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Indonesia News Digest 32 – August 25-31, 2008
Tempo Interactive - August 29, 2008
Anang Zakaria, Denpasar – The Minister for State Enterprises
Sofyan Djalil said that internet users in Indonesia reached 13
million people. This makes Indonesia the big 13 internet users in
the world. However, 70 percent of the users are in large cities.
"The computer use as one way to access information is still very
low," he said in Bali, Tuesday (28/8).
The minister said this in his speech opening the summit for
Ministers of Telecommunication and Information Technology for
South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jimbaran, Bali. The meeting
aims to intensify cooperation in spreading information technology
among Southeast Asian Nations.
Sofyan Djalil said the equal spread of information technology in
every Southeast Asian Nation is expected to stimulate technology
growth and the economic competitive power in the region.
Technology development in Southeast Asian Nations, he said, has
been growing slowly. However, several efforts have been made such
as improving the network for internet and banking access. "The
high-speed telecommunication access should be ASEAN's priority," he
said.
The Director for International Relationship at the Communication
and Information Ministry Ikhsan Baidirus said there has been a
technology gap between city and rural areas. Around 40,000
villages in Indonesia do not have proper communication
facilities. He expected the summit will find a way to make it
equal in the Southeast Asian Nations including Indonesia.
Jakarta Post - August 30, 2008
Desy Nurhayati – Wide social and economic disparities between
regions across Indonesia remains a serious hindrance to
development, a new report on regional development for the 2004-
2007 period says.
These gaps were indicated by, among other things, different
levels of prosperity and the uneven development of
infrastructure, the National Development Planning Board
(Bappenas) and United Nations Development Program (UNDP) joint
report said.
Indonesia's poverty levels rose 1.8 percent (equivalent to an
additional 4.2 million people) in 2006 due to the fuel price
increase in the previous year. The total population of poor
people stood at 39.3 million that year.
However, in 2007 the poverty level fell by 1.2 percent (2.13
million people), bringing the total poor population to 37.17
million – about 16 percent of the total population (224.9
million).
Between 2004 and 2007, poverty surged mainly in eight provinces
including North Sulawesi with 2.5 percent, Papua with 2.1
percent, West Java with 1.5 percent and Jakarta and West Sumatra
with 1.4 percent each.
Poverty is still concentrated in rural areas, with 68 percent of
underprivileged people living in villages across the country in
2004, and 63 percent in 2007.
The Central Statistics Agency describe people living in poverty
as those who can only afford to buy 2,100 calories (or less) per
day.
The poorest people in Jakarta lived on Rp 237,735 per month in
2005. This amount increased to Rp 266,874 in 2007, while in East
Nusa Tenggara the have-nots lived on Rp 98,263 per month in 2005
and Rp 126,389 in 2007.
High poverty levels remain a major challenge for autonomous
regional administrations in their bid to improve people's
wellbeing, the report said.
The report recommended improvements in pro-poor social and
economic programs and access to basic services for the
underprivileged.
On unemployment, the report said, the percentage of jobless
people had decreased slightly from 9.86 percent in 2004, to 9.11
percent of the population (10.01 million people) in 2007.
The highest unemployment rates were found in Banten, West Java,
Jakarta, North Sulawesi and Maluku.
Limited formal jobs which accounted for only 36.9 percent of all
recorded job opportunities, and low worker competency, were core
issues in the country's manpower sector.
In the report, Bappenas and UNDP called on the government to
formulate policies that support economic growth and investment,
which would later employ large numbers of workers while improving
workers' skills.
Health access was also not evenly distributed between regions
nationwide, with major problems including child malnutrition and
a lack of health workers and facilities in certain areas.
Actions, demos, protests...
Aceh
West Papua
Human rights/law
Environment/natural disasters
War on corruption
Islam/religion
Elections/political parties
Armed forces/defense
Mining & energy
Opinion & analysis
News & issues
Indonesia among the 13 biggest internet users
UNDP - Bappenas report shows regional development uneven
Scant research leaves Indonesan schools ranking low
Jakarta Post - August 29, 2008
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – Poor research funding and quality are the biggest constraints to turning the country's universities into world-class institutions, a discussion heard here Thursday.
The National Education Ministry's director general for higher education Fasli Jalal said Indonesia produced only a small number of scientific journals annually.
Citing figures from the 2007 Knowledge Economy Index, Fasli said Indonesia produced only 0.8 technical journal articles per 1 million people. The figure is far below, for example, India with 12 technical journal articles per 1 million people and Malaysia with 21.3.
"What makes it really hard for us to improve our universities' global rankings is the (low) productivity of our researchers. And this is accompanied with poor citation index of our published journals," he said in a forum on world-class universities organized by the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) alumni association.
ITB rector Djoko Santoso said funding was still the main issue behind Indonesian universities' poor research performance, citing as an example the fact that ITB's research funds amounted to only Rp 35 billion (US$3.8 million) in 2007 and Rp 37 billion this year.
"What about research funds in other universities? Of course they receive even less," Djoko said.
Trisakti University rector Thoby Mutis said what differentiated Indonesia from the United States, the world leader in universities, was that Indonesia's institutions received only a small amount of available research funds while in the United States most such money went to universities.
Indonesia is home to over 1,500 universities, but the Times Higher Education Supplement included only three of the country's higher learning institutions in its list of the world's top 400 in 2007, with Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada University (UGM) in 360th place, ITB in 369th and the University of Indonesia (UI) in Jakarta in 395th.
The Webometrics Ranking of World Universities, which uses the intensity of information and communication technology utilization as main indicators of good universities, ranked UGM 819th, ITB 826th and UI 1,290th this year.
Shanghai Jiao Tong University's Academic Ranking for World Universities (ARWU), meanwhile, includes no Indonesian universities in its rankings of the world's top 500 and Asia- Pacific's top 100 universities in 2008.
Fasli promised more research funds would be available to local universities next year through a number of research grant programs.
Speakers at Thursday's discussion also raised the issue of language bias in global university rankings.
Secretary of the State Ministry for Research and Technology, Benyamin Lakitan, said universities in the United States and the United Kingdom benefited from having English as their mother tongue, while English papers had greater chances of having high citation indexes.
Non-English speaking countries like Indonesia, he said, unfortunately were disadvantaged in this respect.
Jakarta Post - August 28, 2008
Nana Rukmana, Cirebon – Prolonged drought and low sugar prices are threatening the livelihood of thousands of sugarcane farmers in West Java.
Farmers in the province said Monday the government-regulated sugar price of Rp 5,000 (55 US cents) per kilogram had failed to adequately bugger the production cost of Rp 4,900 per kg.
"We hope the government will adjust the sugar price to Rp 5,200 per kg," said Anwar Asmali, chair of the West Java chapter of the Indonesian Sugarcane Farmers Association.
The low selling price has also prompted farmers and traders to stockpile sugar in the province.
"People have hoarded some 170 tons of sugar at a number of warehouses. Farmers are likely to store more sugar unless a proper price for sugar is set, especially ahead of the sugarcane harvest this year.
"Sugar imports and the huge volume of stockpiled sugar has caused sugar prices to drop," said Anwar
Anwar said he was concerned to find many farmers converting their sugarcane fields to corn or rice.
"Sugarcane farmers in Central Java have shifted to corn because they don't get a decent profit from sugarcane," he said.
He predicted it would be hard to meet this year's target of national self-sufficiency in sugar due to many problems encountered by sugarcane farmers and traders.
Anwar said national demand for sugar was about 3.3 million tons, 2.5 million tons for domestic consumption and the rest for industrial needs.
"We have to import sugar because national sugar production only yields 2.3 tons," Anwar said.
Farmers in West Java are also worried about the severe drought which could damage their farms. Presently about 2,500 out of 12,500 sugarcane plantations in the province are damaged.
The worst-affected areas include Sindanglaut, Tersana Baru and Karang Suwung districts in Cirebon regency.
The Darma reservoir in neighboring Kuningan regency, the main water source for sugar plantation irrigation in Cirebon had dried up due to the prolonged dry spell.
"Three people usually work a 1-hectare sugarcane farm.
"More than 6,000 farmers and their workers are threatened by the severe dry season and that's likely to hurt the September harvest," Anwar said.
He estimated farmers in the province will suffer at least Rp 7.5 billion in losses from this year's low yield.
Based on the association's data, Cirebon regency leads in sugarcane farms with 8,700 out of 12,500 hectares of West Java's total sugarcane farming area. The remaining are spread through Majalengka, Indramayu and Subang regencies.
| Actions, demos, protests... |
Detik.com - August 28, 2008
E. Mei/Amelia. R, Jakarta – At least four protest actions will strike the capital city today and motorists are advised to be on the lookout for areas that could potentially become congested.
According to the Metro Jaya regional police Traffic Management Centre, the first demonstration will be held by the Indonesian Youth Study Circle (LSPI) at the offices of the National Agency for the Placement and Protection of Overseas Labour (BNP2TKI) on Jl. M.T. Haryono in Jakarta at 9.30am.
A protest action will also be held by PT Mayasari Utama Trade Union workers at the offices of PT Mayasari Utama on Jl. Lapangan Tembak in the Cibubur area of East Timor between 8.30am and 1.30pm.
At 10am, demonstrators from TOP Guntur will be holding a protest at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout on Jl. M.H. Thamrin, which will then be continued at the offices of the General Elections Commission on Jl. Imam Bonjol in Central Jakarta.
Finally, the Solidarity Network for the Families of Victims of Human Rights Violations (JSKKP-HAM) will be holding a routine "Thursday" action in front of the State Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara in Central Jakarta. The peaceful action will begin at around 4pm. (mei/fiq)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
| Aceh |
Jakarta Post - August 30, 2008
Abdul Khalik – A US court's decision to proceed with a trial against oil giant ExxonMobil has exposed the Indonesian government's ignorance over the paid military protection of foreign interests in the country.
A US judge ruled Wednesday in Washington that the 11 Acehnese plaintiffs had provided sufficient evidence for their allegations against Exxon Mobil Corporation and its affiliates of killings and torture committed by military security forces protecting and paid for by the mining company.
Defense and international relations expert Bantarto Bandoro of the Institute of Defense and Security Studies (Iodas) said the court might have seen indications that the company channeled money and provided facilities to the TNI.
"The trial wouldn't have proceeded if the judge could not link ExxonMobil with the TNI, as the mining company must have records on money and facilities it provided to the military," he said. "I think all the records will be disclosed during the trial."
Bantarto slammed the military for not telling the truth about money it received from ExxonMobil, and accused the government of turning a blind eye on the practice.
Exxon has dismissed the accusations, calling the case baseless.
On Thursday, TNI chief Gen. Djoko Santoso denied the military had ever received money from ExxonMobil. "I've never received any money from Exxon during my time as TNI chief," he said.
Former Army chief Gen. (ret) Ryamizard Ryacudu supported Djoko's statement, saying all military operations in Aceh had been financed by the state.
However, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono did not rule out the possibility that the TNI received money for its protection of multinationals' facilities, citing security services provided to PT Freeport Indonesia as an example.
He said that a number of ministers believed foreign companies had paid the military to guard their facilities. "The contribution, however, must have been made through a civilian institution instead of directly to the TNI," he said.
Freeport, however, said in its latest annual report that it had paid US$9 million in "support costs" to the Indonesian military and police in 2007 to protect its operations.
Lawmaker Djoko Susilo acknowledged some TNI rogue units or personnel, but expressed doubt that the problem was systemic throughout the institution.
"The TNI or Defense Ministry never submitted reports or documents regarding the issue, so we think it is done by individuals rather than institution," he said.
Poengky Widarti of Imparsial said the ruling would open possibilities for the continuation of two cases filed by Papuans to the US court against US-based Freeport McMoRan, which has a massive gold and copper concession in Papua province, where separatist tensions are simmering.
Tom Beanal and Yosefa Alomang have separately filed lawsuits against Freeport with the city of New Orleans, Louisiana, since 1996.
Jaleswari Pramodhawardani of the Indonesian Institute, however, said that all cases against Freeport and Exxon must provide hard evidence linking them to the TNI.
Jakarta Post - August 29, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Legal experts and civil society groups welcomed a US Federal court ruling Thursday to proceed with a trial against US energy giant ExxonMobil, which stands accused of supporting the Indonesian military's alleged killings and torture in Aceh.
According to the groups, the decision was a milestone in the country's efforts to protect human rights, serving to expose the number of multinationals regularly paying the Indonesian Military for protection.
Supporters said the decision had created an opportunity for victims in Papua and Kalimantan to seek justice for violence inflicted by the military on behalf of foreign companies.
"It's a very significant ruling. At the very least, multinational mining companies now know they can't evade responsibility when the military personnel they hire commit murder and torture," Rafendi Jamin of the Human Rights Working Group told The Jakarta Post.
In Washington, US Judge Louis Oberdorfer ruled Wednesday the 11 Acehnese plaintiffs had provided "sufficient evidence, at this stage, for their allegations of serious abuse".
Oberdorfer denied a request from Exxon Mobil Corp. and its Indonesian subsidiary, ExxonMobil Oil Indonesia (EMOI), to throw out the lawsuit, but did dismiss the suit against the group's two US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp.
The suit accuses Exxon Mobil Corporation and its affiliates of "killings and torture committed by military security forces protecting and paid for by EMOI", according to a court document as quoted by AFP.
The lawsuit was filed by the 11 villagers in June 2001 under the Alien Torts Claim Act (ATCA), which enables US courts to try any US company accused of perpetrating human rights abuses outside the country.
EMOI spokeswoman Deva Rachman dismissed all allegations against the company, saying the case was baseless as EMOI condemned all human rights abuses.
"We're just an operator of state facilities. The state, in this case the Indonesian government, has the authority to guard its own strategic assets. All along, we have always communicated everything we do with the government," she told the Post.
Meanwhile, Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Djoko Santoso said he was unaware of the suit. "They should just go ahead if they want to sue. It's Exxon that will be sued," he said.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said the government would follow the trial closely, while Presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal declined to comment, saying the case did not involve the Indonesian government.
Legal expert Frans H. Winarta worried the trial risked exposing the current security situation in Indonesia, as it would reveal how foreign companies are sometimes forced to pay the military for protection.
Agence France Presse - August 28, 2008
Stephen Coates, Jakarta – The Indonesian military's links to human rights abuses while helping foreign mining firms are being exposed in a lawsuit by local villagers against US energy giant ExxonMobil, analysts said Thursday.
A US federal court judge ruled Wednesday that ExxonMobil had a case to answer in the suit over alleged killings and torture by Indonesian troops protecting the company's gas project in resource-rich Aceh province.
The ruling means the suit filed by 11 anonymous villagers in 2001 should go to trial, turning an unprecedented legal spotlight on arrangements between foreign miners and the army, which has long been linked to rights abuses.
"This decision is acknowledging what is common sense to many – if you are paying government militia to do your dirty work then you are responsible for their conduct," said Australia-based Mineral Policy Institute director Techa Beaumont.
The case had major implications for Australian and US companies working in sensitive Indonesian areas, such as American firm Freeport's mine in Papua, Beaumont said.
Such operations "would be advised to reconsider their positions that payment to sections of the Indonesian military linked to extrajudicial killings, murder and torture of Papuan citizens is an acceptable business practice," Beaumont said.
The suit accuses Exxon Mobil Corporation, two of its US affiliates and its Indonesian subsidiary, ExxonMobil Oil Indonesia (EMOI), of "killings and torture committed by military security forces protecting and paid for by EMOI," according to a court document.
The villagers say that Exxon's Indonesian subsidiary was complicit in torture, rape and at least two murders by soldiers.
Judge Louis Oberdorfer ruled that the plaintiffs had provided "sufficient evidence, at this stage, for their allegations of serious abuse."
He rejected a request by Exxon Mobil Corp. and EMOI to throw out the case, but dismissed a suit against the group's two US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp.
Indonesian armed forces chief General Djoko Santoso said Thursday he was not aware that the case was before the courts.
"It's impossible. The TNI (military) has never received funds from Exxon," he told reporters. "Just go ahead (and sue). The one who will be sued is Exxon, right?"
Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono said government policy was for foreign companies to repay military protection of "vital assets" by channelling funds through civilian government bodies.
"In the case of Exxon, the money must go through (oil regulator) BP Migas or (state oil monopoly) Pertamina," he said.
Aceh, on the northern tip of Sumatra island, suffered nearly three decades of conflict before the government signed a peace pact with separatist rebels in 2005.
Australian political scientist Damien Kingsbury, who helped negotiate the Aceh peace deal, described the US court's ruling as "very significant."
"It's obviously a significant step toward addressing the human rights agenda in Indonesia and the culpability of the Indonesian military over a long period of time, and its immunity from prosecution," he told AFP.
"The second thing is that it may have a deterrent effect on investors because a lot of large investors have had a very cosy relationship with the TNI (military) and police in ways that have implicated them in significant crimes."
ExxonMobil representatives in Indonesia were not available for comment but the company has argued that the lawsuit sets a dangerous precedent for US firms overseas.
A spokeswoman said in 2006 that the villagers' suit "created the potential for any US company operating overseas to be held vicariously liable for host government actions."
Analysts said the court's ruling would also have implications for US-based Freeport McMoRan, which has a massive gold and copper concession in restive Papua province, where separatist tensions are simmering.
Freeport, which was unavailable for comment on Thursday, said in its latest annual report that it had paid nine million dollars in "support costs" to the Indonesian military and police in 2007 to protect its operations.
Detik.com - August 28, 2008
Ramadhian Fadillah, Jakarta – ExxonMobil is to be taken to court for allegedly supporting human rights violations by the Indonesian military (TNI) in Aceh.
Retired General Ryamizard Ryacudu, the former Army Chief of Staff during the era of President Megawati Sukarnoputri (when Aceh was placed under a state of emergency) however, has denied that military operations in Aceh in 2003 were funded by ExxonMobil.
"There wasn't any [funding]. I don't know what ExxonMobil is", said Ryacudu after attending an Indonesia Awakening Declaration at the Kartini public hall on Jl. Gatot Subroto in South Jakarta on Thursday August 28.
According to the former four-star general, all military operations are funded by the state and there is no foreign assistance. "The people are the ones that fund the TNI. Whatever is done by the military is in the name of the people", he explained.
Ryacudu added he was reluctant to comment on the question of the 11 Acehnese in the United States who are in possession of strong evidence proving that ExxonMobil paid the TNI to commit murder. "Check first if they are actually Acehnese or really GAM [Free Aceh Movement] Acehnese. That's the thing I'm most allergic to (GAM)", he said.
As reported earlier, the giant US oil and gas company will soon be facing a law suit by a group of Acehnese in the United State Federal Court for allegedly supporting human rights violations by the TNI in Aceh.
US Federal Court judges have declared that the case against ExxonMobil can proceed to court because there is strong evidence that the company paid the TNI to commit murder and torture against Acehnese civilians in and around the area of the ExxonMobil operated Arun gas field in northern Aceh. (rdf/nwk)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Agence France Presse - August 28, 2008
Jakarta – Indonesia's armed forces chief dismissed Thursday a US federal court judge's ruling that ExxonMobil must face a lawsuit over alleged killings and torture by troops in Aceh province.
General Djoko Santoso said he was not even aware of the suit filed in the United States by 11 villagers alleging atrocities took place in Aceh near the US oil giant's Arun natural gas project in the early 2000s.
The suit accuses Exxon Mobil Corporation and two of its US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp., and its Indonesian subsidiary, ExxonMobil Oil Indonesia (EMOI) of "killings and torture committed by military security forces protecting and paid for by EMOI," according to a court document.
US Judge Louis Oberdorfer ruled in Washington on Wednesday that the plaintiffs had provided "sufficient evidence, at this stage, for their allegations of serious abuse." Oberdorfer denied Exxon Mobil Corp.'s and EMOI's request to throw out the lawsuit, but he dismissed the suit for the group's two US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp.
The lawsuit was filed in June 2001 by the 11 villagers, using pseudonyms.
Santoso shrugged off the ruling. "Until now I had no idea about that. If it's true I've just learnt about it from you," he told journalists.
He indicated that the matter did not concern the armed forces because they were not being sued. "Just go ahead (and sue). The one who will be sued is Exxon, right?" he said.
Aceh, which lies at the northern tip of Sumatra island, saw nearly three decades of bloody conflict before the Indonesian government signed a peace pact with separatist rebels in August 2005.
ExxonMobil has argued that the lawsuit sets a dangerous precedent for all US firms operating overseas and contravenes "well- established constitutional principle" that foreign affairs should not be handled by the courts. It says it does not condone human rights abuses.
Agence France Presse - August 27, 2008
Washington – ExxonMobil must face a lawsuit filed by Indonesian villagers alleging that the US oil giant is liable for killings and torture committed by military security forces, a federal judge said Wednesday.
"Plaintiffs have provided sufficient evidence, at this stage, for their allegations of serious abuse," said US Judge Louis Oberdorfer in Washington.
Eleven Indonesian villagers have accused Exxon Mobil Corporation and two of its US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp., and its Indonesian subsidiary, ExxonMobil Oil Indonesia (EMOI) of "killings and torture committed by military security forces protecting and paid for by EMOI," the judge said in a court document.
Oberdorfer denied Exxon Mobil Corp.'s and EMOI's request to throw out the lawsuit. However, he dismissed the suit for the group's two US affiliates, Mobil Corp. and ExxonMobil Oil Corp., saying there was "insufficient" evidence against them.
The lawsuit was filed in June 2001 by the 11 villagers, using pseudonyms. The alleged atrocities took place in Aceh, near ExxonMobil's natural gas Arun Project, in the early 2000s.
| West Papua |
Radio New Zealand International - August 28, 2008
Indonesia's ambassador to Papua New Guinea has praised PNG's Government for blocking the West Papua issue from being raised in recent meetings of the Melanesian Spearhead Group and Pacific Islands Forum.
Bom Soerjanto made these remarks at a reception to celebrate Indonesia's 63 years of independence.
In recent Melanesian Spearhead Group meetings, Vanuatu pushed for West Papuans to be granted observer status in the MSG. These attempts were blocked by the PNG Government which also ensured the issue didn't make the agenda for this month's Forum summit in Niue.
Mr Soerjanto says relations between his country and PNG have been buoyed by bilateral arrangements which mean each country respects the other's territorial integrity including the agreement on border arrangements.
However, the PNG newspaper, The National, reports that Indonesian military aircraft have been invading PNG's airspace in a shift from terrestrial to aerial incursions.
This is despite Jakarta recently apologising for incursions by its troops who had been harassing Papua New Guineans in and around the border villages.
Impunity Watch Reporter - August 25, 2008
Hayley J. Campbell, Jayapura – A New Zealand MP along with Human Rights Groups are calling on Pacific countries to confront Indonesia on human rights abuses in West Papua.
Last week, the Forum leaders summit met in Niue to address key issues among the Pacific island countries. Absent from those issues, was the continuing unrest and protests taking place in West Papua.
Keith Locke, an MP for Zealand's Green party, criticized the Forum leaders for postponing the discussion over West Papua's future. In addition, Mr. Locke is encouraging New Zealand and other Pacific Island countries to push Indonesia into a dialogue about their intentions regarding West Papua.
Since last year's Forum meeting, several reports of human rights abuses have surfaced. Specifically, West Papuans have reported abusive treatment by Indonesian military. Indonesian law has made it illegal for West Papuans to raise nationalistic flags such as the Morning Star.
"The intimidation by the security forces of the West Papuan people is all pervasive and creates a climate of fear in the people of West Papua. The overwhelming military presence ensures that the security forces can act with total impunity," Joe Collins, of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA), told the Fiji Daily Post.
In April 2008, several students were imprisoned for waving flags suggesting Papua's right to self-determination and independence from Indonesia.
Once a Dutch colony on New Guinea's western end, Papua became Indonesia's largest province in 1969. Violence erupted in 2003 after President Megawati Sukarnoputri separated Papua into three provinces: Central Irian Jaya (Irian Jaya Tengah), Papua (or East Irian Jaya, Irian Jaya Timur), and West Irian Jaya (Irian Jaya Barat). Indonesian courts declared that the creation of the central province was unconstitutional and in opposition to Papua's Special Autonomy status.
Collins says independent Pacific countries must stand up for the rights of other Pacific peoples struggling for independence and self-determination.
Radio New Zealand International - August 25, 2008
New Zealand Green party MP Keith Locke says Pacific Islands Forum countries like New Zealand could do more to push dialogue with Indonesia about West Papua.
This follows the apparent absence of any discussion about the troubled Indonesian region at last week's Forum leaders summit in Niue. The Papua problem has featured at most recent summits, including last year in Tonga.
Mr Locke says that for the issue to be shelved now is disappointing. He says Indonesia is opening itself up more these days and now is a time when Forum countries could engage more with Jakarta about bringing positive change in Papua.
"Special Autonomy law that doesn't seem to be meeting the needs of the Papuan people judging by the current unrest and protests. And New Zealand could perhaps bring some of our experience with Maori settlements and that sort of thing – greater sensitivity with indigenous rights and that could be quite usefully brought to bear and I think the doors wouldn't be all closed if we did that."
| Human rights/law |
Agence France Presse - August 30, 2008
Jakarta – Indonesia has seized 134 million dollars from a firm linked to Suharto's youngest son, reports said Saturday, in the latest move to bring the ex-dictator's family to account for alleged graft.
The finance ministry ordered Bank Mandiri to hand over 1.23 trillion rupiah (134 million dollars) belonging to Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra's now-defunct car company Timor Putra Nasional, The Jakarta Post daily reported.
"(The seizure) is an effort to help secure state assets," Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said.
The move comes amid a protracted legal battle over alleged graft involving the car company, which was granted exclusive rights during Suharto's reign to import South Korean cars and rebadge them as Indonesia's national car.
The ministry has launched a civil graft case alleging Tommy illegally sold off assets from Timor to five of his companies at a discount to avoid paying off state loans made to the troubled car importer during the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
The former dictator's son has filed a countersuit against the ministry, accusing it of pursuing the 440 million dollar case in order to justify a freeze on his assets in Guernsey, a British crown dependency off the French coast.
The countersuit is seeking 21.8 million dollars in compensation and a public apology.
Tommy, who was reputedly the favourite of the late Suharto, enjoyed favoured access to business deals during the heady years of crony capitalism before the financial crisis and his father's 1998 fall.
Tommy successfully fought off a separate 61-million-dollar civil corruption case against him in February this year, winning 550,000 dollars in a countersuit.
One of six children, he also served less than a third of a 15- year jail term for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge in July 2002. He was released in October 2006.
Jakarta Post - August 30, 2008
Jakarta – The majority of suspects in Jakarta are subjected to brutality while in police custody, a recent study claims.
According to a Jakarta Legal Institute (LBH) survey, 83.7 percent of respondents said they had been subjected to various forms of torture and police brutality.
The respondents included 367 suspects who had been in police custody between January 2007 and January 2008, from across five municipalities and one regency in Jakarta province, as well as from Depok, Tangerang and Bekasi.
LBH researchers surveyed sample populations from Salemba Penitentiary in Central Jakarta, Pondok Bambu and Cipinang Penitentiaries in East Jakarta as well as from a juvenile correctional facility in Tangerang.
City police spokesman Sr. Comr. Ketut Untung Yoga Ana refused to comment on the survey findings. "I don't want to comment. It's not clear where they got their data from," he told The Jakarta Post on Friday, refusing to take further questions.
Among the survey's respondents, 22 were under 18 years old, with 34 females surveyed, the report says.
According to the findings, 24.3 percent of total respondents said they were threatened at gun point by police during investigations.
Police tended to use three types of violence – physical, non- physical and sexual – the survey reported.
Beatings were the most common form of physical violence, with 158 respondents testifying they had been beaten, followed by kicking (94 respondents) and slapping (93 respondents). Other forms of physical violence included being dragged (39 respondents) and blindfolded (16 respondents).
With respect to non-physical violence, 159 respondents claimed to have been yelled at, with 89 held at gun point and 44 stripped.
Some respondents were shot in the foot and had their chests stomped on by police, the survey found.
In some cases, respondents claimed to have been electrocuted or stabbed by a third party – usually the victim of the crime the detainee was suspected of – with the consent and instruction of the police.
"According to respondents, the aforementioned violence had an objective in relation to the alleged criminal act: It was meant to obtain a confession and information," the survey says.
Patterns of violence detected in the survey are comparable to those revealed by a 2005 study, with a slight increase in cases of police brutality, the report concludes.
The 2005 survey found 81.1 percent of detainees in Jakarta and greater Jakarta (nearly 531 individuals) testified they were victims of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
To prevent such acts from occurring in the future, the Indonesian criminal procedural code and the Indonesian criminal code should be amended, with a strong focus on the reduction of detention periods, as well as on victim rehabilitation and proof of the value of information obtained through torture, the LBH report says.
| Environment/natural disasters |
Jakarta Post - August 28, 2008
Indra Harsaputra, Sidoarjo – Mudflow victims on Wednesday protested the dumping of mud into the Porong River for a second time, saying the buildup of sediment had produced a pungent stench and increased the risk of rainy season flooding along the East Java river.
The mud mass has reached between two and five meters from the top of the river, visibly spanning 1 kilometer from its point of entry near the defunct Gempol Toll road bridge in Besuki, Jabon district.
The mud has even reached as far as Pejarakan village, 18 km downstream of the dumping site.
"People protested the dumping because the sediment has reached a dangerous level. The river water cannot flow and could burst the banks to engulf the residents' houses," Kupang village head Sudjarwo said.
He said villagers had asked the National Sidoarjo Mudflow Mitigation Team (BPLS) to dredge the sediment ahead of seasonal rains to avoid flooding in the area.
He said if the BPLS refused to remove the clogged mud, the 15 villages would possibly see floods in the rainy season.
The 15 affected villages are Kedungcangkring, Pejarakan, Dukuhsari, Besuki, Keboguyang, Permisan, Jemirahan, Pangreh, Trompo Asri, Balongtani, Kupang, Kedungrejo, Semambung, Kalisogo and Kedungpandan, all in Jabon district.
Experts and environmental groups, including the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, have heavily criticized the dumping, saying it could have severe environmental repercussions.
BPLS spokesman Achmad Zulkarnain claimed the mitigation team had cleared a channel in the river using four floating excavators to increase the water's flow.
"We are also concentrating on repairing the main banks which collapsed due to Monday and Tuesday's rallies. We hope residents do not block the work as it's for the common interest," Zulkarnain said.
Hundreds of mudflow victims shut down a reconstruction site at the Porong mudflow area Monday, demanding mining company Lapindo Brantas Inc. pay the remaining 80 percent compensation owed them as ordered by a presidential instruction.
Protesters grabbed tools from construction workers, prevented others from operating cranes working the main mudflow banks and stopped supply trucks from entering the site.
A presidential Instruction No. 14/2007, issued one year after the erupting mud began to submerse villages on May 29, 2006, orders Lapindo to pay the remaining compensation owed residents one month before the end of a two-year house leasing arrangement ends.
The company, partly owned by the family of Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie, has paid out 20 percent of the required compensation to allow mudflow victims to rent houses.
Jakarta Post - August 27, 2008
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – Palm oil companies operating in Indonesia have opposed any moratorium on forest and peat land conversions, saying it will play havoc with the industry and the national economy.
The Indonesian Palm Oil Producers Association (GAPKI) said halting forest conversion would only slow the country's economy, causing more job losses and further poverty, beleaguering the country.
"Indonesia does not need to apply a moratorium on its forest. GAPKI strongly rejects the forest conversion moratorium idea," GAPKI executive Derom Bangun said on the sidelines of a Greenpeace-organized dialogue on palm oil companies in Indonesia on Tuesday. Some 250 palm oil producers are GAPKI members.
"If we stop expanding our business, many rich nations will be happy because then they don't need to take action to tackle global warming. We don't want to be the good boy."
International environmental group Greenpeace had asked palm oil industry players to temporarily stop converting forest into plantation as part of their large-scale expansion program. Greenpeace's request accords with that of developed nations which have cautioned the change in forest use will aggravate global warming.
Derom said the producers' association had asked richer nations to prove their concern about climate change by shifting their farmland to forest to help cap carbon emissions.
Derom said palm oil companies in Indonesia had embraced greener ways set by the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO) to protect the environment.
The RSPO, supported by World Wildlife Fund, was established to promote the growth and use of sustainable palm oil through cooperation within the supply chain and open dialogue among stakeholders.
The RSPO has called for improving the land use planning process for the development of new oil palm plantations. Derom claimed GAPKI members had stopped tilling virgin forest or forest with high conservation value since 2005.
Indonesia is the world's largest producer of palm oil, harvesting 17.2 million tons in 2007. The industry occupies about 6.7 million hectares of land across the country.
Political observer Arief Wijaksono said poor governance of palm oil companies had caused deforestation and worsening greenhouse gas emissions. "The palm oil industries should not take advantage of the poor governance of our forests," he said.
Greenpeace has long campaigned for a forest conversion moratorium to meet zero emissions in an effort to tackle global warming.
The group estimated about 1.8 billion tons of carbon has been released into the atmosphere from forest degradation and the burning of peatland in Indonesia, or about 4 percent of global emissions.
It stated Indonesia held the global record for carbon emissions due to deforestation, putting it third behind the United States and China in terms of total man-made emissions.
Greenpeace said, during the last 50 years, more than 74 million hectares of Indonesia's forest has been destroyed – logged, burned, degraded, pulped – and its products shipped around the planet.
The director general for plantation at the Agriculture Ministry, Mangga Barani, said the government was currently studying whether to use the country's huge peatland for palm oil expansion.
Jakarta Post - August 26, 2008
Indra Harsaputra, Sidoarjo – Hundreds of mudflow victims blockaded a reconstruction site at the Porong mudflow area Monday, demanding mining company Lapindo Brantas Inc. pay the remaining 80 percent compensation as regulated by a presidential instruction.
Saboteurs robbed tools from reconstruction workers, prevented others from operating cranes working the main mudflow banks and stopped trucks supplying construction materials from entering the site.
The action threatened the big banks containing the mudflow with mudslides and overflows because the mud almost reached the top of the banks.
The victims said all victims would be evicted from their rented homes next month and they had nowhere to go unless the remaining compensation was paid immediately.
"We have no alternative but to stage this blockade because Lapindo has been deceiving us for a long time," said 35-year-old Uswati, a mudflow victim in Jatirejo village.
She said the blockade follows on a similar demonstration staged by residents of four submerged villages last week which Lapindo ignored.
During the demonstration, hundreds of residents of Siring, Jatirejo, Renokenongo and Kedung Bendo villages planted poles marking the borders of their mud-submerged property.
"We won't live in rented houses or refugee camps any longer. We need houses to live a normal life and a plot of land to earn our living," said Uswati.
Presidential Instruction No. 14/2007, issued one year after the erupting mud began submerging the villages on May 29, 2006, orders Lapindo to pay the 80 percent compensation one month before the end of the two-year house leasing arrangement ends. Lapindo has paid 20 percent of the compensation to victims to allow them to rent houses.
Some 600 displaced families who have occupied the Porong market building for more than two years, have rejected the compensation scheme since the instruction carried no sanctions against Lapindo if the latter fails to pay compensation on schedule.
Meanwhile hundreds of families living just outside the mudflow site, whose homes and assets were also damaged by the mudflow in February, have yet to receive any compensation from either Lapindo or the government.
The government last month announced it would issue a new presidential instruction in its review of the current one in order to provide compensation from the state budget for the additional victims. So far, no funds have been disbursed to the government-sanctioned Sidoarjo Mudflow Handling Agency or Lapindo.
Lapindo spokesperson Yuniwati Teryana called on all victims to exercise patience in waiting for the compensation payment because everything has been proceeding as per the buy-sell deal spelled out in the first regulation.
"Lapindo will purchase all damaged assets from the victims to express our social responsibility as mandated by the government," she said.
"For those having undocumented assets, we will provide cash and resettle them according to the agreement between Lapindo and the victims' representatives."
| War on corruption |
Jakarta Post - August 30, 2008
Jakarta – The House of Representatives celebrated its 63rd anniversary on Friday amid a growing public perception that corruption had taken root in the legislative body, which Speaker Agung Laksono said could erode its legitimacy.
Agung told a plenary meeting marking the anniversary that a series of arrests of lawmakers for alleged corruption and graft cases that had implicated legislators had tainted the House' image.
"In this reform era, public criticism instead shows that people love the House," Agung said in his speech. "But we are still waiting for the legal proceedings in this (corruption) case. We hope law enforcers uphold the presumption of innocence," he said.
He was referring to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) which has launched investigations into a number of cases involving lawmakers.
Golkar Party lawmaker Saleh Djasit was sentenced to four years in prison on Thursday for misusing the Riau regional budget in 2003, at a time when he was governor.
United Development Party legislator Al Amin Nasution is standing trial for receiving bribes and extortion, while Democratic Party lawmaker Sarjan Taher will soon follow suit.
KPK also arrested National Awakening Party lawmaker Bulyan Royan for his role in a tender for the procurement of patrol boats.
Just after Golkar politician Hamka Yandhu disclosed a transfer of Rp 31.5 billion from Bank Indonesia (BI) officials to 52 lawmakers, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Agus Condro Prayitno admitted to having received Rp 500 million after voting for Miranda S. Goeltom in the election of BI's senior deputy governor in 2004.
Agung said the House had set up a disciplinary council to help minimize corruption cases and maintain the image of the legislative body.
Data from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) earlier revealed at least 35 lawmakers – 15 from PDI-P, eight from Golkar, eight from PPP, three from the Democratic Party, three from PAN and one from PKS – who had allegedly been involved in corruption.
Agung expressed hopes that the upcoming elections could restore the House image.
He said the election could produce tough lawmakers who were elected by the community.
Indonesia will hold legislative elections on April 9, 2009, to select 560 House members, plus thousands of provincial and regional legislative councils. There are 38 political parties running in these elections.
Amid the concerns for the House image due to graft, party leaders have required their legislative candidates to sign "integrity pacts". Under such pacts, legislative candidates would have to quit if they were implicated in corruption or other offenses.
| Islam/religion |
Agence France Presse - August 29, 2008
Indonesian prosecutors have demanded up to seven years' jail for a self-described "commander" of radical Islamists who allegedly led a mob attack on a rally of religious moderates.
Hundreds of police, including crack paramilitary officers, formed a cordon outside the Central Jakarta District Court on Friday for the trial of Munarman over the attack in the capital in June.
Islamic Defenders Front militant Munarman was read charges of assault and inciting violence in a courtroom packed with white- clad supporters shouting "Allahu akbar" (God is great).
Rizieq Shihab, the leader of the group, was charged last week and faces five-and-a-half years jail over the attack, which saw scores of religious fanatics armed with wooden sticks set upon the peaceful rally at the city's national monument.
Several people were injured as the extremists beat unarmed demonstrators including old women and children in front of police, who failed to prevent the onslaught.
The Front, which wants sharia or Islamic law, has launched a series of vigilante attacks since 2000, with targets including the US embassy and nightclubs.
Militant behaviour and the government's moves to restrict the activities of the minority Ahmadiyah Islamic sect have raised concerns that religious freedom is under attack in the world's most populous Muslim country.
Jakarta Post - August 25, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The enforcement of many sharia-based ordinances in the country has been denounced by several legal experts as a violation of basic human rights.
Expressing support for new Constitutional Court chief Moh. Mahfud M.D., law experts on Sunday called for the revocation of the bylaws, saying they breached human rights articles enshrined in the Constitution.
Constitutional law expert Irman Putra Sidin said the ordinances were against the Constitution not because of their Islamic values, but because they restricted the basic rights of citizens.
"The sharia-based ordinance prohibiting women from going outside at night in Tangerang, for instance, has clearly limited women's rights to conduct activities," he said.
The court, however, ruled in favor of the Tangerang mayor after a woman arrested under the bylaw challenged the ordinance.
Last Friday, Mahfud, in his second day on the job, said the sharia-based regional ordinances were a threat to national integrity and discriminated against minority groups.
Irman said not only did the bylaws go against the Constitution, but most of them were also adopted without proper research on whether the public needed such ordinances.
"In the Tangerang case, we don't know if it's really urgent for people there to have a bylaw prohibiting women from going outside at night," he said.
"Did the administration conduct research to prove incidents of rape increased if women went out at night? Do they have facts to support the bylaw? Isn't it true rapes occur mostly in broad daylight rather than at night?"
The truth was, he said, many bylaws were not supported by sufficient data or even any data at all, and hence were illogical from a legal standpoint and completely unnecessary.
Law expert Frans H. Winarta supported Mahfud's statements on the danger of sharia-based ordinances to national integration.
"We are a pluralist nation. It is ironic to see discrimination within our territory, because we fought together for independence and national development," he said.
He called on the Justice and Human Rights Ministry, Home Ministry and Religious Affairs Ministry to conduct hearings to consider immediate revocation of the bylaws. Constitutional expert Romli Atmasasmita, however, argued the government studied the bylaws case by case before deciding to revoke them.
"Only bylaws deemed a violation of human rights can be scrapped. In this case, a sharia-based bylaw which affects non-Muslims goes against human rights and should be revoked," he said.
Dozens of regions have enacted sharia bylaws despite warnings the ordinances could deprive women and non-Muslims of their civil rights.
The government has pledged to review 37 sharia-based ordinances in force in several regions across the country which have been dubbed discriminatory and in violation of higher existing laws.
These bylaws include requiring Koran literacy for students and brides, enforcing Islamic dress code on Muslim women and skewed anti-prostitution regulations that punish only women and not men.
Critics say many of the ordinances were drafted by unqualified people, with no transparency or public participation, and aimed solely at wooing Muslim voters.
| Elections/political parties |
Jakarta Post - August 29, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Despite a glut of new contenders for the presidency in 2009, it looks likely the President and his predecessor will square off in a repeat of their 2004 duel, a new survey finds.
Confirming previous polling, the London-based Taylor Nelson and Sofres (TNS) research firm and the National Leadership Center (NLC) said their new survey showed Megawati Soekarnoputri leading the pack of challengers with 28 percent of the vote from 2,000 respondents in 30 provinces.
Yudhoyono came second with 27 percent, despite his widely acknowledged efforts to combat corruption.
The survey also showed the surprising popularity of Indonesian Farmer and Fisherman Association (HKTI) chairman Prabowo Subianto, who joined the ranks of the top three ahead of the country's heavyweights, such as Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengkubuwono X (6 percent), former Indonesian Military (TNI) commander Wiranto (5 percent) and former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid (4 percent).
Prabowo, a former Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) chief, won 11 percent of the voters' support.
"Yudhoyono and Megawati will closely compete in the upcoming election. But thanks to his brilliant TV ads, Prabowo could significantly lift his popularity," Taufik Bahaudin of the NLC told reporters at the launch of survey results here Thursday.
Surveys conducted by different pollster earlier had found that Megawati and Yudhoyono would make it to the run-off election.
A June survey by Indo Barometer pollster found Megawati taking a commanding lead over Yudhoyono – almost 10 percent – while a July survey by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) showed Megawati up by 9 percent.
Neither survey grouped Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party chairman Prabowo Subianto in the big five. Only a survey by the Reform Institute during the June-July period ranked him a distant fifth with 3.8 percent behind Megawati (19.4 percent), Yudhoyono (19.1 percent), the sultan (7.1 percent) and Amien Rais (6.1 percent).
TNL and the NLC also found Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) the runaway leader with 28 percent of voters' support, ahead of the Golkar Party with 14 percent, Yudhoyono's Democratic Party (PD) with 13 percent, the National Awakening Party (PKB) with 7 percent and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with 6 percent.
The survey results are consistent with other previous polling that put the PDI-P far ahead of Golkar. Indo Barometer's survey gave the PDI-P a 12 percent lead over Golkar while the Reform Institute found the PDI-P up by just over 6 percent. The CSIS survey, meanwhile, saw the PDI-P take a 2 percent lead over Golkar.
The PD's 13 percent achievement, according to the TNS and NLC, was quite a surprise as previous surveys found much less support for the party, which earned only 9.6 percent and 10 percent of support respectively in the Indo Barometer and Reform Institute surveys.
Consistent with the rise of Prabowo, the TNS survey also found newly established Gerindra winning 5 percent of respondents' support, ahead of old-timers the National Mandate Party (4 percent) and the United Development Party (3 percent).
Wiranto's People's Conscience Party (Hanura) followed with 2 percent.
Kompas - August 28, 2008
Hadi Santoso, Jakarta – The retreat of key cadres to other parties has left the Labour Party overwhelmed in its attempts to compose a list of legislative candidates.
The Labour Party, which will be able to contest the 2009 general elections after winning a challenge against the General Elections Commission (KPU) at the State Administrative court, is short of legislative candidates.
"Quite frankly we are overwhelmed because many of our cadre have switched [parties]. Those that have stood firm are trade union and non-government organisation activists. Meanwhile those from our intellectual and financial base have all left", explained Labour Party general chairperson Mochtar Pakpahan when speaking with journalists on Thursday August 28.
Labour Party (sic) cadre who have switched political vehicles in order to get into Senayan (national parliament) include among others, Dita Indah Sari who has fled to the Star Reform Party (PBR), Robert Anton who joined the Indonesian Workers and Employers Party (PPPI) and Idin Rosidin who has switched to the Grand Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra Party).
According to Pakpahan, the move by party cadre to other parties is quite usual, because it is the right of all individuals to make a political choice. Conversely however, Pakpahan said that there is the problem of pragmatism as a flow on from the KPU's failure to allow the Labour Parties to contest the 2009 elections on July 7.
Because of this therefore, he feels that his party has been treated poorly by the KPU. "Because the KPU did not allow the Labour Party to get through they [the activists] fled. It is this poor treatment by the KPU that we are felling [the effects of]", added Pakpahan.
The KPU has given the labour party until August 31 to put together a list of legislative candidates and Pakpahan hopes that in the final three days the party would be able to meet a minimum target of 75 percent.
The shift of a number of party cadres not only resulted in the Labour Party finding it difficult to put together a list of legislative candidates. Pakpahan also conceded that they would be forced to revise their vote target. If the party had been registered with the KPU several months ago, these former labour activists would have ensured that the party would have garnered 10-15 percent of the vote.
"It clearly had an influence. Then, our list of legislative candidates was almost 100 percent, and was comprised primarily of activists, intellectuals and other finance sources from middle- to upper-businesspeople, so we were positive. Now we aren't so game. If God blesses us, we will be very grateful just to pass the electoral threshold", concluded the man who always appears in public wearing a peci (black velvet cap worn by Muslim men).
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - August 28, 2008
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta – The preference of some political parties to use the majority vote as the basis for the selection of legislative candidates will prejudice the chances of female legislative candidates to win seats in the 2009 elections, a women's activist warned here Wednesday.
"How many votes can a female candidate obtain? Not more than 5,000 or 10,000 I reckon. If parties impose the majority vote system, female candidates will surely be defeated," said Ani W. Soetjipto, also a lecturer at the University of Indonesia's school of social and political studies.
Ani suggested that the current regulation on candidate selection based on party ranking should be retained.
She said the ideal open-list proportional representation system, which gives seats in accordance to the number of votes won, would not work in Indonesia as many parties here "had no roots in the community" and "were lacking in membership structure".
"We still need the semi-closed system because female contestants are still in need of protection," Ani said to the audience, mostly female legislative candidates, at the "Women in Preparation ahead of the 2009 Elections" seminar, organized by Suara Perempuan Indonesia (Indonesian Women Voices).
The 2008 Law on Legislative Elections states that a party candidate will earn a seat if he/she manages to reach a minimum 30 percent of the vote division number (BPP), which is calculated by dividing the number of votes with the number of legislative seats at stake in an electoral district.
If no candidate can reach the threshold, seats obtained by the party will be given to those ranking at the top of the party's list of candidates, the law says.
The use of the ranking ruling, said Ani, is actually a "victory" for women. The victory, however, is now being threatened with some political parties' intending to amend the legislative elections law.
Five factions at the House of Representatives – the National Mandate Party, the Golkar Party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, the Reform Star Party and the Democracy Pioneer Star Party – have reportedly proposed an additional article that reads as follows: "In case political parties impose the majority vote base in the selection of elected candidates, then the General Election Commission (KPU) shall conduct candidate selection based on political parties' internal mechanisms."
The majority vote base means that remaining seats will go to candidates earning more votes regardless of their ranking in the party lists.
Other critics, however, gave their support to the use of the majority vote mechanism, saying the party list ranking selection system will only facilitate continued domination of legislative bodies by party loyalists, regardless of whether or not they are popular with the public. Ani also warned against some parties' recruitment of celebrities as legislative candidates, regardless of their competency.
"Politics need certain skills and experience, and these artists' skills are not in the political field," she said.
She also told newcomer female contestants to focus on winning seats on local legislative councils, saying this would be more strategic for them, rather than competing at national level.
Jakarta Post - August 27, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – Sri Sultan Hamengkubowono X has been deemed the country's most competent presidential candidate, defeating both President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his predecessor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, according to a study released here Tuesday.
The study, conducted by the Society for Democracy Education (P2D), was based on evaluations from 16 experts in various academic disciplines.
Sultan, the current governor of Yogyakarta, was seen as the candidate with the strongest commitment to pluralism, the best response to social problems and the greatest capacity to make quick decisions, the study found.
He topped the list of 12 figures declaring their 2009 presidential bids, with an average score among the 16 experts of 6.2 out of a possible 10.
Former Golkar Party chairman Akbar Tanjung, Yudhoyono and Megawati were ranked second, third and fourth, with average scores of 6.01, 6 and 4.95, respectively.
Experts evaluated candidates on the basis of eight indicators including commitment to human rights, corruption eradication and pluralism as well as managerial capability and responsiveness.
The P2D is an NGO managed by several prominent social and community leaders including noted lawyer and human rights activist Todung Mulya Lubis, Muslim scholar Azyumardi Azra and noted agricultural expert H.S. Dillon.
"Sultan has proven his pluralism as both a king and a religious leader in Yogyakarta. He protects all ethnic and religious groups within his territory," said political scientist Sukardi Rinakit of the Sugeng Suryadi Syndicate polling group during the presentation of the study's findings.
Sultan was the first public figure to condemn a brutal attack by the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) on the National Alliance for the Freedom of Faith and Religion during a rally at the National Monument, Sukardi added.
Nearly 70 people were injured in that incident, which took place in June during a peaceful rally to commemorate the 63rd anniversary of the Pancasila state ideology and to show support for the banned Jamaah Ahmadiyah Islamic sect. "Unlike normal polling, which evaluates candidates based on their popularity and electability, this evaluation ranks candidates according to their qualities and capabilities," said Rocky Gerungan of the P2D.
"With the top three presidential hopefuls gaining a score of around only 6, the country possesses only mediocre candidates thus far," he added.
Despite being seen as the candidate with the strongest commitment to human rights and the eradication of corruption, in addition to receiving the highest scores for education and experience, Yudhoyono received low marks for his decision-making capability (3.92), managerial skills (4.83) and responsiveness (5.75).
According to study experts, Akbar, a former House of Representatives speaker, was ranked higher than Yudhoyono because of his superior managerial skills, decision-making ability and commitment to social welfare.
Megawati received the highest score for social capital including popularity and solid support from her political party. However, she was given a very low score for both managerial skills (3.83) and commitment to human rights and eradicating corruption (3.75).
Vice President Jusuf Kalla and Rizal Mallarangeng were ranked fifth and sixth with an average score of 4.94 and 4.72, respectively.
All the presidential hopefuls from military backgrounds received poor rankings, with former Jakarta governor Sutiyoso, People's Conscience Party (Hanura) chairman Wiranto and Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) leader Prabowo Subianto coming in seventh, ninth and 10th, respectively.
Jakarta Post - August 26, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The country's two biggest political parties are reviving attempts to establish a coalition for the 2009 presidential race.
Key figures from the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) held a rare meeting here Monday to explore the possibility of temporarily linking forces.
PDI-P chief patron Taufik Kiemas led the party's delegation in the meeting with Golkar's national and regional boards of patrons in Ancol, North Jakarta.
Among other PDI-P key figures in attendance were party secretary-general Pramono Anung and deputy chairman Panda Nababan.
On the sidelines of the meeting, they held closed talks Golkar heavyweights led by Vice President and party chairman Jusuf Kalla for almost an hour.
Kalla was accompanied by Golkar chief patron Surya Paloh, House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono and deputy party chairman Theo Sambuaga.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was invited to the meeting as chief patron of his Democratic Party, but declined to attend. He instead received Swaziland King Mswasti III at the State Palace and later in the evening attended a closed meeting with his own party's board of patrons.
It was the third meeting between the two largest parties to discuss a coalition in the past two years. Their first meeting was held in Medan, North Sumatra, and the second in Palembang, South Sumatra.
A coalition could pose a serious threat to the alliance between Yudhoyono and Kalla in pursuing re-election together in 2009.
Taufik, the husband of PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, underlined after the meeting the need for his party and Golkar to establish a coalition for the presidential race before the legislative elections in April next year.
"We have to start it now, because it will be difficult to form a coalition after the (legislative) election," he was quoted as saying by Antara.
Surya Paloh welcomed Taufik's request, saying Golkar needed a strategic alliance with PDI-P.
Theo Sambuaga said the meeting had brought the two parties a step closer to forming a coalition.
"It is not an ordinary gathering. This is a meeting of the country's two biggest parties, so we did talk about the possibility of forming a coalition. But we just think it will be better if we form a coalition after the legislative election," he told The Jakarta Post.
Theo said Golkar needed to know the results of the legislative election before making a commitment to any parties.
Taufik, however, said the PDI-P would announce which parties it would form a coalition with as well as a running mate for Megawati in November. "Two months is a long time to make a decision," he said.
Political observers have speculated that with Golkar having no figure for presidential nomination next year and with the PDI-P's announcement to nominate Megawati, the PDI-P sees no reason for Golkar to delay a decision on its vice presidential candidate.
Although Taufik said he could not predict which party would win the 2009 election, he expressed optimism that both the PDI-P and Golkar would end up as the big two. He said it would not automatically be Kalla who would accompany Megawati in the presidential election.
Taufik offered no names after the Monday meeting, but the PDI-P has floated the name of Gorontalo Governor and Golkar senior politician Fadel Muhammad as a possible running mate for Megawati.
Theo agreed that the PDI-P was the most suitable partner for Golkar, as both parties have the same platforms as nationalist parties committed to democracy and social welfare.
Jakarta Post - August 26, 2008
Oyos Saroso H.N., Bandarlampung – Seven Lampung gubernatorial candidate pairs took part in a live televised debate organized by Lampung's General Elections Commission (KPUD) and Metro TV in Bandarlampung on Friday evening.
Three panelists were invited to pose questions – legal expert Todung Mulya Lubis, economist Aviliani from the Institute for Development of Economy and Finance and dean of the School for Social and Political Science at Lampung University Hertanto.
When Metro TV presenter Meutia Hafidz asked each candidate to describe their strengths and weaknesses before the question-and- answer session, they drew a roar of laughter from the audience for only disclosing their strengths, not their weaknesses.
The seven candidate pairs each fielded questions on the economy, law and pluralism. Though interrupted several times for commercial breaks, the event intensified when the candidates responded to questions inaccurately, humorously, or with too much fervor.
Mockery from other candidates' supporters was part of the mix. Audience members burst out laughing during the word quiz when one candidate could not define the word "regulation".
For the public in Lampung, especially in the provincial capital Bandarlampung, the political atmosphere ahead of elections is always heated. The two-hour debate was the first time the seven pairs of candidates met and engaged in debate.
Candidates for the Sept. 3 election include Alzier Dianis Thabranie and Brig. Gen. Bambang Sudibyo, endorsed by the Golkar Party, and the incumbent governor Sjachroedin Z.P., nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, and M.S. Djoko Umar Said. Sjachroedin's term ends in June.
Also running are five other pairs: Zulkifli Anwar and Akhmadi Sumaryanto, nominated by the Justice Prosperity Party (PKS) and National Mandate Party (PAN); independent candidate pairs Muhajir Utomo and Andi Arief and Sofjan Jacoeb and Bambang Waluyo Utomo; Oemarsono and Thomas Azis Riska, nominated by minor parties; and Andy Achmad Sampurna Jaya and H.M. Suprajo, backed by the Democratic Party and the Reform Star Party.
As of August, Lampung has become the province with the most candidates vying for the top post.
"The Lampung gubernatorial election is also the first in Indonesia in which two independent candidate pairs are simultaneously taking part," said KPUD head Chaerullah Gultom.
Gultom acknowledged the debate was one of the commission's efforts to minimize tensions during the campaign. "The elections commission has banned street parades during the campaign period," said Gultom.
Despite the view such debate could reduce tension and minimize conflict among party supporters, NGO activists and observers said the event failed to point out the respective candidates' positions and views.
"When a debate is aired live on national television it becomes a joke that just isn't funny. It's too rich in entertainment value," said sociopolitical observer Hardi Hamzah.
"Out of the two hours of live broadcast, the debate itself lasted less than an hour. The rest was used for commercial breaks. It was not very informative."
| Armed forces/defense |
Jakarta Post - August 29, 2008
Juwono Sudarsono, Jakarta – The Indonesian Defense Force was established from a myriad group of student brigades, guerrilla militias and irregulars representing ethnic, religious and provincial identities preceding proclamation of Indonesian independence in Aug. 1945.
These guerrilla forces and student brigades were imbued with the guiding ethos that defined latter-day Indonesian defense policy: "Total people's warfare", and later on, "total defense and security".
All services of the Indonesian Military (TNI) are at once a fighting force (tentara kejuangan), a people's force (tentara rakyat), a national force (tentara nasional) and a professional force (tentara profesional). Professionalism is deliberately subsumed under the preceding three guiding elements. Every single Indonesian soldier, sailor, airman and marine is honor-bound to think and act first and foremost as an Indonesian, to be "first in war, first in peace and first in emergency response".
My Indonesian Army colleagues who went through their formative years at the National Military Academy in Magelang continue this important political commitment to serve as first and foremost as Indonesians. Like their colleagues who graduated from the Naval Academy in Surabaya and from the Air Force Academy in Yogyakarta they have sworn to defend the tenets of our national ideology – Pancasila.
Defending Pancasila is an indispensable basis of our sense of national identity as well as a reinforcement of our sense of national purpose. But it has its practical applications as well, not least in two critical areas in contemporary Indonesia, which the TNI is currently engaged in.
First, the TNI is committed to graduated political democratization to support governance and capacity building. At all levels of government, the role of the Indonesian soldier has shifted from leading and dominating to one presenting itself more in support of the four pillars of democratic government and the rule of law: The police, the prosecutor's office, the court system and civil society.
Every regent and district officer in our 380 second tiers of governance recognizes the need to emulate the Indonesian soldier's code of ethics. Every Indonesian remains proud of one's ethnic, provincial or religious origin. But once a person is enlisted or commissioned into the profession of arms, the national interest transcends the interests of one's particular primordial proclivities.
Thus, Javanese, Sundanese, Sumatranese or Kalimantan junior officers hailing from a particular place of birth are expected to serve in at least four or five different areas of command throughout eastern, central and western Indonesia before he receives his first star. Likewise, provincial, district and sub- district bureaucracies are now expected to put in place similar tour-of-duty practices. It is all-important for capacity building and for concrete "ground-level democratization".
Second, the Indonesian military is committed to help accelerate sustainable economic growth. Not just growth with equity, but more critically growth through equity. Only robust underpinnings of social and economic growth at the lowest level can secure political democratization over the medium and long term.
Measured military presence and security governance at each local cultural context are key elements of measured transformation in the political and economic realms. Security governance defines the success rate of governmental delivery in providing basic economic needs and essential services.
Indonesia's political and economical national transformation requires that the military commit itself to enabling growth through equity. Our society cannot realize sustained growth without adequate provisions which deliver basic human needs (potable water, electricity, affordable public housing, primary health care and quality education) to the 35 million Indonesians who live on less than US$2 a day.
We are in a constant process of nation-building and nation- replenishing. From Aceh to Papua, soldiers teach arithmetic, help rebuild villages, devise irrigation systems and provide primary health care. Each deed reinforces the local's sense of actively partaking in replenishing a more confident and vibrant Indonesian nation.
Security governance applying "soft power presence" is imperative. Religious, cultural, ethnic and provincial diversity imply that levels of thresholds of tolerance regarding what constitutes equity and fairness can be both tenuous and fickle at the ground level.
Our affirmation of national state identity is not based on a single religion. Islam in Indonesia co-exists and is enriched by day-to-day interaction with the precepts, rituals and symbols of other faiths: Catholicism, Protestantism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism. Neither is it based on a single ethnic-cultural stream such as the Malay heritage, though large areas of western Indonesia find affinity with Malay culture. There are more Melanesians in eastern Indonesia than in all of Melanesia.
Military presence and security governance is linked to graduated social justice in order to narrow the vertical "rich-poor gap", as well as Indonesia's west-east divide where differentiated knowledge and skills' opportunities may result in the rupturing of the nation's sense of unity and cohesion.
Security governance provides that degree of political stability which facilitates efforts to quadruple our GDP per capita from currently US$2,000 to $8,000, and to quadruple the size of our middle class from 12 percent to 46 percent of the population.
In addressing domestic terrorism, interdicting terrorist financial networks, disrupting their organizational capacity and arresting suspected perpetrators must be conducted on the terms of Indonesian authorities, not on the insistence of foreign countries. Discreet and timely foreign security assistance rendered "on tap" are much more legitimate and enduring than assistance implemented through "on top" pressure.
Each generation of Indonesian military leaders is committed to "nation replenishing" and indeed "nation-recreating". An Indonesian officer corps that is based on an outward-looking and self-confident nationalism in this globalized world can learn much from their colleagues represented in this distinguished gathering.
For reasons of history, culture, tradition and geography we may differ in the way we prepare for war. But in matters of human security, we must retain our universal humility.
[The writer is the minister for defense of Indonesia. The above article is an excerpt of his presentation at the 32nd Pacific Armies Management Seminar (PAMS), in Jakarta on Monday.]
Jakarta Post - August 26, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – A weak and corrupt government, rather than a lower defense budget, will one day lure the military back into politics, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono says.
After speaking at the launch of the Institute of Defense and Security Studies (Iodas) here Monday, Juwono expressed optimism that the lower defense budget would not affect soldiers' commitment to civilian supremacy.
"In the last 10 years, TNI has been accustomed to budgeting far below its minimum needs, while all characteristics of fighting soldiers, people's soldiers and professional soldiers have blended together inside our military," he said.
But he warned that if the present condition of divided, weak and corrupt civilians continued, nobody knew what the military would do.
"I always say that if people want to help me foster democracy within the Defense Ministry then civil society and especially those in the House of Representatives must unite and consolidate civil society," he said.
The government has proposed a lower defense budget of Rp 35 trillion in 2009, down from Rp 36 trillion in 2008. Earlier, a law was passed to allow the state to take over military businesses, claimed by some to be sources of alternative funding for TNI activities that would otherwise compensate for the TNI's decreasing share of the state budget.
According to Iodas' analysis, the lower budget and the business takeovers have deprived the military of authority, creating the conditions necessary for the military to jump back into politics.
Iodas, made up of defense and security experts who previously worked with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) – such as Edy Prasetyono, Bantarto Bandoro and Kusnanto Anggoro – said the budget gap between what was needed and what was provided had reached Rp 105 trillion.
Iodas' director Andi Widjajanto pointed out that the TNI was a military accustomed to politics in the past, and hence, would only wait for the right moment to act – such when they perceived civilian politicians were too weak to govern.
The current civilian government, Andi said, has been seen by the military as weak and corrupt.
"You see, almost no government offices are free from corruption. In fact, the military considers itself the least corrupt institution.
"A combination of disappointment with the limited budget and power plus perception of civilian inability will invite the military to take over power from civilians just like in Thailand and other countries," he said.
Already in the first semester of this year, the Corruption Eradication Commission has arrested seven lawmakers, Bank Indonesia top officials, prosecutors and central and local government officials for alleged graft.
"So, the question is when, rather than why. When both timing and motive collide, we will see the military intervene into politics," Andi said.
Edy, Iodas' vice executive director, said the establishment of the institute was to provide the public and government with an understanding of the nature of defense and the military to avoid a condition that could lead to a military coup.
| Mining & energy |
Jakarta Post - August 29, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta – Subsidized fuel consumption this year may exceed the capped volume of 35.5 million kiloliters by close to 10 percent, possibly prompting the government to increase fuel subsidy spending, a ministry official says.
Evita H. Legowo, the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry's director general of oil and gas, said Thursday "the consumption of subsidized fuels may increase 9.7 percent" to nearly 40 million kiloliters (kl).
The higher consumption is attributable to increasing demand, despite the government in May raising subsidized fuel prices by 28.7 percent on average, Evita said, while speaking at an energy commission hearing at the House of Representatives.
As of Aug. 27, Evita said, consumption stood at 25.76 million kl – 12.48 million kl of which was Premium gasoline, 7.75 million kl diesel and 5.52 million kl kerosene – or more than a third of the full-year estimate.
The high fuel demand may be due to strong car and motorcycle sales this year.
PT Toyota Astra Motor, which is jointly owned by Toyota Motor Corp. and Indonesia's largest auto distributor PT Astra International, has said it is optimistic national car sales can reach 550,000 units this year, breaking the record set in 2005.
However, the government remains optimistic in its consumption estimate for next year, which it sets at 36.8 million kl in the 2009 state budget.
In deliberations over the regional tax and retribution bill, the government proposed a progressive tax for car owners based on the number of cars they own in a bid to decrease fuel consumption as well as the number of cars on the streets.
A higher consumption of subsidized fuels may require the government to increase spending on the fuel subsidy, thus further burdening the state budget.
Spending on the fuel subsidy in the proposed 2009 state budget stands at Rp 101.4 trillion (US$11.06 billion), down from Rp 268.7 trillion in 2008.
For 2009, the government has proposed a budget cushion of Rp 6 trillion should the Indonesia Crude Price – Indonesia's benchmark oil price – surpass $130 per barrel. The government assumes the ICP to be $100 per barrel for next year.
If the ICP exceeds $130 per barrel and the government has spent its budget cushion, the government can raise subsidized fuel prices to maintain predetermined percentage ratios against international prices.
The price of Premium gasoline will be kept at 58.5 percent of the international price, diesel at 52 percent and kerosene at 23.4 percent, according to the proposed 2009 budget.
During the hearing, state oil and gas firm PT Pertamina suggested cars with engine capacities of more than 2,000 cubic centimeters should not be allowed to consume subsidized fuels.
Jakarta Post - August 28, 2008
The government has announced that the country's total subsidized fuel consumption likely to go beyond its initial expectation by 9.7 percent due to higher sales of motorcycles and cars.
Director General for Oil and Gas Evita Legowo told law makers in a hearing on Thursday that as of August 27, the country's total fuel consumption already reached at 72 percent of the total quota allocated in the revised 2008 state budget.
The consumption of subzidized fuel stood at 25.76 million kiloliters with the consumption of the premium type reached 12.48 million kiloliters, diesel reached 7.75 million kiloliters while kerosene reached 5.52 million kiloliters.
Evita explained that the main factor to the high consumption was the growth of cars and motorcycles that went beyond the government's initial estimates, particularly in industrial areas active in mining and agriculture, which also rely on subsidized fuel.
Based on the current fuel consumption growth, Evita projected the total fuel consumption would reached 38,923 million kiloliters, which 19.47 million kiloliters were premium, 11.89 million diesel and 7.56 million kerosene. (and)
| Opinion & analysis |
Jakarta Post Editorial - August 30, 2008
The government has often seemed powerless in its response to small but noisy (and often violent) groups who use religion as a reason or pretext to take justice into their own hands. Such groups seem to believe using violence (in various forms) against others is OK because God is always on their side.
It has become routine for such groups to issue threats before Ramadan; that they will use force to close nightspots or entertainment activities throughout the fasting month.
However, it is also clear that by law, only police and law enforcement agencies have the right to enforce the law and government regulations.
But the controversy surrounding nightspots comes up every Ramadan (the Muslim holy month), even though there have been ordinances in Jakarta and other Indonesian regions to regulate the operation of entertainment facilities at these times.
This year, once again, members of the Islam Defenders Front (FPI) have threatened to ransack nightspots which remain open, particularly if police do not close them.
"If they (nightspot operators) still choose to operate (during Ramadan) we will take action against them," Bekasi FPI executive Muhammad Tamin Pardede said as quoted by the press recently.
In previous years, members of this organization went to nightspots in Greater Jakarta (and other places across Indonesia) vandalizing property and scaring entertainment facility patrons.
Whatever their reasoning, it is deplorable that there is an organization which is taking the law into their own hands. What would happen if other organizations do the same thing in response to other controversial issues?
We call on the government to make sure the leaders of this organization (and other similar groups) do not repeat their previous mistakes. These groups do not have authority to conduct these raids. Allowing such blatant disregard for the law will lead this country into a state of lawlessness.
We also hope Jakarta police spokesman Sr. Comr. I Ketut Untung Yoga Ana was sincere in his promise to "uphold the law seriously this year" – not merely providing lip service.
The police need to crack down both on people who take the law into their own hands, and on nightspots which remain open during the holy month.
In Jakarta, the city administration has imposed restrictions on nightspots during the fasting month, under the 2004 tourism bylaw. Under these regulations, entertainment centers including night clubs, discotheques, massage and sauna parlors are prohibited from operating during the fasting month. Other facilities like karaoke, live music centers and billiard halls are allowed to remain open.
Violators can face up to three months in prison and/or fines of up to Rp 5 million (US$543). The bylaw also authorizes the city administration to forcibly close any facilities which violate the ruling. Similar regulations also exist in other parts of Indonesia.
So why do the same problems keep coming back, year after year?
First, this is really a problem of law enforcement. So far, police have been hesitant to do their job, and reluctant to take action against nightspot operators who violate the regulation.
The police have also failed to take serious action against groups who illegally raid such facilities. Consequently, these groups are now daring to repeat their raids and have even launched an open threat against nightspots.
Second, we question the fairness of the ruling in the bylaw which excludes facilities operated by star-rated hotels. This has often sparked jealousy between entertainment operators.
Minorities have also questioned the fairness of the regulation because it also affects them. And why are there no such regulations exclusively for Muslims?
Take for example what happens in Malaysia. The Islamic country has gambling facilities in Genteng Highland which are only for non-Muslim communities. The Malaysian government strictly prohibits Muslims from entering these gambling dens.
As for the prohibition of nightspots during Ramadan, there is no other way but to uphold the law.
Since there are regulations in place, police must do their job to make sure the laws are enforced, otherwise this will serve as a sign that it is OK for certain groups to take the law into their own hands.
Far Eastern Economic Review - August 2008
Sahil K. Mahtani – As if to illustrate the universality of poor taste, the former chief of the Indonesian Special Forces Gen. Prabowo Subianto recently decided to run for the Indonesian presidency.
Since 1998, this son-in-law of late President Suharto has been dogged by accusations of rights abuses in East Timor and the Jakarta riots, for which a former US ambassador has called him "the greatest violator of human rights in contemporary times by the Indonesian military" – no small distinction. Yet his presidential bid was announced over the summer and has been steadily ramping up publicity since.
High self-opinion is one reason Gen. Prabowo is running. Certainly this was evident in a recent video he released which involved a reproduction of Jacque-Louis David's portrait of a horsed Napoleon crossing the Alps. Speaking with deliberate pace, he announced, "I have moved forward with my decision to run for the presidency because I feel it is a duty, as a patriot, it is a calling for me as a citizen... to be brave and ready, to be present."
Patriotism aside, a reasonable observer may ask why else Gen. Prabowo is running. The most recent polls put him at 3%-4% of the vote, trailing incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri substantially. His similarly tainted colleague, former Armed Forces Chief Gen. Wiranto, has also chosen to run despite little chance of being elected.
"We may laugh at all these people who run, but this is their way of staying relevant, in the political elite," said Dr. Marcus Mietzner, a lecturer at the Australian National University in Canberra who spent a decade in Jakarta working on military reform issues.
What come to mind are the examples of former Golkar Party Chairman Akbar Tandjung and ex-oil minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita, whose steep falls from grace made them vulnerable in 2001 to prosecutions for the so-called KKN crimes-corruption, collusion and nepotism.
However, learning a quick lesson and wishing to avoid becoming sacrificial lambs for the Reformasi movement, they've returned to political life. Mr. Akbar is now bidding for the vice-presidency and Mr. Ginandjar is head of the DPD or the regional representatives council. "By running, they stay in the game, and basically out of prison," Dr. Mietzner said.
There is little risk that the increased publicity of a campaign will reopen old sores. The Indonesian-language media has thus far given both candidates a free pass, with newspaper stories avoiding nearly all mention of past allegations in descriptions of the candidates. A recent report in the newspaper Kompas, for example, suggested that Gen. Prabowo's campaign was not fulfilling its potential because – and this was it-it was short of advertising.
The larger cultural trend that makes such carelessness possible is widespread nostalgia for the Suharto era, which international observers often find difficult to understand. This was apparent earlier this year when Suharto was buried with full military honors, in a procession that attracted tens of thousands, while Britain's Economist magazine labeled him a dictator who had "cheated justice" and created a "rotten regime."
The fact is the standard of living for most Indonesians improved under the Suharto regime, before political turmoil and economic instability conspired to erode hard-gotten gains. Still, this admiration of Suharto is naive in that it overlooks one main fact: The economic insecurity and political turmoil of the past 10 years clearly has its roots in his era. Nevertheless, Gen. Prabowo is benefiting from this spell of nostalgia.
Gen. Prabowo is not the only member of the old-guard to benefit from these trends. As others have put it, Indonesia's parliamentary elections are quickly becoming a family affair, with the children of political leaders featuring prominently in party lists.
Among them: Dave Laksono, son of House speaker Agung Laksono and a former director of the defunct airline Adam Air; Anindya Bakrie, son of Aburizal Bakrie, the country's richest man and minister for people's welfare; Solihin Kalla, son of Jusuf Kalla, Agus Hamzah, the son of former Vice President Hamzah Haz. This is not even mentioning some bigger names, like Puan Maharani, the daughter of former President Megawati, finally making her expected debut in politics.
It is for all these many and varied reasons – vanity, relevance, political climate, and company – that Gen. Prabowo will feel right at home in contesting the Indonesian presidency. His is the symbol of a tainted political elite that was supposed to be displaced back in 1998 by the Reformasi movement but has returned with nary a scar. The fall of Suharto and other events of 1998 are still held in the contemporary imagination as a popular uprising against a tainted dictatorship. Gen. Prabowo's candidacy proves that it was merely a palace coup.
[Mr. Sahil Mahtani is a Bartley Fellow at the Far Eastern Economic Review.]
Kompas - August 26, 2008
Marcellus Hernowo – As well as celebrities and family members of core political party leaders, the provisional list of legislative candidates that will take part in the 2009 general elections also contains a number of 1998 student movement activists. Is this one of the positive signs coming out of the process of democratisation in Indonesia, particularly in relation to the cadreisation of the national leadership?
1998 activists, who have become legislative candidates, include among others former People's Democratic Party (PRD) chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko and activists Pius Lustrilanang and Desmond J. Mahesa. The last two were also victims who survived the abduction of pro-democracy activists in 1997-1998.
Their decision to become legislative candidates is as if they want to follow in the footsteps of their colleagues who have already "tasted" a seat in parliament such as Anis Matta (Justice and Prosperity Party) and Nusron Wahid (Golkar Party).
As part of preparations to win a legislative seat, Sudjatmiko has opened offices in Cilacap and Banyumas in Central Java, the electoral districts where he will be competing in the 2009 elections. At both offices he is focusing on communications and meetings with various local social organisations such as youth, farmers and students.
"Coincidentally I was born and grew up in Cilacap. In 1990-1994, I was also involved in the organisation of plantation workers and farmers in the area so it is relatively easy for met to come to Cilacap and Banyumas, and struggle for the wishes of the residents of these two areas if, in the end I am able to get a seat in the DPR [House of Representatives]", explained Sudjatmiko.
Sudjatmiko's struggle to become a member of the DPR began on December 3, 2004 when he along with 51 colleagues in the PRD decided to become members of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
"I became involved in practical politics, in this case a political party, because in order to bring about real reforms it requires political power. If in the past I struggled through demonstrations, now hopefully [it can be] through the DPR", he said.
An almost identical view was expressed by the former general secretary of the National Gathering of 1998 Activists (Pena 98), Adian Napitupulu. "One of the recommendations of the Pena 98 National Meeting in June 2007 was to try to get into the legal political arena in order to ensure that there would be the reforms that had been anticipated. Because, after reflection, up until now our movement has had one particular deficiency, that is we did not have the capacity to implement policies. We are trying to overcome this problem by getting into parliament", said Napitupulu.
As a part of implementing this recommendation, continued Napitupulu, members of Pena 98 have now become legislative candidates in 23 provinces, both for the national as well as regional parliaments, with various rankings on legislative candidate lists and with different political parties.
Lustrilanang, one of the victims that survived the abduction of activists in 1997-1998, has also decided to become a legislative candidates for the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra Party) because in his view, political power is required in order to carry out reform.
When asked about leading members of Gerindra, such as former army special forces (Kopassus) commander Prabowo Subianto and former National Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy chief Muchdi Purwoprandjono [who is now standing trial for the premeditated murder of human rights activist Munir], two former Indonesian military officer who had to relinquish their positions because they were believed to have been responsible for the abduction of activists in 1997-1998, Lustrilanang answered, "In politics there are no eternal friends or enemies. Besides, their involvement in the case has already been resolved legally".
Moreover, continued Lustrilanang, his joining the Gerindra Party is part of an effort at national reconsolidation, which is an important model that is required for Indonesia to move forward.
"Among those that now claim to be reformists, there are also many whose bearing is the same as the New Order [regime of former President Suharto], obstinate and authoritarian. So, in the end, it all depends upon the person, and their commitment", he asserted.
Prior to joining the Gerindra Party, Lustrilanang once became a member of the PDI-P and the Democratic Renewal Party (PDP), as well as establishing the National Unity Party (PPN).
As well as being motivated by the ideal of carrying out reform, there are also activists who have decided to become legislative candidates because they want to obtain political experience. "Aside from wanting to learn, there happens to be the opportunity [offered by the] 30 percent quota for women [on legislative candidate lists] so I took advantage of it," said the executive director of the Institute for Public Research and Advocacy (Elsam) Agung Putri.
Cadreisation There are also the consideration within the current democratic environment that it is quite legitimate for an activist to become involved in practical politics, because it is a part of their political right as citizens. Their decision to become legislative candidates is considered important for the cadreisation of the national leadership.
Under an open political system such as exists now, shouting and screaming is not enough to improve the life of the nation, providing correction from outside the system. It requires good and quality people to join in the system in order to improve it from within.
Moreover, they are convinced that Indonesia's reawakening will take place faster if there is intensive networking and communication between those who are inside and those who are outside the system.
On the other hand however, the inclusion of young activists on legislative candidate list with a track record that is still relatively clean also benefits the political parties that sponsor them. These activists can provide "cover" for the poor records of these political parties in the past. Moreover, political parties can be seen as "reformist" or to be promising change. Such an image of course, is needed to bolster the number of votes they will receive in the 2009 elections.
The presence of these former activists will also enhance the bargaining position of the political parties concerned if later on they have to form a coalition or cooperate with other political forces.
In the end however, only the future will be able to testify to the real and basic reasons for these former activists becoming legislative candidates.
Is it really for tactical reasons, that is to more effectively struggle to build a better Indonesia? Or is it only for pragmatic reasons, that is because they can't resist the temptation of enjoying the sweat rewards of power? Or, it could also just be part of an effort to fulfil the desire for adventure.
What is clear, is that 1966 activists Soe Hok Gie once deplored the position taken by some of his friends who began to forget their commitment because they were too busy enjoying the comfort of riding in a Holden sedan.
Hopefully such disappointments will not be repeated...
1998 activists on legislative candidate electoral lists:
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)
Democrat Party
Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS)
Star Reform Party (PBR)
Gerindra Party
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post Editorial - August 26, 2008
Politicians in the House of Representatives and leaders of the major political parties are very diligent to criticize the government for dragging its heels while eradicating corruption in this country.
But when their name or organization shows up in an investigation alleging corruption, they are quick to cover up and to pressure law enforcers to delete their names from the embarrassing files.
It happened last week. Rather than using the alleged bribery case to boost her popularity, Megawati Soekarnoputri, chair of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), was quick to sack the longtime loyalist who exposed the scandal. Amid growing corruption scandals involving several legislators, some may ask: Why did the former president hastily sack Agus Condro Prayitno after that legislator ignited the corruption fuse?
Megawati could instead use the scandal to convince the public they should vote for her in next year's presidential election by conducting a thorough investigation to prove Agus' claim and taking severe action against the perpetrators without waiting for legal procedures. People may be forgiven for not believing Megawati's reasons for punishing Agus. In any case, it is hard to believe only House members received these bribes while their party bosses remained squeaky clean or knew nothing about the scandal.
PDI-P Secretary-General Pramono Anung said the party had Agus quit its ranks because he had tarnished the party's image ahead of the 2009 election.
Megawati wants another chance to lead the country, though she served as president from 2001 to 2004. Perhaps she forgets, no matter how strong her reasons for sacking Agus, people remain highly suspicious that corrupt behavior has taken place within the House of Representatives. So why did she fire Agus?
"Since the beginning, the PDI-P supported Miranda as Bank Indonesia's (BI) senior deputy governor. If people took advantage of our policy, then they were wrong because, even without money, we would still have supported Miranda," Pramono said on Saturday.
Agus Condro clearly does not deserve the status of a hero – a crook's moniker would be closer to the truth – since he confessed four years after the fact. Agus told the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the public he had received Rp 500 million (US$4,345) from a party comrade shortly after he voted for Miranda as Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor in 2004.
Agus appeared alarmed to learn six of his colleagues in the House had been arrested by KPK and some face trial for bribery.
The KPK has questioned Forestry Minister MS Kaban and State Minister for National Development Planning Paskah Suzetta for allegedly receiving bribes from BI in 2003 when the two were still House members. BI's former governor, Burhanuddin Abdullah, is charged with channeling Rp 31.5 billion in BI funds to House Commission IX on financial affairs.
In the meantime, at least five legislators have been accused of accepting bribes tied to a forest conversion permit in Bintan regency, Riau Islands.
If Agus was honest he would, of course, have returned the bribe immediately after he had received it (as four other PDI-P legislators should have done, according to his own claim) from his party comrade Dudhie Makmun Murod, in 2004.
Whatever Agus' motivation, legal enforcers, especially the KPK, need to treat Agus as a whistle-blower and provide him full witness protection to enable the commission to hold all corruption suspects accountable.
The House endorsed a witness protection law in 2006, but it remains toothless, lacking the necessary enabling regulations.
Clearly many among the political elite, including powerful bureaucrats, are seeking to silence Agus or to brand him as a liar, because more will go to jail if bribery charges surrounding the appointment of BI's deputy governor – and perhaps others – can be proved.
For the sake of the nation's determination to delete Indonesia from the list of the world's most corrupt countries, the public awaits a thorough, legal settlement to Agus' confession. And the KPK is on the front line to ensure a little justice for Indonesia's citizens.