieu of a law before the 2009 presidential election to deliver his promise on corruption eradication," ICW said in a statement.
The court must be defended because the general courts are unreliable in handling corruption cases, it said, adding that over the last four years, the general courts have acquitted more than 600 graft suspects.
The Constitutional Court, the sole interpreter of the constitution, ruled in December 2006 that the Anti-Corruption Court was unconstitutional because its establishment was based merely on an article in the law on the Corruption Eradication Commission, or KPK.
But it gave the government and the DPR three years to prepare a specific law on the court so that the ruling wouldn't hinder the country's fight against corruption.
Lucy Williamson Indonesians will tell you there are bribes to be paid for almost everything in life getting your identity card in reasonable time, passing your driving test, avoiding a parking ticket, even getting into the police force.
The experts don't disagree: the country has one of the worst corruption ratings in the world. Transparency International ranks it in 143rd place just a few places ahead of economically destitute Zimbabwe.
After a decade of democracy, a newly-vibrant Anti-Corruption Commission, and a president who has made tackling corruption one of his key pledges, graft still remains hard-wired into the system.
And so Indonesia is trying some new tactics, and opening up some new fronts in its battle on corruption such as the second floor of Jakarta's high school number three.
Today's class is about moral guidance and the importance of transparency. It is part of a pilot project dreamt up by the country's attorney-general to tackle corruption before it happens.
The weekly lectures are modern and interactive. The class, neatly divided boys on the right, girls on the left shouts and claps at all the right moments.
And once they've got the theory down, the students can put it into practice outside in the corridor by doing a bit of shopping at the school's honesty bar.
Children in Indonesian schools are now sitting corruption exams There is everything you could need for your school day pens, pencils, even chocolate to see you through double maths and it seems to be very popular with the children. But how honest are they being?
Dika is 16 years old and one of those taking part in the transparency programme. He tells me that most students here are very honest, only a few cheat or take things from the bar without paying.
But he says that's partly because of the new classes, which he believes are a very good idea: "I'm quite embarrassed because Indonesia is seen as one of the most corrupt countries in the world," he said, "I'd like to change that."
In fact the classroom itself is sparking ideas for the wider battle with corruption.
In the crisp offices of Indonesia's anti-corruption commission, known as the KPK, commission chairman Antasari Azhar shows me the new uniform its detainees are made to wear during corruption trials before they have been convicted.
He points out the unthreatening blue and yellow colour-scheme; and the words "KPK detainee" emblazoned across the back in the style of a football kit.
"It's important to distinguish between corruption suspect and criminal suspects, because corruption is an extraordinary crime," he explained, "So the treatment should be extraordinary too. One way is to use this uniform as a deterrent; as a sort of shame for the detainees."
But corruption is such a part of the system here, that even if you are convicted, insiders say you can still pay your way through the penal system.
Rahardi Ramelan is one of those insiders. He spent almost two years in jail on corruption charges, and he told me that, if you have money, not only can you buy your way to a more comfortable prison life, you're also more likely to be released from jail on time.
"It's not that you can shorten the sentence," he explained, "But if you have money, your time in jail will be according to the regulations."
"If you don't have money maybe you'll have to spend one, two, three, four months more in jail because the system isn't working very well."
This kind of story has led to calls in Indonesia for separate jails for corruptors or even for the death penalty.
But corruption here is seen as so pervasive that it has undermined people's trust, not only in the prison system, but also in the police and the courts.
One recent study found that almost half of all interactions with the police resulted in a bribe. Rahardi Ramelan believes that corruption is hard-wired into the culture here.
"It's like a social disease," he told me. "The people in Indonesia even though we're a republic and a democracy still live according to an aristocratic system. So, the normal people look to the leaders as if to the king, or the queen."
Back at the school, the afternoon class is about to begin. They are going to sit a test, unsupervised of course another part of the honesty programme.
It is one thing trusting children not to cheat or bribe in the classroom. But the real test what happens when they hit the world outside will take a little longer to assess.
Peter Gelling, Solo At a small, back-street bookstore here, the young employees, wearing matching green skullcaps and sporting wispy chin beards, stock books with titles like "Waiting for the Destruction of Israel" and "Principles of Jihad."
They work quietly, listening to the voice of a firebrand Islamic preacher playing on the store's sound system, his sermon peppered with outbursts of machine-gun fire.
Another young man, a customer, sifts through a pile of DVDs that chronicle the conflicts in Chechnya, Afghanistan and Sudan. T- shirts, stickers and pins on sale at the back of the store are emblazoned with slogans like "Support Your Local Mujahedeen" and "Taliban All-Stars."
The jihadi books at the store, which is called Arofah, have been made available by a small but growing group of publishers in and around Solo, a commercial city known as a bastion of conservative Islam.
Many of the publishers openly support the ideological goals of Jemaah Islamiyah, a banned Southeast Asia terrorist network that has been implicated in most of the major terrorist bombings in Indonesia.
The publishers, about 12 so far, still have limited prospects for sales and influence. Radical books generally do not sell well in Indonesia, where a vast majority of the population of 240 million practice a moderate brand of Islam.
A book by one of the Bali bombers, whose attacks on nightclubs in 2002 killed 202 people, is considered a success for its genre but sold only about 10,000 copies.
Nevertheless, the publishers have caught the attention of some counterterrorism experts, who fear they are proof of how interconnected, and resilient, the Jemaah Islamiyah movement is in Indonesia.
By most accounts, the Indonesian authorities have had great success in weakening Jemaah Islamiyah's militant arm since the Bali bombings, jailing or killing most of its top leaders.
But they have been less successful in fighting the organization's ideology, which counterterrorism experts say spreads within an informal association of groups operating in mosques, prisons and schools around the country, providing a continuing source of recruitment.
"The most interesting aspect is what the publishing operations reveal about the overlapping networks binding Jemaah Islamiyah together," said Sidney R. Jones, an analyst with the nonprofit International Crisis Group in Jakarta, Indonesia's capital.
"This organization is not some Arab import," Ms. Jones said of Jemaah Islamiyah. "It's an extraordinary social organization linked by family, schools, culture, training and now businesses."
She notes that Solo is not only the base for the publishers, but also the site of Pesantren al-Mukmin, an Islamic boarding school that has educated some of the country's most notorious extremists. Some of the publishers have taught at the school, and Abu Bakar Bashir, a militant Islamic cleric who helped found the school, originally conceived of the idea of opening publishing houses in Solo that could specialize in books on Islam, Ms. Jones said. Mr. Bashir served time in prison on conspiracy charges in several bombings, including those in Bali.
The International Crisis Group, an organization established to prevent or resolve deadly conflicts, says there is a chance that the growth in publishers of radical books could have an upside, possibly indicating that Jemaah Islamiyah is beginning to wage jihad through the printed page rather than violent acts.
"Some publishers may be playing a more positive than negative role, directing members into above-ground activities and enabling them to promote a jihadi message without engaging in violence," said a report issued last year by the International Crisis Group.
But Indonesian authorities say that the message of jihad, once put into book form, often enters classrooms and Islamic study circles, ultimately helping to draw young people into Jemaah Islamiyah's ranks. And that could allow the militants to regroup as a potent fighting force.
Most of the books celebrating radical Islamic thought are Indonesian translations of Middle Eastern works. But the publishers are also picking up the works of some local authors.
One was Imam Samudra, who was executed for his role in the terrorist attacks in Bali in 2002. The publishers are also hoping to publish the work of another Bali bomber, Ali Ghufron, better known as Mukhlas, the former operations chief for Jemaah Islamiyah.
Before his execution last year, he wrote 10 books, including an autobiography that his lawyer says portrays the Bali bombings as justifiable acts of vengeance for the ill treatment of Muslims around the world.
Solo's publishers can afford to print such jihadi books by piggybacking on a broader trend: the ballooning demand in Indonesia for mainstream Islamic texts.
Books that explore the Islamic faith addressing issues like how to be a good Muslim woman, or Islamic beliefs about life after death are the biggest sellers here now. One popular love story with an Islamic theme sold hundreds of thousands of copies and was recently made into a movie.
"The mainstream Islamic publishing industry is booming right now," said Setia Darma Madjid, chairman of the Indonesian Book Publishers Association. "Writers and publishers recognize that these themes appeal to readers right now, and so they are rolling out hundreds of books on the subject."
At least some publishers of radical texts say they, too, are just meeting market demand, not trying to spread an ideology.
One such publisher is Bambang Sukirno, who owns the Aqwam Group and its imprint Jazera, which got its start with Imam Samudra's first book. He said he was only addressing a topical subject, just as "journalists and others around the world are doing."
"We see that this 'terrorism' phenomenon, whether you like it or not, has seized space in this world," he said.
So far, the government has taken no action against the publishers despite its crackdown on Islamists. Officials are worried about terrorist attacks but are also trying to nurture their young democracy and the freedoms that democracy guarantees.
"The publication of such material is an issue; we are not very happy about it," said one senior counterterrorism official in the government, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the news media. "However, because we are in the process of democratization, it is problematic how we would be able to control the publication of such material."
Mr. Sukirno said he was not worried that the government would shut down his company.
"Democracy in Indonesia is thriving, and if the government ever tried to interfere in the publishing industry, well, that would be dangerous," he said. "Interference would just give birth to waves of resistance and undermine democracy. "Books," he said, "are a reflection of a civilized nation."
Andra Wisnu, Denpasar Opposition parties took jabs at the ruling ones for allowing last year's passage of the pornography law, ensuring the issue will become a central theme in Bali's legislative election.
During a political debate among legislative candidates held at Udayana University on Friday, candidates from the opposition parties put themselves forward as the main attraction as they vocally criticized subtly and not so subtly the ruling parties for allowing the porn law to pass.
The porn law itself remains a sensitive issue among Balinese and the provincial government who continue to voice their objections to the law.
In October last year, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono signed the highly controversial porn bill into law amid protests by Bali, other provinces and scores of civil society groups.
President Yudhoyono belongs to the Democratic Party and Vice President Jusuf Kalla belongs to Golkar, both members of the ruling coalition.
I Gusti Ngurah Arya, head of the Bali chapter of the Indonesian National Party of Marhaenism (PNI-M), questioned these two parties' decision to back the controversial bill.
"The adage now is that people are voting for the legislative candidate, not their party. Well, I think that's a mistake because these candidates still have to serve their parties, including those that allowed the pornography law to pass," Arya said to a resounding cheer from some in the audience, which was visibly divided up according to party loyalties.
Nyoman Dhamantra from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) also criticized the ruling parties for passing the porn law, saying his party would work to overturn it whether or not it becomes one of the ruling parties.
Gede Pasek Suardika, head of the council of experts for the Bali chapter of the Democratic Party, reiterated the government's success in bringing down fuel prices and buying back shares of some state-owned companies.
He steered clear of the porn law issue, urging the public to trust his party for another term while touting the country's current conditions.
Despite his eftforts, Udayana University scholars agreed the ruling party walked away as losers from the debate.
Dr. I Gede Mudana from the University's culture department said the porn law issue was a tough one in Bali and members of the ruling parties simply had little room to maneuver. "It's quite clear the opposition parties have the upper hand, at least in Bali."
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta The Constitutional Court overturned Friday a demand to scrap the parliamentary threshold of 2.5 percent giving a major boost to efforts to simplify the political party system.
The Court's chief justice Mahfud M.D., who presided over the panel of judges, said the plaintiffs had failed to provide valid arguments to support their cause.
Defying the plaintiffs' argument, the court said the debated article in Legislative Election Law 10/2008 on parliamentary thresholds did not countermand the rule of law Indonesia has adopted, saying the parliamentary threshold policy had been "made democratically" by the House and the government and provided all parties the same opportunity to take part in the next elections.
The plaintiffs in the case are legislative candidates and 11 minor parties who have contended the parliamentary threshold undermines their constitutional rights.
Among the minor parties were the Reform Democracy Party, the Patriotic Party, the United Regional Party, the People's Concern Nationalist Party and the Prosperous Indonesia Party.
The plaintiffs said the parliamentary threshold system was applicable only in countries which had adopted a parliamentary system of government rather than in those which follow a presidential system of government like Indonesia.
They called the contentious article "manipulative" because it gave no opportunity for independent legislative candidates to run, the norm in countries where the parliamentary system is already in place.
The judges, however, rejected this argument, saying whether or not a party could meet the threshold would be solely determined by voters, rather than by the House or the government. The court, however, criticized lawmakers' "inconsistency" for debating new election bills on the eve of elections.
Two of the eight judges, Maruarar Siahaan and M. Akil Mochtar, voiced dissenting opinions during the trial.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party hailed the court's ruling, saying it was in line with the spirit of simplification of the political party system which the country needed. "One way to simplify the system is to set both parliamentary and electoral thresholds," said the party's deputy chair Anas Urbaningrum.
He maintained the verdict would not discourage those parties which failed to meet the threshold or deprive them of their political rights.
Anas said he expected his party would meet the parliamentary threshold of 2.5 percent. "God willing, the party will strive to surpass the threshold. Perhaps not just surpass it, we hope to win 20 percent of the vote," he said.
Golkar Party shared the Democratic Party's positive response to the court's ruling.
"The verdict is expected to encourage political parties to make efforts to exceed the threshold, thus gaining public recognition. People's acceptance must be reflected by the number of seats in the parliament," said Golkar deputy chair Agung Laksono, who is also the House of Representatives speaker.
Since the reform era began in 1999, 24 parties contested the first election, 48 competed in 2004, then the number dropped to 38 this year. (naf)
Political parties taking part in elections must fulfill the parliamentary threshold of at least 2.5 percent of the valid national votes to be able to take part in the determination of House of Representatives seats.
Jakarta The Golkar Party is eyeing alternative coalitions with other key major political groups, in case the current Yudhoyono- Kalla pairing turns sour.
Coalitions with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) or the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) would be possible options, senior Golkar executive Priyo Budi Santoso told a discussion in Jakarta on Friday.
He was of the opinion that Golkar would have several options if President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono were to choose another running mate.
Speculations about new allegiances is only one consequence of the current political tensions between Yudhoyono's Democratic Party and Golkar, which Vice President Jusuf Kalla chairs.
PDI-P's secretary-general Pramono Anung Wibowo did not rule out a Golkar link up with the PDI-P as long as Kalla would be willing to run as vice president. "If the Democratic Party leaves, Golkar will not be alone," Pramono told The Jakarta Post.
He said Golkar has a good relationship with the PDI-P and they could work together to win the legislative and presidential elections. Tides may have turned. In the 1990s the PDI-P and Golkar became locked in a massive power struggle.
"A duet between the PDI-P and Golkar is more likely than between the PDI-P and the Democratic Party," Pramono added.
Priyo, who chairs the Golkar faction in the House of Representatives, said the PKS was another possibility. He predicted Golkar would name Kalla as its presidential candidate and take a vice presidential candidate from another party.
"The vice presidential running mate will probably be Hidayat Nur Wahid [PKS] or [former Jakarta governor] Sutiyoso," Priyo said.
Priyo, however, also mentioned if Golkar were to win more than 20 percent of the votes, the vice presidential candidate would be chosen from within the party. "I think, the coming presidential elections may go two rounds as it did in 2004. And I am absolutely optimistic the alternative coalition will win," he said.
Political expert J. Kristiadi from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said Golkar would form a better coalition with the PDI-P, if the SBY-JK duo splits.
Today's national leadership of Yudhoyono and Kalla came about when the Democratic Party and Golkar formed a coalition going into the 2004 elections.
"My prediction is, if Kalla wants to run for president, the vice president will come from the PDI-P," Kristiadi told reporters on the sidelines of Friday's discussion.
Golkar will wait for April legislative election results before announcing their presidential candidates.
Kristiadi expressed surprise at the parties' strategy of keeping a close hold on their presidential candidates until after the general elections. "Announcing presidential candidates early would be more effective than waiting for the legislative election results," he said.
In the 2004 elections, Golkar took more than 25 percent of the vote. However, Kristiadi warned, if Golkar loses in the elections the party might find it difficult to actively oppose the new government.
"Golkar has gotten used to winning elections and always becoming the ruling party. Party members have no experience being the opposition," he said. (naf)
Alfian, Jakarta Despite their fundamental ideological differences, the secular-prone Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have much in common in terms of economic policies.
This was revealed Friday during their separate discussions with business leaders from the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo).
The talks will also feature the Golkar Party, the Democratic Party, the United Development Party (PPP) and the National Awakening Party (PKB) in a second and third batch of discussions slated for Saturday and Monday.
During Friday's discussion, the PDI-P and the PKS presented their economic blueprints and pledges should they net the most votes at the April 9 legislation elections. PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri and PKS president Tifatul Sembiring headed their respective delegations.
Both parties shared similar views for developing the banking sector, in which the Islamic sharia system would not dominate.
Mohamad Sohibul Iman, PKS executive for economy and finance, said sharia banking was not part of the party's macroeconomic strategy. "In our opinion, sharia banking and sharia-based economy should not be forced. It should develop naturally," he said.
Both parties also opposed the dominance of foreign ownership in local banks. Tifatul said the PKS would be happy to see local bank owners lead the sector, but with foreign banks allowed to operate freely here. PDI-P economic advisor Iman Sugema said the government should empower state banks to take the lead in the sector and work to provide loans for small businesses.
They also agreed to revise the unfavorable labor law. Although both failed to provide concrete policies, Apindo chairman Sofjan Wanandi said the discussion was a good start to preview their policies.
"Through this we know that actually we can cooperate with them. Businesspeople know little about the PKS, for instance. But from this discussion, we know the party is actually quite open- minded," he said.
Jakarta The Golkar Party is nearing breaking point over whether to name its own presidential candidate or maintain its coalition with the Democratic Party, political pundits said Thursday.
The current national leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla is the result of the coalition formed for the last election in 2004.
"The Democratic Party's recent statement has made the tension worse," political observer Arbi Sanit told The Jakarta Post.
On Monday, Democratic Party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok said Golkar would grab no more than 2.5 percent of total votes in the April 9 legislative elections. The statement outraged Golkar leaders and forced Yudhoyono as the Democratic Party's chief patron to rebuke Mubarok and play down the "offensive" remark.
Paramadina University political expert Bima Arya Sugiarto said more cracks had begun appearing within Golkar in the run-up to the elections, adding, "Obviously, this is a conflict between the party's elites."
He said the internal bickering would cause serious polarization among party members, unless chairman Kalla failed to resolve it. "Senior members like Agung Laksono want Golkar to name its own presidential candidate and not rely on the SBY-Kalla team," Bima said.
Last week, Agung said Golkar's national meeting on Feb. 17-18 might discuss presidential candidates, besides the party's preparations for the elections. However, Kalla denied the issue would be part of the agenda.
Arbi said Kalla was now in a critical position, facing both internal and external pressure that could affect his political career.
"Kalla believes he must work with SBY to win a second term in office. But the situation in the party may force him to think twice," he said. "Golkar members hope if their party wins the presidential election with their own candidate, they will gain more power to occupy strategic positions in the government."
Both Arbi and Bima said the upcoming Golkar meeting promised some surprising results, including a possible candidate for the presidency.
Golkar deputy secretary Rully Chairul Azwar denied reports of tension between party members. "Differences of opinion are normal in politics," he said.
Golkar executive Priyo Budi Santoso agreed, saying "it is not true" the party was splitting into two camps one backing the Yudhoyono-Kalla team, and the other opposed to this notion. He added Golkar would decide on its presidential candidate after the April 9 legislative elections.
Speculation is rife that Golkar might opt to back Kalla, Akbar Tadjung, Surya Paloh, Agung Laksono, Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, Aburizal Bakrie or Fadel Muhammad, rather than Yudhoyono, for the presidency. (naf)
Eny Wulandari, Jakarta The Constitutional Court has turned down a request by several political parties to review a number of articles in the 2008 election law, citing lack of evidence that the articles violate the 1945 Constitution.
During a hearing on Friday, Presiding Judge Madfudz MD said that the articles of the law did not violate Constitutional Law nor limit public participation during elections.
Among the articles called into question were article 202 verse 1, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208 and 209. Article 202 verse 1, for example, stipulates that each party should get a minimum of 2.5 percent votes to secure a seat in the House of Representatives (DPR).
"The articles aim at reducing numbers of parties taking part in the election, but they do not violate articles 1, 2 or 28 of the Constitution," he said.
Of all nine judges in the court, two of them Maruarar Siahaan and M. Akil Mochtar had dissenting opinions and said that article 202 did not accommodate the participation of people in elections. "We regard that the articles were temporary decisions that were formulated and made to fulfill the will of the decision makers," Mochtar said.
Patra M. Zein, a lawyer representing the parties, said that his client accepted the decision, but underlined the courts inconsistency on the disputed articles. "It's clear that even the judges do not share the same opinions on the disputed articles," he said.
Previously, 11 parties and some legislative candidates filed for requests to review article 202 of the 2008 election law, saying that the article was manipulated and was used to discourage independent candidates from running for president should their parties fail to meet 2.5 percent quota. (dre)
Camelia Pasandaran The Constitutional Court on Friday ruled to reject a demand for a judicial review filed by 11 minor political parties against the minimum election vote share required to gain seats in the House of Representatives, or DPR, the court's chief said.
The threshold system requires that a party gain at least 2.5 percent of the 550 seats in the DPR to ensure representation even if their individual candidates win in their respective areas.
In the lawsuit, the plaintiffs argued that the 2008 Law on Elections favored established parties, discriminated against minor parties and constituted a breach of the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees equal protection and standing under the law.
Chief Justice Mafhud MD, presenting the court's decision, said the lawsuit had no strong legal basis and that the court "rejects all parts of the plaintiff's lawsuit."
Mahfud said that the legislative threshold was not unconstitutional. "The court disagrees that the threshold violates human rights," he said. "All political parties have the same chance to contest the election in a democratic way, but not all parties are lucky enough in the competition."
"The legislative threshold is allowed by the Constitution as a way to simplify the politics of the multiparty system," Justice Abdul Mukthie Fadjar said. "The law on the party system is meant to put in place limitations as long as they remain in line with the Constitution."
Two of the eight justices, however, wrote dissenting opinions. "The Constitutional Court failed to deeply consider the spirit of the Constitution," Maruar Siahaan, one of the dissenting judges, said after the verdict. "Lawmakers have been inconsistently applying a election system that is changed from time to time as per their own interests."
The plaintiffs were the Democratic Renewal Party, or PDP; the Patriot Party; the Regional Unity Party, or PPD; the National People's Concern Party, or PPRN; the Prosperous Indonesia Party, or PIS; the Freedom Bull National Party, or PNBK; the New Indonesia Alliance Party, or PPIB; the Functional Party of Struggle; the People's Conscience Party, or Hanura; the Indonesian Democratic Party of Devotion, or PKDI; and the Freedom Party.
PNBK chairman Eros Djarot said he was disappointed with the verdict and blamed the court. "The court has lost its rationality and nationalism," Eros said. "Just listen to what the dissenting opinions of the two judges said. It is not rational to simplify the multiparty system using a legislative threshold."
Roy B.B. Janis, chairman of PDP, said outside the court that the decision may lead to conflict. "Legislative candidates who gain lots of votes and fail to become legislators may file a lawsuit with the court," Roy said.
Abdul Hafiz Anshary, head of the General Elections Commission, or KPU, agreed that the threshold could lead to disputes. "Candidates who have won but get dropped because the party did not pass the threshold may file lawsuits," he said on Friday.
Muninggar Sri Saraswati Chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, Megawati Sukarnoputri, defended her 2001-04 government during a presentation of her party's economic program to a number of noted business people on Friday.
"We will continue our programs that we were not able to complete in 2004. Our main two priorities are improving the nation's unity and people's welfare," she told attendees at the event, which was organized by the country's business community.
Megawati replaced former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid in 2001, but lost the 2004 direct presidential election to her former minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. She criticized Yudhoyono's government for "eroding our country's economic foundation in 2005," and for "not being ready to face the economic crisis in 2008."
However, when a noted entrepreneur, Djimanto, asked why Megawati failed to support the country's shoe industry, which he said provided million of jobs, she answered that the question had been raised "a little too late."
"You should have asked me when I was president. You may not know or not have been aware that I was the one who supported micro- and middle-level industries," she said.
Megawati, who has declared her intention to run in the July presidential election, reiterated that she had not been able to do much for the country because she had only led Indonesia for three years instead of the full presidential term of five years.
PDI-P Secretary General Pramono Anung asked a number of business people and entrepreneurs to join the party. "Join us," he said after entrepreneur Rachmat Gobel presented policy recommendations about exports and trade to the PDI-P.
Pramono also invited Commissioner of Bank Central Asia, or BCA, Sigit Pramono to join the PDI-P. "I think the ideas of Sigit Pramono would be useful if he would join us," he said.
Jakarta Despite an apology from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Golkar Party is still up in arms over Democratic Party (PD) deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok's remark that Golkar would get no more than 2.5 percent of the total vote in the upcoming legislative elections.
"Golkar feels extremely uncomfortable with that statement. It is totally unreasonable to us," Priyo Budi Santoso, head of the Golkar Party faction in the House of Representatives, told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
He said Ahmad's statement on Tuesday was highly inappropriate given the good relations between the two parties.
Priyo said he was concerned that the "inappropriate" statement would trigger the Golkar Party to change its mind. "Perhaps we will propose Kalla as president and choose another vice-president candidate from another party," he said.
He said Golkar members were comfortable with Yudhoyono as president, but not as the Democratic Party's chief patron.
Golkar Party deputy chairman Agung Laksono, said there was no need to regard such "insulting" remarks. "We (Golkar Party) don't need to feel humiliated," he said, adding that the party would not respond angrily. "Lets the voters determine what the best party is," he said.
He said his party was sure to get a large number of votes as in it had in previous elections.
Agung refused to comment on whether the statement would damage the president-vice president coalition planning Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla. "Lets see at the elections," he said.
Meanwhile, executive director of the Indo Barometer pollster group Muhammad Qodari said Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla were popular as president and vice president among Indonesians. "They would have more chance at winning the election. This is reflected by several surveys held by various organizations," Qodari said.
He said the Democratic Party was full of confidence in getting many votes after a series of recent surveys found that they would win the April 9 legislative elections, defeating Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"Golkar is still engaged with Susilo, but if the Democratic Party gets 20 percent of the votes, he will probably not take Kalla as the vice president," Qodari said. (naf)
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta Legislative candidates said Wednesday they would be careful in sending out SMS campaigns to voters because it could provoke a backlash.
Although the legislative candidates welcomed the ministerial decrees allowing then to campaign through cell phones, they expressed worry that excessive messages could bore or anger voters.
"It is time for Ciamis' people to lead the country. We can make it come true at the elections," read an SMS sent by Saryono Jahidi, a legislative candidate from the National Awakening Party (PKB).
"SMS is the most effective and cheapest way to inform voters about our missions and visions," Saryono, who is competing for a seat in Kuningan, Banjar and Ciamis electoral districts in West Java told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
"But, I must be very careful in sending SMS because it could bore people and cause me to lose votes."
Saryono, who is employing an 100-member campaign team, said he gave his team the task of texting messages to a number of phones belonging to potential voters.
Under a 2009 ministerial decree signed by the Information and Communications Minister Muhammad Nuh, political parties, candidates of the legislative and Regional Representatives Council (DPD) can use telecommunication devices and services, including the cellular phones, to campaign.
The decree allows legislative and DPD candidates to send their visions, missions and programs through SMS with or without cooperation with content providers. The candidates should stop sending SMS during the silent days, a week before election day.
Article 9 of the decree states that legislative candidates and content providers are prohibited from sending SMS to people who rejected them earlier.
There are 12,000 legislative candidates running for 560 seats at the House of Representatives. In addition, there are 1,109 candidates of the DPD with another hundred of thousands of candidates running for seats in provincial and regencies' legislative bodies.
The legislative elections will be held on April 9 after over nine months of campaigning.
The Indonesian Telecommunications Regulatory Body (BRTI) estimated that cell phone users reached about 80 million in 2007. The polls body has registered about 170 million voters for the 2009 general elections.
Saryono said the use of SMS would be cheaper than advertising on television, printing street banners and making T-shirts.
Dini Mentari of the United Development Party (PPP) said SMS campaigns were more effective as they could reach potential voters directly.
"But, if we don't have data on cell phone numbers, we can't do anything," said Dini, who is running for a seat in Bandung regency and West Bandung, West Java.
Legislative candidate from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Apong Herlina said she was careful when using SMS to campaign. She said her SMS was only sent to numbers listed in her cell phones.
"I sent my friend an SMS informing about my candidacy and asking them to relay the information to others friends within my electoral district," she said. Apong is running in the electoral districts of the Central Jakarta, South Jakarta and foreign countries.
Daniel Dhakidae from the Institute of Research, Education and Information of Social and Economic Affairs (LP3ES) said people could be flooded with 'unwanted' SMS from the candidates anywhere and at anytime.
"It could cause psychological distress for the receivers. It could be so terrible that could trigger pessimism and stop people from participating in the election," he said.
Erwida Maulia, Cikeas, West Java In an attempt to contain the damage to his ties with the Golkar Party, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has reprimanded an executive from his Democratic Party for issuing a statement reportedly offending the party of Vice President Jusuf Kalla.
The President said he respected Golkar as a "senior party" and that the Democratic Party would always regard it as "a best friend and a brother".
Yudhoyono said he was "shocked" at the statement made by Democratic Party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok to reporters during the party's two-day national meeting, which concluded Monday.
Mubarok reportedly said Golkar, currently the biggest faction at the House of Representatives, would see its vote drop drastically to a mere 2.5 percent of the total in the upcoming legislative elections.
Angered by the offensive, Kalla, who is in The Hague, said the Democratic Party should not disrespect Golkar. Yudhoyono, the Democratic Party's chief patron, expressed regret over the incident.
"[Ahmad's] statement was unexpected; I'm shocked to find out what the statement is about. I don't want Democratic Party members to speak as they like. This sort of thing should never happen again," Yudhoyono said Tuesday at a press conference at his residence in Cikeas, West Java.
"The Democratic Party is still very young; we're less than 8 years old. I respect Golkar as a senior party that has been growing since the New Order era. It is impossible that we as a young party intend to disrespect Golkar."
Yudhoyono said he hoped the two parties could continue their "good relationship" and maintain the coalition they had formed both at the House and in the central government administration.
"With this explanation, I hope the relationship between myself and Jusuf Kalla in our capacities as President and Vice President will run smoothly until the end of our term of office on Nov. 20 this year," Yudhoyono said. "People expect us to stay solid."
But the coalition is not that firm, as evident when Golkar politicians criticized the Democrat Party for taking credit in its electoral campaigns for national development achievements.
Yudhoyono said a public reprimand was already a harsh sanction for a prominent party member such as Ahmad. But he said he believed Ahmad had no intention of disrespecting Golkar, saying his statement might just have been a slip of the tongue.
Yudhoyono insisted his party would not announce its vice presidential candidate until after the April 9 legislative elections. "We'll keep our stance; we will not discuss those matters [vice presidential candidates and party coalitions]. We will first focus on the legislative elections," he said.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Muninggar Sri Saraswati Debate about the need for the Golkar Party to name a presidential candidate before the April legislative elections has sharpened an already damaging internal rift within the 2004 poll-winning party, analysts said on Tuesday.
Airlangga Pribadi, a political analyst at the state Airlangga University, said Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla's faction believed that the party should focus on winning the April elections instead of screening presidential candidates, as it expected to maintain the coalition with the Democratic Party in July's presidential election.
This view was not shared by the faction of Agung Laksono, deputy chairman, and Surya Paloh, Golkar's advisory council chairman, who believe Golkar should name its presidential candidate before the April elections.
"The two groups are the main ones. There is also a smaller faction that supports the sultan and a faction led by Akbar Tandjung," Airlangga said, referring to Golkar advisory council member Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X and the former Golkar chairman.
In the absence of a Golkar endorsement, the sultan has announced that he would stand on his own and has approached other parties to seek backers for his presidential bid. Akbar wanted a party convention to select candidates for the presidency and vice presidency, a move that Kalla has dismissed as a waste of time.
Ikrar Nusa Bakti, political expert of the Indonesia Science Institute, said Kalla seemed reluctant to run as a presidential candidate because a number of opinion polls have showed that his popularity was low among voters.
"He would not mind becoming a vice president as long as the party has a say in the government, even if Golkar wins more than 20 percent of the votes in the April election," Ikrar said.
The rift between the two Golkar leaders was visible when Agung two days ago began seeking input from regional chapters on potential presidential candidates, a move that had been scheduled for March or May, said M. Qodari, director for the IndoBarometer survey group. The move was made while Kalla was overseas. Paloh has also suggested that Golkar sever ties with the Democratic Party and form a coalition with other parties like the rival Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P.
"Kalla has been able to contain the rift so far. But Agung's group and other factions are likely to intensify the pressure since the Democratic Party has not named Kalla as Yudhoyono's vice presidential candidate," Paloh said, referring to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has been endorsed by the Democratic Party.
"This is not the will of one of two groups only. The selection is the mandate from the Golkar national meeting in November. We will name the presidential and vice presidential candidates after the April poll," Agung said, defending his move. He said Kalla was informed about the process.
Akbar has accused Kalla of using the party to pursue his interest in running as Yudhoyono's vice presidential candidate.
"As leaders, we must put our party interests beyond our personal goals," Akbar said. "Golkar is a big party and has the chance to endorse its own presidential candidate. How could a big party like Golkar not have the confidence to endorse its own presidential candidate?"
Jakarta The national elections body complained Tuesday about problems with determining the number of eligible voters in several areas across the country.
"We acknowledge that there are discrepancies in the number of voters in certain areas, so we are relying on the previously calculated figure," General Elections Commission (KPU) member I Made Putu Arta said after a hearing at the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) office in Jakarta.
He pointed out the election law did not stipulate rechecking of the number of eligible voters, and that the reevaluation of figures was based on a KPU regulation.
"We will cross-check the data by involving local officials from some areas. Perhaps we can do something about these discrepancies without violating the law," Putu said.
The commission listed 169,558,775 eligible voters last year. The most recent count by the commission, however, is 169,688,741.
The current figures mean every province lacks 50,000 voters, except for East Java and Papua, which lack more than 100,000 voters.
The discrepancy has drawn complaints from DPD members, who said the KPU must work more seriously in recording data accurately. I Wayan Sudarta, a DPD councilor from Bali, urged the commission to count the voters more carefully.
"Their voices are more important than money or time. We hope the commission will register all people eligible to vote, without strict conditions to fulfill," he said.
He added that many people in Bali remained unregistered because they did not possess complete data, such as family cards, despite having lived there for a long time.
Besides the inconsistency in the number of voters, the commission also came under fire for not educating the public about the new mechanism for voting.
DPD members urged the commission to be more concerned with this issue because most people in the country were still unaware about how to vote under the new mechanism. The change in the voting procedure means voters may tick, cross or punch their selection on the ballot.
Harun al Rasyid, a DPD member from West Nusa Tenggara, said he was sure the number of people who would abstain from voting would increase drastically due to the lack information about the new voting mechanism.
"People, including the old and less educated, will not vote because of the fear of making a mistake," he said, adding that many people could not read the Latin alphabet. Putu Arta acknowledged the lack of election information throughout Indonesia.
"We just received funds for campaigning in December last year," he said. He added the United Nations Development Program had donated some funds for the KPU to carry out its public awareness drive ahead of the legislative and presidential elections.
He said these funds would be disbursed to all provinces and regencies. "By March, people will know how to vote under the new mechanism," Putu said.
The KPU launched two public service advertisements on five national TV stations Saturday, aimed at raising awareness about the elections, including how to mark the ballot. (naf)
Jakarta Hopes abound within the Golkar Party leadership for a deal with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono not to change the winning team in the July presidential election.
Golkar chief advisor Aburizal Bakrie told reporters during his visit to Yogyakarta the party hoped to see its chairman Jusuf Kalla contesting the election as Yudhoyono's running mate once again.
"Golkar has decided to announce its presidential candidate after the April legislative elections, but my hope is the duo will be maintained," Aburizal said.
Yudhoyono and Kalla won the first direct presidential and vice presidential elections ever in 2004 by a landslide.
Yudhoyono's Democratic Party confirmed at the conclusion of its executive meeting Monday that it would discuss the issue of a running mate for Yudhoyono only after the legislative polls.
Golkar leaders will regroup in Jakarta for a national meeting this weekend, with talks on the presidential election and final preparations for the legislative elections topping the agenda.
Aburizal said the team of Yudhoyono and Kalla remained the "best chemistry" to lead the country in the coming five years.
A number of Golkar stalwarts have aspired for the presidency, including Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X and Gorontalo Governor Fadel Mohammad. Their decision to contest the presidency outside the party mechanism has sparked anger among party leaders.
Kalla has faced mounting pressure to challenge Yudhoyono in the presidential election for the sake of the party's dignity.
In The Hague, Kalla said Golkar would refrain from discussing the issue of the presidential election until after the General Elections Commission (KPU) had unveiled the outcome of the legislative polls.
"Like the Democratic Party, Golkar has so far not decided on its presidential and vice presidential candidates," said Kalla, on the final stop of his 12-day overseas trip.
He was irritated, however, when commenting on Democratic Party deputy chairman Ahmad Mubarok, who had previously played down Golkar's prospects of winning the legislative elections.
"Never dream of seeing Golkar only secure 2.5 percent of the vote in the legislative polls. It will be a nightmare for them," Ahmad said.
Kalla said the party would prove doubters wrong, adding, "We expect for the best. If we work hard, we will win 25 percent of the votes."
Golkar finished first in the 2004 legislative elections with about 20 percent of the vote, followed by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
The Democratic Party, the fifth largest in the 2004 election, has set a target of winning 20 percent of House seats or 25 percent of popular votes in the legislative elections. Achieving the target will allow Yudhoyono to rerun for a second term without having to form a coalition with other parties.
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Agus Maryono, Bandung/Purwokerto The General Elections Commission (KPU) said there is the potential that many votes will rendered invalid if voters mark ballot papers more than once.
Endang Sulastri, from the KPU's Voters Education and Human Resource Development Affairs department said that, based on simulations conducted across the country, the highest level of such ballot errors was found in Banten, where more than 10 percent of valid votes had to be disqualified.
"Markings on two ballots by voters should have been understood as one ballot. This should have been the focus of attention rather than the issue of ticking or punching the ballots," she said in Bandung on Monday.
Endang added that during the transition period from punching to checking of ballots, the KPU had decided to accommodate any kind of marking, including punching, as valid, provided it was done once each in the appropriate locations.
Based on the simulations, Endang said the voting public was already familiar with the checking method set by the KPU. According to Endang, in Papua alone, where literacy is low, only 7 percent of voters still punched the ballots.
"We'll understand the Polling Station Committee (KPPS) members would find other marks during vote counts, such as crosses, dashes and punches, and we will regard them as valid. But this hasn't been familiarized. We see this as a form of legal umbrella so there won't be too many invalid votes. The people are used to it. Don't underestimate the common people," she said.
According to Endang, accepting the various vote markings does not mean the KPU breaches the law, because Article 153 of the Law No. 10/2008 on Elections states that election for members of the House of Representative, Regional Representative Council and President, is to be conducted by marking a ballot once.
Meanwhile in Banyumas, Central Java, two election institutions, the local KPUD and the Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) are at loggerheads over deciding legitimate venues for political party campaigning. This has lead to confusion and anxiety among police and political parties.
The Banyumas KPUD allows all village halls for political campaigns, while the Panwaslu bans them in accordance to the law.
"I'm puzzled. Isn't the election law the same? Why is it implemented differently?" Executive Branch Council Secretary of the Banyuma branch of the National Awakening Party Banyuma Muhsonudin said.
"In Cilacap and Banjarnegara regencies, village halls are banned from campaigns, but they are allowed in Banyumas and Purbalingga. So, which one is right? Isn't there any reference from the headquarters?"
He said on Sunday that if election organizers failed to address the issue, it could spark conflict. "I urge the provincial KPU and Panwaslu to immediately tackle the issue at the four regencies so our party members can arrange our strategies and campaign schedules," Muhsonudin said.
The Banyumas KPUD recently issued a decree allowing village halls to be used for party campaigns. Despite strong protests from the local Panwaslu, as it violates the election law, the KPUD was resolute with its stance and even said it was ready to bring the matter to court.
Jakarta Overwhelmed and unpersuaded by the clutter of campaign ads, many city residents are still undecided about who they will choose in the upcoming general elections.
Rosvianti, a volunteer for a children's rights NGO in Kalimalang, East Jakarta, said she got confused after seeing so many posters promoting different candidates.
"I see hundreds of candidates' posters and banners every day on my commute to the office. I can recall some faces and names, but I don't want to vote for any of them because they only post slogans and pictures, nothing about their programs," Rosvianti told The Jakarta Post.
She advised political parties and legislative candidates to spend more energy meeting with their constituents rather than wasting money on mass publications.
"One political party has its headquarters right by my house, but not one of its council candidates has visited voters in the neighborhood," she said.
"I see most of the candidates have forgotten the public needs more than just a popular face. People want somebody they can trust. How can the public trust someone who appears on campaign posters but takes no real action?"
Dedy Suyatno, 40, a resident of Petogogan subdistrict in South Jakarta, expressed a similar view. "If a candidate says he wants to represent us, the residents, then he has to visit and talk with us regularly to find out what we actually need," Dedy told the Post.
On Monday, more than 1,000 houses in Petogogan were flooded in water that reached 40 to 60 centimeters after heavy downpours drenched the area.
Since the 1980s, floods have plagued Petogogan residents annually, but Dedy, who has been living in the area for more than 20 years, said not a single legislative candidate had come up with a concrete plan to tackle flooding in the city.
"Even several residents who are themselves running for a seat on the council haven't brought up the flood mitigation issue as part of their campaign agenda.
"Maybe they figure that overcoming the floods is a tough proposition," he said. Other residents who have met candidates said they were still uncertain whether they would cast their votes for those candidates or anyone else.
Azis, 29, a shopkeeper in Pancoran Mas, Depok, West Java, said, though he had met with four legislative candidates from different parties, he had trouble remembering any of their programs.
"Last month, those four candidates visited my neighborhood unit to introduce their programs. We haven't seen them since. No one knows where they are now or what they're doing," Azis said.
A political communications expert at the University of Indonesia, Dedy Nur Hidayat, said the use of conventional campaign strategies banners, poster and the like made it difficult for the candidates to grab people's attention amid the many candidates using the same methods.
Dedy said most candidates could not think outside the box and still pinned their hopes on mass publications to boost their images.
"It is true that a widely disseminated publication can help people to recognize them better, but that kind of publication won't automatically produce positive associations with their image, "In this 'chaotic' campaign period, people will easily get overwhelmed by the mountain of campaign materials, and either wind up confused or just start tuning all of it out," he said.
Dedy advised candidates to be more creative in how they put out their messages and start exploiting other strategies, like visiting constituents more often and teaming up with local residents who can arrange meet-and-greets or other events. "A good candidate is a candidate who can bring others on board to campaign for him," Dedy said. (hwa)
Jakarta Many political parties contesting the April 9 elections have wasted the power of the Internet to reach out to a wider range of voters, a study shows.
The survey, conducted by the Indonesian Society for Civilized Elections (ISCEL), reveals that of the 38 parties contesting the polls, only three currently make full use of the Internet for campaigning, while the rest have either ignored it or still rely on the old-fashioned use of print media and outdoor advertisements.
ISCEL said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party was the only contender that consistently publicized its campaign activities through its website. Major rivals such as the Golkar Party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the United Development Party (PPP) have set up websites, but rarely update them.
ISCEL researcher Ari Juliano Gema said Sunday the findings were quite a surprise. He said that in the information era, political parties should benefit from the Internet to convey their platforms in an effective way, especially among younger Internet-savvy voters.
"People, particular young voters, spend many hours each day on the Internet to get as much current information as possible," he said.
He lamented the fact that many parties had failed to learn from US President Barack Obama, who posted an historic win, thanks in part to the Internet.
Another ISCEL researcher, Budi Purwanto Henricus, said the Internet was the cheapest and easiest way to promote a party, but could deliver up victory, with the information not constrained by geopolitical boundaries.
"I don't know if they can't keep up with technology, but we feel most of the parties don't care that the Internet is important for their voters," he said.
The survey was conducted to see how the parties made effective use of Internet technology, including presenting complete information about the party to people, especially voters. Recent estimates put the number of Internet users in Indonesia at more than 25 million.
The study found most political parties had set up websites, but only a few of them provided information the public badly needed. "Surprisingly, the PDI-P's website is still difficult to access, even now," Ari said.
ISCEL also criticized the parties for failing to provide complete information about their legislative candidates.
"Last January, we sent letters to all the party leaders, asking them to provide complete information about their candidates, especially their education, their affiliated organizations and their platforms," Ari said.
He insisted voters would need such information before they decided on who to vote for. "Of course they have made public their platform through various media, including television. Unfortunately, that information is only about parties, with nothing about legislative candidates," he said. (naf)
Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta The General Elections Commission (KPU) will on Tuesday begin distributing ballots for the legislative election, despite protests from political parties.
"We plan to begin the distribution (of ballots) on Tuesday for Papua, West Papua and West Nusa Tenggara provinces," KPU member Endang Sulatri said after a meeting Saturday with political parties for final validation of the ballots.
She said the ballots would be printed on Sunday before being sent the three remote provinces, two months ahead of election day on April 9.
The KPU, Endang added, was optimistic about completing all the election stages during the 62 days left before the polls.
At the meeting attended by representatives from 33 of 38 political parties eligible to contest the elections, protests were raised after the discovery of several "flaws" in the sample printouts of ballots.
"The background color of our party's logo is not this green," said Reform Star Party (PBR) representative Bambang Budiono.
"This (print) makes it look similar to the backgrounds of the United Development Party's (PPP) and the National Awakening Party's (PKB) logos."
He added the PBR would be upset if the commission did not fix the ballots before sending them to printing companies.
Similar protests were lodged by Idrus Marham from the Golkar Party and Idayani Oesman from the New Indonesia Party of Struggle (PPIB), who complained about the different font sizes used for candidates' names.
"How come some names look bigger than others? This could create the impression that the one with a bigger font is the candidate the voters should choose," Idrus said.
Idayani said the different font sizes would "psychologically influence" voters to choose candidates whose names were printed in a larger font.
"This will be unfavorable to other candidates whose names happen to be printed smaller," she added. The PKB's Zainul Munasikin also expressed objections over the printing of his party's logo on the ballots. "The stars are unclear; we can barely see the stars, which are our strength," he complained.
KPU member Andi Nurapati said that Saturday was the last chance for all the parties to make corrections to their logos on the ballots before they were printed and multiplied.
"If (party representatives) do not come tonight, the KPU will not be held responsible for any more mistakes relating to party logos on the ballots," she warned, adding that after the Saturday deadline, any errors on the ballots would be the responsibility of the printing companies.
However, she went on, the KPU had already established a team to monitor the printing process.
Commenting on the absence of Elections Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) members at Saturday's event, Andi said it would not have a significant effect on the whole election process. "It's alright, the most important thing is the presence of representatives from the political parties," he said.
Ambon One year after the establishment of the Great Indonesia Movement Party, or Gerindra, the party is already claiming 10 million members and has high hopes for adding another five million before the month's end, the party said over the weekend.
Taslim Aziz, Gerindra's deputy secretary general, said his party had already issued its 1-millionth ID card. "Now we just want to add another five million members, and we've set the end of February as a deadline," he said.
Taslim said Prabowo Subianto, the former Army special forces chief and onetime son-in-law of former President Suharto, was now Gerindra's undisputed candidate for president.
The party has not yet decided on the possibility of merging with other parties, Taslim said, but instead was concentrating on increasing members and supporters in a bid to win 25 percent of the House of Representatives' seats in the April 9 legislative elections.
Achieving the threshold would qualify it to formally nominate a candidate for the July presidential election.
Taslim said he was optimistic Gerindra would hit the 25 percent mark based on the party's popularity at the village level. "We have mapped out a strategy to the level of polling stations to enable us to maintain our strength to nominate Prabowo," he said.
Jakarta/Bandung Vice President Jusuf Kalla has rejected growing calls for his Golkar Party to discuss presidential candidates during its national meeting this week.
His statement comes as party stalwart Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X continues to seek the party's support for his presidential bid.
Hamengkubuwono, the governor of Yogyakarta, has been touted as a vice presidential hopeful for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), but says he has not decided on a "political vehicle" to use in his contestation of the presidential poll.
"Not yet, it will be Golkar," he said Saturday in Bandung when asked about the party he would run with.
On a visit to Belgium, Kalla warned Hamengkubuwono and other possible presidential hopefuls against soliciting support from Golkar during the forum, scheduled for Feb. 12-15, 2009.
"They cannot use Golkar. But it is no problem if they contest the presidential election [with support from other parties]. And this will not affect Golkar's votes in the legislative election, because the president is not elected then," Kalla said Friday night at the Indonesian Embassy in Brussels.
He added Golkar would not discuss the issue of its presidential candidate during the party's upcoming national meeting.
"Every six months, Golkar holds a national coordination meeting to discuss the party's preparations for the legislative elections. So the presidential election is not on the agenda," he said.
Last week, Golkar deputy chairman Agung Laksono and several other senior party officials said the coordination meeting would likely touch on the subject of a presidential candidate from the party.
The Yogyakarta governor said he would not resign from Golkar should he contest the election on the ticket of another party.
"Why should I resign? That's just a call by jealous people," he said. With so many Golkar stalwarts already nominated by other parties to contest regional elections, Hamengkubuwono pointed out, none had been dismissed from Golkar.
For this year's election, Golkar members have challenged Kalla to declare his bid for the presidency. However, the vice president has hinted he would run again as Yudhoyono's number two.
"Do not belittle Golkar, because its members have great potential to win the presidential election this year. But why is the party chairman content with only being Yudhoyono's running mate?" said Golkar legislator Yuddy Chrisnandi.
He added Yudhoyono's camp was at present considering an alternative running mate besides Kalla. Therefore, he warned, Golkar should anticipate a possible break-up of the Yudhoyono- Kalla team and immediately nominate its chairman for the presidency.
[Yuli Tri Suwarni contributed to this report from Bandung.]
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has declined to announce his running mate for the upcoming presidential election, sparking speculation that he wants to keep his options open rather than limiting himself to Vice President and Golkar Chairman Jusuf Kalla.
During the opening of his Democratic Party's national meeting in Jakarta on Saturday, Yudhoyono told his supporters that the party should be very careful in naming vice presidential candidates for him. "I ask the party not to name a candidate for vice president. Don't give [them] hope, it is not good," he said.
The president insisted that the Democratic party would announce its vice president candidates after the legislative elections were held on April 9. The presidential election is slated for July 8.
Atte Suganda, a senior member of the Democratic Party hinted that Yudhoyono has not decided who will accompany him in the upcoming election.
"The President is a polite politician, he does not want to hurt any body. As far as I know, he has not named Kalla as his candidate yet," Atte, who is also senior lawmaker of the party, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.
Political experts were quick to suggested that Yudhoyono's delay in naming Kalla as his running mate shows that he intends to break with Golkar if the Democratic Party secures 20 percent of seats in the House of Representatives elections.
"The decision leaves both Kalla and Golkar hanging in the balance ahead of the elections and weakens their bargaining power against Yudhoyono," Mohammad Qodari, executive director of polling firm Indo Barometer said Sunday "The delay also shows Yudhoyono is still in doubt about running with Kalla."
The Democratic Party, the fifth-largest in the 2004 election, opened its two-day national meeting on Sunday with the main agenda being how to win 20 percent of seats or 25 percent popular votes in legislative elections. Achieving the target will allow Yudhoyono to rerun for a second term without having to form a coalition with other parties.
While the Democratic Party only garnered seven percent of the votes in the 2004 legislative election, a series of recent surveys indicates that it can win the election.
Kalla has hinted that he will retain his allegiance with Yudhoyono, with many members of Golkar's central board having expressed their support for the continuation of the Yudhoyono- Kalla partnership.
However, rebellion against Kalla looms large, with the rise of Sultan Hamengkubowono X as Golkar's most promising candidate and demands from many regional factions to nominate one of its own.
Qodari said Yudhoyono would likely opt for a technocrat as a running mate if the Democratic party secures the minimum 20 percent of votes in the legislative elections.
"It is very likely development, to smooth his second term," he said. Sri is currently the coordinating minister for the economy.
"But if the Democratic Party gets less than 20 percent, it will form a coalition with the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and pick Hidayat Nur Wahid," he said.
Democratic Party elites have said that Yudhoyono had made too many compromises with Kalla and Golkar.
Kalla's moves, that often challenge Yudhoyono, have also aggravated the president. Syamsuddin Haris of the Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI) said that the delay was not good for Golkar.
"Like it or not, Golkar should name its candidate for the presidential post as soon as possible. Otherwise, Golkar's position against Yudhoyono will continue to weaken."
Andrinof Chaniago, a political expert from the University of Indonesia, backed up the sentiments, "Yudhoyono can take his time to find a vice presidential candidate other than Kalla," he said.
By selecting a younger vice presidential figure Yudhoyono would showing the public that he is grooming a presidential candidate for 2014 election.
Markus Junianto Sihaloho Members of the Indonesian military, or TNI, should be given exceptional treatment under the law when suspected of civilian crimes, a senior officer argued on Friday during the deliberation of a long-debated military tribunal bill.
Air Vice Marshall Sagom Tamboen, a TNI spokesman, urged members of the House of Representatives, or DPR, deliberating the bill to endorse a proposal that servicemen suspected of a civilian crime be questioned by military police, instead of civilian police, as some lawmakers have demanded.
"It is not a privilege, but I think the state should give different legal treatment to citizens who have special tasks," said Sagom, adding that the military differed from ordinary people as they had to be willing to sacrifice their lives for the country in a war.
Sagom was reacting to a stalemate in the deliberation of the military tribunal bill over the point of who should question military personnel when they stood accused of a civilian crime.
The Indonesian Democracy Party of Struggle, or PDI-P; the National Mandate Party, or PAN; the United Development Party, or PPP, and National Awakening Party, or PKB, factions have insisted that all civilian crimes, including those committed by TNI members, be investigated by civilian police.
The government and military leaders insist that TNI members be questioned by military police, as is the practice now, with Golkar; the Democrat Party; the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS; Prosperous Peace Party, or PDS; and Democratic Vanguard Star, or PPD, factions all supporting the status quo.
Sagom said military police were tasked with investigating all crimes committed by soldiers, including civilian crimes. "They should also consider that many soldiers, especially from lower ranks, are not yet ready to be questioned by police officers," Sagom said.
During a hearing of House Commission I, which oversees military and security affairs, lawmakers deliberating the bill agreed to put the issue to a vote in a House plenary meeting.
"It's very likely that the issue will be resolved through a voting in a House plenary meeting," said Andreas Hugo Pareira, chairman of the House special commission deliberating the bill.
Andreas said earlier that all House factions in the commission agreed to endorse the bill before their tenure ends in August.
Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono, who represented the government in the deliberations, said he would not force the House to conclude the bill's deliberation as soon as possible. "We are ready to wait for the House to make a decision [on the deadlock]," he said on Thursday.
The military tribunal bill was supposed to be part of efforts to reform the military by placing it on an equal footing with civilians.
The bill also proposes that soldiers accused of criminal offences be tried in civilian courts, which often hand down tougher sentences compared to military courts. While agreeing to subject military members to civilian courts, the government and the military have insisted that military police would investigate military personnel accused of committing a civilian crime.
Legislators began working on the bill four years ago. In 2006, a year-long impasse between the special committee and the Defense Ministry forced President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to issue a statement saying his administration supported the bill's basic principles.
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Hopes abound for Indonesia to further boost ties with the US under President Barack Obama, with the upcoming visit of his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton indicating positive signals.
US Ambassador to Indonesia Cameron R. Hume said Washington was in a "good mood" over its future relationship with Jakarta, and the new US administration under President Obama was now paying close attention to Indonesia, where he spent part of his childhood.
"US Ambassador Cameron Hume met the President and explained the results of his trip home. He just came back here, explaining the mood in Washington and the close attention that Barack Obama's administration is paying to Indonesia," Indonesian presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal said after a briefing meeting between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Ambassador Hume on Friday.
"President (Yudhoyono) says in return he hopes Indonesia and the United States can maintain and develop our good relationship."
Obama's "unique" link with Indonesia would help the two countries improve their ties, Dino said. According to Dino, the meeting also discussed the visit of Clinton to Indonesia next week.
Clinton's arrival must be seen as an opportunity to discuss issues developing at regional and international level, the meeting concluded.
In her maiden overseas trip as Secretary of State, Clinton is scheduled to visit four countries in Asia: Japan, Indonesia, South Korea and China, a visit of eight days in total.
The visit to Indonesia is scheduled for Feb. 18-19 after her visit to Japan. From Indonesia Clinton will fly to South Korea and finally China.
Dino said Clinton's choice to visit Indonesia after Japan showed that the new US leadership was paying attention to Indonesia, attributable to Indonesia's increasingly important role in the global economy.
He said the emerging role in the world economy was most evident through Indonesia's inclusion in the G-20 group of countries. "Clinton's distinctive itinerary visiting Indonesia after Japan shows the signals. I think her visit reflects Indonesia's position at the international level; that we are getting established," Dino said.
Dino said Indonesia would take the opportunity to develop its "free-active" diplomacy, while persistently maintaing the country's national interests.
He refused to provide details of the topics that Yudhoyono would discuss with Clinton in their meeting next week. "Cooperation in education and cience and technology fields would surely be discussed," he said.
To follow up to the talks between Vice President Jusuf Kalla and his US counterpart Joe Biden in Washington last week, Yudhoyono would likely discuss issues arising from the Palestinian-Israeli conflict with Clinton next week, he added.
Ties between Indonesia and the US have fluctuated. Washington had previously slapped an arms embargo on Jakarta over alleged past human rights violations involving the Indonesian Military.
However, international efforts against terrorism, led by the US, have helped rejuvenate the relationship between the two democracies.
Yayat Supriatna, Jakarta Indonesia's trade minister said on Saturday export volumes for non-oil and gas are set to fall 20-30 percent this year from 2008 as global trade slows, dealing a blow to Southeast Asia's biggest economy in an election year.
Earlier this month, Trade Minister Mari Pangestu said Indonesia's non-oil and gas export growth target had been revised to below 4.3 percent for 2009. On Saturday she told reporters the outlook was worse.
"Based on container flow for January-February, exports volume this year may decline by between 20 to 30 percent. Non-oil and gas exports are expected to fall," Pangestu said.
She added that exports of automotive products and electronics would be worst hit.
Car exports through the Jakarta International Container Terminal, the country's largest shipping terminal, fell to 9,391 units in January, from 13,000 units in December 2008, Pangestu said, representing a decline of about 27 percent.
Earlier this week, Pangestu said that growth in total exports would slow to just 1-2.5 percent this year, from about 20 percent in 2008. The government had previously forecast total exports would grow 5 percent in 2009.
The government has proposed a 71.3 trillion rupiah ($6.1 billion) fiscal stimulus package to counter the effects of a global economic slowdown, and expects economic growth to slow to between 4 and 5 percent, from an estimated 6.2 percent in 2008.
While Indonesia's economy is less dependent on exports than some other Asian countries, millions of Indonesians are employed in export-related sectors and the prospect of big job losses is a concern for the government ahead of the April 9 general election and July 8 presidential election.
Indonesian exports include palm oil, tin, coal, copper, and rubber, and prices for many of these commodities have slumped.
Earlier this month, Indonesia reported that exports fell 20.6 percent to $8.69 billion in December from a year ago, the biggest drop in seven years.
Economists expect the central bank, Bank Indonesia, to continue its monetary easing cycle this year to try to boost economic growth.
Indonesia's central bank cut its key interest rate by 50 basis points to 8.25 percent in February, the third cut in three months, and indicated it may cut rates again to support growth.
Jakarta Indonesian consumer confidence rose slightly in January, helped by expectations of easing inflation in Southeast Asia's biggest economy after a series of cuts in subsidised fuel prices, two surveys showed.
Indonesia's annual inflation in January eased to 9.17 percent from 11.06 percent in December, lower than expectations, and the lowest rate since April last year when it reached 8.96 percent.
The government has cut subsidised fuel price three times in the last two months, bringing the price of subsidised gasoline down by 25 percent in total and diesel by 18 percent.
"Consumers take the view that inflationary pressures will abate in the six months ahead," the state-owned Danareksa Research Institute said in a survey.
The central bank said in a report early this week that the annual inflation rate was expected to continue easing until the first half of 2010 amid slower domestic demand.
Bank Indonesia's survey of 4,600 households in 18 cities across Indonesia, released on its website (www.bi.go.id) released on Wednesday, showed that the consumer confidence index rose slightly to 92.8 in January from a reading of 90.6 in December.
A separate survey by Danareksa Research Institute also showed improving sentiment, with the index rising to 80.8 in January after tumbling to 78.6 in December last year.
For both surveys, a reading of below 100 still means more consumers are pessimistic than optimistic. The last time the index was above 100 was in November 2007 for the central bank survey, and in February 2005 for the Danareksa survey.
The central bank has cut its key interest rate three times since December, bringing rates down by a total of 125 basis points to 8.25 in January and has indicated it may cut rates again in a bid to support growth.
The government has proposed a stimulus package worth 71.3 trillion rupiah ($6.05 billion) including tax incentives for companies and individuals, cuts in fuel and electricity prices, and infrastructure spending to sustain growth.
Jakarta Sales of new cars, vans and trucks declined in January on the slowdown in economic growth which dampened local purchasing power.
According to data from PT Toyota Astra Motor and the Indonesian Automotive Industry Association (Gaikindo) auto sales dipped 24 percent to 32,167 units compared to 42,489 in the same period of last year.
Toyota. with its Avanza van, secured around 39,7 percent of market share, up from 32.3 percent a year earlier.
"This early part of the year performance is satisfactory given the current unstable economic conditions," said Toyota-Astra president director Johnny Darmawan.
Gaikindo forecasts sales of cars, trucks and vans will decline by 32 percent to around 405,000 units this year from 603,774 last year as the full impact of the global economic downturn hits Southeast Asia's largest economy.
About 80 percent of Indonesian car, van and truck sales are for vehicles from Japanese manufacturers.
Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati forecasts that the economy will grow this year by between 4.7 and 5.5 percent, at the most.
The automotive industry is forecast to be hit hard by weakening demand, with Gaikindo chairman Bambang Trisulo having said earlier that the economy had to grow by 5 percent and inflation had to stay below 8 percent if sales were to reach the median target of 400,000 units.
Bank Indonesia (BI) has been slashing its benchmark interest rates to boost consumer purchasing power, which normally propels more than 70 percent of the economy. BI recently cut its benchmark interest rate by 50 basis points to 8.25 percent, earlier this month.
Industry players, however, believed BI's move would not have a considerable impact until the second semester of this year when purchasing power recovery is expected to start to pick up.
More than 80 percent of Indonesian consumers purchase motor vehicles through financing firms, with most of these clients now believed to be facing some difficulties in paying monthly instalments on time.
Shares of PT Astra International, the country's largest auto assembler and distributor, dropped by 6 percent on Wednesday's trading down to Rp 10,900 from Rp 11,650. Astra's closest rival PT Indomobil Sukses International ended unchanged at Rp 1,200.
Last year, automotive companies aggressively expanded to commodity-rich areas outside Java to profit from the commodity boom. But as the global prices of commodities plunged towards the end of last year, business turned down as well.
Jakarta The Infrastructure Fund which would provide alternative financing for development projects may be up and running as early as March.
The World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) will contribute around Rp 2 trillion (US$170 million) to help fund the country's infrastructural development, which would be placed with the new Infrastructure Fund.
Finance Ministry housing development assistant deputy Wahyu Utomo said Tuesday the government was currently developing a new financial institution called the Infrastructure Fund, which would be the beneficiary.
"The Infrastructure Fund will be finalized by the end of February and will begin in full operation in the first semester of 2009," he said after delivering a speech in a ministry seminar on Infrastructure Development Acceleration During the Global Crisis, in Jakarta.
He said the ministry had already allocated Rp 1 trillion from the state budget for the new institution while another 2 trillion would be received from the World Bank and the ADB.
"In total we will have around Rp 3 trillion for the Infrastructure Fund, but there is a possibility that we can allocate up to Rp 4 trillion for the fund," he said.
The aim of the Infrastructure Fund, according to him, was to provide the nation with an alternative source of funds for business development for infrastructure.
"Nowadays it is very hard for the national banks to provide loans for infrastructural development and most bank loans are short term. But with the Infrastructure Fund, there is an alternative for long term loans and hopefully this will make things easier for investors," Utomo said.
However, even with the aid of the World Bank and ADB, the available fund is still far lower than the country's target for the Infrastructure Fund in the next five years. The country estimated a need of around Rp 20 trillion for the Infrastucture Fund during that period.
"Learning from India, we can use the Infrastructure Fund to attract the private sector to take part in the institution and in the end to reach the targeted budget," Utomo said.
The government is intensifying its infrastructure projects this year, and beyond, in part to help stimulate an economy hampered by the global economic slowdown.
In a broader context, the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas) estimated the need for investment in infrastructure development for the next five years would be around Rp 1,429 trillion.
On the other hand, the government capacity to finance is only a mere Rp 451 trillion, or about 31 percent of the needed investment.
Bappenas deputy chairman for infrastructure Dedy Priatna, who also gave a presentation in the seminar, said the government would try to cover the gap of Rp 978 trillion by proposing public private partnership (PPP) programs to investors.
"But Bappenas also estimated that with the current conditions, the total investment that can be gathered through PPP would only be around Rp 365 trillion," Priatna said.
Priatna said that investors were reluctant to take part in the program because of lack of consistency in regulations as well as the country's uncertain conditions in both the political and security sectors.
"That is why we need to focus on how to improve our regulations, institutions, and security and provide investors more access to funding sources," he said.
Bappenas recently submitted a proposal on the revision of a presidential regulation to the Finance Ministry. The revision proposes a clause to allow a bid to go ahead even if it has fewer than three participants, while also allowing transfer of tender winners' awards under certain circumstances. Both are prohibited under the existing presidential regulations.
The latest development on the revision revealed that the Finance Ministry proposed a compensation system called the Swiss Challenge in compensating investors.
"Swiss Challenge is like this, when an investor proposes a tender on a project at a price, others are able to challenge with a more competitive price," Priatna explained.
Dedy said both the Finance Ministry and Bappenas hoped the revision would be completed as soon as possible. (hdt)
Fitri Wulandari and Yayat Supriatna, Jakarta Indonesia's export growth is expected to slow sharply this year amid the global downturn, the trade minister warned on Tuesday, delivering a further blow to Southeast Asia's biggest economy during an election year.
Trade Minister Mari Pangestu said growth in total exports will slow to just 1-2.5 percent this year, from about 20 percent in 2008. The government had previously forecast total exports would grow 5 percent in 2009.
The government has already proposed a 71.3 trillion rupiah ($6.12 billion) fiscal stimulus package to counter the effects of a global economic slowdown, and expects economic growth to slow to between 4 and 5 percent, from an estimated 6.2 percent in 2008.
But economists said it may need to do more to help the export sector.
While Indonesia's economy is less dependent on exports than some other Asian countries, millions of Indonesians are employed in export-related sectors and the spectre of big job losses is a major concern for the government ahead of the April 9 general election and July 8 presidential election.
Key Indonesian exports include palm oil, tin, coal, copper, and rubber, and prices for many of these commodities have slumped because of weaker global demand.
Industry data on Tuesday showed that cocoa bean exports from Indonesia's main cocoa-producing island of Sulawesi plunged 47.9 percent in January from a year ago.
"The main problem is the fall in global demand. The government can give its stimulus by providing export guarantees," so that exporters have more certainty of being paid for goods delivered, said Juniman, an economist at lender BII.
Earlier this month, Indonesia reported that exports plunged 20.6 percent to $8.69 billion in December from a year ago, the biggest fall in seven years.
"Almost all countries are projecting contractions in their export growth this year," Pangestu told a news conference, adding that while Indonesia's total exports would rise only slightly, import growth would also slow to a similar level.
Economists expect the central bank, Bank Indonesia, to continue its monetary easing cycle this year in an attempt to boost economic growth in the face of weaker exports.
"As exports slow down, export revenue will automatically fall. So interest rates should come down further, although banks may reduce lending as they need some sort of buffer" amid market uncertainty, said Helmi Arman, an economist at Bank Danamon.
Indonesia's central bank cut its key interest rate by 50 basis points to 8.25 percent in February, the third cut in three months, and indicated it may cut rates again to support growth.
Jakarta Soaring loan defaults in some economic sectors has raised questions over the severity of the impact of the global economic crisis on Indonesia.
While Bank Indonesia insists that last year's nonperforming loans (NPL) were still manageable at 4 percent less than the BI tolerance level of 5 percent foreign-exchange commercial banks were the hardest hit by bad loans.
According to the newly released Indonesian Bank Statistics, total bad loans held by the commercial banks jumped by 35 percent to Rp 14.3 trillion (US$1.24 billion) in 2008, up from Rp 10.6 trillion in 2007.
Banks under this category include, among others, Bank Central Asia (BCA), Bank Danamon, Bank CIMB Niaga, Bank Panin, Bank Internasional Indonesia (BII) and Bank Permata.
Businesses in the transportation, cargo storage and communications sector were the hardest hit, booking a more than twofold increase to Rp 1.04 trillion from Rp 431 billion, according to the report. Other sectors suffering a downturn in business included construction, business services, trade and manufacturing.
"The overall increase in last year's NPL was mainly contributed to by the foreign-exchange commercial banks," Anton Gunawan, Bank Danamon chief economist, said Monday. "There were significant increases in the [transportation, cargo storage and communications] sector from March to April, and again in November to December last year."
The report showed most business sectors under the foreign- exchange banks had suffered from the increase in bad loans since the fourth quarter of last year, soon after the US-led financial crisis swept through much of the global economy.
Analysts said the foreign-exchange commercial banks suffered the most because they were heavily exposed to global trade flows and currency exchange fluctuations. "The foreign-exchange banks are bigger in terms of corporate activities, so it's common sense for them to suffer heavier losses," said Danareksa chief economist Purbaya Sadewa.
While Indonesia has yet to feel the full pinch of the crisis, the 2008 NPL figure has already shown, at least, the magnitude of the problem the country may face in the near future. BI forecast NPL level to reach 5 percent this year with more companies suffering from difficulties to repay their debts.
Purbaya urged BI and the go-vernment to act swiftly to deal with the situation, by immediately disbursing the pledged economic stimulus and lowering the interest rate.
The banking report also showed the overall NPL of the banking sector rose by only 0.2 percent to Rp 41. 87 trillion last year, up from Rp 40.77 trillion in 2007. The ease in the bad loans were attributable to the NPL decline in state banks to Rp 17.6 trillion from Rp 23.1 trillion a year earlier.
Wholly owned foreign banks recorded a jump of more than double in bad loans for the manufacturing sector last year, to Rp 2.25 trillion from Rp 943 billion, according to the report.
Aceh and North Maluku provinces experienced the highest jump in bad loans last year, up by more than 100 percent. The two provinces' economies depend heavily on consumption, with minimal agricultural and industrial production centers. (fmb)
Anita Barraud Democracy in Indonesia is fragile and the economy struggling. In a nation of 240 million, half the population live on less than $2 a day. Indonesia has the lowest standards of education in the region and one of the highest rates of corruption.
The dangers of shadowy terrorist cells still exist. Some Islamic boarding schools teach extremist ideology, there are continued abuses by a still powerful military, elites from the old authoritarian regime still influence the political, business and legal landscape. Nepotism, collusion and money politics are entrenched. So many challenges; so many issues to explore.
While waiting at Denpasar airport in Bali, I meet a young man from Flores, an island off the coast of West Timor. We chat and I tell him my brief: four radio programs exploring Indonesia's transition to democracy.
He laughs. "Indonesia has had democracy for just over 10 years. There are countries that have had it for 150 years and still haven't got it right," he says.
He has a point. Since 1998, Indonesia has transformed. There are now more than 30 political parties, a robust anti-corruption drive and the military, officially at least, is banned from political influence. The conservative Islamic parties have suspended campaigns for the introduction of shariah law. The two main Muslim organisations are stressing a just and prosperous nation rather than an Islamic state.
In little more than a decade, Indonesia has guaranteed freedom of the press, expression and association, and has signed all the major UN conventions on human rights and disability and mandated sexual equality, aiming for 30 per cent female representation in all government administrations.
East Timor gained its independence and Aceh achieved special autonomy status. Open a newspaper in Indonesia, watch afternoon talk shows on television and you'll find vigorous discussion and criticism, even ribald satire, on issues that rival any in a Western democracy.
It's a far cry from the stifled, often brutal repression of more than three decades under the Suharto New Order era, and a remarkable achievement for any nation, let alone one that contains as many ethnic groups, languages and traditions as there are days of the year.
The average age in Indonesia is 27. This year 180 million people are eligible to vote in the parliamentary and presidential elections. At least half will barely remember the Suharto era and 13 per cent will be first-time voters. So, in a nation of youth in a young democracy, why do political billboards and banners across the archipelago feature wrinkly faces from the old regime? Where are the open-faced, bright young leaders?
Most of the presidential candidates played a role in the authoritarian regime, including a former head of the Special Forces Unit who is related by marriage to the Suharto family, a retired general, as well as the incumbent, who was a high-ranking military official. Former military, police, business moguls and members of wealthy or well-connected families are prominent in the many new parties as well as in the more established cadres.
In Jakarta, I talk to analysts, politicians, students, artists and activists, as well as people in the streets. At Paramadina University in south Jakarta, established in 1998 to promote modern Islamic values, Anies Baswedan is a Muslim intellectual who, at 38, is the youngest head of a university. He was voted one of the top 100 intellectuals by US-based Foreign Policy magazine last year.
Baswedan provides one obvious reason as to the lack of fresh faces in post-Suharto politics. "In 1997 and '98, the student movement led the demonstrations against Suharto, at the time most of us were in our late teens or early 20s, now we are still only in our 30s, so by most standards we are not in a position yet to become leaders."
But, he adds, it's true that to get into politics in Indonesia you need money and connections. "Money, politics, collusion and nepotism are still part of the political fabric and it will take time for that to change," says Anies.
Some students sit in the shade of a tree eating dried noodles and chips, and texting friends. While the 19-year-olds are more excited about Barack Obama than local politics, they are keen to participate in the April elections. One student had already made his mark in a local district poll. He was disappointed his candidate was not elected but shrugged and said, "next time".
Throughout my journey, from the northern tip of Sumatra to the East Timor border, even in the poorest regions, Indonesians are largely positive about the transition to democracy, despite a failure to deliver economic stability to more than half the population.
Whether eating steamed cassava with subsistence farmers in West Timor, drinking the famous thick Acehenese coffee in northeast Bireuen district with teachers at their newly built primary schools, or talking to young artists at a noisy gallery in south Jakarta, I found a real pride, optimism and engagement with the political process.
It's reflected in past voter turnout figures, surely one of the best in the democratic world, apart from Australia, where voting is compulsory.
The 1999 and 2004 national elections in Indonesia attracted between 75 and 93 per cent participation and an average 70 per cent took part in direct elections for local district heads.
This is extraordinary. The US presidential elections in 2008 attracted less than 60 per cent voter turnout, despite the excitement surrounding its first black major-party nominee.
Across the 17,500 islands (about 6000 of them inhabited) that straddle the equator from the edge of the Malay Peninsula to just north of the Gulf of Carpentaria, elections are a part of the local as well as national conversation. With more than 30 provinces as well as regencies, subdistricts and village polls, Indonesians are on a fast-track learning curve of the electoral process.
Baswedan is also a government adviser on decentralisation and regional autonomy. "Provincial heads, district leaders or bupatis are now answerable to their local constituents, not central government," he says.
Through the archipelago, a common complaint is that democratisation has created "little kings", local rulers pushing their own business or political interests.
There are revelations of corrupt practices, poll-fixing allegations and stories of mayors, village and district heads building palaces, employing their own shoe polishers or imposing civil shariah laws to force schoolgirls and female office workers to wear the veil.
Anies agrees the claims that devolving power to the regions and districts has to some extent decentralised corruption.
"It is true," he says. "But the local level now has to understand you have to deliver prosperity, jobs, houses, education, and if it is not happening, every five years the community can vote for change. If you see a local Bupati building a big house, it's pretty obvious that person won't last."
He says in more than 450 local elections since decentralisation was adopted in 2004, less than 30 per cent of members have been re-elected.
There are also complaints that local autonomy has added layers of fees and taxes, contributing to Indonesia's reputation as one of the hardest nations to do business in.
One of the younger generation of politicians and a woman, Indonesian Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, agrees that decentralisation has created problems. "It has created an additional challenge to us, but if we're serious about democracy we have to give power back to the people... it demands more time but it is manageable."
Indrawati believes Indonesia is poised to dominate the Association of South-East Asian Nations. "Indonesia is unique... all these countries think that a Muslim country cannot reconcile with democracy, but we did. This country has a lot of potential," she says.
The minister says districts are quickly learning that to attract investment they must provide efficient and transparent administrative practices.
Baswedan adds that media, business and activist groups are becoming vigilant in exposing bad or corrosive practices. It is here he believes that former student activists as well as young entrepreneurs are making their mark.
In central Jakarta, I walk around the crowded shopping strip of Jalan Sabang where stallholders are selling DVDs and mobile phones, and food vendors jostle for custom.
Reza, who has worked his food stall on this street for more than 40 years, deftly flips serabi, a cone-shaped rice flour and coconut pancake, and fills it with papaya custard.
Reza says despite being worse off financially he is happy in this new democratic era. During Suharto's New Order he didn't bother to vote. He remembers it as a time of prosperity and security but, he adds, no one really knew how much debt there was. "We didn't realise the level of corruption and money politics then," he says.
In 1997 during the Asian financial crisis Indonesia's banking system almost collapsed and the economy contracted by 14per cent. It's still in recovery. Suharto's handling of the crisis was one of the factors that led to his resignation and Indonesia's transition to a liberal democracy.
Reza celebrates the daily exposes of corruption, a sign, he says, of the dirty washing hanging out to dry. "Now we have a free media we know what's going on," he says.
At a funky art cafe in central Jakarta, some students show me the latest thing in cool mobile phone ringtones. It's a scratchy phone tap that was used to convict a former deputy attorney- general for his role in a financial scam during the Asian economic crisis. "Hear how bad they are, and we got them," they say with relish.
The students and Reza believe democracy is not fragile or struggling. While there's little expectation of dramatic changes following this year's elections, especially in the present global economic crisis, they are looking towards a new reformasi era.
Their greatest excitement is for 2014, the next elections, when present leaders and candidates will have run out of opportunities and many civil servants blocking reform agendas will have retired. They believe that five years from now Indonesia will not just have a young population but a youthful political face, as a new wave of leaders emerge.
[The first of a joint ABC-BBC four-part series on the elections, produced and presented by Anita Barraud, will go to air today at 2pm on ABC Radio National's new features and documentaries program, 360. It will be repeated on Wednesday at 1pm. Episodes on Aceh, West Timor and Bali will go to air on the following three Saturdays.]
David Greising, Tanjung Priok Port Indonesia-Customs officer Tiko Murtiadji is no economist, but as he watches a truck-size X-ray machine inspect a cargo load of car tires here, he knows evidence of the global economic slowdown is standing just outside his window.
"Before the crisis, we had four or five stories of containers stacked up there," Murtiadji said, pointing to the huge metal boxes with the names of Chinese, Korean and only a sprinkling of American shipping companies painted on them. "Now they're only two or three high."
When Hillary Clinton visits Indonesia next week during her first overseas trip as secretary of state, she will drive past other signs of trouble on her way from the airport to downtown Jakarta, the capital city.
Near the airport, hundreds of migrant workers cast about, evicted from Malaysia and other countries where palm oil plantations and parts factories are gearing down. As Clinton passes through Jakarta's business district, she might spot a few buildings that remain unfinished a decade after the Asian financial crisis ended in 1999. Today, real estate developers are putting a new cohort of projects on hold.
Indonesia could emerge this year as test case for the growing debate over whether the full-fledged embrace of globalization- encouraged by the US and other major economies for at least a quarter-century-has damaged the economies of several less- developed countries.
Indonesia is fairly well set, the thinking goes, because it focused on developing its domestic economy in parallel with its export sector. Other regional powerhouses such as Singapore and Malaysia focused almost exclusively on exports. The value of exports from those two countries nearly doubles their actual domestic production, while Indonesia's exports amount to only 25 percent of its gross domestic product.
Will Indonesia be insulated from the global crisis? Not quite. Private forecasts put the country's growth considerably below the nearly 5 percent target set by Indonesia's government. But even growth in the consensus of about 3 percent would put Indonesia ahead of trade-heavy Singapore, which could see its economy decline 1 percent this year.
Malaysia, meanwhile, has laid plans to send 100,000 Indonesian migrant workers back home, as palm oil plantations and export- based manufacturers cut operations. Malaysia's economy is expected to grow only about 1 percent this year.
Indonesia is taking measures to build new barriers against the global economy. The government recently imposed registration requirements on the import of some 500 key product categories.
Trade minister Mari Elka Pangestu, in an interview with the Tribune and other journalists on an Asia reporting trip sponsored by the East West Center in Hawaii, called Indonesia's registration requirements "an effort to reduce illegal imports." But it's clear the government is seeking to protect Indonesian jobs by erecting non-tariff barriers to block imports.
Indonesian mining executive Beni Bahta said Indonesian industry can succeed even without new tariffs. He is optimistic enough, he said, that he is scouting for new mineral resources to buy on behalf of the Brazilian mining conglomerate that owns his company.
"I'm keeping very busy" looking for prospects, Bahta said. Even so, Bahta is guarding against the slowdown by cutting shifts at the gold, silver and copper mines his company operates.
For the remainder of the year, Indonesia will face a tough balancing act. The government's heavy debt load will limit what officials can do to stimulate the economy. Investment bank Morgan Stanley says the high debt makes Indonesia the most fragile economy in southeast Asia.
Chairul Hadi, a human rights activist, has opened a shelter for migrant workers expelled from countries where the economy is slowing. Hadi once believed Indonesia was insulated, but the tide of financially broke, worn-down immigrants at his shelter each day has convinced him otherwise.
"It's the effect of the global crisis," Hadi said of the swelling number of returned workers. "It's a global problem. Indonesia is not alone."
Indonesia tried harder than most in this region to steer an independent course. In a global crisis this powerful, it may not be possible to keep trouble at arm's length.
It is very hard to believe that Tommy Soeharto could so easily knock down the Attorney General's Office (AGO) twice in two separate court battles. Easy wins, but worth more than US$400 million. It is like daylight robbery. Did it happen because Tommy is so honest and his lawyers are so genius at convincing the judges of his honesty?
His father Soeharto was also lucky. Despite suspicion that the former first family had enriched themselves in unbelievable ways, no one could challenge their claim that they became super-rich through honest and legal means. Tommy's wins are naturally celebrated not only by Tommy and his five siblings but also for those who mercilessly stole people's money as they now have little to worry about. As long as they follow the rules of the game in our judiciary system.
Thousands of state prosecutors work at the AGO with full support from the government and they have full access to all necessary documents. The government repeatedly convinced the nation there was no way for Tommy to win the two cases as the AGO has abundant evidence to prove that the youngest son of former president Soeharto had stolen money from the state coffers. But the result is zero.
"The panel of judges does not find any indication that the companies are related to each other, thus it has decided that the transaction was legal," the panel of judges at the Central Jakarta District Court said in their verdict Wednesday.
In 1995, Soeharto granted Tommy the exclusive rights to import completely built up cars from South Korea's KIA. Not only exempted from taxes, in 1997 Soeharto also ordered state banks to issue noncollateral loans to his beloved son's company, PT Timor Putra Nasional worth US$690 million.
One year after Soeharto's fall, the government seized the company, after it failed to repay its Rp 4 trillion debt. In 2003, the government resold the company's assets to a little known company for only Rp 445 billion. The government claimed the transaction was illegal because both the seller and the buyer belong to Tommy's companies.
Last month, a court in the British dependency of Guernsey also declared the flamboyant widower as the winner against the AGO in a battle to win a 36 million euro bank account. The AGO failed to prove that Tommy got the money from corruption.
The Goddess of Fortune is apparently always at Tommy's side. Since his childhood he had received presidential treatment, because his father ruled the country from 1967 until his fall in 1998. Nothing was apparently impossible for him. He was taken to court for his involvement in the killing of a judge. He only had to serve a short prison sentence.
What is happening to our country, when the judiciary cannot win against Tommy, despite the state officials boast there was no chance for Tommy to escape from justice because Tommy's money was gained through criminal means? It is a shame for us.
M. Syafi'i Anwar, Jakarta The Indonesian Ulema Council's (MUI) edicts on smoking, yoga and vote abstention have been challenged by many Muslim scholars and leaders, human rights activists and even some local ulema.
As The Jakarta Post reported, most of them pointed out the edicts are out of date, pointless and counterproductive for the interests of the nation. Moreover, MUI's edict (fatwa) on vote abstention is seen as enforcing people's political behavior by using religious justification. This is considered to be against the spirit of human rights and democracy.
Endy M. Bayuni rightly argued that no one, not even the MUI, has the right to force or intimidate people into voting for fear that they will earn God's wrath (The Jakarta Post, Jan. 1, 2009). Therefore, it is understandable that even Vice President Jusuf Kalla recently also criticized the edict on vote abstention as "extreme" and "not proper" for Indonesian Muslims.
In general, those edicts also demonstrate the MUI's involvement in practical politics, which is definitely in contradiction with its mission as a religious body. It is important to note that Islam does not recognize the concept of priesthood. Unlike church hierarchy (especially in the Catholic Church), there is no authority, however eminent, that can claim sole right to enunciate any binding opinion for all Muslims. In Islam, a fatwa is a legal opinion issued by an individual or group of ulema who are recognized for their expertise in Islamic law. Muslims are allowed to accept or reject a fatwa depending on their religious thought and rational choice.
Regarding the above-mentioned MUI edicts, some crucial factors need to be taken into consideration.
First, the edicts show the failure of the MUI in bridging religious teaching and modernity. Issuing a fatwa is not a simple task.
Khaled Abu Fadl, professor of Islamic Law at UCLA, California, pointed out that in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh al Islam), anyone or group of ulema who issue edicts must be bound by a heightened level of scrutiny and by the obligation of utmost diligence.
Second, it is crucial to note that there are many requirements to issuing fatwas in the contemporary world. It requires the ulema to have the ability to bridge Islamic legal tradition with modernity. Consequently, it needs more than just knowledge of Islamic law.
Issuing edicts needs not only a highly qualified understanding of Islamic law, but also an accommodation with the spirit of modernity combined with a modern scientific approach and profound research methodology. The MUI should consider this advice in issuing edicts to improve its image and credibility.
Furthermore, the edicts basically represent the growing influence of religious conservatism in this country, particularly of those who are riding "the politics of fatwa".
The edict on yoga, for instance, is not simply based on suspicion toward the Hindu ritual in this healthy physical and spiritual exercise. This is not only related to religious conservatism per se, but also to the exclusive and intolerant attitudes toward other religions.
We are reminded that the MUI had issued an edict to ban pluralism, secularism, and liberalism in July 2005. In terms of pluralism, it is believed that the spirit behind this edict was based on books, articles and reports provided by conservative ulema and certain militant activists who had joined the MUI board in the last four years.
Indeed, the MUI is currently chaired by moderate and highly respected ulema such as Sahal Mahfudz. However, he is too old and has limited ability to control the political maneuvers of those conservative ulema and militant activists, who often politicize fatwa for the sake of their own religiopolitical interests.
In so doing, they engage and build networks with many Islamic organizations, particularly for mobilizing mass support, carrying out street demonstrations and demanding the government accept their political agenda. The Ahmadiyah case has shown how the MUI was able to pressure the government to accommodate its fatwa and then issue a joint ministerial decree to freeze Ahmadiyah activities.
In fact, MUI itself recognizes the growing influence of its political power. A study by the International Crisis Group last year shows that the growing political influence of MUI was particularly due to the support of militant groups.
Politics of fatwa might benefit political actors, including the government, conservative ulema and political parties. It's compulsory for civil society movements, rights activists, moderate Muslims and the media to keep a serious eye on MUI's "fatwa" in years ahead.
[The writer is the executive director of the International Center for Islam and Pluralism (ICIP). He obtained his PhD in history and political sociology from the University of Melbourne, Australia in 2005.]