News & issues

Riau government warns over farmland conversion

Jakarta Post - January 16, 2008

Rizal Harahap, Pekanbaru – Riau Governor Rusli Zainal on Tuesday warned residents and officials against the large-scale conversion of farmland into plantations, which he said would threaten food security in the province.

"Farmland conversion must be restricted from an early stage," said Rusli during a harvest event in Sidodadi hamlet, Danau Lancang village, in Tapung Hulu district, Kampar regency, on Tuesday.

The large-scale conversion of farmland into plantations, especially oil palm and rubber plantations, is being pushed by the high economic value of these commodities, which are less likely to suffer harvest failure than food crops and which are less labor intensive.

Rusli praised farmers who have refused to convert their land into plantations.

The provincial administration has introduced several initiatives to boost the farming sector. These initiatives include efforts to get people to grow corn on 414 hectares of communal farmland in the Danau Lancang area.

Around 100 hectares of corn has been planted in the initial stage of this effort. According to plans, the farmland will also be used to grow rice.

One obstacle to the plan is the lack of irrigation. So far, farmers have been able to irrigate just 75 hectares of the area. Farmers involved in the initiative have requested government assistance in building an irrigation network, as well as obtaining fertilizer and seed stocks. Rusli promised the farmers assistance from the provincial administration.

"We provide subsidies for farmers. Please coordinate with the local agricultural office and logistics agency. I have asked them to give the farmers what they need because rice and corn are crucial...," said Rusli.

During the harvest event, Rusli presented farmers with 20 hand tractors, corn seed for 150 hectares, rice seedlings for 100 hectares and a number of farming tools.

Around 67 percent of residents in Kampar regency are involved in the agricultural sector. However, due to poor harvests, the number of farmers has dwindled through the years as more land has been converted into plantations.

"The conversion of food crop farms into plantations continues unabated from year to year," Kampar Agricultural Office head Wesrizal told reporters.

According to Wesrizal, 2,070 hectares of farmland was converted between 2004 and 2006. "On average, 500 hectares of crop land here is converted into plantations each year," he said.

In total, there are 11,542 hectares of corn fields in Kampar, and 2,075 hectares of rice fields.

"The area has somewhat expanded after the Kampar administration opened another 75 hectares for new rice fields, and it plans to open an additional 133 hectares this year," said Wesrizal.

How far Indonesia's human development has come

Jakarta Post - January 14, 2008

Owais Parray, Jakarta – Last November, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) released its 2007/8 Global Human Development Report. Every year the report focuses on a particular theme, examining it from a human development perspective in order to stimulate dialog and offer policy choices for the future.

The report has already fueled debate on one of the major challenges facing countries, the rising temperatures and climate change which threaten to undermine human development, particularly in less developed counties. In Indonesia, the release of the report coincided with the Climate Change Conference in Bali in December 2007.

Many in Indonesia are curious about the progress the country has been making in recent years.

The human development report provides a ranking of countries measured by a "human development index" (HDI), which is a composite of development scores measuring life expectancy, education and income. The evolution of the human development concept owes much to the work of Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen and Pakistani economist Late Mahboob-ul-Haq, who saw it as a broader and more suitable method of defining development.

Unlike measuring development in purely economic terms such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the human development index extends the definition to quality of life, where people are central in development rather than seen as "inputs" for development.

Until the monetary crisis, Indonesia enjoyed impressive growth rates that enabled it to make major strides in improving public services and reducing poverty. Although progress in recent times has not been as impressive, overall Indonesia has done quite well on the HDI. A point to note here is that data that has been used in this year's report mostly comes from 2005, so it may not be a complete reflection of the current situation.

Having said that, if compared a short-term basis changes may not be all that noticeable because they mirror outcomes that occur over an extended period. If you see Indonesia's progress in this long-term context, the country has arguably been the best performer in Southeast Asia. To illustrate this, let's compare Indonesia, which is ranked 107, with two of its closest and more developed neighbors – Malaysia and Singapore. Both are ranked much higher than Indonesia. But if we look at the aggregate performance from 1975 to 2005, Indonesia managed to add approximately 25 points to its HDI, while Singapore and Malaysia added roughly 20 points each to their score over the same period.

If you also compare Indonesia's performance with countries from other regions, it appears that only Oman (33 points) has performed better than Indonesia during this period.

Indonesia scores on both GDP and life expectancy indices are fairly low, while its education index is almost at the same level of Malaysia, which is ranked 63 overall on the HDI. Interestingly, there are a number of countries with higher HDI rankings which have low GDP per capita rates; their rankings are boosted by good scores in education and health.

Not surprisingly, these countries provide (or did until recently) a whole range of social services to their people. Cuba stands head and shoulders above other countries if you compare its total HDI score minus the GDP index. Other countries that do well in this respect include Armenia, Ecuador and Georgia. Except Tanzania, very few countries grouped under the report's "Low Human Development" category exhibit high positive HDI scores minus the GDP. Botswana, though, which is included in the "Medium Human Development" list of countries, is an interesting case. Its GDP Index ranking is quite high, even higher than Malaysia, but it is ranked 124 largely because of its low life expectancy rate.

So, where does Indonesia go from here? Indonesia's slow economic growth rate has meant it is not moving up fast on the human development ladder. Indonesia could go up 10-20 places if there were a reasonable increase in its GDP. Not to say that the improvements in other indices won't help it to move upwards. Indeed they can.

As a matter of fact they are interrelated, so improvements in one automatically lead to improvements in other dimensions.

However, addressing income poverty will be an effective short- term measure to register gains in life expectancy as well because as I have argued the latter reflects outcome which occurs over a longer period of time. So, in the short-term, income poverty should be a major development priority for the country. Unlike the past, though, future efforts in this direction should take into account Indonesia's decentralization to ensure that districts and provinces which until now have been lagging behind contribute to future economic growth.

The country as a whole has to grow, and not for the sake of growth alone, but to make growth a means of enhancing the quality of life for people.

[The writer provides advisory support to a joint Government of Indonesia and UNDP project. The opinions expressed here are strictly personal. He can be reached at owaisparray@hotmail.com.]

Minister backs film censorship board

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Jakarta – Culture and Tourism Minister Jero Wacik came to the defense of the film censorship board at a judicial review of the country's 16-year old film law at the Constitutional Court on Wednesday.

"In the interest of the general public, at present, the Film Censorship Agency (LSF) is still needed," Jero Wacik told the court. "We need to protect the public at large from the adverse effects of films, billboards and the like."

He said the film law, however, was in process of undergoing a revision and that everyone was welcome to voice their suggestions for improvement.

The minister spoke after being called to the defense of the 1992 law, which dates back to the New Order regime.

The judicial review hearing was demanded by young filmmakers and actors. The film makers and actors said the law was contrary to the 1945 Constitution's article 28 on human rights.

Film directors Muhammad Rivai "Riri" Riza and Tino Saroengallo, producer Nur Kurniati Aisyah Dewi, better known as Nia Dinata, singer/actress Annisa Nurul Kusuma Wardhani, also called Shanty, and film festival organizer Lalu Rois Amriradhiani attended the court hearing.

They argued articles 1, 33 and 34 of the 1992 Film Law had stifled their creativity as artists and had caused them distress.

Member of the House of Representative's Law Commission, Lukman Hakim Saefuddin said the exercise of human rights brought with it obligations. "As practiced in Indonesia, human rights are not a totally absolute concept," Lukman said.

"Certain rights of some people will need to be checked in order to guarantee the rights of others, and this is where the film law and the censorship board comes in," he said.

"We seek to protect the general public from any negative excess stemming from unmonitored creativity and expression. This measure also ensures that our film industry is heading towards the right direction."

Lukman said the censorship board's open membership allowed public participation toward the development of the local film industry.

Titie Said, chairwoman of the LSF, was among the speakers in favor of the film law and the censorship body.

"Our task is to ensure that individual creativity and expression remains within the corridor of Indonesian values," Titie told the court. Without a film censorship body, our identity as a nation would soon perish."

All nine justices were present at the hearing, which was adjourned until further notice. (amr)

Demos, actions, protests...

NGOs rally for Malari

Jakarta Post - January 16, 2008

Jakarta – Members of several non-governmental organizations including Perempuan Mahardika and the Indonesian Street Musician Union hit the streets in a rally commemorating the massive 1974 street riots known as Malari on Tuesday.

Some 80 protesters put on orations and theatrical performances across the street from the State Palace after they were denied access by police.

They demanded the government develop domestic industries without reliance on foreign interests, stop payment on foreign debt and nationalize the mining industry for the sake of the people.

Malari – an acronym for Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari or Jan. 15th Disaster – took place on Jan. 15, 1974 when students took to the streets to protest the arrival to the country of Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka.

"We have to learn from the spirit of the event and not allow Indonesia to be manipulated by foreign countries," said Vivi Widyawati from Perempuan Mahardika. (JP/lva)

Victims of human rights violations call for Suharto to be tried

Detik.com - January 11, 2008

Nograhany Widhi K, Jakarta – Demonstrations have consistently dogged the life of former President Suharto, both when he was in power and when he has been sick. "Try Suharto!".

Fifteen people from the families of human rights victims 'patrolled' the Pertamina Central Hospital where 'Pak' Suharto is undergoing treatment. They protested by standing in a row in front of the entrance to the hospital on Jl. Kyai Maja in South Jakarta on Friday January 11.

Without making any fiery speeches, the demonstrators from the Solidarity Network for the Families of Victims (JSKK) simply read out a statement calling for legal proceedings against Suharto to be completed.

The demonstrators, the majority of whom were the parents of student activists abducted in 1997-98 and victims of the Tanjung Priok and Trisakti shootings, simply held up posters with the message "Try Suharto".

The protesters also prayed for Suharto's recovery and presented a variety of small coloured flowers to the former president. "These flowers are for 'Pak' [Su]Harto's recovery", said Suciwati, the wife of the late Munir.

The coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Usman Hamid said that they had come to express their sympathy for Suharto who is seriously ill at the moment.

"If it is indeed feasible why shouldn't Suharto be tried, as suggested by House or Representatives speaker Hidayat Nurwahid, legal proceedings must continue", said Hamid. (aan/nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Rights victims pray for Suharto, but want justice upheld

Tempo Interactive - January 11, 2008

Purborini, Jakarta – As many as 30 protesters from the Solidarity Network for the Families of Victims of Human Rights Violations (JSKKPH) went to the Pertamina Central Hospital on January 11 to call for former President Suharto to be tried.

"I pray that 'Pak' [Su]Harto will get well soon, but justice must still be upheld", said Anwar Umar, a victim of the 1965 killings, when speaking in front of the hospital lobby.

The wife of the late Munir, Suciwati, also brought a wreath of flowers for Suharto. Suciwati arrived along with her daughter and accompanied by the coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Usman Hamid.

Hamid also called for Suharto to be tried. "There is no statute of limitations on human rights violations", said Hamid. Hamid said he hoped that proposals not to follow up rights violations would not abrogate the responsibility of past violations by government institutions. Particularly he said, institutions in the security field.

"All of these cases must be handed over to the courts, and it would be good if the attorney general made a legal ruling on the matter", added Hamid.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

More protests today, stay clear of Monas, Gatsu and Diponegoro

Detik.com - January 9, 2008

Maryadi, Jakarta – Jakarta never seems to be free from protest actions, and not a day goes by without a demonstration, including today, Wednesday January 9.

There will be demonstrations today at the National Monument (Monas), the Salemba area in Central Jakarta and Jl. Gatot Subroto. Drivers are advised to avoid these areas in order not to get caught in traffic.

Information from the Metro Jaya regional police Traffic Management Centre (TMC) indicates that there will be protest actions at the following locations:

Time: 9.30am Location: National Education Department, House of Representatives Building (DPR) and the offices of the Central Leadership Board of the Untied Development Party on Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta. Organisers: West Nusa Tenggara Student and Youth Concern Alliance (AMPP-NTB).

Time: 9am
Location: Jakarta provincial Public Relations Office.
Organisers: Metro Mini 91 drivers and conductors.

Time: 10am
Location: State Palace, offices of the Directorate General for Taxation and the DPR building.
Organisers: Non-government Organisation Taxation Concern Alliance (LSM-MPP).

Time: 11am
Location: Department of Home Affiars.
Organisers: Islamic Ideology Defense League (PISI).

Time: 1am
Location: Hotel Indonesia roundabout.
Organisers: Mujahidin Indonesia.

Time: 1pm
Location: State Palace
Organisers: Anti-Corruption Student Network (JMAK).

Time: 1pm
Location: Indonesian Administration Foundation (YAI) campus, Jl. Diponegoro.
Organisers: YAI Students Coalition of Education Concern.

(mar/mar)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Death of a dictator

Three decades of kleptocratic rule won't be eradicated easily

Asia Sentinel - January 16, 2008

It seem almost quaint now, but Indonesia's longtime president Suharto, who now lies dying, was once praised by the Washington for his strong anti-Communism, backed by a muscular, US-supplied military. That praise translated into billions in aid from allies and international institutions before it all ended badly in the Asian economic crisis of 1997.

Since Suharto's resignation his former authoritarian regime has morphed imperfectly into the world's third largest democracy. To widespread acclaim, the military forfeited the parliamentary seats reserved for it under Suharto, taking its apolitical status so seriously that it prohibits soldiers from voting in presidential elections. Tentara Nasional Indonesia, the armed forces, have also given up the occupation of East Timor, albeit in a destructive fury, and the futile but profitable war against a handful of separatists in Aceh.

Indonesia's economy is humming along at a respectable 6 percent growth rate. There is another election due next year, the nation's second in which the president will be directly elected. In addition, decentralization is moving power from Jakarta to the grass roots. In these exciting times, Indonesians have more to think about than an aged leader who dropped out of sight nearly a decade ago.

That is what we are supposed to think and this view of Indonesia has powerful promoters. The Bush administration advertises Indonesia – a secular state with the world's largest Muslim population – as a beacon of democratization in the Islamic world.

Although the US was Suharto's key benefactor, it has had no problem backing his successors. Since the September 11, 2001 attacks and Indonesia's run of Islamist violence beginning with the Bali bombings of 2002, the US has made Indonesia the East Asian focus of the war on terror, and the Bush people sure can use a success amid their many failures. As the primary beneficiary of the American largesse, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the democratically elected president, and his administration are also anxious to underline how different their Indonesia is from Suharto's.

It's a satisfying narrative of national development, freedom and democracy. There's just one problem with the story: it's largely untrue.

Rather than a historic relic, Suharto, the bland general who emerged from the shadows to dominate his country, remains the most influential figure in Indonesian politics even after a decade of seclusion. The cries of "reformasi" that accompanied his downfall went largely unheeded.

Suharto's influence will survive his burial and haunt Indonesia for years. In truth, Indonesia now is not so different from Indonesia under Suharto.

Yudhoyono and company promote the view that Indonesia is long past Suharto because, like most members of the ruling class, they have a long Suharto past. That's principally because Suharto didn't tolerate opposition or develop heirs. His last vice president, BJ Habibie, was chosen mainly for his wildly unconventional views and was intended to function as an insurance policy against his boss's ouster. Nearly all of the politicians available as Suharto's successors have been his collaborators.

Despite the sweeping changes in political language and banquet seating, Indonesia's mentality of governing hasn't changed. Political office is seen as an opportunity to benefit yourself, your family and your friends – as Suharto reportedly did to the tune of billions of US dollars – rather than serve the public.

At least under Suharto there was order in the corruption: if you paid the right people, things got done. Today, with decentralization and no strongman at the top, corruption is more chaotic and widespread and payoffs less effective.

That attitude of government as a path to personal enrichment goes far beyond simple graft. There's also no concept of conflict of interest. The family firm of the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare, Aburizal Bakrie, is a leading conglomerate whose drilling in East Java two years ago triggered a spectacular mud volcano that has inundated a huge area with stinking mud.

Bakrie has not only escaped any blame for the incident, but the government wound up footing a substantial portion of the compensation package for local residents who lost their homes and cropland in the disaster.

The military's tactical retreat from politics to higher ground hasn't brought the TNI under civilian control. Instead, the divorce has further insulated the military from public oversight and let its business empire carry on undisturbed. The one aspect worth debating, though strictly of academic interest, is whether the military remains unaccountable despite or because retired general Yudhoyono is president.

While the military has abandoned its formal role in politics, seemingly content to leave the extraordinary difficult task of running the country to others, that doesn't mean the security forces have lost interest. The implicit agreement that emerged under President Megawati Sukarnoputri is mutual noninterference in vital interests. The government needn't fear military coups, and the top military brass has escaped accountability for its human rights and financial abuses during and after Suharto's reign.

One result is that the murder of leading human rights activist Munir, who died of arsenic poisoning on a flight to Amsterdam in 2004, remains unsolved. Evidence links the in-flight murder to the national intelligence agency, but that is a no-go zone for prosecutors.

The judiciary is largely unreformed a decade after Suharto fell. Judges still look first to politicians rather than evidence to reach their verdicts. In the absence of political diktat, courts sell decisions to the highest bidder. Even without political influence and bribery, courts are arbitrary and unprofessional. The continuing absence of the rule of law is a major barrier to attracting the foreign investment Indonesia badly needs to relieve the devastating poverty that afflicts nearly a quarter of its 230 million people.

The failure of justice involves Suharto and family, and it bodes ill for Indonesia's future. Suharto himself escaped trial due to health issues. His son Tommy is free after serving a fraction of his 15 year sentence for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge who handed down a corruption verdict against him that was later overturned.

The Suharto clan continues to control a business empire and wealth estimated at upwards of US$10 billion. The only conviction by Indonesian courts handed down on corruption allegations related to Suharto was a defamation verdict last year against Time magazine for its estimate of the family's stolen wealth.

Failure to punish Suharto and his family encourages his successors to behave just as he did, stealing all they can while they can, confident there won't be consequences. It also encourages the culture of impunity that led to the murder of Munir and threatens a similar fate to any who dare cross the line. That's hardly the way to build a tolerant, pluralist democracy.

But the biggest failure is the Indonesians' own refusal to confront the Suharto era and their roles in those three decades of misrule. Culturally, it is more comfortable to ignore unpleasant issues than to examine them in order to avoid a repeat. Yet the tale of how the nation allowed this by all accounts unremarkable military man to successfully create and run an authoritarian state bears inspection.

There is no shortage of people who want to be autocrats. The difficulty is finding a nation ready to play along. Until it proves otherwise by decisively repudiating and purging the Suharto legacy, Indonesia remains easy prey for the next aspirant, be it a populist neo-Sukarno, another brass hat or a charismatic mullah.

Indonesia hasn't faced up to Suharto during this lifetime. Perhaps it will prove more willing to finally exorcise his ghost.

[The author is an Indonesia resident who prefers to remain unnamed.]

Accepting Soeharto's demise wholeheartedly

Jakarta Post - January 16, 2008

Blontank Poer, Surakarta – To have been branded a communist was without doubt painful during Soeharto's reign. Socializing with neighbors became not an easy matter; finding employment virtually impossible.

"It's really painful being ostracized by society," Sipon, the widow of poet Wiji Tukul told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

Along with time, she has tried to erase the pain by not thinking about that past. Not only being cast out, her husband was abducted by security forces in 1997 following a political riot, when the Indonesian Democratic Party headquarters was attacked on July 27, 1996.

Tukul was an activist of the People's Cultural Network (Jaker), an organization affiliated with the People's Democratic Party (PRD).

Although Sipon is a direct victim of Soeharto's authoritarian policy, she said she holds no grudges against the New Order autocrat.

"If it's the right time to be summoned by God, accept it wholeheartedly," Sipon said. "I can only wish him a speedy recovery."

With regard to the violations against human rights committed by Soeharto, she said she will wait for the enforcement of the law.

"As a victimized family, I have given my testimony," she said. "It's up to them. Who sows would surely reap."

But resident Winarso, 47, said he demands a probe into human rights violations committed by Soeharto during his 32-year rule.

"Soeharto is responsible for corruption and murdering innocent people, from the abortive coup in 1965 to the Trisakti incident," Winarso said.

Together with some 20 Surakartans, grouped under the People's Alliance for a Prosperous People (AMUK), Winarso staged a rally at the Surakarta Prosecutor's Office on Tuesday.

A close neighbor of the Soehartos in Kalitan near the Central Java city of Surakarta who wished to remain anonymous said he no longer cared about Soeharto's condition.

"Whether he recovers or dies, let he and his family experience the feeling," said the 41-year-old man. "He has his good sides, even though he also has historical sins."

A different note came from Narti, 39, a T-shirt and souvenir seller at the Astana Giribangun burial site, who wished Soeharto a quick recovery. "Pak Harto is a nice person. Each time he visits he always greets us," she said.

Narti said she was concerned over Soeharto's ill health and his long-term fate, which she referred to as being "tortured" by the public. "Since he was ousted, the burial site often lacks visitors," she said.

A fall in visitor numbers, according to Narti, has impacted her family's earnings. "Previously, I could earn a profit of at least Rp 50,000 daily," she said. But Narti said Monday she was only able to sell two T-shirts for a profit of Rp 7,500.

From the inner circles of Dalem Kalitan, Soeharto's family residence in Surakarta, caretakers of the Nurul Iman Mosque said they hoped Soeharto could recover from his illnesses. "However, if God wants to call Pak Harto soon, may he can go in peace and everything will end well," KH Muhammad Washim said.

Chandra, 36, an Indonesian-Chinese resident who lives in Kampong Balong, Sudiroprajan subdistrict in Surakarta, said she wished him well and a speedy recovery.

"He's always in my heart," Chandra said. "I don't hate him, but I also don't admire him. However, each time I hear that Pak Harto is ill, I always feel strange," she said.

The politics of a funeral

Sydney Morning Herald Editorial - January 15, 2008

Should he go or should he stay home and send a lower-ranking proxy? Kevin Rudd will be one of many foreign leaders torn between the pros and cons of attending the imminent funeral for the former Indonesian president Soeharto.

To attend will be seen in many quarters as conferring some kind of forgiveness for the dark side of Soeharto's rise to power and his 32 years ruling our huge neighbour: the massacre of some half a million members of the Indonesian Communist Party, the tens of thousands of political enemies locked up on Buru Island and places of banishment, the rigged and brutal takeovers of Papua and East Timor, the suppression of dissent, the "mysterious killings", the egregious economic rent-seeking of his family members and cronies.

Not to go will dissociate present-day Australia from a period encompassing more than half the time since the independence leaders Soekarno and Mohammad Hatta proclaimed the Indonesian republic in 1945, a time when a battered and confused people found a kind of stability and moved out of desperate poverty into a modest prosperity, where most found religious freedom, a lot the means to educate themselves, and where despite the top-down corruption, ministers such as Mohamad Sadli, who died last week at 85, were given scope to build a modern economy.

It would also reek of hypocrisy. From Harold Holt telling a New York audience approvingly about how Soeharto's army was "knocking off" the communists, to favourable maritime boundary agreements, to the Indonesian support for Australian positions in Association of South-East Asian Nations and Asia-Pacific Economic Co- operation forums, to Jakarta's tacit support for the reach of US power through its archipelago, Australian governments consistently saw Soeharto's rule as a strategic plus for this country. We encouraged one of his worst adventures – the annexation of Portuguese Timor – when arguably we could have talked him out of it.

Had the Asian financial crisis not brought his rule to a involuntary end in May 1998, Australian prime ministers would have been courting Soeharto for many more years.

So we think Mr Rudd should go – as a mark of respect for the office, and as a sign of our involvement with Indonesia. Behind the various issues of contemporary friction – asylum seekers, the safety standards of Indonesian airlines, the death penalties hanging over Australian drug traffickers – the Soeharto years were a slab of history from which the stories still need to be told, fully and truthfully.

The untouchable

Jakarta Post Editorial - January 15, 2008

There was great hope nearly a decade ago that victims of state violence and all Indonesian people would have justice, when president Soeharto stepped down after 32 years in power.

The political climate was fully in favor of the people, with the People's Consultative Assembly, then the most powerful legislative body in the country, ordering an investigation into alleged corruption, collusion and nepotism involving Soeharto and his cronies.

Few people today would remember the Assembly decree, which has remained just a piece of paper, not because the legislative body has lost much of its power, but because of the forgiving mentality which has long characterized this nation.

Political leaders who once cried for reform in 1998 have slowly but surely eaten their words when it comes to Soeharto's alleged crimes. They have lately been seen on TV, gathering at Pertamina Hospital in South Jakarta to express their gratitude for Soeharto, and chanting in unison about the need for the nation to forgive the former president.

The around the clock media coverage of Soeharto's fight for life has elicited sympathy, including from former political enemies of Soeharto's New Order regime, for the former strongman, who is now lying helpless in a hospital bed, clinging to life with the help of machines.

Since Soeharto was admitted to the hospital on Jan. 4, the media has offered continuous updates on Soeharto's fight for survival. Just about every media outlet in the capital has reporters on standby at the hospital. One TV cameraman was warned by his boss after he missed footage of Soeharto that rival stations aired.

It was perhaps this endless media coverage that prompted former Singapore prime minister Lee Kuan Yew and former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad to fly to Jakarta and visit their old friend. Brunei Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah was the latest to pay a visit to Soeharto.

Most of the reports on Soeharto's deteriorating health have helped shape the public opinion that the former dictator is just a man who made some mistakes, and therefore deserves forgiveness now that he is apparently facing the last episode of his life.

Nobody in the media has looked at those who were made to suffer during Soeharto's rule. Thousands of people were killed in the military-backed countermove against the communists, many perished in the rebellious provinces of Irian Jaya, or Papua, Aceh and East Timor, not to mention all those who disappeared for their opposition to Soeharto.

These atrocities, which surely took place with Soeharto's knowledge, will remain open wounds plaguing the nation if they are left uninvestigated. With the truth and reconciliation commission still absent after the Constitutional Court declared its formation in 2005 unconstitutional, there is no body to hold Soeharto accountable for these crimes.

As long as this continues, Indonesia will be known as a nation without justice, where laws can be broken with impunity. Other countries that once fell under military rule, like Chile, have dared to bring former leaders to justice, in order for the nation learn from the past.

Soeharto, who the Assembly at one time named the Father of Development, looks likely to keep his name clean, at least in his lifetime, with the attorney general dropping corruption charges against him on grounds commonly applied to the deceased. And the civil lawsuit against Soeharto's foundations look set to end amicably after an out-of-court settlement was offered to Soeharto's family. It will be just a matter of time that the government will name Soeharto a national hero.

The latest statement from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who said now was not the time for the nation to talk about legal matters involving Soeharto, will probably kill off any remaining debate over the alleged crimes of the self-appointed five-star general.

That Yudhoyono and other state officials underline the need to respect Soeharto for his contributions to the country clearly shows how powerful the former president remains, and how powerless the nation is to uphold justice. Do not be surprised, then, if in the future many others join Soeharto in the club of the untouchables.

As Suharto fights for life, Indonesians debate his legacy

Reuters - January 15, 2008

Ahmad Pathoni, Solo – About 30 Indonesian protesters performed a traditional mask dance in the royal city of Solo on Tuesday to demand that former president Suharto, who is critically ill in a Jakarta hospital, be brought to justice.

"Bring Suharto to court before he dies," read one of the posters carried by the protesters as they played traditional Javanese drums and gongs outside the prosecutors' office in Solo in central Java.

"How come there's no justice for my son and other people who were missing or killed by the Suharto regime?" asked Budiati Al Fatah, who said her activist son, Gilang Nugroho, was murdered in the last days of Suharto's rule.

Ever since Suharto was admitted to a Jakarta hospital on Jan. 4, Indonesians have debated the former president's legacy and whether to continue legal proceedings against him for graft.

Some see him as a corrupt dictator who should be held accountable for his actions, including the death of up to half a million Indonesians in an anti-communist purge in 1965-66.

But others remember his era more nostalgically and say he should be appreciated for steering Indonesia's development and for turning it into one of Asia's tiger economies.

"Suharto must be tried for his alleged crimes, even in absentia. He is responsible for alleged genocide against some 500,000 Indonesians between 1965 and 1975," wrote Ludi from West Kalimantan in an SMS to the Jakarta Post newspaper.

Suharto's more than 30 years of authoritarian rule are associated with widespread human rights violations, especially in the troubled provinces of Papua and Aceh, as well as in East Timor which Indonesia invaded in 1975.

Angry letters

The former general, now 86, came to power after an abortive coup on Sept. 30, 1965, that was officially blamed on the communist party.

Suharto himself was charged with embezzling hundreds of millions of dollars of state funds after he quit office, but the government later dropped the case due to his poor health. He and his family deny any wrongdoing. Transparency International put Suharto's assets at $15-$35 billion, or as much as 1.3 percent of gross domestic product.

The letters column of the Jakarta Post has been filled with angry letters from people saying the former ruler should be tried.

"The public, like me, have wondered all along how these faults can be concealed so nicely and how he is still free today despite all the wrong and the sufferings countless people have endured," wrote Khristianto from Central Java.

'Is he really innocent?'

Suharto was forced to resign in 1998 in the face of a tumultuous pro-democracy movement and economic crisis. While his political influence has faded since then, he and his family remain powerful and retain close ties to the military. Attempts by subsequent governments to prosecute Suharto for graft have failed.

Despite Suharto's humiliating overthrow in 1998 and the subsequent attempts to prosecute him for corruption, Southeast Asian leaders such Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and members of Indonesia's elite have flocked to his bedside to pay their respects, a mark of his lingering influence.

And many ordinary Indonesians look back on the Suharto era with nostalgia, saying life was better during his presidency when fuel and food were heavily subsidised.

"Pak Harto did well as president. But there were also weaknesses. Wealth was not distributed fairly. But the economy was better at that time. There were more jobs then," said Tomin, a 40-year-old worker at the Surakarta palace, as he sat eating lunch at a roadside stall.

"And when he was president we did not have troubles. Now it seems we have too much freedom. It's already got out of hand. Let's pray that he will get well soon."

Battle over Suharto's legacy a test for modern Indonesia

World Politics Review - January 15, 2008

Fabio Scarpello, Denpasar – Some want him pardoned and remembered as the "Father of Development." Others say his name should forever be linked to the crimes he committed. Almost 10 years since he was deposed by a student-led movement, former dictator Suharto still divides Indonesia.

As he teeters on the edge of death in a hospital in Jakarta, the battle over his legacy has begun. The result of the battle will be a strong indicator of the current state of democracy and the rule of law in Indonesia.

Suharto reigned over a brutal and corrupt military regime that kept Indonesia under a veil of fear for 32 years, until 1998. His reign coincided with strong economic development. The former dictator was admitted to the hospital on Jan. 4 with heart, kidney and lung problems. He suffered multiple organ failure a week later, sliding into "very critical" condition by Sunday. On Monday, doctors said they were "amazed" that he was still alive. He has been sick for years.

Post-Suharto Indonesia has made enormous democratic strides, but many of the country's political players, entrenched economic interests, and problems plaguing the archipelago can still be traced back to the New Order, as Suharto's regime was called.

With this legacy intact, it is not surprising that a large portion of the political elite seems inclined to put a positive spin on the ailing former president's legacy.

Should this elite win the battle over the name of Suharto, critics says, Indonesia will have lost an opportunity to further progress.

In one characteristic example of affection for Suharto, Golkar – the political party used by the dictator to rubber-stamp his stay in power – recently held a prayer for the former leader at the home of current Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Golkar is still Indonesia's largest political party and wields significant influence in parliament, as well as in the economy and within the military.

Golkar's leader, Kalla, a successful businessman, has advocated the cessation of legal proceedings against Suharto and added, "Regarding [Suharto's sins], those are up to God, not us."

Suharto, who had corruption charges against him dropped in 2006 on medical grounds, is currently fighting a civil suit over his alleged misappropriation of funds. At stake in the case is a fraction of the money he is thought to have stolen from the state. According to Transparency International, the worldwide watchdog on corruption, the Suharto family stole $15-35 billion in state assets during his time in power. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime puts the total at $35 billion.

Despite the importance of the civil case, state minister and representative of the United Development Party Suryadharma Ali has also advocated ending it "as a sign of respect."

Ruhut Sitompoel, a representative of current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, said that "Suharto's reputation will recover on its own accord," regardless of the decision in the corruption case.

Yudhoyono, who has not taken a position in the legal fight, said, "Despite some shortcomings, we still need to show him the respect and gratitude he deserves."

Under Suharto, Indonesia enjoyed average annual gross domestic product growth of 7 percent, the portion of Indonesians living below the poverty line shrunk from 60 percent to 11 percent, and life expectancy increased by 20 years.

Today, with Indonesia struggling to escape poverty, some of its 49 million people living on less than $2 a day look nostalgically back to Suharto's presidency as a time of prosperity and political stability. Supporters outside his hospital Jan. 11 held a banner reading, "Father of Development, Indonesia will never forget you."

However, neither his supporters among the political elite or common man mention the human rights abuses perpetrated under his reign.

Keeping this aspect of his legacy alive are numerous human rights organizations and activists, intent on pressing for justice. Should this group win the legacy battle, analysts say, it could lead to a change in the culture of impunity that still pervades Indonesia.

Among the activists is Nursyahbani Katjasundkana, who is unhesitating in pointing to Suharto's crimes. "Suharto is responsible for massive human rights violations and for the systemic corruption that occurred during his administration," she says. "I think his totalitarian administration is unforgivable."

A similar argument is made by a group known as "Petition 50," which consists of victims of Suharto-era crackdowns and purges. The group is calling on prosecutors to continue corruption proceedings against Suharto, and is pushing for new investigations into the abuse perpetrated under the former dictator.

Suharto rose to power countering an alleged attempted coup by the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965.

A lieutenant general in the Army back then, he orchestrated a reign of terror against communists that left between 300,000 and 1 million people dead. Under him, the military committed widespread abuses. Aceh, Papua and East Timor – three areas with strong secessionist movements – particularly suffered.

His regime was supported by the United States and several other Western powers who, in the midst of the Cold War, feared Indonesia would slide into the Soviet orbit.

Suharto will be buried in the family mausoleum, just outside the Javanese city of Solo, where his wife rests. Three military airplanes are already on standby.

[Fabio Scarpello is a Denpasar, Indonesia-based correspondent for the Italian news agency AdnKronos International and a regular WPR contributor.]

Suharto: To forgive or not forgive

Associated Press - January 15, 2008

Robin McDowell, Jakarta – Ten years ago, Amien Rais led thousands of demonstrators chanting "Hang Suharto!" to the halls of parliament, where they demanded the resignation of a man widely regarded as one of the most brutal and corrupt leaders of the 20th century.

Today, with the former dictator on his deathbed, Rais has a different message: forgive. But not everyone agrees, with protesters taking to the streets to demand the 86-year-old face justice.

Suharto's condition took another grave turn Tuesday, with doctors saying he had developed sepsis, a potentially life-threatening blood infection, on top of multiple organ failure. He remained hooked to a ventilator and has slipped in and out of consciousness in recent days.

"This is a new low point," Dr. Harryanto Reksodiputro told reporters camped out at Pertamina Hospital. "Suharto's condition is very bad, considering his old age, his previous strokes and poorly functioning kidneys, heart and lungs."

Some believe, with machines now keeping Suharto alive, it could be a matter of days before physicians give up hope. The family has already said it would not stand in the way.

That has sparked debate about whether it is time to exonerate Suharto, whose 32-year rule ended in 1998 after the Asian financial crash triggered nationwide riots and massive rallies, opening the way for democracy in this predominantly Muslim nation of 235 million. He retired from public life after his ouster, rarely venturing from his mansion on a quiet, tree-lined street in the capital, Jakarta.

Suharto is accused of overseeing a purge of more than half a million leftist opponents soon after seizing power in a 1965 coup, and killing or imprisoning hundreds of thousands more in the decades that followed – crimes for which no one has ever been tried.

He and his family also allegedly amassed billions of dollars in state funds, but defense attorneys have argued successfully for years that a series of strokes have left him unfit to stand trial.

"Maybe it is best if he dies, unforgiven by some, forgiven by others," said Goenawan Mohamad, 68, the founder and editor of Tempo magazine, which was forced to close twice during Suharto's regime because of its criticism of the government.

"But the debate should continue," he said at an outdoor cafe where former dissidents used to meet secretly. "It won't stop, it shouldn't."

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono disagrees, though he helped spark the debate by sending the attorney general to the hospital late last week to offer Suharto's family the chance to settle a pending $1.5 billion civil corruption suit out of court. Defense attorneys rejected the proposal, saying there was no graft.

"It's not appropriate to talk about the pros and cons of former President Suharto's legal issues while he is critical condition," Yudhoyono said later, calling on the public to end all such debate.

Few on the streets were listening, however, saying that was for them to decide. Nearly 100 former political prisoners and relatives of those who died under Suharto rallied Tuesday in the city of Solo – not far from the mausoleum where the ex-dictator will be buried alongside his late wife. Some carried signs that said "Try Suharto before he dies!"

At the very least, they said, he should be tried in absentia. "I was wrongly accused of being a communist," said 80-year-old Wiryo, who said he was rounded up during Suharto's 1965 takeover and thrown in jail, where he spent the next eight years.

He said that stigma has always stayed with him. While many people point to the decades of economic expansion under Suharto, "I have lived in poverty with my four children, who also could not get jobs, for my whole life"

Rais – who came to personify the student protest movement with his fiery anti-Suharto speeches, often made from the top of a minivan before tens of thousands of thundering demonstrators – said he understands the pain of victims. But 10 years and four presidents since Suharto's ouster, no one has succeeded in getting him to court, and it appears now that no one ever will.

"He's dying, it's too late to bring him to justice," said Rais. He still believes Suharto ordered the killing and imprisonment of his political opponents and engaged in widespread corruption, but thinks all charges should be dropped and that the focus should now be on his millionaire children and cronies. "Maybe this is the time to forgive."

Measuring the public's sympathy for Suharto - Kompas survey

Kompas - January 14, 2008

Sultani – Each time Suharto falls ill and is taken to hospital, the public is inevitably faced with the choice of forgiving him for his mistakes or continuing legal proceedings against him. Now that the former president of the Republic of Indonesia is lying ill at the Pertamina Central Hospital, the public is again faced with the same two choices.

Agreement and opposition over the issue of completing the corruption case against former President Suharto surfaced again after the former strong man of Indonesia was taken to hospital last week. The public is equally divided on the question of forgiving Suharto for his mistakes or continuing legal proceedings against him.

Out of 815 respondents to a survey on how to deal with the Suharto case, the majority (66.1 percent) agree that the ruler of the New Order regime should be forgiven for his mistakes. Their reasons were clear: Suharto has given a service to the Indonesian nation. The majority (84.7 percent) of respondents said that while Suharto was in power he succeeded in improving Indonesia's economy and turning the country into an economic region that was to be reckoned with in the region as well as internationally. This success also resulted in almost half (48.2 percent) of respondents valuing this as Suharto's greatest service to the country.

Aside from developing the economy, respondents also said that Suharto succeeded in the political field. Two out of three respondents said that during the 32 years that Suharto was in power he succeeded in creating political stability. A similar assessment was expressed by a majority (76.6 percent) of respondents with regard to Suharto's achievements in maintaining social harmony and safeguarding Indonesia's territorial unity.

Conversely, 61 percent of respondents said that legal proceedings against Suharto should be continued. Their reason being that Suharto must take responsibility for all of the mistakes that were made while he was in power. Suharto's greatest mistake in the eyes of respondents was in allowing the continued practice of corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN). This view was held by at least 45.2 percent of respondents. Usually, in order to blur the practices of KKN, Suharto frequently resorted to issuing polices that tended to benefit the interests of himself personally, is family and cronies.

In the political field, Suharto is considered to have failed to develop political freedom in society. His tendency of issuing orders in an authoritarian style made the ruler of the New Order regime "allergic" to the various kinds of difference that were emerging in society. One of the legacies of his dictatorship in the political field is the application of sole guiding principle (the state ideology of Pancasila) for all political parties.

If investigated further in terms of age and education, the respondents that were sympathetic to forgiving Suharto turn out to be dominated by those from the mature age group (31-50 years), while in terms of education level, the majority of these respondents had a low level of education. Conversely, respondents that want legal proceedings against Suharto to be continued were dominated by those in younger age group (17-30 years) with a high level of education. (Kompas Research and Development)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

SBY criticized for call to end Soeharto debate

Jakarta Post - January 14, 2008

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – Experts have criticized President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's call for the public to quit debates around the legal status of former president Soeharto, who has been hospitalized and is reportedly in a critical condition.

They said the President's call showed the government's failure to enforce the law, especially in its fight against corruption and the case involving Soeharto.

"By doing so, the government of Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla have evidently broken the public's mandate to fight corruption," Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace director Hendardi said Sunday.

Hendardi asked why the government had remained silent around the status of Soeharto before his latest hospitalization, when he was in good health. "There was no breakthrough in legal processes when Soeharto was in good health," he said.

After his arrival from a state visit to Kuala Lumpur on Saturday, Yudhoyono called on the public to stop debates around Soeharto's status. He also invited Indonesia to pray for Soeharto's health.

The former leader's condition continued to worsen on Sunday, two days after he suffered multiple organ failure.

The 86-year-old was admitted to Pertamina hospital with heart, kidney and lung problems on Jan. 4 and his health has fluctuated daily before it dramatically worsened Friday. He was then attached to a ventilator to save his life.

Hendardi said the need to battle Soeharto's corruption case and his cronies was stipulated under the 1998 decree of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

"That's why, Susilo and Jusuf could not ignore the case," he said. "If they want to ignore the decree, they must first set a new law to replace the existing MPR decree."

The Setara Institute also called on the Assembly and the House of Representative to respond Yudhoyono's call. "They (the Assembly and the House) must take initiative fairly to respond the case of Soeharto," he said.

Legislators said the government needed to determine Soeharto's legal status soon, to prevent the country wasting more time and energy.

Ali Mochtar Ngabalin, a member of the House Commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs, told Antara, "We spend much time and energy discussing the issue". "It is only the courage of government that can take action to resolve Soeharto's status."

Ali also criticized Yudhoyono's statement that a civil lawsuit against Soeharto was not the priority for the current government.

House Commission I member Yuddy Chrisnandi said the President must make clear his actions toward Soeharto's legal status. "But I see no clear action from the government over the status of Soeharto," Golkar Party member Yuddy told Antara.

House speaker Agung Laksono also made a complaint about Attorney General Hendarman Supanji's statement around Soeharto's legal status.

"It is not the right time for talks about the legal status as Soeharto is in a critical condition," Agung told Antara on Sunday in Yogyakarta. "The civil lawsuit against Soeharto could be resolved in an out-of-court settlement."

Hendarman made a surprise visit to Soeharto at Pertamina hospital on Friday night, offering a "win-win solution" and to resolve the civil lawsuit in an out-of-court settlement.

General Suharto - One small man leaves a million corpses

Allan Nairn - January 13, 2008

General Suharto of Indonesia is fading fast, the news bulletins say. So when I came into the country, I started asking how people felt about their dying killer. (Body count, circa one million plus, overwhelmingly civilian).

The first man I ran into – near a coffee/rice stall – though the radio blared the death watch, said nothing about it, until I raised it. "So much the better," he smiled. Even people I know well did not bother to mention it, though they know I follow politics.

One market lady had just described her own recent ailments – decades of squatting and pounding grain take a toll – when I asked about Suharto.

"Suharto?", she said. "He ate too much money. He's full. He ate so such that others can't eat." She chuckled at her own joke. Everybody laughed. The mourning period should be over by lunchtime.

The New York Times, in 1993, after the East Timor massacres, said Suharto "r[a]n the country with a grandfatherly smile and an iron fist" and lamented that his "accomplishments are not widely known abroad." (Philip Shenon, "Hidden Giant - A special report.; Indonesia Improves Life for Many But the Political Shadows Remain," The New York Times, August 27, 1993.)

On earth, in Indonesia – below the towers of life-giving-or- taking wealth and distant killing decision – Suharto seemed to have been seen, on the one hand, as a small man, but on the other, as a menace.

You could talk corruption, but you could not mention the murders. You had to work hard to forget them. The government helped with "Clean Environment" laws that banned the surviving relatives from social contacts, on the theory that if they got around, their memories might pollute society. A grandmother, when pressed, once told me about bodies bobbing in Sumatra rivers.

But, as a rule, people don't like to talk about Suharto's founding massacre, the one that was, in the words of James Reston of The Times, the "gleam of light in Asia" (June 19, 1966), and in the words of the CIA, which assisted, "one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century" (for background see posting of November 8, 2007. "Duduk-Duduk, Ngobrol-Ngobrol. Sitting Around Talking, in Indonesia.").

Interestingly enough, on the official, bureaucratic level, though, it is corruption talk that is taboo.

In 1998, I was being interrogated after giving a press conference on Suharto's secret aid from Clinton (including snipers and "PSYOP"(s); see posting of December 12, 2007), and Suharto's man began to read aloud from my file – parts disturbingly accurate, parts ridiculous.

He asked about my political views. I went into a speech about the massacres and how Suharto and Clinton should share a jail cell. The man was thoroughly bored. But, then, somehow, I mentioned corruption. He was offended, angry. He sat upright: "What do you mean, corruption?!"

It made sense, on the popular level that was Topic A. So, therefore, it was a dangerous topic. Bureaucrats are not encouraged to speak the word. Cash envelopes enter pockets quietly.

But the massacres? They were unlikely to spark a flame, the Suhartoites had calculated. Survivors really can be selfish sometimes – forget the dead and kiss the killers – especially if clever ongoing terror is applied. Forced thought control is sometimes possible.

When Suharto goes, there won't be weeping in the kampungs I know, but there may be on some US campuses. There, there developed a school of thought (and of subsidy) that held that Suharto was OK since, though he had "human rights" problems, the official statistics showed rapid GDP growth.

The proponents were strict anti-communists, but had absorbed some Pravda thinking, since that argument was – as it happened – the same one once used to justify Stalin.

But as short, thin people gathered this morning at, say, the Belawan ferry to Malaysia could tell you, Pak Harto's massacre development, unlike Uncle Joe's, did not vault Indonesia onto a new plane.

Neighboring countries, starting tied with Indonesia in real- eating development, have post-rise-of-Suharto-and-his-army far surpassed it, so Indonesians leave home, seeking work, often trading dignity for their babies' brain growth. (See "Duduk- Duduk" on the choices sending poor Indonesians overseas, and the posting of November 24, 2007, "Rising in Malaysia. The Dangers of Feeding Poor People," on Malaysia's different, far-faster development).

The interesting question is not why are foreign sponsors so suave about explaining murder (key answer: because they can get away with it), but rather why do local people, in so many place, let one small man rise above them?

That's a complex question, for another day. But right now, some people here are busy with the death anniversary of another, far bigger, person, a lady buried in a goat field, who was – by consensus of several kampungs – a shining, good person, a great one.

If they had met, Suharto would have told her to wash his floor (I can assure that you she wouldn't have). But even she, with her strong shoulders, could not possibly have washed all that blood. That's a task for a whole society, after Suharto is condemned and gone.

Then they'll have to get together and resolve to henceforth keep the floor clean.

Soeharto's name still wields unwavering sway over the elite

Asia Calling - January 12, 2008

Budi Kurniawan – Indonesia's former dictator Soeharto remains in a critical condition in a Jakarta hospital. Doctors are struggling to prevent multiple organ failure and say they fear for the life of the 86-year-old former general.

Mr Soeharto, ruled Indonesia for 32 years before being toppled in a pro-democracy uprising in 1998. A decade after his downfall he remains a controversial and divisive figure.

He is accused of rampant corruption and gross human rights accuses. But as he lies on his death bed there are mounting calls for him to be publically forgiven. Budi Kurnawan takes a look at why the Soeharto name still wields unwavering sway over Indonesia's elite.

AM Fatwa was a political prison during the Soeharto's New Order regime. But now he forgives Soeharto.

"I'm looking at it from a humanist point of view. Whatever he did wrong, he is still a human being and was the leader the state. He contributed so much to the nation and country, that's something we can't deny. So I forgive him as a person."

Soeharto's Golkar Party has been pushing for him to be publicly forgiven. They claim that his 32-year dictatorship brought enormous economic development to the country. Theo Sambuaga, an official from Golkar has been lobby President Yudhoyono to make this happen.

"We want to the President to close, cancel and stop the corruption cases against Soeharto and his children's cases. This can be done legally; the President can request the Attorney General to stop all the cases against him."

Mass Prayers for Soeharto's recovery have been held in several places across the archipelago; including at his birthplace near Yogyakarta in East Java.

Just hours after he was taken to hospital, the man who towered over Indonesia for 32 years had already been visited in hospital by the country's current President and Vice President, as well as former president Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur.

They were signally to the world the unwavering sway the Suharto name still wields over Indonesia's elite. "He made mistakes," Gus Dur said after his visit to Suharto. "But he also did a great service to the nation."

That service to the nation was often characterised by brutal crackdowns on dissent. Suharto his family and their crony friends remain accused of corruptly pocketing billions of dollars during his decades in power. A civil suit seeking the return of 1.4 billion dollars in assets accrued through charitable foundations continues.

Petisi 50, is one the groups involved. They are made up of political and military figures that have fought against Soeharto since 1978. Judil Herri Justam is their spokesperson.

"He use is power to benefit himself and other people. He violated the law. There are countless cases of serious corruption. The re-forestration funds were embezzled. There are lots of other cases as well like the loans to Kinati Kertas, IPTN, Import taxes of all the Proton cars from Malaysia that Tutut his daughter was involved with, the cloves trade, refineries and everything else. We have reported all this to the Supreme Court because they are all serious corruption cases."

In March 2004 Transparency International names him as the world's all time most corrupt leader.

Soeharto also stances accused of gross human rights violations. These include the detention of communist party members in Buru Island, the political killings and kidnapping of hundreds of activists in the 1980s. Not to mention the military operations in East Timor, Papua, Aceh and Tanjung Priuk where thousands of people were killed by the military.

Veteran human rights activist Jhonson Panjaitan, says forgiving Soeharto would be betraying his many victims.

"We've are still having to fight for the current administration to admit that gross human rights violations took place during the Soeharto regime. They continue to protect Soeharto and fail to see the brutal reality of his dictatorship. The President and Vice president hold him in high regard, after everything that he has done and that is really upsetting."

When Soeharto was overthrown in 1998 in a people's revolution, the cries of students was hang him, hang him. But as he lies on his death Indonesia's have soften their views about their former dictator.

In his biography "My Thoughts, Words and Actions' Soeharto outlined how he would like to be remembered.

"If someone asks me about my wish, it will be not to mention the things about me, not to talk about me. But it is my wish and hope that the next generation will run this country based on the national ideology, of unity and harmony."

Dying Suharto, kleptocrat and butcher, slips away from justice

The Times (London) - January 12, 2008

Richard Lloyd Parry – Indonesia was at the end of an era last night, as its former dictator Suharto, the general and mystic who for 32 years dominated the world's largest Muslim nation, teetered on the verge of death.

The country's senior politicians and members of his family gathered at his bedside as the disgraced former President suffered multiple organ failure and lost consciousness after a week of deteriorating health. "We put him on a ventilator and gave him medication to overcome this critical condition," Marjo Soebiandono, one of his doctors, told a press conference at the Pertamina hospital in the capital, Jakarta.

Paying their last respects were Indonesia's Vice-President, Yusuf Kalla, and Suharto's half-brother, Probosutedjo, who was allowed out of prison, where he is serving a four-year sentence for corruption.

Suharto's death at the age of 86 will draw attention to the failure of the Indonesian Government and of international organisations to bring to justice a man believed widely to be one of the greatest kleptocrats and butchers of the 20th century.

The Indonesian Government brought a civil case against Suharto and one of his foundations recently, accusing him of stealing $441 million (#225 million) from state institutions between 1978 and 1998, when he was driven from power by a popular uprising. After he came to power in 1965, following a mysterious coup against Sukarno, the previous President, an estimated 500,000 Indonesians were murdered in massacres of alleged communists, carried out with the tacit approval of Suharto.

Then there was the invasion and occupation of East Timor, where another 200,000 people were reckoned to have died from war and deprivation, and the long-running independence war in Aceh.

The Government's estimate of the loot amassed by Suharto and his "cronies" is modest compared with that of the anti corruption organisation Transparency International, which in 2004 reckoned his total takings at $35 billion, more than the late Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines or Mobutu Sese Seko of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Growing resentment at such corruption, combined with the devastating effects of the Asian financial crisis, precipitated his sudden fall in May 1998 and the restoration of democracy.

Despite half-hearted efforts at prosecution by subsequent governments, Suharto was never brought to justice. A series of judges accepted the claims of his lawyers that he was too sick and mentally enfeebled to stand trial. But Suharto had so dominated his people during three decades in power that even to those who hated him and fought against his oppression, the thought of sending him to jail would have been a kind of parricide.

He was born on the city of Yogyakarta in Java, a centre of religious study and mysticism. He fought the Dutch in Indonesia's war of independence after the Second World War.

Throughout his period in power, he was supported by Western governments who regarded him as a bulwark against communism in South-East Asia.

Among his own people, he encouraged the belief that he possessed supernatural powers. He spent his last eight years living quietly in his home in Sandalwood Street in central Jakarta, only occasionally going out.

As Indonesians awaited the latest bulletins on his health yesterday, a group of human rights activists gathered outside the hospital, offering flowers for his recovery and waving banners with the slogan "Put Suharto on trial".

Usman Hamid, head of the human rights group Kontras, said: "For now, we hope Suharto will recover soon. But in regards to his legal status, a thorough consideration needs to be made taking into account his services to this nation and crimes he committed in the past."

Rich pickings

• The Suharto family's estate includes homes in Bermuda, the Cayman Islands and Hawaii as well as a multimillion-dollar mansion outside Los Angeles
• In 2004, when the Berlin-based anti-graft NGO named Suharto the single most corrupt leader of all time, the GDP per head of Indonesia was just $3,500 (#1,800)
• In 1998, the value of the Indonesian rupiah fell 80 per cent. Suharto exhorted his population to make financial sacrifices while shifting his assets abroad
• "Tommy", Suharto's favoured son, was granted a monopoly on cloves used in the manufacture of kretek cigarettes in the 1990s. By 1993 this yielded $40 million for a controlling stake in Lamborghini

[Source: Transparency International; CIA World Factbook; Agencies; Times archives]

Ex-president Suharto family to settle suit out of court

Agence France Presse - January 12, 2008

Jakarta – The Indonesian government and Suharto family have agreed to settle out of court a civil corruption suit against the former president, who is critically ill, the attorney general said Saturday.

"We have reached a deal with Suharto's family, represented by Tutut (his eldest daughter), that the civil case related to the Supersemar foundation will be settled out of the court," Attorney General Hendarman Supanji said.

The government had been seeking in court 1.4 billion dollars in damages and returned assets allegedly accrued through one of the charitable foundations Suharto chaired while in power.

Supanji said he had met with the Suharto family under orders from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The former president, 86, suffered multiple organ failure Friday and is being kept alive in hospital by a ventilator.

Under Indonesian law, if a defendant dies during such a civil suit, his family must instead defend the case.

"If we settle the case in court, it means that there's one loser and the other wins and the process will be quite long. But if we settle it outside the court, then there will be a win-win solution," Supanji added.

Suharto's allies had called earlier in the week for the case against Suharto to be abandoned as the ex-dictator slipped into a critical condition after being admitted to a Jakarta hospital Jan. 4. They were rebuffed by the attorney general.

Suharto has been in and out of hospital for various ailments, including two strokes, since his 1998 downfall. A criminal corruption case was dropped against him in 2006 due to his poor health.

Investigations into several other charitable foundations that Suharto chaired have been ongoing. It was not immediately clear whether these would continue.

Yudhoyono himself was rushing back to the country on Saturday from Malaysia, where he cut short an official visit by several hours.

Mysterious message starts row

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Jakarta – As former president Soeharto lies ill in hospital, politicians and political experts are trying to decipher a message he reportedly sent to Megawati Soekarnoputri instructing her to "take care of the nation".

"I think it's all right for Soeharto to entrust Megawati to continue taking care of this country," former Jakarta governor Sutiyoso said as quoted by detik.com news portal on Friday. "It's natural for him to ask Megawati to do so, especially since he was formerly president of Indonesia."

Sutiyoso said the 2009 presidential election would be a direct presidential election by the Indonesian people, and "they are smart enough to elect their president by their own choice, not by somebody's words."

Lukman Hakim Saefuddin, chairman for the United Development Party faction at the House of Representatives, said: "I believe that Soeharto understands well that the country has a constitution, which regulates the procedure of presidential elections."

Soeharto sent the message through Megawati's husband, Taufiq Kiemas, in early December, a month before Soeharto was hospitalized. The contents of the message was recently revealed by Pramono Anung Wibowo, secretary general of Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle.

"He just wanted to make sure that this country will be taken care of by the whole nation, not just by individuals," said Lukman.

Arbi Sanit, a political observer from the University of Indonesia, also said the bottom line was that Soeharto had shown concern about the country and the leadership qualities of the people who had held the presidential post after he resigned.

"Soeharto knows that we haven't found a leader who has the ability to lead this country well," he said. "No one has been found who has been able to lead like him. He was very good in leading, but unfortunately was not good at being democratic," he added.

However, former chairman of the Golkar Party Akbar Tandjung, said that it was impossible that Soeharto would send such a message to Megawati. "I don't believe what is being said about Soeharto sending a message to Megawati about continuing to take care of this country, as he surely knows that the country has a constitution," Akbar said.

Deputy secretary-general of the Golkar Party Rully Chairul Azwar also expressed doubts. "He might have just been lending moral support or paying lip service to her efforts at conducting a presidential campaign," Rully told The Jakarta Post by phone.

"I don't know exactly what was in his mind. It's OK for Soeharto to support anyone. In the end, the Indonesian people will be the ones who decide on their next president," he added.

The 86-year-old Soeharto, who led the country for 32 years, has been in a critical condition since he was admitted to Pertamina Central Hospital, South Jakarta last Friday due to severe edema and anemia. (rff)

Jakarta's leaders soften their stance towards ailing Suharto

Financial Times (London) - January 7, 2008 Monday

John Aglionby – The powerful speaker of Indonesia's parliament has called for legal proceedings to be dropped against Suharto, the 86-year-old former dictator who is in critical condition in hospital suffering from anaemia and low blood pressure.

Agung Laksono, a senior member of Golkar, the party Mr Suharto created in the 1960s as the political vehicle for his authoritarian rule, said the gesture should be made for "humanitarian reasons" because "he has repeatedly fallen ill and been hospitalised several times".

As memories fade of Mr Suharto's often-brutal rule, Mr Laksono's demand reflects a distinct turn in public sentiment towards the man accused by Transparency International of being the world's greatest kleptocrat, with alleged ill-gotten gains of up to Dollars 35bn (Euros 24bn, Pounds 18bn) while in office. He was toppled in May 1998 amid the Asian financial crisis and widespread unrest after 32 years in power.

A procession of political leaders, headed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who became a senior general near the end of the Suharto regime, visited the ailing leader on Saturday morning. Mr Yudhoyono called for the nation to pray for Mr Suharto's rapid recovery.

Vice-president Jusuf Kalla, Golkar chairman, said the government would do everything it could for Mr Suharto. "He is a five-star general who must be respected," he said. "Since he was also a national leader... everything we do must be appropriate to that."

Megawati Sukarnoputri and Abdurrahman Wahid, Mr Yudhoyono's predecessors as president and one-time vehement critics of Mr Suharto, have also spoken charitably of him, with Mr Wahid appearing at Mr Suharto's bedside.

Doctors treating Mr Suharto said yesterday that his health was stabilising after blood transfusions and the installation of a second pacemaker but that his condition remained critical. Mr Suharto has suffered myriad medical problems, including two strokes, since 1998.

He was declared unfit in 2000 to stand trial for criminal corruption but last year the government launched a Dollars 1.54bn civil suit against him and one of his foundations for allegedly siphoning off Dollars 440m in state assets. It was this action to which Mr Laksono was referring. Under Indonesian law, it can continue against Mr Suharto's heirs after he dies.

Deferential feelings towards Mr Suharto are far from universal.

Sidney Jones, an Indonesia expert with the International Crisis Group think-tank, likened the situation to how Americans treated disgraced former President Richard Nixon before his death.

"When an old man is dying, this is to be expected," she said. "You give a dying person the benefit of the doubt but I don't think it will reflect how he'll be viewed six months or a year after his death."

Large sections of Indonesian society have not, however, forgotten Mr Suharto's dark side. After a claimed coup attempt by leftists, he seized power in 1965 and the resulting suppression effort saw thousands killed. He is also remembered for brutalities during the 24-year occupation of East Timor.

When he won Dollars 105m last year in a surprising legal victory against Time, the US magazine, in a defamation case over his family's alleged corrupt gains, there was a public outcry.

Bambang Haryimurti, the editor of Tempo, an Indonesian news magazine closed for several years during the Suharto regime, believes most Indonesians no longer care. "When he dies, most will just breathe a sigh of relief," he said.

Desperately protecting Soeharto

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Ahmad Junaidi, Jakarta – The Golkar Party has shown its teeth. During a closing speech at the party's national meeting in November last year, Golkar leader Jusuf Kalla said democracy could be compromised for the sake of people's welfare.

Of course, when complaining that the path of democracy the nation is taking is too expensive, Kalla, who is Vice President, does not want to mention the wealth he gained during the authoritarian regime of president Soeharto.

As a businessman-turned-politician, Kalla is the opposite of Nobel laureate economist Amrtya Sen, who often says, including in his book Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation, that many countries can not solve poverty-related problems due to the absence of democracy.

Democracy, known for its dictum "from the people, by the people and for the people", will not satisfy those who only think about short-term profits.

To secure the long-term benefits of democracy, the country needs to apply its key elements, such as rule of law, mutual respect and protection of people's rights, including those of the minorities, regardless of their ethnicity, race, religion, gender or sexual orientation.

The recent Golkar push for impunity for the ailing Soeharto, who was listed in a report sponsored by the World Bank as the world's richest kleptocrat, is of course against the principle of rule of law, and therefore democracy.

Golkar, Soeharto's political machine until he stepped down in May 1998, has an obligation to protect Soeharto, but it cannot defy the principle of equality before the law.

If this were a soccer game, Soeharto could not just quit after bringing down another player from behind. The referee should give him a red card before sending him off.

On the morning on May 21, 1998, following days of rioting that killed hundreds of people in Jakarta, Soeharto declared that he was resigning the presidency.

Now, Soeharto loyalists may say, "If God is forgiving, why can't we forgive our former leader since he contributed so much to the nation, despite his mistakes."

God, as described by respected poet Goenawan Mohamad in his recently launched book Tuhan dan Hal-Hal yang Tak Selesai (God and Unfinished Things), is easily manipulated by certain people to serve their own interests.

The same God is used by terrorists to justify their crimes. In the name of God, the Indonesian Ulema Council released fatwas (edicts) on heretical sects which later prompted radicals to perpetrate violence against followers of the sects.

The People's Consultative Assembly has never revoked a 1998 decree which orders the investigation into alleged corruption, collusion and nepotism involving Soeharto. The government's failure to uphold the decree, as evident by the attorney general's decision to close the graft investigation against Soeharto, only shows the poor law enforcement in the country.

Soeharto is currently being sued in a civil case over alleged misuse of state funds worth US$240 million and Rp 185.9 billion by his foundations.

The current government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono wants to avoid the public perception that his administration upholds impunity, which would set a bad precedent for the country's efforts to uphold justice.

In a press conference at the State Palace after visiting Soeharto last week, Yudhoyono said the government would provide medical help for all former presidents.

But, Yudhoyono stopped short of explaining the government's stance on the legal process against Soeharto. The President is testing the water.

The Assembly decree and the World Bank-sponsored report are probably not enough for Yudhoyono to take action against Soeharto. The democratically elected President needs to listen to voices other than from those who benefit the most from Soeharto.

Human rights victims during Soeharto's regime, the poor and champions of democracy should dare to speak out.

[The writer is a journalist at The Jakarta Post. He can be reached at junaidi@thejakartapost.com or alexjunaidi@gmail.com]

Scorned abroad, ailing Suharto no outcast

Agence France Presse - January 9, 2008

Aubrey Belfor – While Indonesia's Suharto is reviled overseas, critics say a mix of fear, self-interest and affection among the country's political elite means the ailing former dictator gets softer treatment at home.

Since Suharto was admitted to hospital Friday for lung, heart and kidney complaints, a steady stream of visitors, including current elected President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, have arrived to pay their respects. Politicians from his former political vehicle, Golkar – now the biggest party in parliament – even used the 86-year-old's illness to call for the government to drop a more than $1.4 billion civil corruption case against him.

The attorney general rejected Golkar's call on Monday, but a criminal corruption case against Suharto was dropped on health grounds in 2006. Domestic respect for Suharto is in sharp contrast to critics abroad who see his rule as a kleptocracy that bled billions of dollars from the economy and oversaw the murder of hundreds of thousands of political opponents.

At one extreme, many in politics want to protect Suharto because their own positions are dependent on the culture of corruption fostered under his rule, according to Luki Djani, a researcher from Indonesian Corruption Watch.

If you bring down Suharto then that means that you dismantle the (system of) impunity, and this could have a snowballing effect because, frankly speaking, politics in Indonesia is dependent on kickbacks," he told AFP. "The political elite want to protect Suharto to protect themselves."

Even among those more critical of Suharto here, Indonesian culture dictates respect for the former leader, especially among the large share of the elite that personally advanced under his New Order regimes, Djani said.

Yudhoyono – a general during the regime who was elected in 2004 on an anti-corruption platform – and others "think they owe Suharto, so it is not polite culturally to go against your former boss," he added.

Criticism of Suharto has also been muted by a deep-seated respect for authority among the dominant Javanese ethnic group, according to Damien Kingsbury, a lecturer at Australia's Deakin University. "There's a very traditional Javanese perception of authority that is not value-laden as we understand it i n the West," leading to a tolerance of authoritarian excesses, Kingsbury explained.

Despite his popular overthrow in 1998 after 32 years of rule, Suharto, who is still credited with leading the country to stellar economic development and crushing the threat of communism, has retained an aura of power, Kingsbury said.

The country's democratisation and its slow and steady corruption fight is a subtle rebuke of Suharto's legacy. But a full-scale assault on graft, starting with the former dictator himself, would "tear apart the fabric of Indonesian society, or at least the elite of Indonesian society," he said.

And while corruption is treated with kid gloves, the killings, arrests and disappearances of Suharto's regime receive even less acknowledgment, according to Haris Azhar, the vice coordinator of human rights group Kontras.

Politicians are still reluctant to raise human rights cases involving the once-dominant armed forces, even though the military has cut back its political role, he said. Perhaps the most egregious abuse of the Suharto regime, the mass slaughter of over half a million communists after a fai led 1965 coup attempt, still goes largely ignored, Azhar said.

The regime's use of the media and schools to blame the coup attempt on the Indonesian communist party has gone largely unchallenged, Azhar said, meaning most people were either unaware the killings happened or saw them as a good thing. Details surrounding the event are still hotly disputed. "We have been fooled by Suharto for years, for generations," Azhar added.

And while Suharto is now seen as a villain overseas, Kingsbury noted that he was a darling of the West during the worst periods of his regime bec ause of his economic policies and, earlier, his anti-communist credentials. "In the West... it's now convenient to demonise him," Kingsbury said.

West Papua

Morning Star flag ban stands: Suebu

Cenderawasih Pos - January 11, 2008

Papua Governor Barnabas Suebu said Wednesday the province would uphold a newly issued government regulation that bans the use of separatist attributes as regional symbols, a move in line with the province's status as part of the unitary state of Indonesia.

The provincial government and legislature will discuss a more suitable regional symbol than the Morning Star, which is associated with Free Papua Movement rebels.

Earlier on Wednesday police arrested two women who were trading souvenirs carrying Morning Star logo in front of Jayapura telecommunications office. The two sellers were released after being told of the ban. Later on, a group of women street vendors rallied at the provincial legislature to protest the ban.

Human rights/law

Munir case: BIN's witness acknowledges pollycarpus came to him

Tempo Interactive - January 16, 2008

Iqbal M, Jakarta – The State Intelligence Agency's (BIN) witness, Budi Santoso, who currently works as Deputy I of BIN's Foreign Affairs, said that in mid 2004, Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto came to his office room and introduced himself as a Garuda Indonesia pilot.

"Pollycarpus acknowledged being acquainted with Muchdi Pr. and had just came out of Muchdi's room," said the state prosecutor Didik Farkhan, reading out the deposition of Budi Santoso during the trial at the Central Jakarta District Court, yesterday (15/1).

Yesterday Budi could not be present in the trial chaired by the chairman of the panel of judges, Heru Pramono, as he was still performing a restricted task for BIN.

Budi became a witness for the murder case of Munir with the defendant Indra Setiawan, Garuda Indonesia's former Director. In addition, Budi Santoso said Pollycarpus had come to Budi's room to ask for a correction to the typed letter, not handwritten, which contained recommendation for Pollycarpus to be placed in Garuda's corporate security.

Budi also explained about Pollycarpus' position in BIN. According to Budi, Pollycarpus did not have any structural position in BIN. He only knew Polly as BIN's informer who knew Muchdi Pr. well. Including to the witness room by the reference of Muchdi Pr.," said Didik.

Budi acknowledged that on June 14, 2004 he gave Polly Rp10 million in cash as ordered by Muchdi. According to Budi, when Polly started to be scrutinized by the police frequently, he was ordered by Muchdi to give him money, as far as he remembered, Rp3 million to Rp4 million.

However, Polly denied Budi's statement about the Rp10 million being given to him. Polly also acknowledged not knowing Budi. "Don't slander me," said Polly.

Indra Setiawan's lawyer, Antawirya, said he hoped that Budi's statement could reveal the whereabouts of BIN's letter which was addressed to Indra Setiawan.

Garuda pilot linked to state spy agency

Jakarta Post - January 16, 2008

Alfian, Jakarta – A National Intelligence Agency (BIN) officer said former Garuda Indonesia pilot Pollycarpus had requested a letter from the body recommending him for a security post at the national flag carrier prior to Munir's murder, a court heard Tuesday.

In a written statement read out by Prosecutor Didik Farkhan, Agent Budi Santoso told the Central Jakarta District Court hearing the Munir murder trial that Pollycarpus had asked him to assist in drafting the letter.

"The letter was addressed to Garuda's president director and it provided a place for the signature of BIN's deputy chief," Didik said, quoting Budi's written testimony in the trial of former Garuda Indonesia president director Indra Setiawan.

Budi's testimony seems to confirm Pollycarpus's link to BIN, which agency officials had denied. Budi said that Pollycarpus had no structural position in the agency but he was part of BIN's network.

"Pollycarpus knew Muchdi PR (former assistant to chief of BIN). Pollycarpus called me several times asking whether Muchdi was at the office or not. I was also often ordered by Muchdi to check on where Pollycarpus was," Budi said in his statement.

Budi said that on June 14, 2004, based on an order from Muchdi, he gave Rp 10 million to Pollycarpus.

"I did not know what the money was for. When Pollycarpus came under investigation by the police, Muchdi also ordered me to give him between Rp 3 to 4 million on two or three different occasions," said Budi.

Budi failed to appear in court due to a state duty overseas, according to a letter from BIN chief Syamsir Siregar, which was sent to the panel of judges. Budi had been summoned twice.

The charges of conspiracy to commit premeditated murder against Indra are related to the appointment of Pollycarpus as a security officer and to the off-duty pilot's eventual assignment to a security detail on the Garuda flight on which Munir was murdered.

Indra said he had been ordered by BIN's deputy chief M. As'ad to write the assignment letter.

Pollycarpus was present at the court proceeding and said he was upset with the testimony. "I don't know who Budi Santoso is. None of what he said is true. I was at the top of my career as a pilot in 2004, I was wealthy," said Pollycarpus.

The Supreme Court has acquitted Pollycarpus of charges brought in connection with the Munir assassination.

He challenged the prosecutors to present better evidence. "If any phone records exist, I ask the prosecutor to play them in the courtroom," said Pollycarpus.

Munir's widow Suciwati, who also attended the court session, said the nation's law enforcers should pay serious attention to Budi's testimony.

"The involvement of state intelligence in the Munir murder case is becoming more obvious. Everyone responsible must be prosecuted because everybody is equal under the law," said Suciwati.

Suciwati bemoaned the fact that since the emergence of indications that BIN could have been involved, the case had been moving very slowly.

Presiding judge Heru Pramono said the court would announce its verdict in the case on February 11.

'House should not interfere with court'

Jakarta Post - January 15, 2008

Jakarta – Legislators should not interfere with the authority of Constitutional Court judges on matters related to an ad-hoc human rights court, an expert witness told the Court on Monday.

Criminal code expert Arif Amrullah of the University of Jember in East Java said the authority of the House of Representatives did not extend to the criminal justice system.

"Any interference from the House would go against Article 24, clause 3, of the 1945 Constitution on the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court," said Arif, who was testifying at a judicial review requested by convicted human rights abuser Eurico Guterres.

Eurico had lodged a judicial review request at the Court over the 2000 law on the establishment of a human rights court.

He had also requested the Court abolish Article 43, clause 2, which states a human rights court is to be established based on the suggestion of the House and the endorsement of the President.

Guterres said the human rights court should be based on a law instead of a presidential decree. (JP/amr)

Three years on, Munir's murder still weighs on Indonesia's future

Associated Press - January 13, 2008

Anthony Deutsch, Jakarta – More than three years after Indonesia's leading human rights campaigner died of arsenic poisoning during a commercial airline flight, his case has become a critical test of the country's willingness to come to grips with the legacy of the 32-year Suharto dictatorship.

The death of Munir Thalib on Sept. 7, 2004, on a flight to Amsterdam with Garuda, the Indonesian national airline, is a bizarre cloak-and-dagger story for which an off-duty Garuda pilot was convicted in December 2005, only to be acquitted by the Supreme Court 10 months later.

Last year, police presented new evidence, and the same court is now due to rule once again on the fate of the pilot, Polycarpus Priyanto, while the nation continues to wonder whether, and how deeply, the death implicates senior officials who had an interest in silencing Thalib.

The affair also keeps attention focused on Suharto's place in today's Indonesia. Even though the 86-year-old ex-dictator has been living a secluded life, his presence still hovers over Indonesian life. When his health gravely worsened this month, the political elite, from the president down, flocked to his bedside in the hospital where he is in critical condition with heart, lung and kidney problems, and internal bleeding.

Critics of the system say that if Priyanto is cleared again, a judiciary that has failed to prosecute those blamed for hundreds of thousands of Suharto-era killings and disappearances will have lost out again to powerful forces that still operate with impunity a decade after Indonesia embraced democracy.

It would "prove that things in Indonesia have not changed as much as they would like the world to think," said Matthew Easton, a senior associate at Human Rights First, a US-based lawyers' group. The case is being closely watched abroad, by the United Nations and European Union as well as the US Congress, which last month decided to withhold US$2.7 million (euro1.84 million) in military aid unless Jakarta sets a deadline for completing the criminal investigation.

The Indonesian media follow every twist of Thalib's story. "If someone like him is killed and the killer is not accountable, or has impunity, this is really the murder of our freedom," said Bambang Harymurti, editor-in-chief of the respected Tempo newspaper.

Speaking anonymously because of the sensitivity of the case, a lead prosecutor in the case sees the pending Supreme Court ruling as a last chance to achieve justice for a man whose efforts to expose atrocities made him an icon in the struggle against the dictatorship.

Priyanto, the off-duty Garuda pilot, boarded Flight GA974 posing as an undercover security officer. A key witness testified during Priyanto's trial about seeing Priyanto and Thalib chatting at a coffee shop at Singapore's airport, but later retracted his statement.

Priyanto denies having met Munir and says he went straight to a hotel after the plane landed in Singapore. A few hours later, as the plane continued to Amsterdam, Thalib died in mid-flight of a strong dose of poison despite a doctor's efforts to save him. He was 38.

Prosecutors say privately they believe the crime was masterminded by officials at BIN, the State Intelligence Agency, who allegedly ordered senior airline executives to falsify the documents that put Priyanto on the jetliner for the 7,000-mile (11,265- kilometer) flight.

An official at the Attorney General's office spoke to the AP of a well-planned conspiracy and high-level cover-up.

The strongest link to the BIN is a list printed by the telephone company of more than 40 conversations, by cell phone and a land line, between BIN's then deputy chief and Priyanto.

In a separate wiretapped phone call made public by prosecutors in August 2007, Priyanto is heard telling Indra Setiawan, then Garuda's chief executive, that all evidence linking them to the BIN has been destroyed. "Almost 90 percent of state officials are on our side," Priyanto is heard saying.

This was after Priyanto's conviction and 14-year prison sentence had been quashed, but the revelation of fresh prosecution evidence helped force the case to be reopened by the Supreme Court.

Setiawan and the airline's former deputy president, Rohainil Aini, were arrested in April and are on trial, accused of providing paperwork that got Priyanto onto the flight. They have said in court they were acting on BIN's orders and deny involvement in a murder plot.

Though the judges have begun deliberations, it could be months before a decision is announced by the Supreme Court, which recently surprised Indonesians with a ruling in Suharto's favor against Time magazine.

The former dictator won a US$106 million (euro72.2 million) defamation suit after he and his family were accused of embezzling billions of dollars in state funds. Time has appealed.

The uproar over Thalib's death forced President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to set up an independent fact-finding team that named former and sitting state intelligence officials as suspects, but one of its members, former human rights commissioner Asmara Nababan, says the president is in a bind.

"Those who are implicated in this case... are still powerful," he said. "This president doesn't want to make them upset. They could create problems for this administration."

[AP writers Niniek Karmini and Irwan Firdaus in Jakarta contributed to this article.]

Tirelessly seeking justice for rights victims, relatives

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Irawaty Wardany, Jakarta – It was four in the afternoon, and the clouds had hung in the sky since morning. Such a gloomy backdrop seemed fitting for a protest held by human rights activists and victims in front of the State Palace in Central Jakarta.

They gathered and stood still, silently demanding the President pursue all unsolved cases of human rights violations in the country. Most were dressed in black. They unfurled banners, one of which read, "SBY don't be silent! Investigate tragedies of human rights thoroughly!".

Not long after, the drizzle started to wet the capital. The group then opened up umbrellas, also in black and marked like the banners.

"This rally is a reminder for the Indonesian people that there are human rights violations perpetrated from the 1960s to the 1990s and none of the cases have been solved," Heru Atmodjo, 80, told The Jakarta Post at the 47th Kamisan, a weekly rally, last Thursday.

He said this showed there was no justice in Indonesia such as the government had always boasted, adding the group would continue to conduct these silent demonstrations until the persons responsible for all the incidents were tried.

Of his own experiences, he declined to say. He added, however, than many people he knew went missing or dead. "I will never tire fighting for upholding justice for human rights victims. Fatigue means nothing compared to the injustice received by the victims," he said.

His hand trembled while holding the umbrella, but his eyes, behind his glasses, showed his determination.

Eko Haji Wardoyo, 78, who was a civil servant in 1965, said two of his siblings were killed in the riots that year. "My eldest brother was shot to death by an Army officer in Semawung, Central Java, because he was a youth leader and was suspected of being an Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) member, while my second brother was taken to Buru Island," he said.

The 1965 massacre took place after the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) was accused of masterminding the coup of Sept. 30, 1965, which resulted in the killings of several military generals.

When former president Soeharto rose to power after the incident, his administration sent thousands of PKI members and suspected members to prison without trial. Many were killed. Up to now, there is no exact figure of victims killed in the incident. Some people say thousands, but others believe the number could reach a million.

Eko seemed lost in his thought for a moment, trying to collect that bitter memory in his life. "I got shot too. Three times, twice in my chest and once in my arm," he said.

He said he was brought to the capital after being accused of being a PKI member, then imprisoned in Tangerang, Banten and Jakarta for more than 10 years. "I have accepted the losing of my brothers," he said, adding he only wanted to claim his rights as a civil servant.

Hendardi from the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association said forgiving was a personal matter but justice needed to be upheld. "Forgiving and upholding justice are two different things," he said.

Summon witnesses in Munir case by force: Judges

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Jakarta – Judges have ordered prosecutors to forcibly summon six witnesses in the trial of Garuda Indonesia chief pilot's secretary Rohainil Aini, who stands charged with conspiracy in the murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib. Munir was murdered while on a flight to Amsterdam on Sep. 7, 2004.

The six witnesses were supposed to testify in the trial session at the Central Jakarta District Court on Wednesday, but they failed to appear, forcing the panel of judges to adjourn the trial until Jan. 15.

"Asrini, who was on the same flight with Munir, is currently studying in Germany," prosecutor Didik Farkhan said. "Mehabob and Jamaludin are Singaporean citizens; we've been told we must first get permit from the (Singaporean) embassy before summoning them."

Mehabob is a Novotel hotel employee in Singapore who can confirm the check-in and check-out time of key witness Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, while Jamaludin is on the Garuda staff in Singapore.

The three other witnesses who failed to appear include toxicologist I Made Gelgel, flight expert Avirianto and Raymond "Ongen" JJ Latuihamallo, who reportedly saw Munir in the Coffee Bean cafe at the Singapore's Changi Airport. The three gave no reason for their absence. (JP/wda)

Authorities told to consider victims in child abuse cases

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Jakarta – Law enforcers should consider the victim's perspective when handling child sexual abuse cases, an official said recently.

Budhy Prabowo from the child protection division of the State Ministry for Women's Empowerment criticized police and judges for viewing such crimes as common and handling them in relation to the Criminal Code rather than the 2002 Child Protection Law.

"We have long urged police and judges to use the Child Protection Law rather than the Code when dealing with child sexual abuse cases because it carries heavier penalties," Budhy told The Jakarta Post in response to a sexual abuse claim involving a a 12-year-old girl last week.

Police arrested a man identified as Deka, 21, on Sunday for allegedly having sexual relations with the teenage girl from Tanah Sareal in West Jakarta.

Deka took the victim out to celebrate New Year's Eve without the permission of her parents, head of the mobile reserve unit Adj. Sr. Comr. R.C. Gumay said, adding that the arrest was made following a report from the girl's parents.

"Deka held her for four days in Bogor and Depok. Our investigations have indicated that they were a couple and the sexual acts were consensual," he told reporters Monday.

Gumay said Deka was accused of violating articles 330 and 332 of the Criminal Code, which relate to taking an underage child out without the permission of his or her parents, and he could receive a sentence of up to seven years in jail.

However, Budhy said any sexual conduct involving children was considered to be a violation of the Child Protection Law, which carries a maximum jail term of 15 years and a Rp 300 million (US$ 31,800) fine.

"Twelve-year-old girls like the victim often become the target of manipulation and can easily be seduced into having sex. This is something that the police should be aware of," he said.

Budhy said the girl would need counseling as the incident could affect her mental development in the long term, but Comr. Siswono from the mobile reserve unit said police did not have such a plan.

"The girl might look okay, but no one knows how she feels and how the incident may affect her in the future," Budhy said.

He said when it comes to such cases, it is hard for activists to convince law enforcers to consider cases from the child's perspective.

He said judges often consider themselves to be independent and are not easily influenced. "As a result, they keep referring to the Code as they always have," he said.

In September last year, a closed trial at the East Jakarta District Court found a teacher guilty of having sex with a 14- year-old girl. The court sentenced the defendant to seven years in jail and fined him Rp 50 million for having sex with a minor.

Sri Nurherwati from the Legal Aid Institute of the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice said the harsh judgment was the first of its kind to adequately deter sexual predators. (dia)

Munir case: An intelligence agent sings

Tempo Magazine - January 8-14, 2008

Testimony by a senior intelligence agent corroborates the link between BIN and Pollycarpus. Police claim to have written evidence.

The court appearance by the senior agent from the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) is now being eagerly awaited. Currently on duty at the Indonesian embassy in Pakistan, Budi Santoso is scheduled to give evidence at a court hearing into the murder of human rights activist Munir on Tuesday this week.

Edi Saputra, the public prosecutor in the case, has pledged to do his utmost to ensure Santoso appears in court. "If this fails, we will read out his police interrogation report in court," he said.

The prosecution hopes that Santoso will be able to reveal the truth behind a recommendation letter from BIN addressed to former Garuda Indonesia Airlines CEO Indra Setiawan in 2004. The letter allegedly contains a recommendation that senior Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto was to be assigned to the company's Corporate Security Unit.

It was in his capacity as a staff member of this unit that Pollycarpus few to Singapore on September 6, 2004 on Garuda flight GA-974. It was on this flight that he exchanged seats with Munir, who was on his way to Amsterdam, Holland. Several witnesses have stated that they also saw Pollycarpus together with Munir during the transit in Singapore – although Pollycarpus has denied this. Several minutes after re-boarding the flight in Singapore, Munir complained of a stomachache. Seven hours later, he was dead.

Indra revealed the existence of the letter in an earlier court hearing. He was not however able to produce the letter because according to Indra, it disappeared at the Sahid Hotel parking lot in Jakarta in late 2004. It is from Santoso's testimony therefore that the prosecution is hoping to be able to corroborate the existence of the letter.

Speaking to police who have now questioned him on two occasions, Santoso admitted to knowing Pollycarpus. Santoso told police that they first met on June 14, 2005 at his office at BIN, in the East Pejaten area of South Jakarta. At the time Pollycarpus introduced himself as a Garuda pilot and claimed to have just left the office of Muchdi Purwoprandjono, then BIN's Deputy Director for Agent Mobilization. Several days later, Pollycarpus returned to Santoso's office.

"Pollycarpus asked for help to correct a letter that he had drafted and typed up himself – not handwritten – in connection with a letter for him to be assigned to Garuda Corporate Security," said Santoso, as quoted by a Tempo source who is well acquainted with the investigation.

Santoso said that he corrected two things in the letter: the position of the words "Dear Director," which was initially on the left and should have been on the right, along with several awkward sentences that did not conform to BIN's formal language. The letter was address to CEO of PT Garuda Indonesia. Beneath it was a column for the signature of BIN's Deputy Director M. As'ad. "After I corrected it, I gave the letter straight back to Pollycarpus," he said as quoted by the source.

Santoso admitted to police that Pollycarpus might then have taken the corrected letter to the general bureau to be typed up and given a number. The other possibility is that the letter was issued by another unit that borrowed the deputy's number and official stamp. Meaning that the general bureau would not have any knowledge of or an archive copy of the letter.

Santoso told police that because of his closeness to Muchdi, Pollycarpus might also have taken the corrected letter back to Muchdi to be re-typed. "Usually, such a letter would be in the archives at the general bureau. But there would be no archive copy if the deputy had issued it, just a block number and borrowed seal," said Santoso as recorded in the police investigation report.

On the question of his position at BIN, Santoso said that Pollycarpus was only a member of the network. The pilot did not hold a structural position in the intelligence organization. Investigators, according to the source, then asked if Santoso had ever spoken about Pollycarpus's letter with Muchdi. He replied he had never done so.

The same source also said that Santoso claimed to have often communicated with Pollycarpus by phone. He also confirmed that police had seized data on his telephone contacts with the pilot, specifically on the dates August 23, 2004, September 3, 2004, September 7, 2004 and September 9, 2004 – on the days around the time of Munir's murder.

According to Santoso, in every telephone conversation Pollycarpus asked about Muchdi's whereabouts. "So, I sometimes became the contact between Pollycarpus and Muchdi," said Santoso, as written in the police investigation report.

Santoso also said that Pollycarpus contacted him several times in late September and throughout November 2004. The pilot provided considerable input on the issue of Papua, because Santoso was also the head of BIN's Papua desk.

Police questioned Santoso on two occasions, on October 3 and 8, 2007. On neither occasion was he accompanied by a lawyer. When asked to elaborate on the information he gave to police, the agent refused to answer. When contacted in Pakistan from Jakarta, several times he said: "I can't discuss it." Speaking to journalists, Pollycarpus has repeatedly denied knowing Santoso. Despite this, however, he has stated that he is ready to confront the senior agent. "Go ahead and present [him] to the court. I've even asked Pak As'ad to attend," said the Airbus pilot.

Pollycarpus's lawyer M. Assegaf is doubtful about Santoso's testimony. He believes that his client would not have been able to write a draft letter such as that. "His Indonesian is really messy, where would he have got the idea to write a draft letter?" he said.

According to Assegaf, Santoso's claims only add to the mystery about the truth behind the letter from BIN to Garuda. The earlier mystery, he said, was why Indra held on to the letter for months and months before it was lost at the Sahid Hotel parking lot in late December 2004. "It was an official letter, it had a BIN letterhead, it was addressed to Garuda's executive director. Where's the logic in Indra keeping hold of it for months and months?" he said.

Assegaf has suggested that the court immediately summon As'ad, Muchdi, and Santoso to appear and give evidence. According to Assegaf, it is important to compare their testimonies against the evidence that Pollycarpus has given.

For quite different reasons, activists from the Solidarity Action Committee for Munir are also demanding that current and former BIN officials appear in court. "The seriousness of the police, the prosecution and the Supreme Court in shedding light on Munir's murder is slackening," said Usman Hamid, executive secretary of the committee.

So far, it has proved impossible to contact Muchdi to request his confirmation on the case. Tempo visited his house in the Kebayoran area of South Jakarta twice on Friday last week, and according to the security guard at the house, his boss is currently out of town with his family.

Muchdi's lawyer Lutfi Hakim claims not to have any knowledge about recent developments in the case. He said that he had only just returned home from Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, last week. While he admits to having been able to communicate with his client before departing for Jeddah, he says they did not, however, discuss the Munir case.

Santoso graduated from the Indonesian Armed Forces Academy in 1973 – in the same class as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. His career in the military started as the commander of the Kaimana Subdistrict Military Command in Papua. He then went on to become the head of the operational section of the Fakfak District Military Command, also in Papua.

After shifting assignments in a number of different cities, Santoso's career in the military ended after he became the Assistant for Logistics with the Diponegoro IV Regional Military Command in Central Java. His final rank was colonel engineer. After this he joined BIN. In 2000, he transferred to become a state civil servant. He is now a senior BIN agent on duty in Pakistan.

When Munir was murdered in 2004, Santoso was BIN's Director I for Operational Planning & Control and Muchdi's subordinate. In a police investigation report dated May 18, 2005, Muchdi said that the duties of the Director I at BIN are general operational planning and control. "I am the one that designates the operational targets," said the former Commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus).

When speaking to police however, Santoso said that his duties as BIN's Director I were simply to deal with matters related to personnel, materials, logistics and finances. He claimed that one of his duties was to obtain land to establish an international intelligence school in Batam. Within this project he was the technical supervisor and Muchdi was his liaison officer.

According to a Tempo source, police have written evidence to corroborate Santoso's testimony. And this evidence will be revealed in court. An investigator said: "Other evidence may have vanished, but there was still evidence that we were able find."

[Budi Setyarso and Bayu Galih.]

Elsam asks political parties to promote human rights advocacy

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

Jakarta – A rights watch group wants political parties to play a more active human rights advocacy role in both the legislative and executive arms of the government.

"The success of future human rights enforcement depends on the choice of candidates (to participate in state governance after the current presidential and legislative terms end in 2009)," executive director of The Institute For Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam), Agung Putri, told a press conference Tuesday.

She said that nine years after the initiation of the 1998 reform movement, respect for human rights was still weak because potential candidates for central and local government offices weren't being scrutinized from that perspective.

Agung noted several improvements in human rights enforcement during the last few years, however most were limited to the reforms linked to formal instruments, such as the adoption of the international Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

She said that while the country had properly adopted international human rights instruments, many ordinances in Indonesia apparently violated international law.

She said that Elsam had discovered 46 ordinances that violated religious freedoms and women's rights. She cited the example of a West Sumatra ordinance requiring head scarves for female Muslim civil servants. She said that none of the 46 ordinances had been reviewed or annulled by the central government.

"Political parties should be accountable for failures in upholding human rights because their people, in either the House of Representatives or the Presidential cabinet, could have taken action to prevent that," she said.

Addressing the same forum, Marzuki Darusman, a former Attorney General and now a Golkar legislator, said that the public needed to demand that political parties add human rights enforcement to their agendas.

For political parties, he said, human rights was only a "survival" issue. "Human rights enforcement is never an organic priority in the agendas of political parties." Parties will only advocate human rights if that issue is of concern to voters, he said.

However, Agung warned of the risk of parties making human rights a part of their election platform but later failing to keep promises.

"We have to see who is behind the political parties to make sure whether they will implement their promises of human rights enforcement or not. If a party is supported by people with bad track records in human rights enforcement, there is a little chance that the party will keep its promises."

She added that political parties had to be independent and self- supportive to prevent external interference with their human rights agendas.

Agung predicted that political parties with human rights as a central campaign issue who were backed by people with good track records on human rights would be in good stead for the 2009 election. (lln)

BIN OKs questioning of ex-agency execs

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

Jakarta – State Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Syamsir Siregar has given his approval for the National Police's questioning of former agency officials in connection with the September 2004 murder of rights activist Munir Said Thalib.

Syamsir said he would leave it to police to question former BIN director for operations Budi Santoso, former assistant to BIN chief Muchdi PR and former deputy BIN chief M. As'ad.

"I have recommended the police take necessary legal actions against them if they have the evidence to start the investigation," Syamsir told detik.com news portal.

He declined to comment on whether the former BIN officials were implicated in the planning of Munir's murder. "I think we should let the police investigate and uncover (the case)."

Labour issues

Government 'failing' to protect migrant workers

Jakarta Post - January 14, 2008

Jakarta – The execution of Indonesian maid Yanti Sukardi by Saudi Arabian authorities Friday was proof that the Indonesian government had failed to protect its migrant workers, the Migrant Care said Sunday.

"This is a failure. The government should have organized high- level diplomacy between country leaders when ministers or their subordinate officials failed to protect the migrant worker from the death sentence," Anis told The Jakarta Post over the phone on Sunday.

She said Yanti's execution was another example of the unfairness of Saudi authorities in dealing with Indonesian migrant workers, pointing to the lack of legal action to bring justice to the employers of the late Siti Tarwiyah and Susmiyati, who died after a family member beat them, accusing them of witchcraft.

Anis said the Indonesian Embassy in Saudi Arabia and the central government, i.e. the Foreign Ministry and the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry should have prioritized advocacy for cases with death sentences.

"This is shocking, saddening news. We strongly criticize the execution of Yanti Sukardi. We had never heard anything of her trial process until the execution took place," she said.

Yanti was convicted of killing her employer Aisha Al Makhaled by suffocating the latter with a pillow and then stealing her jewelry, in the southern province of Asir. The incident allegedly took place in late June 2006.

Yanti was executed by a firing squad and not by beheading as first reported. Foreign Affairs Ministry spokesman Kristiarto Legowo said the Indonesian Consulate General in Saudi Arabia had worked closely with Yanti through the trial process leading up to her execution.

"We were with her since the investigation process to her first trial until prior to her execution," he told Detik.com news portal on Saturday. "Officials from our consulate general in Jeddah also met Yanti to inquire her last will and testament."

Kristiarto said Yanti's family in Cianjur, West Java had been informed of her death. She was buried in Saudi Arabia as she did not request for burial in Indonesia. (wda)

Jamsostek 'yet to fully protect' workers despite higher profits

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Three decades have passed, but state insurance company PT Jamsostek's holding monopoly in social security programs has yet to show its performance in providing job security for workers – despite its improved financial performance under new management.

The company netted 5.4 million new workers in 2007, mostly employed in the informal sector and non-permanent development projects.

These figures bring the total to 7.9 million workers actively participating through the company, out of 24.4 million workers registered in their programs. The remaining 16.5 million have remained inactive.

Jamsostek president director Hotbonar Sinaga said the company had faced difficulties with dormant companies and their workers,

He said it was difficult to reactivate worker participation in their programs because, unlike welfare states, Jamsostek had no authority to enforce the 1992 law on social security programs.

"The law is in the hands of the (central and local) government, the Attorney General's Office and the police," Hotbonar said recently.

"Jamsostek has no investigative authority to have all companies and workers participate in the compulsory social security programs. We have only administrative power to carry out the programs and manage all funds collected from participants."

Jamsostek reported last year an audited net profit of Rp 910 billion, up by 110 percent from the targeted Rp 828 billion.

It has proposed not to pay 30 percent, or Rp 273 billion, of the profit to the government, and to use the social security program funds, which have reached Rp 60.4 trillion, as trust funds to improve employee social welfare.

"But it all depends on the House of Representatives and the government, which have the right to review the law," Hotbonar said. We have proposed a new bill to amend the law but so far no response has been given," he said.

Jamsostek's director of operations and service Achmad Ansori said many companies had registered only a part of their workers with Jamsostek.

He said others had reported only a part of the workers' monthly salaries – two major violations into which Jamsostek staff had no authority to investigate.

Many employers were found to have acted dishonestly around worker registration with Jamsostek, in efforts to reduce their financial burden.

Following the enactment of the harsher 2003 labor law, many private and state companies have rationalized their permanent workers and recruited contract-based employees.

These companies have also moved to outsource administrative and security jobs to reduce labor costs to minimum, including basic insurances, allowances and bonuses.

Ansori said these violations could be halted and some 10 million workers yet to be registered with Jamsostek could be protected if labor inspectors were deployed to enforce the law.

The law requires companies with at least 10 workers or more, or workers with a monthly payment of Rp 1 million each, to participate in social security programs. Any violation can carry a maximum sentence of one year imprisonment or a fine of up to Rp 1 billion.

"Labor unions and the Indonesian Employers' Association (Apindo) should also... raise the awareness of employers and workers in the social security programs' and about the importance of industrial relations," Ansori said.

Manpower and Transmigration Minister Erman Suparno said he would set up a joint team comprising the government, labor unions and Apindo, to help persuade employers to register their workers with Jamsostek.

Former minister of manpower Bomer Pasaribu said the government had shown political weakness toward enforcement of the law and protection of workers.

Bomer said the government, the House, and Jamsostek had each turned a blind eye to the major law violation.

"Jamsostek should not be satisfied with the huge funds it has collected from workers, but should proactively file a lawsuit against companies violating the law," he said.

"Labor unions should stand behind Jamsostek to report on violating companies to the Attorney General's Office and the police."

Bomer also said Jamsostek's monopoly should be ended if it was found unable to realize its mission.

Gender issues

Activists demand equal rights for transvestites seeking work

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Jakarta – Groups fighting for the rights of transvestites have demanded the government be more supportive of the minority group, especially as they try to secure employment in the formal sector.

Yulianus Rettoblaut, the head of the Indonesian Transvestites Communication Forum, said there were about 3.8 million transvestites, or waria, in the country, 17 percent of whom were university graduates.

"Although they hold university degrees, many of them remain unemployed because companies are afraid of losing their reputation and customers by employing waria," Yulianus told The Jakarta Post.

As a consequence, waria work as prostitutes and street singers, while those who have enough money usually start their own businesses.

However, working in the informal sector or being self-employed is not as easy as it may seem, Yulianus, who in 2006 became the first waria in Indonesia to run for a National Commission of Human Rights position, said.

"Hair and beauty training is expensive and to open a salon costs a lot of money. Not all waria can afford it," she said.

In Indonesia, the word waria comes from "wanita pria", which literally means "woman man". The term is used to refer to transvestites as well as transgendered and transsexual people.

Yoseph Adi Prasetyo, a National Commission of Human Rights commissioner, said people should stop labeling transvestites as a deviant group of people who have no rights.

"In fact, waria are Indonesian citizens who should be protected by constitutional rights," he said. "The government should treat waria equally as citizens entitled to protection regardless of their gender".

In a book titled Hak Kerja Waria: Tanggung Jawab Negara (Transvestites' Employment Rights: The State's Responsibility) published by non-governmental organization Arus Pelangi, several contributors said Indonesia should follow examples from other democratic countries.

In the book, writers give several examples of transgendered people in other countries working in the formal sector, including in top governmental positions.

Some of the examples given were of Wladimiro Guadagno (Vladimir Luxuria) who is an Italian parliamentary member, Prof. Barbara (Ben A. Barres) who is a top neurobiologist at the Stanford Medical School, Colliaux who is an Air France stewardess and Stephanie Langhoff, a physical chemist and chief scientist at the NASA Ames Research Center.

Arus Pelangi is one of several organizations fighting for the rights of those who are marginalized because of their sexual orientation. Through campaigns, advocacy activities and educational programs, Arus Pelangi, which was established in January 2006, works to uphold the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered and transsexual people in the country.

Arus Pelangi activists said in the book violations against the rights of transvestites were still rampant in Indonesia. Manpower and Transmigration Ministry spokesman Irianto Simbolon once told the press when it came to employment, the government did not discriminate between sexes. However, it recognized only two sexes – male and female.

"There's no new sex. Waria will have no problem getting a job in the country if they stick to the gender they were born with," he said. (dia)

Transvestites fight an uphill battle

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Jakarta – Ienes Angela remembered back to a long time ago when she sat in a church and felt uncomfortable. It was an unpleasant experience. She felt as though she didn't belong because people were staring at her.

"All I wanted to do was worship God, but they treated me like I didn't belong. So I gave up on going to church," said the slim, tall and tanned transvestite. "I cannot understand why so many people view waria (transvestites) as not being human. We have basic rights just like them," Ienes, 34, told The Jakarta Post.

Ienes said it was hard to uphold her rights in most aspects of life, not just at church. Seeking employment in the formal sector was a difficult task, she said.

Work opportunities in the formal sector for transvestites are limited, with most employers reluctant to have waria in their offices. With such restrictions, Ienes said many waria were forced to work as prostitutes or street singers to survive.

She said once she applied for a position as a telemarketer with a company in Jakarta. The job involved selling hotel memberships to people via the telephone.

"The manager told me the company would employ me only if I agreed to cut my long hair and dress in male clothing," she said. "What do such jobs have to do with appearance? I didn't need to meet customers face-to-face."

It was a difficult choice, Ienes said. She needed the job but also wanted to be accepted the way she was, long hair and all. "I'm more comfortable when my hair is long. Such discrimination really traumatizes me."

Later, Ienes, a winner of several waria beauty contests, found a job in a beauty parlor. However, the small salary she was receiving forced her to hit the streets around Lawang Park in Central Jakarta to work as a prostitute.

In this line of work she made many friends, including some waria activists from the Srikandi Sejati Foundation, which is a non- governmental organization that provides transvestites with information on HIV/AIDS.

She was offered a position at Srikandi and took it. "I thanked God I could finally stop being a prostitute," Ienes, who is now the foundation's finance administrator, said.

The government categorizes transvestites as being a group of people who are "mentally ill", while religious institutions accuse them of being sinners, a recent book published by non- governmental organization Arus Pelangi, Hak Kerja Waria: Tanggung Jawab Negara (Transvestites' Rights to Employment: The State's Responsibility), explains.

Arus Pelangi works to uphold the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgendered and transsexual people in Indonesia.

Ienes is not the only waria who has had bitter experiences seeking work in the formal sector.

Several years ago Keke Amalia, or Budi Nugraha as he is otherwise known, worked in a department store as customer service officer. He said he was only given the job after he agreed to dress in men's clothing.

"Later on when they realized I had a feminine side, they told me to act more manly," the 30-year-old transvestite, who prefers to be identified as "he", said.

"They threatened to fire me within a month if I didn't change my feminine attitude. But it wasn't even a month before they fired me. They said they didn't need me anymore."

Keke said his manager always found faults in him, despite the fact he never received any complaints from customers. He said the store's customers liked his polite and friendly attitude. "To my knowledge, there was no official store policy saying employees should act in accordance with their gender," he said.

Keke said the experience had made him pessimistic. He said he did not know whether the attitude of the government and members of the public in relation to waria could ever change.

Arus Pelangi's book, which was published in cooperation with Friedrich Eibert Stiftung, contains 20 testimonies from waria on difficulties they have experienced in the workplace, society and their families.

Emy Mades was forced to leave her job as bartender because her colleagues said bartending was a "macho" job. Emy was told to work in salon instead.

In another case, Lia Asma from Palembang was verbally abused by colleagues in the government office she worked in. Verbal abuse is a common theme in many of the testimonies featured in the book.

"Negative attitudes toward waria are sanctioned by the government and religious institutions," Ienes said. "Religious institutions only ever reproach us. I don't see them ever attempting to embrace or change us.

Ienes said she still believed in "One Divine Source", but she decided to give up on religion a long time ago. "I don't even remember the last time I celebrated Christmas," she said. (dia)

Environment/natural disasters

Rapid deforestation still poses serious threat across Sumatra

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Khairul Saleh, Palembang – The Palembang Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) has said that tropical forests in Sumatra are under extreme threat from illegal logging.

Coordinator of WCS Muhammad Taupiq said that at least 500,000 of Sumatra's 2.5 million hectares of tropical forest had been lost during the 1990-2000 period, or about 50,000 hectares per year.

Sumatra's tropical forests include the 862,975-hectare Gunung Leuser National Park located in North Sumatra and Aceh, the 1.37-million hectare Kerinci Seblat National Park located in West Sumatra, Jambi, Bengkulu and South Sumatra, as well the 356,800- hectare Bukit Barisan Selatan National Park located in Bengkulu and Lampung.

"We predict that the deforestation will increase year by year if there is no serious action taken to overcome it. From our calculations, it is possible that deforestation will reach up to 70 percent in 2010. If so, we will face lots of natural disasters – not only in Sumatra, but also around the world," Taupiq told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

He said illegal activities such as logging, burning and conversion were to blame and urged all institutions, especially the local and central governments, as well as businesses to seriously work to solve the problem.

The WCS and the South Sumatra Nature Lovers Forum, together with the Palembang municipal administration and South Sumatra provincial administration, recently arranged a campaign to protect forests in Palembang.

Taupiq said he hoped the campaign would be followed up with concrete action from all stakeholders in order to preserve Sumatra's forests and its ecosystems. The campaign is also meant to prepare residents to face and overcome natural disasters.

Taupiq added that in South Sumatra alone, at least 600 hectares of the 12,700 that make up the Pantai Air Telang protected forest in Banyuasin regency would be converted for the construction of Tanjung Api-Api harbor.

He said he was concerned development would cause natural disasters in the region.

Head of the South Sumatra Forestry Agency Dody Supriadi said that the conversion of 600 hectares in Pantai Air Telang protected forest could not be considered destruction because it was aimed at meeting the public's needs.

"Moreover, we are not constructing a harbor along the entire 600 hectares of the forest. We are just using part of the area, " Dody added.

Based on South Sumatra provincial administration data, the extent of the protected area is 1.7 million hectares, with 500,000 hectares of protected forest, 700,000 hectares of conservation forest, 350,000 hectares of riverbanks and 150,000 hectares of reservoir sites.

Activists call on APP to save forest

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

Adianto P Simamora, Jakarta – Green activists strongly criticized the ongoing forest conversion work at Bukit Tigapuluh, saying it would speed up the loss of Sumatra's endangered species and further harm the environment.

The protest was made by five environmental NGOs on Tuesday, including WWF Indonesia, Indonesian Conservation Community Warsi, the Sumatran Tiger Conservation Program (PKHS), the Frankfurt Zoological Society and the Zoological Society of London.

Field investigations held by the activists found that the Bukit Tigapuluh National Park was under threat from illegal logging, forest clearing for plantations and road building that were linked to the operation Asia Pulp & Paper (APP) and its partners.

They said that natural forests in Jambi had become new targets for the firm as source materials as its conversion activities in neighboring Riau have been stopped due to a police investigation into illegal logging.

The activists said that APP's partners, PT Arara Abadi in Riau and PT Wirakarya Sakti in Jambi, had cleared some 20,000 hectares of natural forest in part of the Bukit Tigapuluh National Park.

It is believed that the forest clearance was done to supply pulp production at APP's subsidiaries, PT Indah Kiat Pulp and Paper in Riau and PT Lontar Papyrus Pulp and Paper in Jambi.

"With its high conservation value, the Bukit Tigapuluh National Park should be protected and thus all natural forest clearance in the area has to be stopped," Ian Kosasih, director of the forestry program at WWF Indonesia said in a statement.

"The company should commission independent assessments of the conservation values of these areas in a publicly transparent manner before any conversion take place."

Meanwhile, APP said that the company promoted forest conservation efforts in cooperation with the local people.

"The APP is in support of conservation efforts by Warsi, PKHS and other civil societies in Jambi and Riau, respectively," said Aida Greenbury, APP's vice director of sustainability & stakeholder engagement, in an email sent to The Jakarta Post.

"In fact, the APP's fiber suppliers and Sinarmas Forestry have been in active discussion with local government, WARSI and WALET in the rationalization plan of the proposed expansion of Bukit Tigapuluh national park, as well as with Forum Komunikasi Daerah in other related conservation efforts in Jambi province," she said. Warsi and Walet are two NGOs based in Jambi.

Aida said that the license for the development of the access road referred to had been granted by the relevant authorities. The ministry of forestry plans to convert the numbers of expired timber concessions through APP.

The activists said that the plan would threaten the habitat of endangered species and the environmental services provided by the Indragiri and Rateh rivers of Riau and Batanghari and Pengabuan rivers of Jambi.

They said that it would also threaten the livelihood of forest- dependent local communities, including the Talang Mamak and Orang Rimba indigenous tribes. They called on the government to take action in protecting the remaining forest in Bukit Tigapuluh.

Islam/religion

Muslims, Catholics against contraception: Workshop

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

A. Junaidi, Bangkok – Hundreds of Islamic fundamentalists staged a rally at Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta last month to protest National Condom Week campaign.

The protesters said they deplored the massive condom campaign because it promoted free sex. They said it should instead have promoted prevention of sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS.

Participants at a recent reproductive health workshop in Bangkok, Thailand, said cultural challenges, including religious objections to contraceptives and political ignorance, contributed to the country's high maternal mortality rate.

The regional Asian workshop focused on strengthening abilities to secure reproductive health and was attended by lawmakers, government officials, media professionals non-governmental organizations from nine countries including China, Indonesia, Vietnam, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Mongolia, The Philippines and Timor Leste.

The workshop discussed the UN concept, Reproductive Health Commodity Security, which is a situation that allows the public to obtain affordable and quality reproductive health commodities, including medicines and contraceptives. The workshop was held by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and Asian Forum for Parliamentarians in Population Development (AFPPD) in Bangkok from Dec. 11 to Dec. 13.

Workshop participant Rodante Marcolleta, also a member of the Philippines's parliament, said the Catholic Church strongly rejected reproductive health programs, especially family planning methods.

"In the Philippines, the church is the main challenge for the family planning programs," Marcolleta said. "I hope other participants of the workshop can give us suggestions how to deal with it."

Indonesian participant Soedibyo Alimoeso, also principal secretary of the National Family Planning Agency, recommended an exchange between religious leaders among countries which conducted family planning programs.

"We faced similar problems in the beginning of the program," Soedibyo said. "We brought our ulema (Muslim preachers) to Islamic countries which successfully conducted the program. The preachers then supported the program through their own way."

He suggested the Philippine government could bring the priests to visit Indonesia's predominantly Catholic province of East Nusa Tenggara or Timor Leste which have religious leaders who supported the family planning program.

To avoid rejection from religious leaders and Islamic political parties, he said his agency did not use an old slogan "Two Children Are Enough" and had changed it into "Two Children Are Better". "So we have not faced any rejection from the parliament," said Soedibyo who is a United States-educated demographer.

However, he said the family program was still facing problems, especially related with local politics due to the current regional autonomy program.

He said there was also a lack of knowledge and understanding of priorities from the mayors and regents on the program. "The mayors and regents think that the family planning program is not really important. They prioritize physical development," he said.

During the authoritarian regime of President Soeharto, the family planning program was one of the government's top priorities. The government provided a sufficient supply of contraceptives in village community health centers. The government also gave many incentives to civil servants and members of armed forces who joined the program.

Since the downfall of Soeharto in 1998 and following the economic crisis across Asia, many community health centers reportedly faced a shortage of reproductive health commodities, including medicines and contraceptives.

President Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono recently issued a presidential instruction asking the country's regents and mayors to prioritize the program.

The unequal status of women, mostly in developing countries, is another cultural obstacle that hampers reproductive-health- related programs. Husbands and extended families have allegedly often banned women from joining the family program. Poverty and lack of education has also been blamed for the difficulty women have in accessing reproductive health.

Bali group calling for guarantees of religious freedom

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

Ary Hermawan, Denpasar – An alliance of Bali's pro-democracy organizations and religious rights defenders came to the province's prosecutors office Tuesday to urge the agency to be consistent in implementing the 1945 Constitution, which guarantees religious freedom.

"We hope the attorneys will no longer prosecute or ban religious groups based on the edicts of a certain organization," the alliance's coordinator, Wayan Sayoga, said.

The rally was part of a nationwide movement that arose from the concern that intolerance was gaining momentum, and that the government supported the violence incited against certain groups considered "heretic" and the arrests and trials of their members.

Men and women carrying banners reading; "Stop Judging People's Beliefs", stormed the prosecutors office accompanied by a choir singing traditional songs about religious and cultural diversity in Indonesia. "Diversity should unite, not split, us," a protester said.

Similar rallies took place in Jakarta on Monday, with activists calling for the Attorney's General Office (AGO) to not ban the Ahmadiyah group, a minority group of Muslims who believe Prophet Muhammad was not Islam's last prophet.

Since the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) declared the group had strayed from "true" Islam in 2005, Ahmadiyah followers have frequently become victims of persecution and violence. The AGO is said to have been listing groups deemed "deviant" by Muslim clerics, who say the groups should be banned.

Although most faith-related incidents and cases brought to the court were still confined to the domain of Islam, the largest faith in the country, the partiality of the authorities and weak law enforcement indicate a problem with one faith could spell a problem for all faiths, Sayoga said.

"What happens in Jakarta and even Pakistan, or anywhere else, could affect the lives of people here in Bali. We are not condemning the growing intolerance within a certain religion. We are just saying if the government fails to ensure religious freedom, it would be like setting a time bomb," he said.

Almost ninety percent of Bali's population follow the Hindu faith and Bali is the only predominantly Hindu island in the predominantly Muslim archipelago.

As a resort island, Bali has attempted to maintain its uniqueness and authenticity as a Hindu island and adapt itself to the swelling number of Muslim migrants and Western expatriates. "We will suffer the worse if the government fails to retain the value of diversity," he said.

Balinese intellectuals and artists were among those who in 2006 and 2007 strongly protest the deliberation of the sharia-inspired anti-pornography bill, which they said would undermine freedom of expression and cultural diversity.

The organizations participating in Tuesday's rally were, among others, the Indonesian Hindu Dharma Association, the Bali Legal Aid Institute, the Indonesian Catholic Students Association and the Indonesian Nationalist Students Association. The only Islamic organizations participating were the controversial Ahmadiyah group and the Indonesian Ahlul Bait Community.

The Ahlul Bait Community is an organization of Shia followers. Shia is second-largest Islamic denomination after Sunni, which is followed by most Indonesian Muslims.

Nadhlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, the country's two largest Islamic organizations that promote religious moderation in the social and political spheres, are not part of the national alliance.

Elections/political parties

PDI-P tastes widespread success in 2007

Jakarta Post - January 14, 2008

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won regional elections in most areas last year, beating its long-time rival, the Golkar Party.

Jeirry Sumampow of the People's Voter Education Network (JPRR) said PDI-P won 35.7 percent of 38 elections held in provincial and regional levels last year.

"It is an interesting fact the opposition party wins more in regional elections," Jeirry, national coordinator of the network, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

He said the Golkar Party, which won more regional elections in 2006, secured second place with 28.5 percent of regional elections last year. The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Awakening Party (PKB) tied in third place, with 14.29 percent each. The United Development Party (PPP) won only 7.1 percent.

"This could be a sign for legislative and presidential elections in 2009," Jeirry said.

Chairman of the PDIP-P faction at the House of Representatives Tjahjo Kumolo said the result was proof more people accepted the vision and mission promoted by PDI-P. "The results show more people understand our ideology to maintain the unity of Indonesia and to make the people's welfare a priority," he said.

Candidates nominated by PDI-P in the regional elections promised to use their budget for social welfare and to provide free education and access to health services, Tjahjo said. "However, our target to win the 2009 elections will still depend on the party's internal consolidation and how people understand our vision," Tjahjo said.

In the 2004 legislative election, the Golkar Party finished first, with 21.6 percent of the votes. But its presidential candidates Wiranto and Sholahuddin Wahid did not make it to the second round of the presidential election.

The Golkar Party then supported PDI-P presidential candidates, chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri and Hasyim Muzadi, who lost to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla in the second round of the 2004 presidential election, Indonesia's first ever direct presidential election. The PDI-P has said it would nominate former president Megawati as the party's candidate to run for the presidential election in 2009.

Executive director of political survey firm Indo Barometer Muhammad Qodari said earlier the party's popularity had been increasing since 2004. He said the positive sentiment toward PDI-P was not a result of its performance, but was due to the public's disappointment with the current government.

Several prominent athletes and celebrities including Rano Karno and Dedi "Miing" Gumelar, actresses Rieke Diah Pitaloka and Suti Karno, singer Edo Kondologit, psychic Ferry Purwo and swimmer Richard Sam Bera have joined PDI-P.

Other new members include Indonesian chess player Utut Adianto and Olympic gold medalist shuttler Ricky Subagdja. The new members said they were impressed by Sukarno's thoughts and the party's mission.

Islam, nationalism successful in polls

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Jakarta – Secular-nationalist and Islamic party coalitions were the most successful in the country's regional elections throughout 2007, while only a few female candidates managed to win office, the People's Voter Education Network (JPPR) reported Friday.

JPPR coordinator Jeirry Sumampow said that secular-nationalist and Islamic party coalitions won 55 percent of the 38 regional elections held across the country last year, while nationalist and Islamic parties running alone won only 31 percent and 8 percent of the seats at stake respectively.

This, said Jeirry, showed the public's desire for populist leaders who had the support of various parts of society.

Lili Romli, a political expert from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, said the phenomenon was a positive thing that could lead to an end to the dichotomy between Islamic and nationalist groups. "However, I hope that these are not pragmatic coalitions, and that they were established to truthfully develop the regions," said Lili.

In non-coalition candidacies, the JPPR found that the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle won more posts than any other political party in 2007, followed by the Golkar Party, the Prosperous Justice Party and the National Awakening Party.

Regarding women's participation in regional elections, Jeirry said the fact that only three women had won their races showed the lack of support political parties gave female candidates.

"In 2007, only one woman was elected as a mayor and two as deputy mayors. Political parties have to nominate more women so as to increase the possibility of women sitting in regional leadership posts," he said.

Jeirry also said that based on the JPPR's evaluation of the 2007 regional elections, 15 of 31 incumbent officials running in the regional elections lost.

"This is interesting because the number of incumbent candidates winning regional elections was higher than in previous years. Their constituents have probably become more mature and wish for a change to the status quo," he told a discussion on the evaluation.

The JPPR also found a substantial number of people had been unable to register vote in the 2007 regional elections.

It also found that most candidates kicked off their campaigns before the permitted period, and that corruption and personal attacks were common.

Jeirry said that the Regional General Election Commissions (KPUD) and the Supervisory Committees needed to improve their performances and neutrality, given the finding that in some places, KPUDs had shown partiality to certain candidates, while the committees had failed to investigate complaints made by members of the public.

He expressed his concern over "structural conflicts" among the institutions organizing regional elections, citing the recent dispute between the central KPU and the KPUD over the result of North Maluku's gubernatorial election.

Jerry also highlighted the neutrality of bureaucrats, with many officials found to be forcing their subordinates to support certain candidates, who were incumbent officials.

Lili said this bureaucratic partiality was "most evident in the Jakarta and Banten gubernatorial elections". (wda)

Young politicians have chances beyond 2009 election: Budiman

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Discourses on the necessity of young leaders emerging in the national political arena have raised debates among many facets of society, including the young generation itself. The Jakarta Post's Annisa M.P. Rochadiat recently talked with young Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politician Budiman Sudjatmiko about this issue and others in Indonesian politics.

1. What is the state of leadership in Indonesia? Is there a leadership crisis here?

I don't think there is any crisis of leadership. I think we've got plenty of leaders from the youth sector, the workers, professionals, business actors and cultural activists,

The point is not in the source of leadership, but rather in the institutions that channel these potential leaders. There is a bottleneck hindering the leadership regeneration processes. Thirty-two years of authoritarian rule have really blocked the potential of young leaders outside of the military. Be it in business or academia, the capacity to nurture young leaders was simply neglected.

So, when an intensive civil society phenomenon like Reformasi (reform) took place, we are faced with the reality that there is an oversupply of potential candidates. But even then, with the advent of younger generations vying for leadership, not all are qualified enough to take on the position despite a wider opportunity to do so. An oversupply of potential leaders has also stifled any possible generational change between the old and young, because those who are technically of the older generation, but did not assume leadership, are currently vying along with the young.

2. What are the challenges facing Indonesia?

Globalization is a new variable in our system, adding a new dimension to the complexities we faced previously. Issues that countries previously were able to deal with within the boundaries of nation-states are now a common problem, such as global warming. The added complexities lead to new configurations of power and ever-changing circumstances that require leaders who are not only flexible in adapting to the changes, but are also able to preserve their basic principles and values in the process.

We need to go beyond thinking globally and act locally, which would only render us agents of globalization, and start thinking strategically while acting systematically based on our shared principles and foundational values contained in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. Globalization doesn't nullify the government's role in meeting its responsibilities to protect the nation, deliver public welfare and establish peace through social justice.

3. What kind of leadership do you think this nation needs?

A visionary leader, someone who is capable of mobilizing and organizing his or her own people in achieving vision and attaining goals; a leader who possesses both intellectual leadership and determination. Intellectual leadership influences our ability to envision where Indonesia should be heading, while a sense of determination is the measurement as to how the people are inspired, organized and mobilized. Depending too much on one or the other can be detrimental, so both qualities are needed, especially in dealing with the global complexities we are faced with today. It is also important that a leader knows the needs and wants of his people. Leadership isn't just about translating theory or concepts. We have many potential new leaders, such as Amien Rais, Pramono Anung and Din Syamsuddin, but as I said, the problem is in the output channel.

4. What is your own vision as a potential future leader?

Internationally, Indonesia needs to catch up with other countries and for this we need a great deal of stability, particularly in the surrounding region. We need to pursue our national interests without jeopardizing regional stability.

Indonesia needs to secure its place as a leader on the Southeast Asian level among ASEAN countries, and to start, we need to focus on strengthening our ties with countries we historically have had good relations with, such as the Philippines and Vietnam. Malaysia and Singapore remain important neighbors, but fostering ties with parties who see us as a bad example of democracy will most likely continue to be a challenge. In greater Asia, we need to balance our traditional relations with Japan and South Korea with fostering strategic alliances with China, India and Russia.

Domestically, reforming the bureaucracy by eradicating corruption, enhancing the people's capacity to get involved in participatory budgeting down to the local levels, as well as renegotiating contracts in natural resources management, are among the priority areas of immediate concern.

5. Where do you see yourself in Indonesian politics?

I'm just a young man who got involved in politics, who entered the PDI-P with the same spirit of other young political activists set to reform the party, ensuring that its activities don't venture away from its founding ideals and ideology.

Within the activities of PDI-P, I am an actor set to re- institutionalize and re-ideologize the party in accordance with the four targets of a reformist party: facilitating party regeneration at the local and national level; improving the pattern of new members' recruitment processes, while underlining meritocracy; and improving leadership grooming through training and political courses; as well as improving the pattern of the party's political financing. We hope to nurture leaders who aren't just capable of leading the masses, but are also able to run the bureaucracy, the economy.

6. What is the likelihood of a presidential comeback for Megawati? How would PDI-P contribute for a better Indonesia?

Reforms within the party seem to have brought about promising results. According to a recent public poll, 25 percent of the people said they would vote for us in the coming elections. The odds, therefore, are good. We are, of course, a learning party. We learn from our mistakes and acknowledge our past faults and seek to improve, engaging as many people as we can in the process.

Moreover, many of the PDI-P members who serve as public officers like mayors and governors have actually succeeded in translating the party's program into concrete actions and have received awards for their successful delivery of public services.

7. What kind of a democracy do you think suits Indonesia best?

Like Latin America, Indonesia is still in the learning process. After institutionalizing the procedural aspect of democracy within the last decade and achieving relatively stable governance, our present challenge is to preserve the liberty we have attained and substantiate the democracy with ideals such as social justice and political equality. After 2009, we should already be heading toward becoming a democratic republic of equals in sectors such as the economy, politics and culture.

Liberal democracy is the only game in town. Our nation is a highly diversified one, so democracy is the only ideal mechanism for managing a multitude of interests and distributing opportunities. And we need to be more effective. One political party should ideally represent one political current, not like what's happening now with many political parties representing a single political ideology; it's superfluous.

8. How big a potential and/or role do you think there is for young politicians to take on the helm of political leadership in this country in 2009?

I think we should prepare for beyond the 2009 elections. But if there are young politicians who seek to run for president, then it is, of course, possible. I am, however, a positivist realist. We've been so far occupied by the institutionalization of democratic processes within political parties, and with the disrupted output channel for potential leaders, the feasibility and possibility for young politicians to become leaders beyond 2009 is across the board.

9. What led to your unexpected entrance into mainstream party politics after being a grassroots activist in the mid-90s?

I just entered into mainstream politics in 2004. I had established a political party in 1996 (the PRD) because since the very beginning I believed in the role of political institutions in generating positive change. I may have started out as a resisting force at that time as I rejected the New Order dictatorship. However, during the leadership of Gus Dur in 2001, I realized that the system had changed; our political institutions have managed to organize themselves into a more established democratic system that thrives on political competition and not political resistance.

My experience of studying abroad in the UK has definitely left a mark. I learned how the world is very diverse and complex, and also how democracy works in Western Europe and other countries.

In a democracy, the system is open to reform as long as you have the social capital, namely the knowledge and networking skills. I try to use these two positively to compete under the democratic system, and so I decided to contribute to the betterment of my society by entering the system.

I joined the PDI-P as it underwent reform because I believed I could make a difference based on my beliefs, my commitment to the people and to democracy. Not only do the ideals of the reformist party coincide with my own, but by entering an institution with a constituency as big as the PDI-P, I am able to learn how Indonesian commoners see politics and what their aspirations and expectations are. I now seek to make the party the single greatest motivating factor in pushing Indonesia forward.

Government/civil service

Up to 70 percent of state budget consumed by bureaucracy

Kompas - January 14, 2008

Jakarta – As much as 60-70 percent of the 2007 state budget (APBN) or between 457-534 trillion rupiah was depleted for the bureaucratic costs of the government, legislator and law enforcement agencies. The total state budget for 2007 was 763 trillion rupiah.

This was conveyed by the secretary general for the National Secretariat of the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra), Arif Nur Alam, at an event titled "Reflections on the Management of the 2007 Public Budget" on Sunday January 13 in Jakarta.

Bureaucratic costs included wages, allowances, office facilities and equipment, official residences and official travel costs. "So only 30-40 percent of the 2007 APBN was used for development and the public interest", he said.

Alam explained that this can be seen from the Budget Activities Plan's (RKA) of each agency. The National Education Departments RKA for example only put aside 15 percent or 7.5 trillion rupiah out of 51.3 trillion rupiah of its budget for the rehabilitation of schools, scholarships and libraries. The remainder was used for programs with no direct relationship with education activities such as the administration of civil service personnel, office facilities and equipment as well as official travel allowances.

Out of the 1.3 trillion rupiah budget for the House of Representatives (DPR) meanwhile, 61 percent or around 800 billion rupiah was used to meet the needs of DPR members, that is 190.8 billion for wages, honorariums, allowances and health insurance. Electricity, telephone and communication subsidies consumed 185 billion rupiah while various kinds of daily allowances represented 257 billion rupiah. Some 87.5 billion rupiah was used for operations and transportation and 92.4 billion rupiah were used for the procurement of specialist staff and assistants.

According to a staff member A.R. Muttaqin from Fitra's Advocacy and Investigation Division, out of the 18.7 trillion rupiah budget for the national police, 82 percent was used to pay wages, allowances and office facilities and equipment. Only 18 percent were used for investigations, security and to protect the public.

The situation is similar in other law enforcement agencies such as the Attorney General's Office, the Supreme Court, the National Human Rights Commission, the Judicial Commission and the Corruption Eradication Commission.

Fitra's Analysis and Study Coordinator Yenni Sucipto said that if the state cared about the ordinary people, most of the 2008 state budget should be allocated to serve the interests of the people. "In order for this [to happen], efficiencies must be carried out immediately", said Sucipto. (REI)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Armed forces/defense

Ministry to focus on local weaponry

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The Defense Ministry said it will make the most of the Indonesian Military (TNI)'s limited budget and will focus more on procuring new defense and military equipment produced by local manufacturers.

"We will spend the defense budget as effectively as possible to develop the military's minimum essential force," Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono told reporters Wednesday after chairing a leadership meeting with TNI chief Gen. Djoko Santoso.

The meeting was also attended by officials from the Defense Ministry, Finance Ministry and the National Development Planning Board.

"During the last 10 years, we've been dealing with old defense and military equipment and we've spent much on their maintenance," Juwono said. "Therefore, we will buy new equipment that is more efficient in terms of operations and maintenance."

He said the budget for the procurement and maintenance of new equipment was currently being calculated by each of the three military's forces.

The defense ministry received Rp 36.4 trillion (US$3.8 billion), or around 4.5 percent of the 2008 state budget, of some Rp 800 trillion. This year's defense budget has increased from last year's Rp 32.4 trillion.

The defense sector becomes the second priority in the state budget after the education sector.

The ministry's director general for defense facilities, Rear Marshall Eris Herryanto, said this year the ministry would focus on buying equipment produced by domestic manufacturers.

He said the ministry had ordered 150 armored vehicles from state-owned PT Pindad, local producers of military equipment.

"We prioritize to buy from local manufacturers, as long as they are able to supply our needs, because we want to improve the industry," Eris said. "But if we have to import the equipment, we will require for transfer of technology from the manufacturers."

The ministry's secretary general Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said the procurement of defense and military equipment would be prioritized on transport aircraft, including helicopters produced by state-owned aicraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia and patrolling vehicles for the Navy from state-owned shipyard PT PAL.

To buy the equipment, the ministry was set to reallocate Rp 2.1 trillion, which was taken from the ministry's export credit facility of Rp 4.8 trillion, Sjafrie said.

Juwono said the ministry would also improve the welfare of military personnel, despite the lack of budget.

He said the ministry had been used to the limited budget, including in terms of soldiers' welfare, which had been much criticized.

"But I am proud of our soldiers, they are professional," said Juwono. "If we compared them with the soldiers from other Southeast Asia nations, they might be the best."

Indonesia, China to intensify defense cooperation

Antara News - January 10, 2008

Jakarta – Indonesia and China will intensify their defense cooperation as part of efforts to implement a strategic partnership they had agreed upon on April 25, 2005, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono said.

"The details of the intensification effort will be discussed when Chinese Defense Minister Cao Gangchuan visits Jakarta next January 15-20," Juwono said here on Wednesday.

He said during his reciprocal Indonesian visit, the Chinese defense minister would also focus on the realization of the Indonesia-China defense cooperation accord which was signed last November.

Juwono said defense cooperation between Indonesia and China would not lead to the conclusion of a defense pact but be focused on technical cooperation such as exchange of officers, education and training and joint development of defense industries.

He said the two countries had signed an agreement on bilateral defense cooperation, which was intended as a realization of the strategic partnership agreement the two nations signed when Chinese President Hu Jintao visited Indonesia in April 2005.

The commitment was strengthened by the return visit of President Susilo Bambang Yudhohono to Beijing in 2006.

So far, Indonesia and China had established defense and military cooperation in the education and training sector, exchange of officers' visits, defense industries, joint exercises, joint production, transfer of technology, intelligence information exchange and cooperation in the fields of technology and science and defense industries.

In the 2007-2008 budget year, the Chinese government had offered 21 kinds of education and training and courses for 23 officers from Indonesia. It also offered two military officers to attend a seminar themed "ASEAN Armed Forces Internatinal Disaster Relief" in China.

The Indonesia-China strategic parnership also covered the economic field. Indonesia is the largest economy in ASEAN, and China is Indonesia's fourth biggest trade partner.

Two-way trade has reached a value of 16.7 billion US dollars, and was expected to surpass 30 billion US dollars in 2010.

Minister, TNI chief urge military, civilian reform

Jakarta Post - January 9, 2008

Jakarta – Boosting professionalism and strengthening the rules keeping the military out of politics were among the priorities highlighted at a handover ceremony where Gen. Djoko Santoso moved to the helm of Indonesian Military (TNI).

"In general, all I need to do as TNI chief is see through the agenda items in the 2005-2009 TNI Strategic Plans and the 2005- 2014 TNI Posture Development Plan," Santoso said after the ceremony at TNI headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, on Tuesday. "Thus, it (my program) won't clash with what has been done by my predecessor, Marshall Djoko Suyanto."

Santoso said he would also improve TNI's alertness by strengthening weaponry systems and human resources; carrying out routine joint military trainings involving the Army, Navy and Air Force; and continuing and evaluating internal TNI reform that has already been going on for some 10 years.

"As TNI chief, I am nothing more than just a small part of the big system. My responsibility is to make sure that all items established within the TNI Strategic Plan and the TNI Posture Development Plan can be done well and are in line with the 1945 Constitution and regulations."

Meanwhile, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono said efforts to reform TNI, especially to enhance professionalism and discontinue political involvement, should also be accompanied by reform in the civil society.

"Now, it is the time for Indonesian civil society and all of its components, especially political parties, to prove that they are ready to take over TNI's political domination," he said at the sidelines of the ceremony.

"It depends on the ability of today's civilians to show good leadership, including a strong nationalism view, the one that has always been upheld by the military."

Juwono also called on the public to raise the need to reform political parties watching closely TNI's reform agenda.

"In order to be ready to take over the military domination, the parties need to have a strong program for continually rejuvenating members and good management as well. Indonesian political parties' systems are still weak."

Commenting on the replacement of the TNI chief, Juwono said that people should no longer worry about Army domination within TNI. "Today it will not be a big problem for TNI to have a chief from forces other than the Army," he said.

"During the 32 years of New Order regime, the Army's domination of TNI was very obvious. However, people should not forget that today the Army is taking the lead in effort to reform TNI. It began in Sept. 1997, six months before then-president Soeharto resigned, when a number of high ranking TNI officers, led by Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, started the formulation of a new TNI paradigm."

House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono said TNI needed to improve professionalism in order to be able to compete with neighboring countries' militaries.

Economy & investment

Indonesia's rusting infrastructure stymies growth

Reuters - January 12, 2008

Sara Webb, Merak – Indonesia's rust-bucket ferries are a symbol of the decrepit infrastructure which has plagued Southeast Asia's biggest economy and prevented it from matching China's meteoric growth rate.

Delivering a truckload of goods across one of the biggest of the 17,000 islands in Indonesia's archipelago can take a week, when a journey of the same distance might take a day in Europe or the United States.

At Merak, a busy port on the western tip of Java island, lorries loaded with coffee, sugar and fruit from the island of Sumatra drive off a rusty ferry. Trucks carrying brand new motorbikes take their place for the three-hour ferry ride across choppy seas to southern Sumatra.

When the ferry docks in resource-rich Sumatra, some of the trucks must then navigate their way through narrow, dirt roads over mountains and through forests to Banda Aceh in the north. The 1,600 km journey might take close to a week.

From the island of Sabang in the west to Merauke in the east, Indonesia spans over 5,000 km, or roughly the distance from Anchorage, Alaska to New York City. Indonesia is heavily dependent on ferries for transport between its islands.

Yet years of neglect and a lack of funding in the wake of the Asian financial crisis mean that much of Indonesia's infrastructure needs to be modernized or expanded.

"Infrastructure is key to Indonesia's success," says Edwin Soeryadjaya, whose firm Saratoga Capital has invested in a section of the Trans-Java tollroad, an ambitious project that will stretch over 1,000 km from one end of Java to the other by the time it is completed in 2010.

New infrastructure could help Indonesia's growth rate spurt from 6.3 percent in 2007 to as much as 8 percent, said Bill Belchere, a Hong Kong-based economist at Macquarie Securities.

In parts of Java where better infrastructure has been built, there are obvious economic benefits such as jobs and tourism. At weekends, Jakartans flock to the once-sleepy hill city of Bandung as a new tollroad has cut travel time in half to two hours, leading to brisk business for hotels and shopping malls there.

Disasters

Transport Minister Jusman Syafi'i Djamal estimates Indonesia needs a minimum investment of about 25 trillion rupiah ($2.67 billion) a year for the next decade to overhaul its transport.

"We want to improve and modernize all the infrastructure, to improve trains, ships, aviation and land transport," he told Reuters in an interview late last year.

Djamal, who was previously with the National Transportation and Security Evaluation body, has one of the toughest jobs in the cabinet – improving the reputation of a transport system that has become a byword for disasters.

A string of fatal accidents, many caused by bad weather, poor maintenance, or sloppy practices, cost Djamal's predecessor the transport job and prompted the European Union to ban all 51 Indonesian airlines from its airspace on safety grounds.

An Adam Air airplane disappeared into the sea a year ago with 102 passengers and crew on board, while a Garuda Indonesia plane crashed at Yogyakarta airport in March, killing 21 people, after the pilot ignored 15 warnings and descended too rapidly.

Djamal says Indonesia has responded with improvements such as plans to buy new planes and better safety practices, and it hopes to get the ban overturned in the next few months.

But he still has plenty of work to do on the railways, roads and ferries. A few months ago, he ordered 10 of the 24 ferries at Merak to be taken out of service and repaired, causing disruptions and long tailbacks at the port.

"People were angry with me because suddenly there were traffic jams," said Djamal, "but safety and security is the first priority."

Even so, some accidents are beyond his control, he says. In October, a ferry capsized off Sulawesi when passengers rushed to the upper deck to get a mobile phone signal from a nearby transmitter: a local radio station had offered a free car to the first person to call in and the passengers wanted to try their luck. Police said at least 30 people died.

Bridge over troubled waters

With foreign direct investment in Indonesia bouncing back, analysts say it should be easy to attract funding.

"The issue is not the funding, the issue is the spending, and the ability of central and local governments to implement these plans," said Fauzi Ichsan, an economist at Standard Chartered.

"Land clearance is the biggest hurdle, because no one has the power to make land clearance for these projects compulsory. This can be done under a more authoritarian government, but this is the price of democracy."

The engineering feats involved are a further challenge. Much of Indonesia's terrain, particularly in resource-rich areas, is mountainous, heavily forested, or at risk from landslides, floods, and seismic activity, which makes construction difficult.

So while there's talk of building a bridge across the Sunda Strait to connect Java and Sumatra and replace the existing antiquated ferries, the $10 billion project is controversial.

This part of the archipelago suffers frequent earthquakes and is close to Anak Krakatau, an active volcano which burst into life again just weeks after the two local governments backing the project decided to push ahead with a feasibility study.

Transport Minister Djamal said that his priorities are to fix the railways, provide ferry services to link the easternmost islands, and build new airports in Papua which is difficult to cross by land. In Sumatra, he wants to cut travel from one end of the island to the other from days to five hours using a high-speed train.

While many investors worried about China's massive spending on infrastructure projects in the 1990s, the investment paid off and laid the foundation for very strong growth, analysts say.

"In Indonesia, a lot of local manufacturers have trouble moving things about the country, which leads to higher inflation," said Belchere, from Macquarie Securities. "You limit your ability to hit a 7 to 8 percent growth rate if you don't get ahead of these bottlenecks."

[Additional reporting by Telly Nathalia, Ahmad Pathoni, and Harry Suhartono; editing by Megan Goldin.]

Businesses demand 'bribe-free' zones

Jakarta Post - January 12, 2008

Fadli, Batam – The Riau Islands chapter of the Indonesian Employers Association has told the government it needs to crack down on corruption in special economic zones.

The association's deputy head, Abdullah Gose, said that based on the Batam Indonesian Employers Association's study in 2003, bribes accounted for up to 15 percent of total industrial operational costs in Batam.

"We urge the government to set up a 'bribe free' domain in special economics zones, such as those in Batam, Bintan and Karimun. "This is the government's duty. However, we have not yet seen any effort by the government to realize it," said Abdullah.

He said the bribes required by some institutions constituted a serious burden for investors, although he would not name the offices involved. "But they are afraid to object to paying the bribes. Maybe they have no other choice," Abdullah told The Jakarta Post.

He said that both local and foreign investors were afraid to speak out about corruption and that he was concerned it might eventually drive investment away from Batam.

"This practice absolutely is not in favor of businesses. Even though Batam has already been declared a special economic zone, we have not yet seen good will from the local and central governments to stop the illegal practice."

Batam Industrial Development Authority (BIDA) spokesmen Dwi Djoko Wiwoho said that his office had not received any complaints about bribery from businessmen in Batam.

"The Investment Coordinating Board recently established a task force to gather complaints. The task force is also assigned to stop these illegal fees. So if such practices occur please just feel free to inform the tast force members because they have a direct link to the President and related ministers," he added.

He also urged investors who run "clean" businesses not to be intimidated by corruption. He added that BIDA was committed to protecting all investors from any kind of difficulties, including bribery.

Regional trade deficit doubles, may worsen

Jakarta Post - January 11, 2008

Andi Haswidi, Jakarta – Having trade deficits with certain partners is natural, but not when the number of partners keeps growing and the total deficits jumping exponentially.

The situation is true for Indonesia, at least with its neighbors in Southeast Asia, as shown by the latest records from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) on real trade transactions from January until September.

The latest to topple the biggest democracy in the region is Malaysia, with whom the country suffered a total deficit of US$662 million during the Jan-Sept period, a free fall from a surplus of $1 billion in the same period in 2006, mostly due to rising oil and refined oil imports.

With the deficit with Malaysia, Indonesia's total trade with main regional trade partners including Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Brunei Darussalam and Vietnam fell to a total deficit of $1 billion or an increase of 128.3 percent from the $445.33 million in deficit in the same period in 2006.

In the oil and gas category, the country's total trade deficit with the six countries during the period reached $7.04 billion, which rose by 14.9 percent from the same period in 2006.

Indonesia's total exports to its neighboring countries reached $16 billion during the period, while its total imports amounted to $17 billion.

In addition to Malaysia, Indonesia suffered a trade deficit of $1.29 billion with Brunei due to oil imports, and $933 million with Thailand – mostly due to non-oil and gas products.

What at first glance seems like a nice change in the period is the trade with Singapore, which suddenly changed to a surplus of $707.3 million from January after having constant deficits from 2004 until 2006.

Previous records show the deficit on oil and gas trade with Singapore grew at annual rate of 47 percent, from $1.4 billion in 2002 to $5.2 billion until 2006. Oil and gas imports from Singapore from January to September dropped by 14.6 percent, but only to be replaced by oil imports from Malaysia.

Indonesia is the largest oil and gas producer in the region, but still imports to meet rising fuel needs due to the decline in the country's oil production and also because its own crude oil is not suitable for most of its existing refinery plants.

The outlook, analysts said, may be worse as domestic demand for oil will expand while the country still likely to miss its net oil production target of 1.034 million barrels per day due to various problems hampering investments in the sector.

"As national production cannot meet the demand, we import 400,000 barrels per day, which has led to the increase of Malaysia's share, including other countries such as Africa and Australia," energy analyst Kurtubi said.

In the non-oil and gas category, the growth trend of imports is speeding up rapidly, particularly with Vietnam, which grew 323.3 percent from $106.9 million in January until September 2006 to $452.9 million in the same period in 2007.

Non-oil and gas imports from the Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia are also growing fast, at 28.7 percent, 38.6 percent and 39.8 percent respectively.

Another analyst, Beginda Pakpahan of the University of Indonesia, warned that things could go from bad to worse in the upcoming trade and economy liberalization frameworks such as the ASEAN Economic Community and ASEAN plus Japan, China, Korea and Europe. (ind)