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Indonesia News Digest 17 May 1-8, 2008
Tempo Interactive - May 7, 2008
Adi Warsidi, Banda Aceh Former President of Finland Martti
Ahtisaari has said that in general the peace process in Aceh is
running well, however, the reintegration process is not yet
maximized.
"There is still much to do as far as reintegration is concerned
for all of us during the next few years," he said when visiting
Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam yesterday.
Martti, President of the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI), is a
facilitator for the peace process in Aceh. CMI has been
facilitating meetings for peace in Aceh since the memorandum of
understanding (MOU) was signed in Helsinki, Finland, on 15 August
2005.
Regarding some points of the MOU that have not been applied,
Martti promised to consult on these with the central government,
especially as regards reintegration. "Generally, it has created a
peaceful situation," he said.
Martti has been in Aceh for four days and has visited several
areas including South East Aceh, Central Aceh, Bener Meriah, and
Banda Aceh city. "People in remote areas can really feel this
peaceful situation," said Martti.
In Aceh, Martti has met with community groups and NGOs, including
the Aceh Judicial Monitoring Institute (AJMI) represented by
Hendra Budyan, in order to find out more about their aspirations.
In these closed meetings, NGOs in Aceh asked Martti to discuss
with the central government about the establishment of a human
rights court and Truth and the Reconciliation Commission (KKR) in
Aceh as these are in line with the MOU and State Decree 11/2006
regarding Aceh Governance.
Hendra said that Martti has promised to bring up these matters
with the central government.
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Jakarta A survey conducted to commemorate a decade of
Indonesia's reform movement has concluded an overall decline in
the freedom of religion and speech but an increase in governance
performance.
The survey, released Monday by democracy and human rights
research center Demos, was conducted in 2007 among 900 social,
political and democracy activists throughout the nation.
Besides freedom of religion, belief, language, culture and
speech, assembly and organization, most freedoms have been
curtailed, the survey said.
It said other aspects of democracy were also constrained, such as
the freedom of the press, freedom to establish trade unions,
freedom to form parties, citizens' participation in independent
civil associations, public access to information and
participation in public life.
Improvements were seen in the rights to basic education, the
rights of children, the freedom from physical violence,
government support of international law and human rights,
employment rights and basic needs, equality before the law and
the subordination of the government and public officials to the
rule of law.
Other high points included the transparency and accountability of
the elected government, the government's independence from strong
interest groups, good corporate governance, independence from
money politics and the government's increased capability to
combat paramilitary and criminal activities.
Demos deputy director Willy P. Samadhi said Indonesians in
general had lost some rights but their government had improved.
He said he was concerned, though, the current situation might
lead Indonesia back into the oppression experienced under
Soeharto's authoritarian New Order regime.
"The government has indeed improved its quality in terms of
efforts to eradicate corruption and to enhance education
facilities. "However, the limitations on the freedom of speech,
assembly and organization have set a bad precedent for the
country's future," he said.
Willy said that since Demos' first survey in 2004, Indonesia's
democracy had shifted toward oligarchy, with only the powerful
having the right to govern. "The chance to run for election is
open only to those who have links to power or money. That means
Indonesia still faces a monopoly in terms of representing the
citizenry," he said. (nkn)
Demos, protests, actions...
May Day 2008
West Papua
Environment/natural disasters
Islam/religion
Elections/political parties
Media/press freedom
Economy & investment
Opinion & analysis
News & issues
Reintegration in Aceh not yet maximized
Freedoms down, government efficiency up in reform era: Survey
Undercover police 'trapped in drugs'
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Jakarta Most drug cases remain unsolved because police officers cannot resist the temptation to use the evidence, an expert says.
"How can we clean a dirty floor if the broom is also dirty?" said Adrianus Meliala, a criminology professor at the University of Indonesia in Depok.
Many police officers begin to use drugs when they are investigating drug-related crimes, he said. The investigation process requires them to frequently meet with criminals and drug users as well as visit night clubs and other places where potential drug transactions takes place.
"It is understandable that police get trapped in drugs even though it is not tolerable. They are supposed to arrest drug dealers instead of becoming their consumers," he said.
Some police officers become addicted after they finish investigating drug cases, which require them to act as undercover buyers. To convince the dealer, they try the drugs and after the probe is over they might go too far, using the drugs for pleasure, said Adrianus. Furthermore, some officers have used drugs before joining the force, he said.
West Java Police chief, Insp. Gen. Susno Duadji, said that in April alone, four highly ranked police officers in the province were arrested for using different kinds of drugs, including crystal methamphetamine (shabu-shabu) and ecstasy. "It has become our commitment to clean up the police force from drugs. We conducted raids against them on purpose," he said Monday.
Last week, head of North Bogor subprecinct police Adj. Comr. Endang Rudianes, was arrested for allegedly using crystal methamphetamine with two civilian friends in his office in Pajajaran street, Bogor, West Java.
In May last year, police arrested the head of Cisarua subprecinct in Bogor, Adj. Comr Jumantoro, for keeping at his house a trader's crystal meth, ecstasy and heroine worth Rp 400 million (US$43,478). Four days later in the same town, Adj. Second Brig. Yusuf Akbar from Bogor precinct was arrested for carrying crystal meth and marijuana (ganja).
The police officers used the drugs because they did not have strong self-control, they were easily influenced by the drug environment, Susno said. (ind)
Agence France Presse - May 2, 2008
Stephen Coates, Jakarta The future of a major US Navy research laboratory in Indonesia is in doubt amid allegations, dismissed as "crazy" by US diplomats, of espionage and secret experiments.
Negotiations between Washington and Jakarta over the renewal of the operating contract of US Naval Medical Research Unit-2, or Namru-2, have stalled over a range of issues including diplomatic immunity for its US staff.
Established in Indonesia in 1970 and charged with researching infectious diseases of military importance, the facility employs 19 Americans and more than 100 Indonesians and is based in Indonesian health ministry grounds.
Its operations have attracted suspicion from a number of quarters in the world's largest Muslim country, from anti-US religious hardliners to outspoken Health Minister Siti Fadilah Supari and Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono.
"We'll conduct some checks on their presence in Indonesia," Vice President Jusuf Kalla said after Friday prayers last week.
Supari, whose ministry has worked with the US laboratory on projects including malaria research and bird flu early warning systems, has thrown fuel on to the diplomatic fire.
"Until today there have been no significantly useful results for the people (from Namru-2's research)," she said last month.
"Problems with contagious diseases such as malaria and dengue fever are still relatively the same... My people ask me why is there a health laboratory working together with a foreign military?"
Some parliamentarians have demanded the laboratory's operating contract, which expired in 2005, be torn up and its facilities taken over by Jakarta.
Parliamentary foreign affairs commissioner Mutamimul Ula called Thursday for an "investigation into allegations that Namru-2 staffers were involved in intelligence operations."
"There is this flavour of intelligence activities... This can't be avoided in the eyes of the public. It is part of the defence organism of a foreign country," Ula said.
The controversy and the delays in the renewal of the contract appear to be causing a degree of angst among US officials in the departments of health and state, reflecting the importance Washington attaches to the facility.
Namru-2 has been a major point of US-Indonesian cooperation over the years, including times when relations over other issues were strained. US President George W. Bush mentioned the facility in a joint statement with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono when he visited Jakarta in 2006.
Apparently stung by the latest whirlwind of allegations, some of which stretch back several years, the US embassy has issued a statement entitled "The Truth About Namru-2."
"There's been rumours over the last 10 years that we had to respond to," US embassy deputy chief of mission John A. Heffern told AFP.
"It's just crazy," he said of the allegations of spying and secret experiments, adding that Namru-2 was "totally unclassified, totally transparent."
"If the Indonesian ministry of health wants the raw data, it's totally open to them," he said. "Hopefully we will resume our negotiations. This doesn't help."
Sticking points in the negotiations have included the US's insistence that all American staff at the laboratory be given diplomatic immunity.
Complicating matters is a separate dispute between Washington and Jakarta over bird flu samples.
Jakarta is insisting on "the recognition of sovereign rights of states over their biological resources," and fears the flu samples will be used by foreign companies to make vaccines, which will be too expensive for Indonesians.
US officials have slammed the position, with US Secretary of Health and Human Services Michael Leavitt recently stressing the importance of international cooperation to tackle the bird flu threat.
"The United States has very important relationships here in Indonesia, that involve joint work in laboratories in various levels of research, and we have pledged to continue that," Leavitt said after meeting Yudhoyono last month.
Indonesia has the highest number of human bird flu victims, with 108 people known to have died in the sprawling archipelago from the disease.
The World Health Organisation, which has designated Namru-2 as a Collaborating Centre on disease research, has warned that Indonesia is putting its own population in danger by failing to share its samples.
Demos, protests, actions... |
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Erwida Maulia, Jakarta Thousands of teachers, students and community activists marked National Education Day on Friday with rallies and protests across the country.
Their demands ranged from the annulment of the national exam and granting of civil servant status to contract-based teachers, to provision of free education for all.
In Jakarta, thousands of contract-based teachers rallied outside the State Palace and House of Representatives, demanding that government raise them to civil servant status.
Teachers received support from hundreds of students from Jakarta State University, gathered in front of the Education Ministry on Jl. Jend. Sudirman, Central Jakarta, urging government to improve teaching quality and teacher's welfare.
Students also demanded that government review the national exam and fulfill the Constitutional mandate to allocate 20 percent of the state budget to education.
In the West Nusa Tenggara capital of Mataram, college students burned a bottomless coffin, which they said was a symbol of the death of national education.
Besides demanding rejection of the national exam, students, who rallied in front of West Nusa Tenggara's education office, demanded that government provide free education from elementary to high school, as well as affordable higher education.
In Makassar, South Sulawesi, hundreds of students and dozens of blue-collar workers rallied outside the office of South Sulawesi Governor Syahrul Yasin Limpo urging him to speedily bring in the free education he promised before coming to office.
Students also rejected the proposed bill on new legal status for universities, arguing it was a form of educational privatization, and against the interests of the poor.
Antara reported protests also took place in capitals of North Sumatra, West Java, Central Java, Yogyakarta, West Sulawesi and Gorontalo provinces.
Despite the widespread protests, the government seems to be quite satisfied with its educational achievements.
"We have to recognize that Indonesia has achieved significant progress in educational development, although there is still much to be done given the increasing challenges of globalization," Education Minister Bambang Sudibyo said in a National Education Day commemoration in Jakarta.
The minister mentioned in his speech various government achievements in the education sector including the certifying of more than 147,000 teachers while 81,000 others got their bachelor's or four-year associate degree. He also highlighted extension of e-learning networks to include up to 10,000 schools and nearly 300 universities.
He also noted improvements in school infrastructure and facilities; the government's new policy on low cost textbooks and better school participation rates and literacy rates.
Although National Education Day celebrations fall every May 2, a concluding celebratory event will take place at Airlangga University in Surabaya on May 12, when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is expected to bring the commemorations to a close.
[Panca Nugraha and Andi Hajramurni contributed to the report from Mataram and Makassar, respectively.]
Jakarta Post - May 8, 2008
Jakarta Airport workers staged strikes at five airports Wednesday due to continued disagreements between state-owned PT Angkasa Pura I and its labor union over salaries, pensions and health insurance.
The coordinated six-hour strikes hit Sepinggan Airport in Balikpapan, East Kalimantan; Frans-Kaisiepo Airport in Biak, Papua; Hasanuddin Airport in Makassar, South Sulawesi; Sam Ratulangi Airport in Manado, North Sulawesi; and Pattimura Airport in Ambon, Maluku.
Sepinggan Airport workers, dressed in black shirts with the words "We're on strike", started their strike at 6 a.m., disrupting airport operations until 12 p.m.
The airport, which serves 8,000 to 10,000 passengers and 120 flights daily, returned to normal after seaport security personnel was dispatched to help with runway operations.
At Frans-Kasiepo Airport, 70 workers caused several one-hour delays of flights after they went on strike from 5 a.m. to 11 a.m., head of the labor union in Biak Primus Rahangiar said.
Angkasa Pura I's board of directors in January rejected its labor union's demand for an increase in salaries, pension payments and health insurance to retirees, as stipulated by a 2006 collaborative labor agreement between the union and the board of directors.
Under the 2006 agreement, airport workers were entitled to salaries equal to those of civil servants, which currently stand at Rp 1.2 million (US$129) for the lowest posts.
"We are making less than that. The agreement also said we would get increased pension payments and health insurance, but they still haven't fulfilled that promise," labor union head Itje Yulinar said.
Labor union secretary-general Sulistyani said the union planned to carry out more strikes if its demands were not met.
"If the board of directors continues to refuse our demands, we will hold a 12-hour strike Thursday. If there is still no response from them, we'll hold a 24-hour strike Friday," she said.
Sulistyani added that workers from Aditsutjipto Airport in Yogyakarta were ready to participate in Friday's strike.
Ribka Tjiptaning, head of the House of Representatives' Commission IX overseeing citizenship, health, labor and transmigration affairs, agreed to meet with Angkasa Pura I's board of directors to negotiate the union's demands.
"If they have indeed broken their agreement with the union, then we'll give them a harsh warning," Ribka said after meeting with Sulistyani and several union members at the House.
Ribka added that all airport workers in the labor union should continue to demand their rights together and not betray each other.
Angkasa Pura I employees of Ahmad Yani Airport in Semarang, Central Java, did not take part in the strike.
"We fight for our aspirations through a more managerial approach. Our suggestions have been passed on to the directors," said Edy Cahyono, Ahmad Yani Airport labor union chief. (anw)
Jakarta Post - May 7, 2008
Andi Hajramurni, Makassar Four people were injured and six others detained for questioning after hundreds of university students staged a rally in South Sulawesi to protest the government's planned hike in fuel prices.
The rally turned violent when students of Alaudin State Islamic University hijacked an oil tank truck and later pelted stones at police.
Several vehicles passing the site were also damaged from rocks thrown by students. The traffic from the city to Gowa regency was diverted to another road to prevent the scuffle from spreading.
The injured victims, including two police, were taken to a nearby hospital while six protesters were arrested for questioning at the police office.
The scuffle ended when some 120 riot police were deployed to disperse the protesters while several lecturers from the university tried to calm down the situation.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has hinted a fuel price hike of up to 30 percent in line with the soaring world crude oil price.
Makassar Police chief Sr. Comr. Genot Haryanto said the police would handle the incident according the law. "Whoever violates the law will be punished according to the law." He denied police were involved in the stone throwing.
During the rally, students decried the planned fuel price hikes which they said would overburden the people, especially the majority low-income earners, because it would trigger price hikes of basic commodities.
The students also held a free speech forum where they criticized the government for having no sense of crisis and no political courage to fight corruption.
May Day 2008 |
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Mariani Dewi, Jakarta Contract work and outsourcing systems remain relevant for businesses needing to adapt to Indonesia's volatile market, an employer association and a lawmaker said in response to demands by May Day protesters.
House of Representatives member Bomer Pasaribu said Friday revoking Labor Law No. 13/2003 based on a one-sided demand would not solve current labor law problems. Some clauses in the legislation have been controversial, especially those dealing with contract work and delegated work (outsourcing).
"It's easy to say 'ban outsourcing' or 'up the pay', but what will happen afterward? What are the impacts on businesses? There needs to be another system that brings compromise to the table," Bomer said.
Contract work and outsourcing do not contravene the Constitution and would benefit both employers and employees if carried out properly, said deputy chairman of the Association of Indonesian Employers (Apindo) Hasanuddin Rachman.
The comments by Bomer and Hasanuddin were made in response to demands for contract and outsourcing systems to be revoked, as expressed during nationwide rallies on World Labor Day on Thursday.
"There are jobs that are permanent, for which the law says we cannot hire contract workers. But some jobs arise out of temporary situations and require only temporary workers," Hasanuddin said.
"Say someone is on maternity leave; we cannot hire a permanent worker to fill the job. Even contract workers know their work is not permanent."
He said the regulation on contract work and outsourcing had often been misapplied in practice. Examples of misuse included using contract workers for jobs of a permanent nature and outsourcing internal jobs.
He called on the government to put more effort into enforcing and promoting labor laws.
"They should audit companies and punish those that break the law. But do not blame all businesspeople for the wrongdoings of a few companies," he said. "The government should also deploy more labor inspectors and make sure workers are familiar with the law so they know their entitlements."
Bomer has suggested the implementation of a new workplace insurance system that would require companies to pool funds from periodical membership payments and use them for contingencies, including as compensation for dismissed workers.
"(Under the scheme) many companies would share the payment of social security. The workers would get the protection they need and the businesses would not be overburdened," he said.
The scheme is in line with the International Labor Organization's convention and has been implemented in many Scandinavian and South American countries.
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta - May 1, 2008 was a national holiday not for working Indonesians, but for Christians, in the observance of the day of Ascension of Jesus Christ.
Despite its long avoidance of declaring International Labor Day a public holiday here, the government did not bar workers from celebrating on Thursday.
Unlike in industrial countries, the celebrations here were fairly exclusive and did not attract much public attention, giving an impression that Labor Day celebrations were the sole domain of some 25 million low-ranking workers employed in factories and some five million migrant workers overseas.
The celebration's exclusivity was made possible in partially with the use of euphemistic words like karyawan (employees) and pegawai (officers), instead of buruh (laborers) which has led middle and high-level workers in private and state-owned companies to perceive themselves as no longer "labor", classifying themselves instead as white-collar workers. By definition, however, all paid and unpaid workers, including the white-collar workers and civil servants, should define themselves as labor.
Unlike previous years, however, this year's Labor Day saw unions and workers organizing a peaceful mass gathering Thursday at Proclamation Monument in Jakarta. The group were protesting rampant outsourcing, contract-based recruitment and low pay which have all contributed to Indonesia's job insecurity and alarming rates of unemployment and poverty.
Indonesian migrant workers also gathered at Victoria Park in Hong Kong, protesting red tape which has been imposed on them by the Indonesian Consulate (HK) and manpower supplier agencies.
Aside from its historical context, Labor Day commemorations are very relevant to Indonesia and cannot be ignored by the government and employers in their commitments to protect workers and improve social welfare.
It is perhaps not necessary to add another holiday to commemorate Labor Day, but the Government should consider its current path toward creating good governance, broaden its horizons and repair the poor labor and human rights conditions in this country.
From a policy perspective, the government has regulations covering only 33 percent, or some 34 million members of a work force of some 108 million (under Law No. 13/2003 on labor and Law No. 39/2004 on labor export and protection) in the formal sector, while the majority 67 percent, (or 74 million) including 10.5 million jobless, have been left unregulated and unprotected.
Some 64 million workers in small and medium enterprises (SMEs), agriculture and fishery sectors have had no certainty of their future since they are employed without core labor standards, including daily minimum wages, working hours or social security programs.
The government still ignores rife outsourcing and recruitment of contract-based workers, a new strategy used by employers to reduce their labor costs to a minimum. It also failed to take action against several footwear and garment factories which last year dismissed large numbers of workers without severance pay.
Local governments under the regional autonomy cannot facilitate the signing of (bipartite) collective labor agreements (PKBs) because so far only 11,000 of 170,000 companies have had PKBs with their workers.
Only some 68,500 companies have protected their staff of eight million with social security programs (which are compulsory under Law No. 3/1992 on Jamsostek Workers Insurance Scheme). This means the majority of 28 million workers employed by some 90,600 companies in the formal sector have been left unprotected.
We want the government to bear in mind its constitutional task of providing jobs for the (jobless) people, taking care of the poor and the orphans, and respecting workers' rights.
Generating jobs has its importance not only for socioeconomic and sociopolitical reasons, but mainly because people's identity and dignity lies in their work.
In this context, the government should be ashamed of its failure to halt the rampant extortion of low-paid migrant workers who take their own initiative to seek jobs overseas, and should create jobs for workers upon their arrival home.
It's important for the government to attract foreign investors to generate more jobs and to ease the unemployment problem. It should not blame the poor investment climate on the harsh labor laws because many other decisive factors such as double tax policy, damaged public infrastructure and legal uncertainty are all needing repair.
It is no accident that Labor Day and National Education Day are commemorated in two successive days because the education is vital to improve workers' skills and, consequently, their social welfare.
This is the main reason why the 1945 Constitution recommends the government allocate 20 percent of the state budget to the education sector, not only to educate the people, but also to improve their competitiveness in entering a liberalized labor market.
The more skilled the workers, the more they will get paid and the more their dignity will be respected.
[The author is staff writer at The Jakarta Post.]
East Kalimantan Tribune - May 2, 2008
Ahmad Bayasut, Balikpapan Despite the beads of sweat pouring down their faces, the protesters continued to enthusiastically shout "Viva Workers! Viva the Poor!". These were the shouts led by action coordinator Yudi Zakaria and scores of demonstrators from the Balikpapan Political Committee of the Poor (KPRM) in front of the Balikpapan Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) in East Kalimantan on Friday May 2.
The KPRM is made up of the Peoples Democratic Party-Political Committee of the Poor (PRD-KPRM), the National Front for Labour Struggle-Poor Politic (FNPBI-PRM), the Urban Poor Union-Political Committee of the Poor (KPRM-SRMK) and the National Student League for Democracy-Poor Politic (LMND-PRM).
A platoon of municipal police armed with clubs was on guard in front of the assembly building. Five minutes later, DPRD Commission IV chairperson Wasiyem along with several other assembly members came out to meet with the protesters. The demonstrators however refused to speak with them saying that their demands are never heeded.
"We refuse [to hold] a hearing, because up until now the respected members in the house have never fought for the rights of workers or the urban poor", shouted Zakaria through a megaphone.
The protesters were voicing their objections to systems of contract labour and outsourcing because they have failed to bring prosperity to workers. They also said that the municipal and regional minimum wage was not enough to meet the daily needs of workers.
Zakaria said that trade unions and pro-labour organisations all across Indonesia are opposing the 2003 labour law because it stipulates that the regional minimum wage is only adjusted once every two years. This opposition is also related to rapid increases in the price of basic commodities, changes to severance pay and the spread of outsourcing.
Trade unions and pro-labour organisations have already written an alternative draft law to accommodate workers' desires.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Tempo Interactive - May 2, 2008
Several different locations in Central Jakarta were rocked by demonstrations on May 1 as tens of thousands of workers commemorated May Day or International Labour Day. Protest actions took place at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout, in front of the State Palace, the House of Representatives building and Proclamation Monument.
Workers raised a number of concerns including opposing labour contract system and outsourcing. Similar actions also took place in a number of other cities in Indonesia including Bandung, Semarang, Surabaya and Malang.
"The government has failed to produce polices that support workers", said Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM) public relations coordinator Nining Elitos at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout. As a consequence, the rate of unemployment and poverty continues to climb. "The state is responsible for protecting workers, jobs and proving a decent standard of living", said Nining.
Journalists from the Independent Alliance of Journalists (AJI) also took part in the May Day action. AJI Jakarta chairperson Jajang Jamaluddin said that they are demanding that journalists' wages be increased to 4.1 million rupiah a month. "We are also calling for improved working conditions, pensions and insurance guarantees", he said.
The atmosphere at the Proclamation Monument was even livelier. Aside from local workers, migrant worker representatives from India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Hong Kong and the Philippines also joined the protest."We are calling for our friends in Indonesia to obtain the same rights as all domestic partners everywhere", said Ika Irwaniati from the Indonesian Migrant Workers Trade Union (SBMI).
In the West Java provincial capital of Bandung, Dikdik, a labour activist from the National Student Front (FMN) said that the oppression of workers is currently being worsened by the widespread use of employment agents in the recruitment process.
Dikdik said that by depositing 1-1.5 million rupiah with a broker who is usually a thug or village official a jobseeker can be accepted for work as a contract factory worker without having to pass a test. After three months however, "The company can just sack a contract labourer arbitrarily", he said. According to Dikdik, these kinds of practices are still commonplace in the Bandung industrial areas of Rancaekek and Majalaya.
In the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya, East Java ABM coordinator Jamaludin highlighted systems of contract labour and outsourcing, which he said are inhuman and are becoming progressively more rampant. According to Jamaludin, there are almost no companies that do not employ these systems. Because of this therefore,"We are calling on the government to immediately put a stop to practices that impoverish workers", he said during a demonstration in front of the East Java governor's office.
Similar demands were made by Nanang Setyono, the chairperson of the Semarang National Trade Union (SPN) chairperson and the Agastani, the public relations officer for the Malang People's Struggle Forum (FPR).
[Slightly abridge translation by James Balowski.]
Kompas - May 2, 2008
Jakarta"belonged" to workers yesterday when tens of thousands of protesters flooded on to the main streets of the capital city to commemorate Labour Day, which is popularly known as May Day.
Demonstrations were held at at least five points in the city the Bung Karno Sports Stadium, the Hotel Indonesia roundabout, Banteng Square, the Jamsostek (state-run workers insurance scheme) office and the State Palace.
The State Palace in Central Jakarta was besieged by around 10,000 from the Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM). The demonstrators were disappointed because the palace was empty with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono spending the day at his private residence in Cikeas, Bogor.
The palace was like the outlet to a river for a long-march by thousands of workers arriving from different points in the city carrying scores of trade unions and student organisations flags and thousands of banners. Upon arriving at the palace, speakers called on the government and employers to improve workers' welfare.
The demonstrators also brought a number of large puppets resembling cows to symbolise the fate of workers who have become little more than cash cows. Others carried dummies hanging from bamboo stakes to symbolise the fate of marginal workers. "These puppets symbolise the fate of migrant workers who have simply become cash cows or the producers of foreign exchange without any protection", asserted Migrant Care executive director Anis Hidayah.
In front of the State Palace, the cries of disappointment with the government reached a crescendo when protesters realised that Yudhoyono was not going to meet with them. The protesters said that the promises made during the presidential election campaign have not been realised because the government favours the interests of business over workers. "The working class is kept down so that their wages are low, while employers continue to be provided with facilities so their wealth grows", said a speaker from ABM.
Angry over Yudhoyono's absence, speakers also called on protesters to take over the palace, however the call turned out to just a bluff because more than 3,000 police officers had formed a barrier surrounding the State Palace, the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. Some of the protesters even tried to jump the barbed wire fence resulting in a minor clash with police.
At the Bung Karno Sports Stadium, the Workers Alliance Forum (FAP) held an action titled May Day Fiesta 2008. The FAP is made up of the National Workers Union (SPN), the All Indonesia Workers Union-Electronic and Machinery Trade Union (FSP LEM-SPSI) and the Indonesian Metal Trade Workers Federation (FSPMI). At least 30,000 workers took part in the fiesta during which they highlighted the fact 10 years of labour reform has yet to provide protection to or improve the welfare of workers.
At the Hotel Indonesia roundabout meanwhile, a protest action was held by the Volunteers for Democratic Struggle (RPD), the United Workers Committee (KBB), the People's Struggle Front (FPR) and the University of Indonesia Student Executive Council (BEM). FSPMI also held an action at the House of Representatives building.
[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Jakarta The heat of the capital's sweltering sun on Thursday did not stop thousands of people from joining the World Labor Day rallies, closing down Jakarta's major thoroughfares and halting traffic.
Some 18,000 people held two large rallies in front of the State Palace and the House of Representatives, shouting out their demands for higher wages and their objections to the current contract system for blue-collar workers.
"The government has yet to show its support for the country's working class, who have been denied their rights. We gather here to tell them that the government is responsible for their labor problems," said Ansari, one of the rally's field coordinators.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the government would continue to consider the fate of workers to ensure a good relationship between them and their employers.
"Employers and workers need each other. It's impossible for employers to be without workers, and vice versa," said presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng, as quoted by Antara on Thursday.
In one of the May Day rallies, as the day is popularly known, thousands of people from 30 workers' associations and non- governmental organizations swarmed around the Hotel Indonesia roundabout from 10 a.m. Using buses and trucks, the protesters came in colorful clothes, holding banners and flags and yelling out chants. Later on, some 8,000 people started to march to the State Palace.
The rallies forced the Jakarta Police to close down Jl. M.H. Thamrin, Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat and Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara as the protesters walked 2.5 kilometers and stopped a few times for speeches.
"Workers rule! The people should be prosperous!", "Destroy capitalists!", "Long live the people, long live the workers!" were chanted by the crowd. They were welcomed by the police in front of the Palace with barbed wire and a water cannon car.
It was a similar situation outside the House where thousands of workers staged another rally. The Jakarta Police's Traffic Management Center reported people who gathered in front of the House before joining in the May Day Fiesta and the nearby Bung Karno Stadium. The event featured the People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Hidayat Nur Wahid and famous pop group Nidji.
Some 200 protesters rallying in front of the Wisma Bakrie in Kuningan, South Jakarta, about the effect of the Lapindo mudflow were arrested by South Jakarta Police for not holding a police permit for a rally.
Separately, the Asian Migrant Domestic Workers Alliance, the International Labor Organization and several local organizations held a protest at Tugu Proklamasi in Menteng, Central Jakarta, urging the government to recognize domestic helpers.
"We want domestic helpers to have the same protection, salaries and working contracts like other legal jobs," said Sumiati, a secretary at the Alliance.
The city administration, police and army deployed up to 15,000 personnel to guard the rallies. (dre)
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Jakarta Workers and students across the country took to the streets Thursday to commemorate International Labor Day.
In Bandung, West Java, workers from industrial centers in Bandung, Cimahi and surrounding cities held rallies on Wednesday and Thursday. They demanded the government press ahead with the revocation of the 2003 law on labor, which they said harmed workers' interests with its outsourcing and contract systems.
Members of labor organizations and students protested together in front of the gubernatorial and legislative offices at the Gedung Sate complex on Jl. Diponegoro.
In Bandarlampung, Lampung, Labor Day was observed by members of labor unions grouped in the People's Struggle Front, who took part in a five-kilometer march from Taqwa Mosque to Gajah Monument in the city center.
They demanded the government intervene to bring down the prices of basic goods, subsidize education and healthcare, raise the minimum wage, eliminate the contract system of work and outsourcing, and create more job opportunities.
In Makassar, South Sulawesi, workers criticized the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, saying their policies disfavored the poor and workers.
They also blamed the government for soaring food prices and for policies they said hurt businesses and forced them to lay off employees.
In Surabaya, East Java, thousands of workers from different labor unions affiliated with the People's Struggle Front, together with students, demonstrated at a number of different sites in the city.
The nearly simultaneous rallies called for improved living standards for workers.
In Banda Aceh, Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, scores of labor activists paraded around the city. They demanded the Aceh provincial administration double the monthly minimum wage from Rp 1 million (US$110) to Rp 2 million, to allow workers and their families to lead decent lives.
In Batam, Riau Islands, labor groups rejected outsourcing and contract systems of work, as well as the 1992 law on Jamsostek workers' insurance, which they said deprived them of their labor rights.
In Yogyakarta, thousands of workers from different organizations took to the streets demanding the government curb the prices of staple goods.
"Our minimum wage is very low, while the prices of basic needs have skyrocketed, adversely affecting workers. Most of us are no longer able to make ends meet," one protester told the crowd. The crowd responded with shouts of "Bring prices down immediately!"
In Medan, North Sumatra, there were no major rallies on Labor Day. Workers said they did not organize rallies because Labor Day coincided with a national holiday, the Ascension Day of Jesus Christ.
However, the previous day workers protested at several different locations in the city, including the governor's office, the legislative building and the Medan District Court. They demanded the government raise wages and improve their living standards.
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Dicky Christanto, Denpasar Protesters at a May Day rally held in Denpasar on Thursday accused the government of failing to protect Indonesians working longer hours for no extra pay.
The alliance of organizations commemorating the May 1 International Workers' Day displayed dozens of banners while activists gave speeches about how "unfriendly" government policies had jeopardized workers' lives.
Rally coordinator Samsul Arifin said the government had systematically weakened workers' conditions by allowing employers to enforce double shifts for less money.
"Most businesspeople are completely aware that workers don't have a choice but to continue working," he told the crowd, which included members of the Alliance of People for Democracy and Human Rights (ARDHAM) from student organizations, rights activists and pro-bono lawyer organizations.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention No.47/1935 stipulates employees work eight hours a day.
Samsul said factory workers as well as those from other sectors, such as office employees and even journalists, were subjected to such conditions.
Anton Muhajir of the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) said it was ironic journalists often covered stories about the mistreatment of workers, as they themselves were underpaid. He said this often caused ethical problems, as some journalists accepted money from their sources while covering stories.
"If media owners are really concerned about building an impartial media there is no other way but to pay serious attention to improving journalists' economic conditions," he said.
A group of Papuan students calling themselves the Front of West Papuan Struggle also held a rally for Papuan independence near the governor's office, but it ended abruptly after police dispersed the crowd by force.
Head of city police Sr. Comr. Alit Widana, who was on the site, said the Papuan students' rally was dismissed by force because the rally organizers had not yet acquired a permit from the police. "Besides, the issue of independence is not included in their application for the permit," he told reporters.
Some students were arrested by the city police, who also confiscated fliers calling for Papuan independence, banners and spears used as accessories in their traditional dancing.
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Mustaqim Adamrah, Jakarta Thousands of workers protested Wednesday in front of City Hall, demanding the administration punish employers who do not provide life and accident insurance.
In accordance with the 2006 gubernatorial regulation, all companies must provide life and accident insurance to their workers.
Thousands from Indonesian Workers Association (Aspek Indonesia) and the National Worker Association (SPN) participated in the staged protest.
"Around 95 to 97 percent of companies, where our members work, do not provide such insurances for their employees as mandated in the regulation," Endang Sunarto, the chairman of SPN's Jakarta chapter, said.
Violations still occur although companies must submit documents every year when they process their business license to prove their employees' have the required insurance.
Endang met with Deputy Governor Prijanto and a number of other city officials Wednesday to discuss the issue. Aspek and SPN representatives also attended the meeting.
Endang urged the administration to issue regulations to support the 2004 labor empowerment law to guarantee workers' right to recreational facilities.
Companies in the city have yet to provide facilities due to the absence of supporting regulations, he said. Prijanto said he would study the ordinance and the possibility of issuing such a regulation.
In addition to SPN's demands, Aspek Secretary General Indra Yana urged the administration to expedite the salary payment to public service agency Ambulans Gawat Darurat's employees.
"The agency has delayed salary payment to more than 200 employees for four months due to their obscure status, yet, according to the regulation, the agency's director should be penalized if the payment is delayed by only eight days," he said.
A similar incident occurred in 2006 when employees were left unpaid for six months, Arif Fatahillah, an agency employee, said.
Prijanto said he would help settle the issue, inviting Arif and his colleagues to another meeting next Monday.
Endang also said the administration should provide low-cost housings, particularly for employees working in the industrial bonded zone in North Jakarta.
"Those employees, who mostly come from outside Jakarta, spend 15 percent to 20 percent of their monthly income paying for accommodation in unhealthy, improper boarding houses," he said.
As part of the national program, the administration was building low-cost apartments to provide for low-income households, said Prijanto.
The government plans to build 1,000 low-cost apartment blocks with the prices of individual units ranging between Rp 90 million and Rp 144 million in the 10 big cities.
Kompas - May 2, 2008
Neli Triana Its 10am on Thursday May 1, and nine-year-old Nur Alfi is standing in the middle of a sea of workers at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout in Central Jakarta. Representing her father, a contract worker who is now unemployed after being sacked, Nur Alfi is enthusiastically taking part in this year's May Day protests to demanding justice and a better future for workers.
"Five years ago, my father was forced to become a motorcycle taxi driver (ojek) because he was dismissed from the factory where he usually worked. I heard from mum, dad can't work because his contract is over. This was perhaps the third time dad has been sacked", said Nur Alfi on Thursday.
Although at the time she was still a child, Nur Alfi felt the confusion of her family because her father Mukhlis (35) who used to work at a factory in the Nusantara Bonded Zone (KBN) in Cakung, East Jakarta suddenly stopped receiving a routine monthly income.
Her mother, Siti Solekha (34) who is also a worker at the company PT Kwang Duk in the KBN became the backbone of the family and took on the burden of supporting her husband and four children. Mukhlis receive not one cent in severance pay. Nur Alfi feels this is unfair.
"Every year it gets harder, the cost of living is steadily rising. Certainly, my income has now increased to 1.2 million rupiah a month. But that was only after continually extending my contract for one year at time, over the last five years. My husband meanwhile does sometimes get a bit of money, but mostly it's spent on petrol working as an ojek", said Siti.
The family live in a cramped house inherited from Siti's parents in the Malaka RT 5 RW 6 quarter of Rorotan in Cilincing, North Jakarta. Siti has to be very cleaver how she divides up her monthly wage, and borrows from here and there to pay for her children to attend school.
Siti will be safe at least until the end of this year because she still has a contract with PT Kwang Duk. When asked however about her prospects for the future, she could only shake her head in resignation.
Siti said that she wants her children to stay in school, so that at some time in the future they will be able to get a better job then she. However if the price of basic food and fuel continues to rise as it is at the moment, her wage will not be enough to fulfil her family's needs. Her dreams of a better future for her children may well flounder.
As her mother was speaking, Nur Alfi, who is in grade IV primary school, waved a small flag with the writing, "Abolish outsourcing systems and provide employment opportunities with a decent wage".
Intimidation
Similar feelings of anxiety and uncertainty about the future filled the hearts of more than 23,000 workers who arrived from all corners of Jakarta, Tangerang, Bekasi, Bogor and even Serang in Banten regency, to protest in front of the House of Representatives building, at the Bung Karno Sports Stadium, the Hotel Indonesia roundabout and the State Palace yesterday.
"This is a chance for us to convey our views without being afraid of intimidation after we return to work in the factories. We have waited a year for this action", said Ela (25) not her real name who works at PT Nico Mas Gemilang in Serang.
According to Ela, intimidation still haunts workers who try to struggle for their future. Currently, she feels quite fortunate after being accepted for work with a wage of 927,000 rupiah a month, in accordance with the regional minimum wage.
After graduating from senior high school in Lampung, North Sumatra, seven yeas ago, she has been moving from company to company in Jakarta and Banten.
Ela once payed an employment agent 1 million rupiah to find work, although as it turned out it was only for a job with a wage of 575,000 rupiah per month and a six month contract. Ela then protested against the agent and the company. The end result was that she was only employed for three months and dismissed without an explanation.
Intimidation against workers who are critical is not limited to dismissals, but psychological pressure and physical violence is also employed. Company security personnel often double as hatchet men for the boss. "Women often become targets of sexual harassment. Male workers are a most beaten or threatened with dismissal or being killed if they are vocal. Out of the thousands of companies in Indonesia, less then 100 companies are open to or side with workers", said Sutikno, one of the marshals at the May Day action.
Decent wage
In the greater Jakarta area of Jabodetabek there are at least 6 million workers who have official positions in companies or specific work places and around 4 million who work unofficially.
"Almost 100 percent of all our workers are paid under the minimum wage standard", said Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM) regional coordinator for labour affairs Sultoni.
According to Sultoni, although in 2007 the minimum wage for workers in Jakarta province was raised to 972,000 rupiah a month, this was not a significant increase compared with 2006.
In reality, many factory workers, even those working in foreign companies, are only paid a basic wage of 500,000 rupiah a month. ABM is calling on President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to set the national minimum wage at 3.2 million per month.
With a minimum wage such as this, only then will Indonesian workers be able to pay for their children's education, cover the cost of healthcare and have a chance to relax.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Kompas - May 2, 2008
Surabaya The commemoration of International Labour Day on Thursday May 1 was marked with protest actions in several East Java cities. Workers and students also held demonstrations in Bandung, Denpasar, Palembang and Bandar Lampung.
In the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya, an alliance of workers from Surabaya, Gresik, Mojokerto, Sidoarjo and Pasuruan marched through the city demanding an end to systems of contract labour and outsourcing and the dissolution of the Industrial Relations Court.
Upon arriving at Jl. Pahlawan, the protesters were intercepted by hundreds of police who had erected a blockade under the railway bridge. A number of anti-riot police complete wearing shields were also standing guard and two fire trucks were parked alongside the East Java governor's office. A protest also took place in front of the State Grahadi Building.
In the East Java city of Madiun, employees from the state-owned railway company PT Kereta Api commemorated May Day by cleaning up the station, checking the readiness of trains and conducting a passenger ticket inspections on passing trains.
"For this Labour Day, PT Kereta Api Trade Union workers agreed not to hold a demonstration. We are commemorating it in a different way", said PT Kereta Api Trade Union regional leadership board secretary Haryono at the Madiun station on Thursday. This was because previous demands by the union seeking improvements in employee welfare have already been implemented.
In the Balinese provincial capital of Denpasar, at around 10am on Thursday municipal police arrested two students from West Papua in the area of the Bajra Shandi Monument in Renon. They were suspected of joining the May Day commemoration to voice calls for a referendum for Papua and West Papua.
Denpasar police chief Deputy Senior Commissioner Alit Widana said that when they were arrested, the two students who have not revealed their identity were carrying banners and posters blaspheming the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and calls for a referendum to be held for the people of Papua and West Papua.
A demonstration was also held in Denpasar by a group calling themselves the People's Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights (Ardham). Made up of the Association of Catholic Students (PMKRI), the Bali Legal Aid Foundation (LBH Bali), the Bali Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI Bali) and the Bali alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI Bali), they called for and end to mass dismissals and labour contract systems.
Orderly actions
An action by workers in the West Java provincial capital of Bandung on Wednesday April 30 also proceeded in an orderly fashion and was joined not just workers, but farm labourers and students also. The action, which was cantered at the Gedung Sate building complex, was joined by around 3,000 workers from the National Workers Union (SPN).
Four other labour organisations including the West Java Indonesian Labour Union Confederation (Gaspermindo), the West Java Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance (KASBI), the Association of Concerned Labour Youth (PPMP) and the May 1 Commemoration Committee, chose to hold a protest action on earlier on Wednesday, which was also joined by around 3,000 workers.
The main demands being articulated were similar to last year the abolition of contract labour systems and an end to outsourcing. They also called for decent wages and a reduction in the price of basic commodities. According to Gaspermindo chairperson Bambang Eka, out the union's 50,000 members, 50 percent are contract labourers.
Similar demands were also articulated by 500 workers from various different trade unions in the North Sumatra city of Banda Lampung who held a march from the Adipura Monument in the centre of the city to the shopping centre on Jl. Kartini. The action, which was guarded by officers from the Banda Lampung municipal police, was then continued in front of the Tanjungkarang train station.
Demonstrations commemorating May Day were also held in the South Sumatra city of Palembang where scores of protesters held speeches at the Fountain Roundabout followed by a march to the South Sumatra Regional House of Representatives building.
A number of different groups joined the protest including the National Student Front (FMN), the South Sumatra chapter of the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), the Palembang Legal Aid Foundation and the Indonesian Farmers Union (SPI). The protesters brought effigies symbolising capitalist forces such as the World Trade Organisation and the United State.
Thousands of workers in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar also called for the abolition of labour contract systems as well as the revocation of laws that fail to side with workers, the nationalisation of mining assets and a reduction in the price of basic commodities.
The action was joined by a number of organisations involved in advocacy for workers including the Peoples Challenge Front of Struggle (FPRM) and the Association of Workers and People for Nationalisation (PBRN). (A14/A07/APA/BEN/LSD/WAD/HLN/NAR)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Kompas - May 2, 2008
Jakarta The minimum wage is still not enough to fulfil the daily needs of workers in the major cities of Medan, Bandung, Jakarta and Surabaya. Many workers are making up the difference by falling into debt while job security levels remain low.
International Labour Day or May Day commemorations on Wednesday and Thursday, which took place simultaneously in Jakarta and major cities throughout Indonesia, proceed relatively peacefully. Workers from a number of different trade union associations or federations held a series of orderly marches.
Workers raised a number of concerns, including among others, wage levels that are now unable to fulfil the most basic need: food. This was also depicted by the purchasing power index and the employee perception index in a survey released by the All Indonesian Employees Organisation (OPSI) in Jakarta on Wednesday April 30.
The qualitative index was obtained through a survey of 910 workers with a wage of between 1-15 million rupiah per month in the cities of Jakarta, Medan, Surabaya and Bandung. Around half of the respondents surveyed had an income of between 1-3 million rupiah per month.
OPSI president Yanuar Risky said that the average minimum wage applied in these cities was 900,000 rupiah per month. This figure is clearly not enough for workers because the purchasing power index survey indicated that in order to meet basic consumption needs, an unmarried worker contracting a house needs a minimum of 1.82 million rupiah a month. Unmarried workers paying instalments on a house meanwhile need a minimum of 1.41 million rupiah per month and workers with families paying off a house need a minimum of 3.12 million rupiah.
Falling into debt
The purchasing power index indicates that the minimum wage being applied in these four cities is simply not enough to cover the real cost of living. In order to make up the deficit, workers have to borrow from employee cooperatives, borrow on their credit cards, seek loans from family and friends, pawn their belongings or simply try to economise.
Credit card debt is mostly accumulated by respondents with an income of between 3-5 million rupiah per month. "But, the survey also found that there are workers with incomes under 1 million rupiah a month who are relying on credit card debt for basic consumption", said Risky.
The survey, carried out by OPSI in cooperation with German-based Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), also measured the work perception index which covers transportation, food, healthcare, education, job security and social security. The lowest index was found for workers' expectations of job security followed by meeting the cost of household necessities.
Based on the survey which took place between January and April this year Risky warned that it will be difficult for workers to bear the recent increases in the price of food and transportation costs because the largest allocation of a worker's income is use for these two components of expenditure.
Mistreatment
In the Nusantara Bonded Zones (KBN) of Cakung and Marunda in North Jakarta, a demonstration by around 2,000 workers took place on Wednesday to protest the mistreatment of workers. They also said that this mistreatment is becoming more systematic because of the growing strength of capitalism and the weakness of government control.
The protesters said this mistreatment includes, among other things, low wages that are inadequate to cover the real cost of living. They also cited frequent acts of coercion and intimidation, the failure to pay dismissed workers severance pay, the lack of healthcare cover and limited opportunities for carrier advancement.
"Because of this therefore, we are calling on the government to immediately establish a labour supervisory body directly under [the authority] of the president and to deal with labour problems as fairly and justly as possible", said Halim, the chairperson of the Jakarta National Workers Union (SPN). "Many workers' wages are inadequate and healthcare is never provided for", he added.
Halim also called for the abolition of outsourcing and contract labour saying this only benefits the capitalist class. "Moreover labour systems such as this violate Law Number 13/2003 on the resolution of industrial disputes", said Halim.
Wartini (25) and Leny (23), contract labourers with the company PT Msg in the Cakung KBN said that as a result of this poor treatment, workers face an uncertain future. "The size of our monthly wage is already inadequate because increases in the price of basic commodities continue to take place", they said.
Wartini and Leny receive a wage from PT Msg of 976,800 rupiah per month. "Our wages have not been increased for two years. The price of basic commodities continues to rise. What's more, for rent, food and transport it is totally inadequate", said Leny.
Tuti (28), Irma (32) and Sulastri (29), employees with PT Western Indonesia who receive a wage in accordance with the minimum regional wage (UMP) believe that it needs to be corrected and increased again in concert with the increase in the cost of living. They also raised questions about the wages of foreign workers which are higher than their Indonesian counterparts even though their skills are the same.
Based on information obtained from workers, their average wage in the KBN is around 900,000 to 1.35 million rupiah a month. Many of these workers do not receive holiday bonuses (THR). (day/cal/ARN)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Tempo Interactive - May 1, 2008
Factory workers from the East Java Workers Challenge Alliance (ABM) held a demonstration to greet International Labour Day on May 1 in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya demanding the abolition of contract labour and outsourcing.
The action took place in front of the State Grahadi building the East Java governor's office on Jl. Pahlawan and the Surabaya District Court. Protesters came from a number of cities in East Java including Malang, Sidoarjo, Gresik, Pasuruan, Mojokerto, Jombang, Kediri and Jember.
ABM spokesperson Jamaludin said that workers are currently facing a number of labour problems. Contract labour systems and outsourcing, which are regulated under the 2003 labour law in Indonesia, allow companies to employ workers by bonding them as contract labourers.
"Whereas, they are working in permanent types of jobs. Workers can so easily become destitute just because their contracts are not extended or companies think they no longer need them", he said.
Indonesian Employers Association advisor Wiem Patiradjawane said that he supports workers obtaining their rights. He called on companies to view workers as partners."Don't just view workers as a burden. If workers are prosperous, the company will get more profits because productivity will rise", he said.
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Tempo Interactive - May 1, 2008
Erick Priberkah Hardi, Bandung Thousands of people from worker, farmer and student organisations inundated the Gedung Sate building complex in the West Java provincial capital of Bandung today. Aside from condemning the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla for failing to side with workers and farmers, they also called for the abolition of contract labour systems and outsourcing.
"Provide job security, abolish labour contract systems and outsourcing", said Hidayat from the Indonesian Trade Union Congress Alliance (KASBI). Hidayat also said they are calling for agrarian reform through the implementation 1960 agrarian law and the abolition of the law on foreign investment.
Although International Labour Day is a national holiday, many workers were unable to attend the protest because companies continued to operate and refused to give their employees the day off.
"As a result only a few representatives came, whereas usually if it's a holiday workers get a break", said Hidayat. Because of this therefore, KASBI and other trade unions have agreed to demand that May become a national holiday.
Dikdik, an activist with the National Student Front (FMN) said that the oppression of workers has been worsened by the spread of labour brokers in the recruitment of workers. Only by paying 1- 1.5 million rupiah to brokers who are usually thugs or village officials can jobseekers obtain work as contract labourers. "Whereas after working for three months for example, the worker's contract can be terminated unilaterally by the company", said Dikdik.
Aside from KABBI and FNM, also commemorating May Day were workers from the Association of Independent Indonesian Trade Unions (GSPMI), the 1992 Indonesian Prosperous Labour Union (SBSI), Agrarian Reform and the Bandung Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI).
Meanwhile in a press release handed out during a break at the demonstration, AJI said that may media workers such as journalists ware paid below that the cost of living. The group called for journalists to be paid a decent wage and an end to contract labour systems and outsourcing and demanded safeguards for journalists in the form of workplace accident insurance, heath insurance and life insurance.
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
Tempo Interactive - May 1, 2008
Rofiqi Hasan, Denpasar Hundreds of workers, students and journalists in Bali commemorated International Labour Day at the Bajra Sandhi Monument in the provincial capital of Denpasar, where they called for wage increases, the abolition of contract labour and guarantees of the freedom to associate.
The protesters, who were organised by the People's Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights (Ardham), held a long-march from the Alliance of Independent Journalist's (AJI) offices to the monument. During the march they handed out leaflets and carried posters with messages such as "Oppose Neoliberalism, Defend Workers", "Journalists are Also Workers" and "Stop Mass Dismissals".
In a speech, action coordinator Samsul Arifin said that workers' lives had not improved since reformasi. "Moreover it has become progressively worse because the government only defends the interests of employers", he said. Arifin added that many companies ignore the maximum eight hour working day, prohibit workers from organising and employ contract labour.
Miftahuddin Halim from AJI Denpasar said that journalists are also workers."Now days journalists are paid very low wages and have to work very hard", he said. Halim added that journalists tend to be employed by media owners simply to make profit for business without heeding social problems.
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski.]
West Papua |
Radio New Zealand International - May 1, 2008
The West Papua National Coalition of Liberation says Indonesia can point to little in the way of progress in the Papua region since its occupation in 1963.
West Papuan activists around the world are using May 1st, the 45th anniversary of Indonesia's occupation of West Papua, to renew their call for international dialogue on Papuan self- determination.
The Coalition, which represents a wide range of Papuan political and civil society groups, has ruled out pushing for independence in the foreseeable future.
But the Coalition's spokeswoman Paula Makabori says they'll keep lobbying for dialogue because under Indonesian rule, Papuans' fundamental rights have never been respected.
"The only thing showing on the ground is the human rights abuses increasing since back to the year when they take over West Papua. Today the West Papuans are trying to manage themselves and say, look, here we are and we're ready to take you to the international arena to solve the problems in fair and respectful, peaceful dialogue."
Radio New Zealand International - May 1, 2008
The British-based Free West Papua Campaign plans to deliver a Petition to the Prime Minister Gordon Brown to mark May 1st, the 45th anniversary of Indonesia's occupation of West Papua.
The petition is calling on the British government to push for dialogue on West Papuan self-determination in the international community.
It has the support of two senior British parliamentarians: Former Labour Cabinet Minister, Andrew Smith, and the former Bishop of Oxford, Lord Richard Harries, who is an independent MP. The campaign's Co-Director, Richard Samuelson, says that momentum for their cause is building in Britain where they are holding events each week.
"A lot of people are finding out about West Papua for the first time and their question is always What can we do to help get the pressure on the British government to do something? Because for most of the 45 years of the Indonesian occupation, the British government has known exactly what's going on, but they aren't expecting members of the British public to be raising it with them."
Environment/natural disasters |
Jakarta Post - May 8, 2008
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta Conservationists say protected wild orangutans in Central Kalimantan may be extinct in three years unless the government acts to stop the expansion of oil palm plantations.
Center for Orangutan Protection (COP) research shows the orangutan population is falling fast as forests are cleared to make way for oil palm plantations.
"We don't need to wait until 2015 to see orangutans extinct in Central Kalimantan. They will be gone in two or three years," COP forest program officer Novi Hardianto said here Wednesday. "The expansion of oil palm plantations is wiping out the orangutan habitat."
Forestry Ministry data shows there should be about 31,300 wild orangutans in the forests of Central Kalimantan. "The population is only 20,000 orangutans now," said Novi.
He said government ambitions to make Indonesia the world's largest palm oil producer have accelerated the extinction of orangutans. The provincial administration has also proposed a plan to clear a further 455,000 hectares of rainforest for oil palm plantations.
"Our investigation shows palm oil companies, who are members of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), are still clearing forest and orangutans are suffering the consequences," Novi said.
He referred to the palm oil producers association's RSPO initiative to promote the growth and use of sustainable palm oil. The RSPO requires new plantations established after November 2005 not to clear primary forest which has conservation value.
Novi said the Forestry Ministry has yet to take action to protect orangutans living outside the conservation areas. There has been no court case on the killing of orangutans," he said.
Environmentalists recently stepped up pressure on palm oil firms in Indonesia to promote sustainable forest management and stop expanding plantations into the forest.
Environmental group Greenpeace has forced consumer goods giant Unilever to buy only certified sustainable palm oil, including from Indonesia the world's third-largest forestry nation with 120 million hectares of forest.
Greenpeace said it estimated 1,600 orangutans were killed because of expansion of oil palm plantations during 2006.
Novi said dozens of conservationists wearing orangutan costumes would stage a rally here Thursday to demand government stop expansion of oil palm plantations into forests.
During the press conference, COP activists showed pictures taken last year of dead orangutans being carried out of new plantations in Central Kalimantan.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono launched an ambitious Orangutan Action Plan to protect the country's orangutan species by 2017 during the recent Bali climate change conference.
Jakarta Post - May 5, 2008
Rizal Harahap, Pekanbaru The sudden reshuffle of Riau Police Chief Sutjiptadi, known for his anti-illegal logging stance, raises questions about the motives behind the replacement, an environment group says.
Brig. Gen. Sutjiptadi will be replaced and take up his position as governor of the Police Academy in Semarang, Central Java, in the midst of a crack down on illegal logging he initiated a year and a half ago.
"The replacement is bad news for Riau because it takes place when the war against illegal logging is at its peak. Frankly, we are disappointed about the move because he seems to have not been given the chance to finish his job, and there is no guarantee his successor could resolve those issues in Riau," executive director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) in Riau, Jhony Setiawan Mundung, told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
Jhony said Sutjiptadi's transfer from Riau was a "planned conspiracy" involving six regional leaders and two large-scale pulp and paper mills.
"Many are annoyed at Sutjiptadi because they have become targets of operations against illegal logging. Replacing him is the peak of the conspiracy masterminded by the two prominent timber financiers. They would do anything, from pelting Sutjiptadi's official residence to murder threats to kill his wife, but he doesn't move. I doubt his successor could be like him," Jhony said.
He refuted allegations Sutjiptadi had received bribes from the illegal logging operators.
"There isn't any proof showing he's greedy for money. The threats however came when he turned them down. He was often offered bribes by messengers from the two financial backers to tolerate illegal logging like his predecessors, but Sutjiptadi refused. His courage in resisting the financiers deserves praise," Jhony said.
Despite failing to bring the illegal logging cases to court, Jhony said Sutjiptadi was able to cleanse his force of graft and bribery. He had dismissed and transferred 48 officers who collaborated with the financiers during his tenure.
"None of his predecessors were like him. Unfortunately, Sutjiptadi failed to beat the organized conspiracy, so much so that they could continue destroying the environment," he said.
Sutjiptadi shrugged off speculation that a third party had been involved in his transfer. "I've never felt pressured. This is a promotion and I will get another star for it. I had a good time. Being transferred is normal. I've no qualms about it and I'm ready to move on," he said.
He also denied that the reshuffle at the Riau police headquarters would put a stop to illegal logging investigations. "I will hand over illegal logging cases with evidence of corruption, such as the unlawful issuing of licenses, to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK)," Sutjiptadi said.
Jhony said Sutjiptadi's commitment to handing corruption cases over to the KPK was impressive.
"The plot to oust Sutjiptadi has instead become a blunder. The (timber companies) and regional leaders involved in illegal logging will be even more worried if their cases are handed over to the KPK. They were initially happy with the replacement, but the party will be over for them because Sutjiptadi has used his lethal weapon," Jhony said.
Jakarta Post - May 5, 2008
Jakarta Advocates have warned the Jakarta administration's plan to establish 13 new shopping centers in Jakarta will damage its environment.
"The new malls will decrease the availability of land for water catchment," said Firdaus Hidayat, an officer for sustainable development at OneWorld Indonesia, on Thursday.
OneWorld and Kaukus Lingkungan Hidup Jakarta, also an environmental non-government organization, said there were already too many malls for the city's residents.
Firdaus said by approving the plan, the administration was putting the city at risk of more flooding. He also highlighted the importance of resident involvement in revitalizing the city.
Firdaus said the shrinking water catchment area has caused a significant increase in the volume of runoff water, which could potentially flood the city.
Out of the 2,000 cubic meters of rainwater Jakarta receives annually, only 26.6 percent can be absorbed by land, while the other 73.4 percent is runoff water.
Urban planner Darrundono said Jakarta needed a sustainable scheme in planning the city.
"When building a mall we should consider social, environmental and economic aspects, but at the moment we are only focusing on the economic aspects," he said.
"We need to consider our investment in nature, like many other investments, will bring returns of a better environment and happy citizens," he said.
He also said current development was not environmentally friendly. "This year Jakarta has experienced a 3-centimeter land subsidence. This is really dangerous for our buildings, which weren't designed to absorb water well," he said.
Darrundono, agreeing with Firdaus, said a weakness in Jakarta's city planning was the lack of resident involvement. (lva)
Islam/religion |
Jakarta Post - May 7, 2008
Jakarta Hundreds of interfaith activists rallied here Tuesday demanding the government protect religious freedom and drop a plan to outlaw the Jamaah Ahmadiyah Islamic sect.
A similar protest was staged by an alliance of different groups in Yogyakarta. Both protests rejected the ban proposed by an official interdepartmental board which had labeled the sect as "heretical". They urged hard-line groups to stop attacking Ahmadiyah, and the government to take religious intolerance seriously.
Representatives of the National Alliance for Religious Freedom and other organizations gathered in downtown Central Jakarta to reject the recommended ban.
They marched from the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle to the National Monument with Ahmadiyah followers and non-Muslims joining the demonstration.
Protesters stopped at the United Nations mission and some were received by officials of the international body. Some of the banners read 'stop religious fascism" and 'stop violence in the name of religion".
Speaking at the rally, moderate Muslim scholar Siti Musdah Mulia warned the nation against the growing influence of "robed thugs" and strict Wahabist interpretations of Islam.
"The government should not disband us. Why don't they punish and disband the hard-line groups who attacked us? I don't understand this," Ahmadiyah protester Nur Hasanah said. She said Ahmadiyah members would continue to practice their faith despite the planned ban of the minority sect.
Nur also said they urged the Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society (Bakor Pakem) not to push the government to outlaw the sect. "We hope this rally will make them reconsider their recent recommendation. We will keep struggling for what we believe in. The show must go on," Nur said.
Christian priest Johannes Hariyanto said he joined the rally "as an Indonesian... (who was) very concerned about Ahmadiyah."
"This is about religious freedom and the state must protect it," he said. "The government should cancel a decree to outlaw the sect because it could lead to more violence. If they go ahead with it we will take legal action," Hariyanto said.
Separately, presidential advisor Adnan Buyung Nasution said such a decree would not be issued in the near future as the government needed more time to finalize it.
"There are still principal differences of opinion in this issue," he said after attending an interdepartmental meeting at the State Secretariat to discuss the draft decree.
"The state or the government should not interfere too much in religious affairs. Every citizen has the right to believe in and responsibility to face God," added Buyung, who is a prominent human rights lawyer.
Hard-line and radical Muslim groups however have lauded the anti-Ahmadiyah recommendation and demanded an immediate ban on the sect.
In Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, the Islamic Forum (FUI) staged a demonstration Tuesday outside the governor's office, demanding the immediate disbanding of Ahmadiyah because its activities deviated from mainstream Islamic teachings.
"The sect members obviously acknowledge Mirza Gulam Ahmad as a prophet (after Muhammad) and this is absolutely wrong. We also condemn Mirza Gulam as a liar," protest coordinator Sutardi said.
To prevent any possible attacks on local Ahmadiyah members during the protest, police guarded the Mataram Transito House where they have been taking refuge after previous violence.
Tensions have increased since the Bakor Pakem proposed the ban. Recently, a Muslim mob set fire to an Ahmadiyah mosque in Sukabumi, West Java.
The Ahmadiyah issue has raised questions among moderate Muslims and human rights campaigners over Indonesia's image as a moderate and tolerant Muslim country which constitutionally guarantees religious freedom. (trw)
[Desy Nurhayati and Panca Nugraha both contributed to this story from Jakarta and Mataram respectively.]
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Jakarta/Bandung/Mataram The government is being urged to disband its interdepartmental board that recently recommended a ban on Jamaah Ahmadiyah, as protests have continued in support of the Islamic sect.
"We demand the government dissolve the Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society (Bakor Pakem) immediately because the board is no longer relevant for today," Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) research director Zainal Abidin told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
"The board is one of the New Order regime's products and it tends to limit citizens' freedom. In today's context, the government should not interfere in citizens' political and social issues. "People have their rights and freedom to carry out religious activities," he said.
Zainal said the YLBHI may take legal action against Bakor Pakem for limiting the freedom of expression of Ahmadiyah members. "We still see the possibility of filing a lawsuit against the board," Zainal said.
On April 16, Bakor Pakem, which consists of senior officials from the Attorney General's Office, the Religious Affairs Ministry, the Home Ministry and the National Police, announced a ban on Ahmadiyah for heresy.
Bakor Pakem said that during a three-month evaluation of 55 Ahmadiyah communities across the country, it found the sect failed to commit to the 12 points of its public declaration signed in January.
The declaration included acknowledging the Prophet Muhammad, instead of Mirza Gulam Ahmad, as the last prophet in Islam, as believed by mainstream Muslims worldwide.
Hard-line groups renewed attacks on Ahmadiyah following the board's recommendation.
The YLBHI also urged the government to take concrete measures to ensure acts of violence would not recur. "The state is responsible for protecting all citizens, including Ahmadiyah members, from any threats and fears," Zainal said. Some organizations showed their support Monday for Ahmadiyah.
In Bandung, West Java, about 25 organizations staged a rally demanding the government refrain from interfering with citizens' freedom. They also called on Bakor Pakem to withdraw its recommendation.
Protest participant Zaki Firdaus said the ban would put Ahmadiyah members under increasing pressure, especially in the case of children attending state schools.
"The teachers always say Ahmadiyah is forbidden in the country and its members are infidels. These statements have led to high pressure for children," Zaki said.
In Mataram, dozens of organizations under the National Alliance for Tolerance (AKUR) also held a similar protest.
The alliance did not only reject the anti-Ahmadiyah recommendation, but also urged moderate Muslim organizations like Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Wathan (NW) to overcome differences among them and help cancel the ban.
The AKUR asked police to protect Ahmadiyah refugees living in limbo at the Transito Mataram House.
"Many Ahmadiyah members have stayed in Transito without having any proper facilities, including security, health and education for their children. The ban will worsen their conditions," said protest coordinator Taufiqurrahman.
The West Nusa Tenggara government should give Ahmadiyah members necessary protection and send them back to their hometowns, he added. (trw)
[Yuli Tri Suwarni and Panca Nugraha contributed to this story from Bandung and Mataram, respectively.]
Agence France Presse - May 6, 2008
Jakarta Hundreds of supporters of a minority Islamic sect dubbed heretical by a government panel rallied here Tuesday demanding that religious freedom is protected in the world's biggest Muslim country.
Representatives of the minority Ahmadiyah sect as well as mainstream Muslims and Christians gathered in central Jakarta to urge the government to reject a proposed ban on the sect.
"We are here to show to Indonesia, to the world, that Indonesians love peace. To show that there are more Indonesians who love peace than those who don't," an organiser told the crowd.
The more than 500 demonstrators carried banners in support of religious freedom and against any effort to ban Ahmadiyah. Some of the banners read 'stop religious fascism" and 'stop violence in the name of religion."
Islamic scholar Siti Musdah Mulia told the rally that a ban on Ahmadiyah would be "inviting disaster" for the nation, and warned of the growing influence of "robed thugs" and strict Wahabist interpretations of Islam.
The rally stopped at the UN mission and some of the protesters met officials from the world body. "We are not here to make a demand, we are only here to draw their attention... It is their duty to make sure that the international covenants guaranteeing religious freedom are respected," Mulia said.
The Coordinating Body for Monitoring Religions and Beliefs a panel set up during the Suharto dictatorship last month recommended the government ban Ahmadiyah due to its unorthodox Muslim faith.
The sect, which has around 200,000 followers in Indonesia and has been established in the country since the 1920s, believes Mohammad was not the final prophet, contradicting a central tenet of Islam.
Tensions have grown since the panel proposed the ban, with some hardline Muslims calling for an immediate crackdown on the sect and a mob setting fire to an Ahmadiyah mosque in West Java. Twelve men have been charged over the incident and will face trial.
Human rights activists have said the issue raises questions over Indonesia's image as a moderate and tolerant Muslim country which constitutionally guarantees religious freedom.
Jakarta Post - May 5, 2008
Tony Hotland, Jakarta Recent issues of domestic religious freedom have damaged Indonesia's global reputation as a nation of religious tolerance, experts say.
Noted Islamic scholar Azyumardi Azra, a professor at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, said Sunday that religious communal conflicts were working against "the government's pretense of trying to be a peacemaker".
"We rush to get a position at world bodies, to play a role in the resolution of conflicts such as Palestine-Israel or in Iraq, yet we can't even resolve such conflicts at home," he said.
Azyumardi, a member of the advisory board of the UN Democracy Fund (UNDEF) in New York, said the world community could not fathom why the government "was bowing down to pressures from vigilante groups globally labeled as hard-liners", adding that "such violent acts were causing setbacks to Indonesian diplomacy".
"If these minorities were to seek asylum and a country took them on the basis of religious suppression, it would be a slap in our face," he said.
The comments come in the wake of discussion on the government's role in religious life and violent acts by hard-liners against religious minorities, as seen in the controversy surrounding the Ahmadiyah sect and the forcible closure of minorities' places of worship.
The Religious Affairs and Home ministries have drafted a joint ministerial decree regarding Ahmadiyah, the details of which are to be announced Monday at the Home Ministry in Jakarta.
Bantarto Bandoro, an international relations analyst at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), said "Indonesia was practicing fake diplomacy".
"We say we are religiously tolerant. But how will the world believe this when they see people getting evicted from their places of worship, or faiths getting banned due to pressure from certain groups?" he said.
The scholars said it was a matter the government should not play down because human rights-conscious states could put Indonesia in the spotlight.
The UN Human Rights Council noted last month in its review of Indonesia that religious freedom remained a serious plight.
The US Commission on International Religious Freedom recommended last week that Indonesia remain on the US watch list, citing the growing political power and influence of religious extremists "who harass and sometimes instigate violence".
Ahmad Suaedy, executive director of the Islamic think tank Wahid Institute, said the fact that law enforcement was weak on those hard-line groups made the matter worse.
He said the President was "handcuffed" by the Islamic parties, which are affiliated with the hard-liners, that politically support his administration. "I wonder what our diplomats abroad would answer if their counterparts asked of religious freedom in Indonesia," he said.
Elections/political parties |
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta The Golkar Party and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have opened talks on forming a coalition for the 2009 presidential election, looking to pair Vice President Jusuf Kalla with People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Kidayat Nur Wahid.
Officials from the two parties said Monday that leading figures from Golkar, the country's largest party, and the Islamic-based PKS had held preliminary discussions on nominating the pair for president and vice president, respectively.
Golkar deputy secretary-general Rully Chairul Azwar confirmed the talks had taken place, saying his party was open to all options including forging a coalition with the PKS in next year's presidential election.
"But any permanent coalition will depend on the results of the legislative election," he said. "We would like to build a strong and stable government so we are interested in joining forces with the PKS if it wins a significant number of votes in the legislative election."
The PKS took the bigger parties by surprise when it won the gubernatorial elections in West Java and North Sumatra. Political analysts have predicted the party could double its 2004 result in the 2009 legislative election because of its clean image and the failure of larger parties to deliver on their promises.
The PKS took only 7.34 percent or 8.3 million votes in the 2004 election, falling far behind the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which garnered 21.6 percent and 18.5 percent, respectively.
Golkar leader Kalla renewed the party's target of winning 30 percent of the vote in next year's legislative election.
Hidayat, who is also a PKS patron and former president, said the idea of pairing him with Kalla was possible.
"It is an old issue. But any such coalition will depend on our results in the legislative election and the will of the party," he said. "We won't shut the door on the possibility."
Neither would the PKS rule out backing the reelection of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Hidayat said.
Chairman of the Golkar faction at the House, Priyo Budi Santoso, said recently that pairing Kalla and Hidayat was one of four options the party had on the table. Other options include keeping the Yudhoyono-Kalla coalition and forging a partnership with Megawati Soekarnoputri of the PDI-P.
Another Golkar politician, Harry Azhar Azis, said Golkar and the PKS could form a solid coalition in next year's presidential election. "Talks about a possible coalition between the two parties are underway. It is good to test the waters," he said.
Sources at the PKS and Golkar said Monday that Golkar would move quickly to lock in a coalition with the PKS before Yudhoyono took the initiative to secure a commitment from the Islamic party for the presidential election.
The PKS supported the Yudhoyono-Kalla team in the presidential election run-off in 2004, securing three ministerial positions in return.
Experts have predicted Yudhoyono will need the PKS if his coalition with Kalla breaks down as they doubt his Democratic Party will be able to meet the qualification threshold alone.
The presidential election bill has set a threshold of 15 percent of the vote for a party or coalition of parties to contest the presidential election.
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Jakarta The split in the National Awakening Party (PKB) is now official, with each of the two opposing factions establishing its own central board.
One faction elected House of Representatives deputy speaker Muhaimin Iskandar and little-known cleric Aziz Mansyur as chairman and chief patron, respectively, at a three-day extraordinary meeting that concluded Sunday.
Muhaimin was re-elected PKB chairman for the 2008-2013 term with 375 votes from the 419 party executives in attendance.
At the meeting, which was held in the Mercure Hotel in the Ancol amusement park, North Jakarta, Aziz was elected as chief patron of the party to replace Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, who is feuding with Muhaimin.
Aziz, leader of the Tarbiyatun Nasyi'in Islamic boarding school in Jombang, East Java, secured 353 votes. Gus Dur, who snubbed the meeting, received only 14 votes.
"This is a great responsibility for me, but I must accept it because it is the mandate from the forum," Aziz said.
According to Gus Dur's daughter Zannuba "Yenny" Wahid, Aziz is the former chief patron of East Java's PKB chapter, whose operations were frozen because of alleged money politics in relation to the provincial gubernatorial elections this August.
Aziz then contested a provincial PKB election for local party leaders but lost his bid to recover his position, Yenny said. She said the cleric was a long-time ally of Muhaimin, who is Gus Dur's nephew.
The election of Muhaimin and Aziz further deepens the rift in the PKB, as the opposing camp led by Gus Dur has already held a separate extraordinary meeting to decide the party leaders. At the meeting, held in Parung, Bogor, from March 30 to April 1, members voted to retain Gus Dur as PKB chief patron and senior lawmaker Ali Masykur Musa as chairman.
The two camps now have a tight deadline to resolve their differences and register as a legitimate party to contest the 2009 elections. The General Elections Commission has said all parties with double leadership, including the PKB, must resolve their internal disputes before May 12.
Muhaimin said his faction would continue to try to convince the government his camp's extraordinary meeting was the legitimate one. "Tomorrow (Monday), we will register our party's new central board with the Justice and Human Rights Ministry," he said.
Ali Masykur Musa registered the new central board of his camp with the ministry last Friday.
Muhaimin said his faction would welcome reconciliation with his uncle's camp.
The PKB, the fifth-largest faction in the House, has been embroiled in an escalating conflict since Muhaimin was ousted as party chairman in late March at the behest of Gus Dur.
The PKB secured 52 legislative seats in the 2004 legislative election, with East Java its main stronghold.
Muhaimin said the current dispute would force PKB members to work harder to prevent it from losing votes in the 2009 elections. (alf)
Jakarta Post - May 5, 2008
Jakarta The split in the National Awakening Party (PKB) is now official, with each of the two opposing factions establishing its own central board.
One faction elected House of Representatives deputy speaker Muhaimin Iskandar and little-known cleric Aziz Mansyur as chairman and chief patron, respectively, at a three-day extraordinary meeting that concluded Sunday.
Muhaimin was re-elected PKB chairman for the 2008-2013 term with 375 votes from the 419 party executives in attendance.
At the meeting, which was held in the Mercure Hotel in the Ancol amusement park, North Jakarta, Aziz was elected as chief patron of the party to replace Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, who is feuding with Muhaimin.
Aziz, leader of the Tarbiyatun Nasyi'in Islamic boarding school in Jombang, East Java, secured 353 votes. Gus Dur, who snubbed the meeting, received only 14 votes.
"This is a great responsibility for me, but I must accept it because it is the mandate from the forum," Aziz said.
According to Gus Dur's daughter Zannuba "Yenny" Wahid, Aziz is the former chief patron of East Java's PKB chapter, whose operations were frozen because of alleged money politics in relation to the provincial gubernatorial elections this August.
Aziz then contested a provincial PKB election for local party leaders but lost his bid to recover his position, Yenny said.
She said the cleric was a long-time ally of Muhaimin, who is Gus Dur's nephew.
The election of Muhaimin and Aziz further deepens the rift in the PKB, as the opposing camp led by Gus Dur has already held a separate extraordinary meeting to decide the party leaders.
At the meeting, held in Parung, Bogor, from March 30 to April 1, members voted to retain Gus Dur as PKB chief patron and senior lawmaker Ali Masykur Musa as chairman.
The two camps now have a tight deadline to resolve their differences and register as a legitimate party to contest the 2009 elections.
The General Elections Commission has said all parties with double leadership, including the PKB, must resolve their internal disputes before May 12.
Muhaimin said his faction would continue to try to convince the government his camp's extraordinary meeting was the legitimate one. "Tomorrow (Monday), we will register our party's new central board with the Justice and Human Rights Ministry," he said.
Ali Masykur Musa registered the new central board of his camp with the ministry last Friday. Muhaimin said his faction would welcome reconciliation with his uncle's camp.
The PKB, the fifth-largest faction in the House, has been embroiled in an escalating conflict since Muhaimin was ousted as party chairman in late March at the behest of Gus Dur.
The PKB secured 52 legislative seats in the 2004 legislative election, with East Java its main stronghold.
Muhaimin said the current dispute would force PKB members to work harder to prevent it from losing votes in the 2009 elections. (alf)
Java Post - May 2, 2008
Jakarta The National Liberation Party of Unity (Papernas) has decided to be realistic. They have chosen to postpone their desire to take part in the 2009 legislative and presidential elections. They have taken this position because of pressures that have emerged since the political party was launched in Jakarta on July 22, 2006.
"We're just being realistic, it's not a problem. Moreover, the aim of forming a party is not just to take part in elections", said Papernas advisory council chairperson Dita Indah Sari in Jakarta yesterday, May 1. Sari claimed that the communist stigma that has been attached to Papernas had become one of the biggest problems for the party.
Because they are no longer aiming to take part in the 2009 elections, Papernas has not registered itself with the Department of Justice and Human Rights in order to be verified as a legal entity. Papernas is not planning to register with the department headed by Justice Minister Andi Mattalatta until next August. "We are indeed pursuing the 2014 elections", she asserted.
Then, what will Papernas do in the 2009 elections? Sari explained that Papernas is in the process of preparing to enter into a coalition. "But, I can't mention the name of the party. The thing is, its still under negotiation", said Sari evasively when asked which political party will be Papernas's coalition partner. "What is clear is it won't be the Golkar Party or the PDI-P [Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle]", added Sari laughing.
Sari is of the view that it would be better to enter into a coalition with a party that is not too large or well established. In this way Papernas's idea is that it will have a greater potential to be accommodated. "If it's a party that's already established, our ideas would surely be rejected. Older and senior figures are usually unwilling to make way", she said.
Because of this therefore continued Sari, it is most likely that Papernas's will enter into a colation with a political party that is also still seeking a format. "Perhaps, a new party so that we can be more creative", she asserted.
According to Sari, Papernas has set a number of criteria for a political party that could invite to enter into a coalition. For example, a pro-autonomous economic platform and not taking up the concept of a religious state. "We hope, their elite [leadership] would also have a track record that isn't totally rotten", she said.
So if Papernas is already planning to participate in the 2014 elections, does this mean that a coalition in 2009 is simply pragmatic in nature? "If cooperation is agreeable, yeah, it could continue. But, we are still making preparations in case midway it turns out not to be compatible", said the activist born in the East Java city of Medan on December 20, 36 years ago. (pri/mk)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Media/press freedom |
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Jakarta Two journalists will mark International Press Day on May 3 by requesting a judicial review of articles in the Criminal Code that they claim threaten press freedom, they announced Friday.
Petitioners Risang Bima Wijaya, a former reporter who currently heads daily newspaper Radar Jogja, and Bersihar Lubis, a freelance journalist and columnist, have both previously been convicted for writing news stories considered insulting to other parties.
Bersihar was later acquitted after he filed a case review with the Supreme Court.
The lawyer for the two journalists, Hendrayana from the Legal Aid Institute for the Press, said his clients were petitioning the Constitutional Court to review four articles in the Criminal Code, as well as other regulations, that have the potential to silence the press.
"Offended parties often use these four articles to file lawsuits against journalists, instead of applying the press law," Hendrayana said.
The articles are 207, 310 (Verse 1 and 2), 311 (Verse 1) and 316, which deal with defamation and libel.
Hendrayana said the articles ran counter to Article 28E of the Constitution on freedom of expression and Article 28F on freedom to obtain and distribute information, as well as Article 19 on civil and political rights in the Universal Human Rights Declaration of 1948.
"The recently passed bill on electronic information and transactions is now posing another threat to our press freedom," Hendrayana said.
In 2003, Rakyat Merdeka chief editor Karim Paputungan was sentenced to a five-month suspended prison term for publishing a cartoon deemed insulting to then House of Representatives speaker Akbar Tandjung.
His managing editor Supratman was given a six-month suspended sentence for insulting then president Megawati Soekarnoputri.
Since then, further lawsuits have been filed against press workers for reports deemed libelous, including against Tempo magazine by businessman Tommy Winata and Time magazine by former president Soeharto.
Tempo journalist Metta Dharmasaputra and Hendri John of the Jejak tabloid are currently facing lawsuits over their journalistic work.
The legal aid institute recorded 11 criminal cases, nine civil cases, nine labor cases and one freedom of the press case against members of the press between May 2007 and May 2008.
Risang and Bersihar will file the petition for judicial review based on a 2006 precedent, when the Constitutional Court revoked the article in the Criminal Code dealing with defamation against the president.
Hendrayana said the government must rely fully on Press Law No. 40/1999 to settle cases of libel and insult involving journalists and must stop applying any regulations that hampered the democratic development of the Indonesian press.
"We urge the government to stop criminalizing the press," Hendrayana said. (nkn)
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Jakarta The Constitutional Court has ruled against a film censorship petition, but has ordered the censorship institute talk with filmmakers before cutting scenes.
In its verdict, delivered Wednesday, the court asked the Film Censorship Institute (LSF) to reform its censorship mechanism in line with the spirit of democracy and human rights. "As long as the LSF implements the required conditions, the film law will remain valid," court chief Jimly Asshidiqqie said.
Young film director and petitioner Riri Riza said the verdict was bitter-sweet. "Although the court rejected our petition on the LSF, I'm glad that all judges agreed the law is out of date and needs to be revised to comply with the country's current conditions," Riri said.
"We now urge the House of Representatives to immediately amend the law to fix the Indonesian movie industry," added Riri, who is also a member of the Indonesian Film Community (MFI).
The petition was filed last November by Riri, fellow film directors Nia Dinata and Tino Sarongelallo, actress Shanty and film festival organizer Lalu Rois Amriradhiani.
An advocate for the group, Christiana Chelsea Chan, told The Jakarta Post that the court's verdict to maintain the law's validity was conditional.
"If, let's say, in the next six months or a year, the LSF does not reform its censorship mechanism, petitioners will have the right to file a follow-up petition to the Constitutional Court," she said.
In their request for a judicial review, the petitioners said the LSF had defied government regulation and the cultural ministry's decree on censorship. Furthermore, the petitioners said the law lacked a clear standard for editing films, thereby affecting their rights.
The LSF has the authority to cut out or down any "improper" scenes, including obscene dialogue and sounds, violence and anything which may provoke friction among ethnic and religious groups. Previously, the LSF was not required to give filmmakers prior notice.
The petitioners also suggested the LSF alter its censorship system with film classifications based on viewer ages.
"We consider film classification to be a good alternative to current censorship. We think classifications can educate people, allowing them to view appropriate films depending upon their age," said Riri, director of film Gie, which won a Special Jury Award at the Asia-Pacific Film Festival in 2006.
Films, for example, could be classified into a category for children below 12 years and other categories for people over 15, 18 and 21 years.
Senior filmmaker, producer and actor Deddy Mizwar said the government should immediately revise the film law to overcome problems in the country's film industry.
"The problems in Indonesia's movie industry have actually been caused by the blurry regulations. That's why we have this censorship issue," said Deddy, who directed and starred in Naga Bonar Jadi 2.
"I strongly urge the House of Representatives to immediately revise the three-year-old law. It has been there for too long," he added. (nkn)
Economy & investment |
Jakarta Post - May 7, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko and Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta With the fuel prices hike imminent, the government should provide incentives to labor-intensive industries that will be the hardest hit by the policy, says the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin).
"The government must give incentives to the labor-intensive manufacturing industry, such as by reducing income tax,to ensure employment in the industries," said Kadin chairman Mohammad S. Hidayat on Tuesday. "Do not let the manufacturing industry lay off its workers."
Hidayat said if the industry was unable to continue to employ its workers, it would result in more unemployment and a reduction in people's purchasing power.
The government has announced plans to raise fuel prices soon to help cap soaring fuel subsidy allocations amid the high-flying global oil prices.
As compensation for low-income households who will suffer most from the hikes, the government plans to distribute Rp 11.5 trillion (US$1.24 billion) in direct cash transfers. The country has about 38 million people living in poverty, of a total population of more than 220 million people.
Hidayat said the government should provide cash for such households for at least six months to maintain people's purchasing power.
Sofyan Wanandi, the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) chairman, said a successful cash transfer scheme would boost people's purchasing power in driving the real sector. "People can use the money obtained from the scheme for consumption, which will help drive the real sector," said Sofyan.
On the impact of the hike in fuel prices, Sofyan said businesses might increase the price of their products by a maximum of 2 percent, as they had raised prices in the first quarter of 2008 due to the rise in oil and commodity prices. Businesses do not have access to subsidies and must pay market prices for fuels.
Industry Minister Fahmi Idris said industrial output growth would likely be lower than 6 percent given the fuel prices increase. In March, the Industry Ministry revised industrial output growth from 7.4 percent to 6 percent as skyrocketing oil prices pushed up production costs. "All industries will be hit by the hike in fuel prices," it said.
Last year, industrial growth reached its lowest point in the past three years at 5.2 percent. In 2005, growth was 5.9 percent, and in 2006, 5.3 percent.
The ministry's director general of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), Fauzi Aziz, said SMEs would suffer from the rise in fuel prices, especially those using diesel.
Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said the economy would likely grow only by 6 percent this year, lower than the 6.4 percent targeted in the revised 2008 state budget.
Sri Mulyani also said the inflation rate would probably reach between 8.5 percent and 9.5 percent this year, far higher than the government's target of 6.5 percent.
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta The economy grew at a lesser rate in the first quarter of 2008, compared to in last year's fourth quarter, on a slower growth in investment and consumption amid rising inflation and a global economic slowdown, Bank Indonesia (BI) said Monday.
In its quarterly assessment, BI estimated the economy had grown 6.1 percent in the first three months of 2008, lower than the government's estimate of between 6.2 and 6.3 percent.
"Slow investment and private consumption growth contributed to a slower economic growth in the first quarter of 2008," BI senior deputy governor Miranda Swaray Goeltom said in the statement issued Monday.
The official figure of the country's economic growth in the first quarter of 2008 will be announced by the Central Statistics Agency on May 15.
Last year, the country's economy grew by 6.3 percent, mainly driven by private consumption, which government data shows contributed about 60 percent to the economy, while investment and exports each accounted for about 20 percent.
In this year, investment and consumption grew by 8.3 percent and 4.6 percent from January to March, respectively, lower than 12.1 and 5.1 percent recorded in the fourth quarter of 2007, BI predicts.
Miranda said rising inflationary pressures and sinking consumer confidence dampened growth in private consumption. In the first quarter this year, year-on-year inflation reached 8.17 percent, an increase from 6.59 percent in 2007's final quarter, while inflation soared on rises in oil and commodity prices.
Oil prices soared above US$110 per barrel in March, and hovered above $116 per barrel on Monday, after reaching an all-time high of $119.93 per barrel last week. Some commodity prices, including soybeans and rice, have doubled in the first quarter this year.
On exports, BI said demand from Indonesia's importers declined in the first quarter this year due to the global economic slowdown, which has seen a reduction in international trade.
BI predicts exports grew 7.1 percent, slightly lower than the 7.3 percent increase between October and December last year.
It also forecast the process industry and the trade, hotel and restaurant sector would contract this year due to weakening private consumption. On the other hand, the agriculture sector was predicted to rise on the back of increases in commodity prices.
The transportation and telecommunications sector, electricity, gas and water sector and the property sectors were also estimated to achieve moderate growth.
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Aditya Suharmoko, Jakarta Consumer prices rose to a 19-month high in April, sending jitters over possible sluggish growth in the economy as the central bank is left with less room to cut interest rates to spur economic activities.
The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) announced Friday year-on-year inflation rose in April to 8.96 percent, higher than March's 8.17 percent.
Inflation during the first four months of the year accelerated to 4.01 percent, with some 0.57 percent in April, the agency said. The agency blamed higher kerosene prices as the main factor in fueling the soaring inflation.
Danareksa Research Institute chief researcher Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa said inflation was caused mainly by the government's failure to get consumers to switch from kerosene to gas for cooking.
Despite the government limiting the supply of kerosene in the market to encourage the use of gas, many consumers still opt to use kerosene because it is cheaper. But because of scarcity and high demand, the price of kerosene has skyrocketed by more than 100 percent in some areas.
The BPS also pointed to the rising prices of house rent, water, electricity, processed foods and tobacco products as other major contributors to the high inflation. However, the agency said a reduction in cellular phone rates managed to slow down the inflation by 0.21 percent.
The BPS carried out its survey in 45 major cities throughout Indonesia, 37 of which saw inflation. With the figure already standing at over half of the government's full-year inflation target of 6.5 percent, BPS chairman Rusman Heriawan has suggested that inflation will only continue to rise in the months ahead.
"Inflation will remain high in the next three months, judging from the low inflation in the same period last year," said Rusman.
Citing the example of the price of premium gasoline, he said a 10 percent rise in the price of the fuel in June would add 0.34 percent to the inflation rate for that month.
A 15 percent rise in the fuel price would add 0.51 percent to inflation, and a fuel price rise of 20 percent would see inflation increase by 0.68 percent. The unexpectedly high inflation rate is likely to force Bank Indonesia (BI) to slow down the reduction of borrowing costs for companies to start up new businesses or for expansion, thus undermining economic growth.
The central bank has cut its benchmark interest rate by 4.75 percent since May 2006 in a bid to fuel growth in the country's real sector, which is needed to help reduce the massive unemployment rate.
The benchmark rate has stood unchanged at 8 percent since last December. BI's board of governors is to meet next week to decide whether to maintain or adjust the rate.
The government has repeatedly said the soaring inflation was not unexpected, given that other countries are feeling the pinch of inflation, and it remains optimistic that economic growth can reach 6.3 percent this year.
Jakarta Post - May 3, 2008
Jakarta A resources-based commodities boom has boosted the country's export figures in the first quarter of this year by 31.7 percent, the latest survey reveals.
The latest data from the Central Statistic Agency (BPS) show Indonesia's exports climbed to US$33.6 billion in the first quarter of 2008 from $25.5 billion in the same period last year thanks to a surge in crude oil prices.
Oil and gas exports in the first three months of 2008 reached $7.3 billion, or a 61.8 percent increase compared to the same period last year.
"The oil and gas sector enjoys the fastest surplus because of windfall from skyrocketing oil prices," BPS chairman Rusman Heriawan said in Jakarta on Friday while presenting the agency's monthly report.
The price of oil has hovered at around $120 a barrel recently with an average price of $92.7 a barrel in the first quarter of this year, compared to around $54.63 a barrel on average in the first quarter of 2007, data from the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries shows.
Non-oil and gas shipments, on the other hand, still dominate the country's total exports with $26.2 billion in the first three months, or 24.83 percent up from in the same period last year.
Crude palm oil (CPO) is still the major contributor to the rise in the country's exports, recording a 47-percent increase to $4.4 billion in the first quarter of this year.
Rusman said the increase in non-oil and gas commodities was due partly to rises in the price of CPO, which reached more than $1,000 a ton early this year.
The trade flow of CPO has not been affected by a new government policy of raising export duties on palm oil based on a progressive rate system, where export duties are determined for the coming months based on the price of CPO in the previous month.
However, with CPO prices now in decline, the government plans to lower the export duty from 20 to 15 percent in May, in order to match the lower price of the commodity in the international market.
BPS reported imports surged by 88 percent compared to the first quarter of last year to $29.4 billion largely due to the country's reliance on foreign oil and fuel intakes.
During the January to March period, the biggest non-oil and gas imports came in the form of electrical devices and machinery, with combined value of $3.29 billion, or accounting for 14.7 percent of total non-oil and gas imports.
Japan took the lead as the country's biggest import provider during the first quarter of this year, recording a trade value of $3.8 billion, followed by China with $3.2 billion and Singapore with $2.7 billion.
Japan also holds the position as Indonesia's biggest export destination for non-oil and gas products in the same period with a value of $1.04 billion, followed by the US with $970 million and China with $852.9 million.
Jakarta Post - May 2, 2008
Jakarta Speculations on the financial market, including futures trading, have exacerbated the energy and food crisis by inflating prices in spite of a global economic slowdown, a discussion forum was told Wednesday in Jakarta.
In a seminar organized by the International NGO Forum on Indonesia Development, Agustinus Prasetyantoko of Atmajaya University said food and energy prices were expected to rise for years ahead due to increasing demand and shrinking outputs.
"With predictions of a slowing global economy and crisis fears, oil demand and prices are expected to fall. But what has happened is the price keeps on increasing. So this is a contradiction. It shows market speculation now plays a big role in determining prices."
Crude oil for June delivery was traded at $113.23 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange on Thursday, 11:49 a.m. London time, as reported by Bloomberg. Oil futures, which have gained 76 percent in the past year, touched a record $119.93 a barrel on April 28.
The International Monetary Fund predicts world economic growth will slow to 3.7 percent this year, 1.25 percent lower than in 2007.
Commodities, Augustinus said, including food and oil, had become the anchors of financial derivatives and more and more commodities contracts were being traded in the futures market.
"When the futures are speculated to increase in price, the agricultural outputs as well as the price are expected to increase as well," he said.
Rice, soybean, wheat, corn and crude oil futures are traded on various American stock exchanges, including the Chicago Board of Trade and New York Mercantile Exchange, rubber on the Singapore Stock Exchange and palm oil on the Malaysian Stock Exchange.
The effect on commodity markets has been more intense recently due to the crisis is the US financial market.
"The investors need to find new fields. Firms like Dow Jones that usually invest in traditional markets now are also heavily focusing on financial products tied to agriculture commodities," he said, adding that Indonesia could do little in the short term to ease the impacts.
However, he said one solution was to prevent capitals from flowing out of the country through monetary and investment policies, but that the solution depended on farsighted strategies to secure energy and food self-sufficiency.
"Why is Indonesia a net oil and grain importer now? I think there have been flaws in our long-term strategies in the past. If we had managed our oil production properly, we may have escaped the negative impacts of the oil crisis. We may even have enjoyed the benefits like oil-producing countries in the Middle East."
Opinion & analysis |
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Hendarsyah Tarmizi, Jakarta Many of us are unaware that besides receiving a government subsidy of about Rp 2,500 (27 US cents) for every liter of gasoline we buy, we also get another Rp 2,000 from state-owned Pertamina for every kilogram of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) we burn.
But, believe it or not, besides these subsidies, we also receive about Rp 1,500 in "extra money" from farmers for every kilogram of rice we consume.
With surging rice prices in the world market, Indonesian farmers should have received higher income from their crops. However, the government's strict controls over the country's rice exports have made it nearly impossible for them to take advantage of the rising international prices; at least for now.
In rice exporting countries such as Thailand and Vietnam, farmers have enjoyed windfall profits from the higher prices. In Indonesia, the situation is quite different. The government's control of the rice trade has left farmers the losing side in the rice business. As the government's main priority is to make the country's main staple food affordable for all, farmers have often been "victimized".
Global rice prices have more than doubled from the previous year's levels. High-grade rice reached US$10,000 per ton (about Rp 9,200 per kilogram) recently, while the price of medium-grade rice has risen to more than $750 per ton (about Rp 7,000 per kilo).
The government recently raised the floor price to Rp 4,300 per kilo from Rp 4,000 for state logistics company Bulog to buy rice from farmers. However, the increase is insignificant. The additional earnings are only enough to cope with surging costs resulting from the rise in fertilizer prices and other farming costs.
With the new floor price, the retail price in the market for medium-grade rice is about Rp 5,500 per kilo, as compared to about Rp 7,000 per kilo in the overseas market. This means there is still a gap of about Rp 1,500 between international and domestic prices. In other words, local rice growers provide a "subsidy" of Rp 1,500 per kilo for buyers.
Analysts say that with current international prices, farmers should sell their rice (for medium grade) to Bulog for at least Rp 6,000 per kilo to benefit from the higher prices in the world market.
Does the government dare to make such a price increase? The answer is obviously no, because letting the price of the rice reach such a level would surely prompt widespread protests, which could lead to nationwide chaos.
An increase in the price of rice is quite sensitive, especially in developing countries, as the larger part of people's incomes is still used to buy food. It is the same with Indonesia, where most people earn just enough to fill their stomachs.
However, keeping domestic prices far below international price levels is not fair for farmers. And more importantly, it will in the long run result in the diversion of rice farming to other crops. If it happens, the problems will be even worse, with the country having to rely more on imports to meet domestic needs.
The government should ideally establish a buffer stock agency to effectively bring the prices of main foods such as rice to levels that favorable for both growers and consumers.
The government has, in fact, assigned Bulog to maintain the stability of food supplies. But the company's activities are often ineffective due to the shortage of funds to support its market stabilization operations, which also include food procurement from farmers.
Financing has always been the government's main constraint in supporting such programs. Ironically, it continues allocating huge sums of money for the fuel subsidy, whose beneficiaries are mostly the middle class.
This year alone, the government has allocated nearly Rp 127 trillion for the fuel subsidy, and this could further swell to Rp 135 trillion if crude prices average $100 per barrel, which is very possible given current prices exceed that level.
For a comparison, the fertilizer subsidy for farmers is only about Rp 10 trillion this year, a slight increase from about Rp 9.5 trillion in 2007.
Due to the limited amount of subsidized fertilizer, only a small number of farmers benefit from the program. Most farmers buy the fertilizer at market price. The situation is almost the same with the sale of subsidized kerosene for the poor. Officially, the price of subsidized kerosene is Rp 2,800 per liter, but in the market, it sells for more than Rp 5,500 a liter.
Farmers only a few of them can enjoy the luxury of the fuel subsidy deserve more financial support from the government, either in the form of a higher subsidy or more favorable pricing scheme.
Farmers need real help, not empty promises like those made by politicians during election campaigns.
[The author is staff writer at The Jakarta Post.]
Jakarta Post - May 7, 2008
Julia Suryakusuma, Jakarta With everyone becoming more health-conscious there's a growing trend away from unhealthy and calorific food. In most Western countries huge industries produce masses of low-cal products: margarine lite, lite spread, lite milk, slimline yogurt, Lite Licks (ice cream made from soy), lite bread and lite beer and soft-drinks.
Unfortunately, many diet foods turn out not to be not all that healthy after all. In fact, some can be positively damaging. Despite the flood of "lite" products the number of obese people in the United States has doubled since 1980 to 54 percent, and some so-called "diet ingredients" do much worse than make you fat. They have been linked to headaches, dizziness, attention difficulties, seizures, memory loss, vision problems, multiple sclerosis, rheumatoid arthritis and depression and some are said to cause brain tumors and other cancers.
This is truly a case of the 'solution" being worse than the problem, but dressed up in a glossy "good for you" package. And diet food is not the only area where fraudulent claims are foisted on an unsuspecting public.
Take reformasi, for example. It started as a push to democratize Indonesia in Soeharto's wake and replace his authoritarian New Order regime with a system based on rights and equality, rather than privilege and impunity. Ten years later down a long and winding road, where have we ended up?
Yes, some things have gotten better. We've introduced basic democratic institutions, abolished military seats in parliament, granted autonomy to the regions and ratified most key UN conventions.
But our government's priorities still indicate a fundamental lack of responsiveness to pressing basic needs of the people, including food, water, sanitation, health and education.
Parliament is unproductive and ineffective, beset with scandals and corruption, and horrific crimes against humanity from the past remain unaddressed. The economy is slowly growing yes, but unemployment, crime and poverty (which now applies to an estimated 50 percent of the population) are all growing faster, with increasing incidence of starvation, especially outside Java.
The government's answer is usually to cry poor: we're a developing country, they remind us. Sure, but that didn't stop them from coughing up a cool Rp 20 billion (US$2.17 million) so Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid could buy himself (another) house, in keeping with a 1978 law stipulating that former presidents are entitled to a house at the state's expense. Hello? Wasn't the man impeached and fired by parliament for unsatisfactory performance? Call me old-fashioned, but I always thought if you're fired for not being up to the job you forfeit rewards and bonuses.
Then there's the case of Johan Teterisa who unfurled a separatist South Maluku Republic (RMS) flag in a peaceful demonstration when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono visited Ambon (capital of the Maluku) in June last year. Teterisa was convicted of "plotting against the state" and given a life sentence. Silly me, I thought the freedom to make peaceful political protests was what democracy was all about. Not in Indonesia, it seems not even with Article (28E) in our shiny new Constitution guaranteeing freedom of expression.
So how does that work: Teterisa gets life for flying a flag, but Tommy Soeharto got the minimum sentence for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge? Meanwhile, retired military generals accused of gross violations of human rights in Tanjung Priok (1984), Lampung (1989), East Timor (1999), etc. have told the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to get lost because it lacks authority to investigate their past actions. And there I was thinking that in the reformasi era we'd finally sort out the abuses and violence of our militarized past. Not in Indonesia, it seems.
And then there's religion. Sigh. Since reformasi in 1998, the government has consistently turned a blind eye to crimes committed by hard-line Muslims, who smash up bars, raid hotels and destroy places of worship with impunity. Local governments influenced by the hard-liners pass regulations that institutionalize discrimination against women, in direct breach of national laws and even the Constitution, but Jakarta does nothing to stop them.
Yes, articles 28E and 29 of our Constitution now guarantee freedom of religion but that sure doesn't protect harmless religious sects like Ahmadiyah from persecution. In fact, Sobri Lubis, the secretary-general of Islamic Defenders Front has now exhorted his followers to go out and kill adherents of Ahmadiyah. The government, of course, did nothing about that, but it is moving to ban Ahmadiyah, with Vice President Jusuf Kalla saying they cannot simply cancel plans for a joint ministerial decree to outlaw it, as "there are many aspects to consider".
Like what? The presidential elections in 2009, perhaps? Not the Constitution, that's for sure. Think about it if Ahmadiyah is banned by ministerial decree, the Constitutional Court won't be able to review it as it can only test laws produced by the House. And that will make the guarantees in articles 28E and 29 worthless, won't it?
I am sure you can still remember the New Order. We had a general in the Presidential Palace, freedom of expression and religious freedom were severely restricted and often violated, and human rights were irrelevant.
And today? Well, we still have a general in the palace, and freedom of expression and religious freedom are still restricted and violated, and human rights too are often irrelevant. Only now we have the added extras of rampant poverty and the decay of basic services, like education and health, as well as soaring commodity prices.
Yep, just like diet-lite products, reformasi is starting to produce severe headaches, memory loss and attention deficiencies (with promise of worse to come), so I propose we rename reformasi New Order-Lite. In good Indonesian tradition this can then be abbreviated to become NOL, which in Indonesian of course means "zero".
So what's the prognosis, doc? Any cures, or should we all just curl up and die?
[Julia Suryakusuma is the author of Sex, Power and Nation. She can be reached at jsuryakusuma@gmail.com.]
Inside Indonesia - April-June, 2008
Paige Johnson Tan In March 2007, Indonesia's Attorney General, Abdul Rahman Saleh, banned and ordered the burning of copies of 14 school history textbooks.
Book burning? Isn't this the reformasi era? Didn't the resignation of President Suharto usher in a new era of freedom of expression? To be sure, a few democracy and truth-in-history activists spoke up against the book burning. But overall, the confiscations and burnings that have followed the Attorney General's order have caused little more than a blip on Indonesia's national radar.
According to the Attorney General, the books burnt in March 2007 made no reference to the 'communist rebellion' at Madiun in 1948, an event that anti-communists have long depicted as a stab in the back of the young Indonesian republic as it was fighting for its life against the Dutch.
Also, the books did not state that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) was responsible for the September 30th Movement (G30S in the Indonesian acronym), the murky coup attempt in 1965 which led to the downfall of Sukarno and the rise of Suharto. According to Indonesian law, school books must still refer to the September 30th Movement as 'G30S/PKI' (or similar expression), pinning the blame squarely on the PKI.
Suharto died at the end of January this year, yet Suharto-era interpretations of history continue to be taught to a new generation of school children in Indonesia. Strikingly, a deputy to the book-burning Attorney General suggested that the very 'unity of the nation' was at stake in the textbook affair. This was because the books challenged 'accepted truths' and posed the 'latent danger of communism'.
So how does the government want Indonesians to remember Suharto's New Order regime and its origins in 1965? I went to a book store in Jakarta and randomly pulled off the shelves a sample of three history texts in order to find out. These books whose lead authors were Magdalia Alfian, I Wayan Badrika and Purwanto are typical of the kinds of histories being taught to school students in today's Indonesia (see below for full bibliographical details).
The political economy of publishing
The way school book publishing works in Indonesia is that the Ministry of Education sets a common curriculum and then book publishers produce various texts that follow that curriculum. Each company hopes its text will be adopted by the schools. Typically, an author is given a short period of time, perhaps just one month, to update a text. Often the lead author divides the work among a number of colleagues, and this sometimes leads to a disjointed final product.
The indifference to quality in textbook publishing is matched by indifference to history in the classroom. On average, students spend only about two hours a week on history. Because it is not one of the subjects tested in Indonesia's important national examination system (it is tested only as part of the students' end-of-year examinations), history is not considered very important by either teachers or students.
What I found in going through these three history books was that today's textbooks could not be mistaken for textbooks of the Suharto era. It is true that much of the pre-1966 past remains as it was taught during the Suharto years. Incidents like the Madiun revolt in 1948 and the September 30th Movement in 1965 are still presented in terms of the old Suharto-era, anti-communist interpretations. However, there is greater variation in the treatment of the Suharto era itself. Particularly when describing how Suharto fell in 1998, some textbooks are more critical than others of the long-serving leader's regime, highlighting its corruption and its undemocratic institutions.
The quick and slipshod manner in which authors compose textbooks in Indonesia probably accounts for such contrasting interpretations. Information about the pre-1966 period seems to have been cut-and-pasted from old Suharto-era texts into the new books. New information about recent events has then been added without any effort to create a consistent narrative. Sometimes several different interpretations exist side by side.
The debate over the teaching of history
In the reformasi era, scholars, government officials and history teachers have debated the teaching of history. Asvi Warman Adam at Indonesia's Institute of Sciences (LIPI) has advocated greater balance. Since the 1965 coup plotters called themselves the 'September 30th Movement', he reasons, it would be neutral for textbooks to adopt the same language, instead of persisting with the 'G30S/PKI' moniker. Two of the three books I collected did on at least one occasion use just the 'September 30th Movement'.
One, by Badrika, mentions that the historian Hermawan Sulistyo wrote that this is what the coup plotters called themselves. Another, by Purwanto, uses the 'September 30th Movement' by itself, but then adds 'G30S/1965/PKI' in parentheses.
No text mentioned the mass killings that followed the September 30th Movement. Estimates vary as to how many were killed at this time, but John Roosa notes that more than one million people were 'rounded up' and that some of these detainees were executed (Inside Indonesia 91, January-March 2008 ). Two of the three textbooks I examined allude vaguely to the killings. One (Purwanto) states that the post-coup period was 'coloured by acts of revenge, carried out by social groups such as pesantren [religious schools] or groups of military, especially the army'. Another (Badrika) asserts that 'Soeharto, who became minister and head of the armed forces, took actions to clean up elements of the PKI and its mass organisations'. Readers need to use their imaginations to work out what really happened.
Dealing with the so-called 'Old Order', the period before 1966, the textbooks still adhere to the New Order version of history. According to these books, the Sukarno era was a time of political chaos and economic distress. During the years of parliamentary democracy (1950-59) political parties failed to cooperate for the common good of the nation, each asserting its own interests. Governments rose and fell, with each one barely agreeing on a common program before collapsing and being replaced. Sukarno's hyper-politicisation of society, especially during his authoritarian Guided Democracy period (1959-65), led to neglect of the people's living standards. Then, according to this New Order-style narrative, communists tried to seize power by force in 1965, so the military stepped in. The new regime responded to public demands that the PKI be disbanded and the government start focusing on people's basic economic needs.
The chapters on the New Order generally stick to the Suharto-era story as well, highlighting the government's development efforts, particularly the green revolution (using technology to advance crop yields) and industrialisation. Only one book (Purwanto) makes any effort to systematically analyse the nature of the New Order political system, and this comes only in the section on how the New Order fell, not in the section on the New Order itself.
The other books are content to give random facts about the New Order: that political parties were forced to merge, that Suharto was elected by the highest legislative body to the presidency, and so on. The books don't describe the invasion of East Timor in 1975 as an invasion. Instead, they state that the former Portuguese colony had descended into chaos during decolonisation and Indonesia had to intervene to help it. According to one text (Badrika), there were various 'processes' and then East Timor was incorporated into Indonesia as the 27th province; there is no mention of 100,000-plus deaths.
Cut-and-paste history
One of these texts (Magdalia) most clearly appears to be the product of a group effort of cutting-and-pasting. The authors give the standard New Order explanation of the September 30th Movement. Then, apparently pasted in, there is a selection of alternative explanations of the action. The first explanation is that the PKI was responsible. Some limited evidence is offered.
Other explanations are then explored: that the action was an internal conflict within the military, that Suharto led it, or that Sukarno knew about it in advance. Without evaluating these alternative explanations, the text just moves back to the New Order version of the story for its conclusion, again linking the PKI to the coup. It appears that in the time-pressed and responsibility-diffused process of Indonesian textbook production, the old text was simply rammed together with the new alternative explanations. The reader is left with the impression that the New Order narrative is still the correct one.
Certainly, some changes have occurred in the writing of history in the reformasi period.
Suharto has been brought down a step. He is no longer the great father of development. Textbooks at least include some alternative explanations for the 1965 coup, while not giving them much credence. They do not present East Timor as a great beneficiary of Indonesian largesse (roads, schools and clinics). One text mentions that some East Timorese did not agree with the territory's incorporation and fought a guerrilla struggle.
The books also highlight several problems of the Suharto regime, such as the silencing of the press, ideological indoctrination, corruption and jailing of political opponents. There is even a picture of activists of the radical People's Democratic Party in one book. But these new interpretations are just scattered within the texts. The broader New Order story about communists, divisive parties and the military's heroic role in unifying and saving the nation remains intact.
Why is it that the New Order interpretation of Indonesia's early years is still in place, despite the fact that reformasi has turned Indonesia from a dictatorship into a democracy? Certainly, the process of textbook production, as described above, plays a role in the creation of Indonesia's schizophrenic textbooks. But, it cannot explain why a policy decision such as the requirement to continue to refer to the 30th of September Movement as G30S/PKI would be made.
According to scholar and columnist Julia Suryakusuma, New Order interpretations of history such as this continue to dominate because history is an interpretation of events based on power.
Many of those in power today first assumed prominence during the New Order, some as protigis of Suharto himself. Thus, these actors subscribe to many New Order assumptions and beliefs. Some New Order myths are fundamental to how contemporary actors see themselves. Many Muslims who killed communists in 1965-66 continue to believe that they did so in defence of their families, faith and nation. Military officials continue to make the case publicly that the suppression of the communists after the September 30th Movement saved Indonesia from a far worse fate.
Teaching and teachers
Andi Achdian, Director of the Onghokham Foundation, which is concerned with the teaching of history in Indonesia, held a seminar with teachers from around the country in February 2007. According to Andi, the teachers wanted to know the 'right' way to teach history now. During the New Order, there was just one government-approved way to teach history. Now, even if a lot of the story remains the same, teachers are more free to present and weigh alternative opinions. Some recoil from the new freedom. They are civil servants more comfortable with the certainty of old ways.
Many students have changed, though. They are empowered by the internet, searching out their own answers and bringing these into class discussions, according to both media reports and history experts. Alternative explanations for the 30th of September Movement proliferate on the web in both English and Indonesian, for example. The government no longer has a monopoly on information. Little wonder, then, that in response to the teachers' questions about the right way to teach history now, Andi's advice was 'be creative'.
[Paige Johnson Tan (tanp@uncw.edu ) is an assistant professor of political science at the University of North Carolina Wilmington in the United States. She writes on democratisation, political parties and transitional justice in Indonesia.]
Textbooks Reviewed:
1. Magdalia Alfian, et al, Sejarah untuk SMA dan MA Kelas XII, Esis, 2003 (2006 curriculum standard contents).
2. I Wayan Badrika, Sejarah untuk SMAL Kelas XII, Jakarta: Erlangga, 2006.
3. Purwanto, et al, Sejarah untuk SMA/MA Kelas XII IPS, Bekasi: PT Galaxy Puspa Mega, 2006.
Jakarta Post Editorial - May 6, 2008
It is urgent that Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid realize millions of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) followers have suffered and will continue to suffer unless he is able to control himself and his thirst for power. The danger is clear. But only Gus Dur can stop Gus Dur, because very few people can change his mind, not even family members.
The question is whether he is ready to make a sacrifice for these NU followers. To this point there has been little to indicate he is. Gus Dur, however, has little choice but to put aside his personal ambitions if he wants to see democracy flourish here.
For millions of Indonesians, including NU members and minorities, Gus Dur is respected as a prominent fighter for equality and pluralism. But that respect could quickly disappear if the Muslim scholar does not act like a statesman. Gus Dur played an important role in helping the country end Soeharto's dictatorship in 1998. What role is Gus Dur now playing in enhancing democracy, pluralism and equality here?
He is still remembered by many Indonesians as a prominent democracy activist and a vivid campaigner for pluralism during the Soeharto era. But it is very difficult not to come to the conclusion that he has at times acted like Soeharto, using an iron fist to maintain power.
Gus Dur, a former president and co-founder of the National Awakening Party (PKB), is known as a leader who is quick to fire even his most trusted confidantes often without any apparent reason in the eyes of the public. The widespread belief is that these firings are often triggered by the people around Gus Dur "whispering" information to the nearly blind cleric. And in the PKB, he has near absolute power.
But it is not just Gus Dur who has to pay the price for his erratic leadership. He could end up sacrificing millions of members of the country's largest Muslim organization, the NU, where he still plays a central role. It will be nearly impossible for the PKB to maintain its position as the country's fifth largest political party in next year's legislative elections if NU members are divided.
Gus Dur's latest controversial move was the dismissal of his nephew Muhaimin Iskandar as chairman of the PKB's executive board. The reason was simple: Gus Dur was not satisfied with Muhaimin's leadership. For the public, the dismissal was sudden and questionable. As a former chairman of NU his maternal grandfather Hasyim Ashari established the organization Gus Dur is adored by NU members. PKB itself is inseparable from NU.
In the PKB, Gus Dur has near absolute power, just like Soeharto and Golkar Party during Soeharto's 32-year rule. To the disbelief of many if not most Indonesian voters, Gus Dur still has an ambition to contest next year's presidential election. He apparently does not realize he has severely damaged his reputation by his confrontational behavior. He also fails to grasp that his poor health has undermined public trust in him.
Gus Dur, during his presidency, fired more Cabinet ministers than any other president. During his less than two-year term from October 1999 to the middle of 2001, he fired no less than five ministers many for no apparent reason including the current President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Vice President, Jusuf Kalla, as well as former vice president Hamzah Haz and Gen. (ret) Wiranto.
As PKB patron, he has also fired two of its chairmen, former defense minister Matori Abdul Djalil and his former foreign minister Alwi Shihab.
But the PKB is not alone. Other political parties, like the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Democratic Party (PD) and the National Awakening Party (PAN), face similar leadership problems. The PDI-P is dependent on former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, PD is the personal political vehicle for President Yudhoyono while former People's Consultative Assembly speaker Amien Rais is nearly identical with PAN. The survival of those parties depends much on their leaders.
Parties need to learn from the experience of Gus Dur. Megawati herself is very similar to Gus Dur in her handling of the PDI-P. Unless the parties are allowed to develop as modern organizations, it is just a matter of time before they become consigned to the dustbin of history.
Again, we urge Gus Dur to show some statesmanship. He had his opportunity to lead the country. Now he needs to step aside for younger leaders, otherwise history may take a dim view of him.
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Aboeprijadi Santoso, Jakarta Retired General Wiranto, backed by hundreds of his colleagues, has in effect begged for impunity for human rights violations by claiming that their mission was to maintain the unitary state of Indonesia.
Retired or not, the generals basically perceive their job as a sacred mission bestowed upon those ready to sacrifice themselves for the sake of the nation. Hence, it is being used to relieve them from any charge of abuse. It is a key legacy of a politicized Army nurtured during the New Order, still vividly alive today.
Wiranto, deeply worried about state human rights commission Komnas HAM's investigation of past atrocities, has persuaded Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono to resist Komnas and ask the generals not to respond to Komnas' calls. But the military chief said it is no longer the Army's business, leaving them to respond as individual citizens. Now, some 600 generals have urged Komnas to stop its investigation while arguing, like Juwono, that Komnas' calls are unconstitutional.
One wonders why the retired officers should behave as a quasi- political party: mobilizing friends and comrades, seeking ministerial support and exercising pressure. A generation of officers, whose careers grew during the New Order era, is united to defend younger colleagues on issues human rights cases they themselves never had to deal with. They may have some knowledge about the cases, but are totally unfamiliar with the concept of human rights since their views are inevitably biased by the New Order political culture.
Wiranto, for example, turned the tables when he denied rights violations and asked "what about my human rights?" thus, misinterpreting the universal principle at issue, which is about the state's actions against unarmed populations, not individual citizens vis a vis fellow citizens.
The case also illustrates how the legacy of past abuses has seriously affected them hence, some are aspiring to be president.
For, it is not the first time they sought political intervention. In late 1999, as East Timor moved toward independence, Wiranto reportedly approached Xanana Gusmao and urged him to help prevent an international tribunal from coming into being. They succeeded and most of those indicted for the 1999 violence were since promoted and all were acquitted.
Meanwhile, it is important to note that the meeting of hundreds of retired generals, the first of its kind in years, which included many allegedly involved in various past abuses, claimed that they could not be blamed since they were carrying out the state's mission to maintain the integrity of the unitary state (NKRI).
This pretext has too often been used; it's a motto, if you like, to justify violent incidents involving civilians. It means that the mission should be accomplished at all costs. As the nature of the mission was made sacrosanct, it became politically acceptable and practically convenient for the soldiers to ignore the rights of locals caught in conflict situations.
Any close observer of the wars in East Timor and Aceh could testify that clashes resulting in Army casualties were usually followed by heavy-handed retaliation as collective punishment for villages allegedly supporting rebels. It is a common trap in guerrilla warfare. Army units could also arbitrarily attack a community of militants, badly armed believers, as seemed to have happened in the 1989 Talangsari case.
But, seen from the center, the operation must be effective and the risk taken since the rebellion must be crushed. The nature of the doctrine was such that the mission's very acronym "NKRI" (the unitary state) became a legitimizing mantra.
Indonesian politicians are fond of mantras. We used to have a never-ending "revolution" to justify mass mobilizations for state purposes. Later, we saw the New Order imposing its own version of state philosophy of Pancasila in order to strengthen state hegemony. Both claimed these symbols and values to be part of continuity with the past, and used them as mantras.
Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid is doing the same these days. Facing internal conflict in his PKB political party, he said he left "Kyai Langitan", a group of elderly men he claimed to have instructed him to run for president in 2004, and turned to five grand Kyais.
Traditional symbols are used, revived, even recreated to face new challenges. The historian Erich Hobsbawm considers such things crucial and coined the term "the invention of tradition".
Soeharto and his generals, too, sought continuity by inventing their style of "tradition". The "NKRI" mantra, however, is a concept corrupted from the idea of unity as conceptualized when the nation fought for independence.
We seem to forget that our Founding Fathers Sukarno and Muhammad Hatta, and the generations of the 1930s to 1960s, consistently spoke of "persatoean" (unity) rather than "kesatuan" (indivisible unity). The latter, the "K" of NKRI, seems a militarized version that refers to the meaning of "unit" in the Army's term. Let's recall: even in the aftermath of the devastating tsunami and civil war in Aceh, the key slogan in Meulaboh read: "We love peace, but above all, we love unity".
The New Order's semantic transformation has been taken for granted for too long, and in doing so, we tend to forget that it emphasizes the militarized and centralized unity at the expense of diversity and regional interests.
To exploit the unitary concept as a political mantra regardless of the local situation not only risks greater resentment and greater human costs when it comes to retaliation, but could in the long run threaten the very integrity of the state the military wants to maintain. Here the Aceh rebellion (1976-2005) is a case in point. Muhammad Hatta, pointing to such potential, warned us that "persatoean" must not turn into "persatean" (bloodbath).
[The author is a journalist.]
Jakarta Post - May 6, 2008
Olle Tvrnquist, Jakarta and Oslo Ten years ago, Soeharto's New Order began to be replaced by the world's largest New Democracy. It is time for an evaluation. By 2003, Demos (The Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), with the University of Oslo, developed and applied a framework for comprehensive democracy assessment by senior activists around the country.
Four years later, a full scale resurvey has been concluded. Thousands of grounded experts have been involved. Indonesia has thus a unique set of data to discuss changes over-time. A comprehensive analysis will follow in cooperation with the Yogyakarta-based University of Gadjah Mada. The early and general results, however, are presented in a seminar in Jakarta on Tuesday.
First, the expert-surveys reveal that while many civil and political rights remain at hand, the freedoms of religion, belief, language, culture, assembly, organisation, media, art and academia have backslided. The same goes for civic participation and access to and the reflection of different views in the public sphere. This is worrying.
On the positive side, however, the miserable standard of governance-related instruments such as rule-of law, anti- corruption and accountability have picked up. Even if from very low levels, this is commendable. Another positive sign is that the crumbling of the New Order has not led to sustained separatism and ethnic and religious cleansing. What has developed instead is a unitary political (rather than ethno-nationalist) community with extensive space for local politics. It is true that this space has often been occupied by powerful groups. But in Aceh, where foreign donors have so far contained the military and big business, and where the political system was made more open than elsewhere in the country, separatists could substitute political participation for armed struggle and opt for peace and democracy.
Generally, however, politics continue to be dominated by elites. Yet, these are more broadly-based, more localised and less militarised than under Soeharto. Remarkably, most of them have adjusted to the new, supposedly democratic, institutions. This is not to say there are no abuses.
Of course, elites often mobilise support by making use of their clientelistic networks, privileged control of public resources and alliances with business and communal leaders. Yet, the interest of such elite groups in elections is both a crucial basis of the actually existing democracy and its major drawback. Without elite support, Indonesian democracy would not survive; with elite support, it becomes the domain of rotten politicians who prosper and entrench themselves.
In all these respects, Indonesia begins thus to resemble India, the most stable democracy in the global South. The major problem as compared to India is that Indonesia's system of representation and elections is not open enough for the possible inclusion of major interests among the people at large.
Actually, it rather erects high barriers to participation by independent players and ordinary people without high education and immense resources. The surveys reveal that the system of representation is the weakest point. The freedom to run in elections has deteriorated most sharply among all indicators.
The elitist monopolisation of representation is not only about the exclusion of ordinary people, especially women, but also the marginalisation of vital issues and interests. Hardly anywhere can we see substantive representation of crucial interests and ideas of the liberal middle classes, workers, peasants, the urban poor, women, or human rights and environmental activists.
Worst: upper and middle class groups who do not manage to win elections may well use discontent with elite democracy to gain support for the promotion of 'better preconditions' through 'politics of order' and 'middle class coups'.
Indonesia has been down this path once before, in the 1960s, and it gave rise to Soeharto's New Order.
Other illustrations include the quest for presidentialism and stronger executives, a majoritarian two-party system, and general admiration for what is called Singapore and China's 'stability and economic growth ahead of excessive democracy'.
It is imperative, therefore, that civic and popular organisations are able to scale up their ideas and alliances. By connecting communities and workplaces, and local and central levels, they can challenge elite control over politics. However, Demos' research reveals that even if many groups now try to enter into politics they are both prevented by the monopolisation of representation and constrained by their own fragmentation.
Civics remain poorly connected to social movements and popular organisations (and vice versa); and collective action is mainly based on individual networking, popular leaders or alternative patronage as against broad and representative organisation. Most attempts to approach elections, parliaments and the executive remain by way of media, NGOs and lobby groups.
These problems have so far been addressed by bringing people together on the grass-roots level or by top-down organising. However, unity from below has proved difficult because of the myriad of issues and contending projects and leaders. Politics aiming at majorities behind common platforms calls for the combination of specialisations and interests, such as among peasants and plantation labourers.
Networking and polycentric action are not enough. Yet, to compensate for this by way of ideologies, central organisations or charismatic candidates offering support in return for popular votes tend to preserve top-down structures and generate divisions among movements and civic activists.
Hence, popular and civic organisations must instead form democratic political blocks on an intermediate level, between the specific grass-roots issues and the top-level perspectives. This is to define joint platforms, gain wide support and alliances, and foster genuine politicians rather than being the victim of fragmentation and dominated by parties or populist leaders. This way it may be possible to build genuine representation in-spite of the present monopolisation of the party system.
[The author is Professor of Political Science and Developing Research at the University of Oslo and academic co-director of Demos (The Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies). He can be reached at olle.tornquist@stv.uio.no.]
Jakarta Post Editorial - May 3, 2008
We don't know what was on the mind of Public Works Minister Djoko Kirmanto when he announced his ideas on the creation of sustainable cities in confronting the worsening climate and the rapidly growing urban population. But perhaps he himself realized his ideas were too utopian, which is why he had one of his staff read his thoughts at a seminar on sustainable cities, in Jakarta recently.
As quoted by this newspaper in Wednesday's edition, the minister said Indonesia should shift the paradigm of urban development from "problem and incident driven" to a "coherent, holistic and consolidated approach sustainability driven".
It looks great on paper, but the country's situation will not change with just a few fancy words. Let us look at the situation in Jakarta, where we often feel choked by the harsh facts of daily life.
Congested roads are common during rush hour; floods displace tens of thousands of people every rainy season; water shortages affect many residents every dry season; and heavy pollution causes a panoply of contagious diseases.
The capital's chaotic transportation system has reached emergency levels due to the increasing number of vehicles running on streets. Urban travelers rely too much on private vehicles because of the poor condition of public transportation.
Improving public transportation is the only way to fix these problems, because it would not only ease traffic congestion but also address air pollution in the city. Transportation is the main source of the pollution.
While waiting for the development of alternative public transportation modes subway, monorail, more busway corridors the city must immediately deploy adequate numbers of buses along the 10 existing busway corridors to allow them to operate to full potential.
Another issue requiring immediate action is water shortages. More residents suffer from water shortages every dry season because tap water operators are unable to get adequate supplies of raw water due to unsustainable water resources. Currently, they rely on water from Jatiluhur Dam in West Java.
Jakarta has to find more sustainable water sources for the daily needs of residents. This includes the possibility of recycling river water, although operators say it is currently too costly to treat heavily polluted river water and make it potable.
The problem is that the city has failed to conserve its groundwater, through over-exploitation and the large-scale conversion of catchment areas into housing developments, commercial areas and other urban facilities.
The city is having difficulty meeting its target of developing green space to cover some 13.94 percent of the city's total territory of 650 square kilometers by 2010. Governor Fauzi will have to work hard to meet the target because the existing figure is only some 9 percent.
More green space in the city will help water conservation, which will also help to ease annual flooding, as well as addressing air pollution.
Easing the severe impact of flooding is urgent because tens of thousands are forced from their homes each year by floods. All flood mitigation projects, like the construction of the East Flood Canal, river dredging and relocation of riverbank squatters, should be a priority of the city administration.
However, it not fair for all these burdens to fall solely on the shoulders of the city administration. The role of the central government is not only to help resolve existing problems, but also to create more opportunities in other regions to curb the inflow of people into the capital.
Minister Djoko Kirmanto has come up with his own ideas for improving cities in Indonesia. But what we need from the minister are not just great ideas, but workable plans.