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Indonesia News Digest – July 9-16, 2007
Detik.com - July 15, 2007
Rafiqa Qurrata A, Jakarta – Dissatisfied with the process of
reform that they believe has failed, 1998 activists are
threatening to make a comeback. One of the ways will be through
taking part in the 2009 legislative and presidential elections.
"If indeed going through the parliamentary path is realistic, we
will do it through the general elections. We are targeting 200
1998 activists sitting in the national parliament. But if not, we
will build another movement. [We] could also take to the streets
again", said the moderator of the '98 National Meeting (PENA '98)
Sangap Surbakti during a press conference at the Maharani Hotel
on Jl. Mampang Prapatan Raya in South Jakarta on Sunday July 15.
Surbakti said however that the decision over which path to choose
will be determined on July 27-29 when there will be a national
meeting of 1998 activists at the Sahid Jaya Hotel in Jakarta.
"The meeting will be attended by hundreds of 1998 activists from
33 provinces across Indonesia. The latest conformation is 680
activists. Whether or not they have already joined non-government
organisations or parties, we will come together again regardless.
Because this is our mutual responsibility", he explained.
According to the man with close-shaven hair, the 1998 activists
have a responsibility for the ideals that came out of the reform
movement seven years ago. They also declared that they were ready
to seize any and all potential opportunities that present
themselves.
"Whether it be the presidency, the speaker of the DPR [House of
Representatives], the speaker of the MPR [People's Consultative
Assembly], the head of the Constitutional Court, a regent,
village chief, all sectors of power must be seized", he said.
The path chosen by the 1998 activist however has indeed not been
without problems. In addition to receiving threats, they claim to
have also been terrorised by police.
"There was a counter meeting called PNA '98. It put up similar
proposals to ours. Who were they? Yeah well, who else, just the
strategic enemy of the 1998 generation right, (former President)
Suharto", said the former City Forum (Forkot) activist from the
Christian University of Indonesia. (gah/asy)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Agence France Presse - July 16, 2007
Jakarta – Indonesian authorities have removed the military chief
of Maluku province following a surprise separatist protest in
front of the president there last month, a military spokesman
said Tuesday.
The protest saw a group of traditional dancers slip security to
unfurl an outlawed flag in front of President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono in the provincial capital of Ambon and caused a furore
across Indonesia.
"It already happened last week," military spokesman Sagom Tamboen
told AFP, referring to the removal of Major General Sudarmaidy
from the top military position in Maluku.
He declined to comment on whether the removal was linked to the
protest and could not immediately say where the former provincial
commander would go. The replacement came to light a day after the
provincial police chief was removed over the June 29 incident.
The dancers had displayed the flag of the South Maluku Republic,
which was crushed by Jakarta shortly after it was declared in
1950. The movement supporting it however was revived after the
fall of president Suharto in 1998.
Sudarmaidy was replaced by Major General Rasyid Qurnuen Aquary,
who was until his new appointment the head of Indonesia's
Kopassus special forces, Tamboen said.
There is great sensitivity in Jakarta over separatist sentiment
flaring anywhere in the diverse and sprawling archipelago nation.
Demos, actions, protests...
Aceh
West Papua
Human rights/law
Gender issues
War on terror
Islam/religion
Elections/political parties
Economy & investment
Opinion & analysis
News & issues
1998 activists threaten to make 'comeback'
Provincial military boss removed over separatist protest
Give House tools to pass bills into law: Analysts
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Jakarta – Giving the House of Representatives more power and money to deliberate laws could curb the flow of illegal funds from ministries to lawmakers, analysts say.
Illegal funds paid by the Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Ministry to several House members to smooth the deliberation of a fisheries bill in 2004, they say, is only one small example of a common and deep-rooted practice of political bribery in the country.
Former minister Rokhmin Dahuri is now on trial for the illegal use of Rp 11.5 billion (US$1.27 million) in ministry funds, with some of that money going to lawmakers.
University of Indonesia analyst Arbi Sanit told The Jakarta Post on Sunday the current political system endorsed this practice.
"The fact that the President doesn't have control over the seats in the parliament and the inclusion of the government in the deliberation of bills make such funds inevitable," he said.
He said the deliberation of laws should be completely left to the House, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution.
Article 20(1) of the Constitution says the House holds the power to enact laws. But despite this, ensuing clauses in the article say all bills are to be deliberated by the House and the government, for joint approval, and that both have the power to propose laws.
Arbi said the limited number of House seats held by the President's Democratic Party added to the practice of bribery. The Democratic Party only has 57 of the 550 seats in the House.
Arbi said it would be difficult to stop the practice of illegal funds flowing from ministries to lawmakers, because it had become a part of politics here. "The ministries go all out to serve the lawmakers, including holding the deliberations at hotels, to make sure their bills get through," he said.
Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) member Fahmi Badoh said the practice was most common during the deliberation of laws, determining annual budgets and monitoring state-funded projects. "All illegal accounts for such funds must be scrutinized," he was quoted as saying by detik.com news portal.
Contacted separately, deputy chairman of the House's legislation body, Bomer Pasaribu, said given its status as the country's law-making center, the House should be allocated more money to draft laws.
The large gap between the budget given the House and the Justice and Human Rights Ministry to draft laws, said the Golkar Party lawmaker, left the House dependent on the government to finance the process.
The legislation body, for instance, is allocated less than Rp 200 million (US$22,222) to draft a law. The Justice and Human Rights Ministry gets around 1.5 billion for each law.
More money, Bomer said, could be spent on legal experts to help ease the workload of legislation body members, who also serve on different House commissions.
Lawmakers asking for bribes is by no means novel. A number of lawmakers were tried by the House's ethics council in 2005 for "selling" budget allocations to officials of local administrations.
These officials paid lawmakers to speed up disbursements or increase allocations for their regions, including for disaster relief funds.
Jakarta Post - July 14, 2007
Bandung/Makassar/Jakarta – A series of fatal land and sea accidents since last Saturday has claimed dozens of lives and further tarnished the country's public transportation reputation.
On Friday alone, at least 11 people died in a traffic accident on the Nagrek Highway between Badung and Garut in West Java.
In the waters off South Sulawesi, rescuers were still searching for 25 ship passengers missing since their boat capsized on Wednesday night, while in Maluku more teams have joined the search for 23 passengers three days after their boat sank in rough water.
In Bandung, nine people, including their drivers, on a Doa Ibu bus en route between Tasikmalaya-Jakarta and a Bandung- Tasikmalaya minivan died instantly when the two vehicles collided.
A 12-year-old boy died on the way to Hasan Sadikin hospital while a 14-year-old boy died after being treated at the hospital. Ten other passengers were seriously wounded and seven others injured in the accident. Most suffered head injuries and broken bones.
Nagrek Police officer Brig. Khaeruman said most of the victims were on their way home after spending the weekend in Bandung. "The minivan from Bandung was trying to overtake the vehicle up front but it went too far and was hit by the bus coming from Tasikmalaya," he said on Friday.
Last Saturday, a bus carrying schoolchildren on a holiday tour plunged off a bridge into a river in Cipanas, also in West Java, killing 16 people. Another fishing boat accident took place in Pangkajene Island regency waters in South Sulawesi on Wednesday night.
Of the 30 people on board, including six crew, just six have were picked up by the KM Ciremai ship on its way to Makassar from Surabaya, East Java on Thursday. They arrived in Makassar on Friday.
A search team comprising the Navy, the South Sulawesi Search and Rescue Team and the Makassar Public Safety Center has been deployed to the site to search for more survivors.
The six survivors are currently being treated at Soekarno Hatta Port health post, except for one who was taken to Bhayangkara hospital in Makassar in a critical condition.
KM Ciremai representative Andi Nurdin Pantonrangi Mante said the six were found floating in a small raft. "When they were found, they were in poor shape. Hungry, dehydrated and suffering from sunburn," he said.
The fishing boat left Kalukuang Island in the regency on Wednesday morning on its way to Galesong in Takalar regency. But 14 hours later the boat was hit by waves some two meters tall, turning the boat upside down.
Survivor Mattu, a crewmember, said it was hard to hang on to the wreckage because the accident took place at night.
"I didn't know what was going on. But the passengers were scattered around. I couldn't see them clearly since it was dark. Everyone tried to save themselves," he said. When the waves subsided, Mattu and six other passengers collected pieces of woods and made a raft. One of them died.
In Maluku, more teams joined a Friday search for survivors three days after a boat carrying 60 passengers sank in rough seas. Two children were found dead on Wednesday.
The Wahai Star boat ran into engine trouble as it plied its regular route between the islands of Buru and Ambon, the capital of Maluku province, AFP reported.
So far, 35 survivors have been plucked from the sea but five ships were still hunting for some 23 people still missing.
Suara Pembaruan - July 13, 2007
The secretary-general of the Dewan Ketahanan Nasional (Council for National Resilience), Lt. General M Yasin said that Indonesians must be vigilant about the emergence of separatism in their midst.
Strategic issues that threaten national resilience such as separatism, extreme movements, fanaticism, terrorism and federalism must be crushed.
"This is something that we must all pay attention to together. Separatism, federalism and suchlike are emerging everywhere. We must remain vigilant so as not to be dragged down," he said, according to Antara.
He said that some Indonesians are insufficiently vigilant which is evident from the fact that a separatist movement now exists within society. The unfurling of the RMS flag on National Family Day is an example of the fact that separatism still exists in Indonesia.
Indonesians must stand firmly behind Pancasila as the basis of the state and the Constitution. "If everyone stands firm behind the Pancasila, there will be no space for the separatists."
Earlier, Muladi, Governor of the National Defence Institute said that separatist movements such as are occurring in Aceh, Papua and Ambon must be firmly crushed as they represent a serious danger to the unity of the NKRI.
Yasin also said that as an archepelagic state, Indonesia faces the danger of splits. Plurality and heterogeneity in Indonesia can lead to splits. As an archepelagic country, Indonesia faces problems with security which means that there is a great need for patrols.
The failure of the government to take seriously the views of Lemhanas regarding the threat from GAM to separate Aceh from the Republic by political means was to be regretted. The matter should not get out of control for this would mean that it would be too late to do anything about it.
Since the adoption of the Memorandum of Understanding in Helsinki, the government has allowed the attributes of GAM to be used in Aceh. This is creating the impression that GAM is being regarded not as a rebellious movement but as heroes..
[Abridged translation posted by TAPOL.]
Okezone - July 12, 2007
Hariyanto Kurniawan, Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's speech stating other economic systems have failed and so they have chosen an open economic system that incorporates social justice is nothing more than political rhetoric. The reality is that the government is accelerating the process of economic liberalisation on a massive scale.
"The privatisation of state-owned enterprises, free market policies, subsidy cuts, direct [foreign] investment, are a part of the Washington Consensus' recipe to rescue capitalism", said National Liberation Party of Unity (Papernas) secretary general Harris Sitorus when contacted by Okezone on Thursday July 12.
Sitorus explained that the Washington Consensus, which is being driven by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the US Department of Finance, is no more than a plot by the US to economically exploit developing countries. Law Number 25/2007 on Capital Investment and other legislation are only the latest legal instruments enacted to support the implementation of Washington Consensus recipes.
"Efforts to generate national pride by saying that cooperatives are a socially just economic system are totally missing the point and out of touch", added Sitorus in response to Yudhoyono's speech this afternoon at the 60th commemoration of National Cooperatives Day in Denpasar, Bali.
Sitorus said that these remarks are the same as the promises made over the Lapindo mud disaster, the promises to revitalise the rural economy and so forth. "We hope that this political rhetoric will not continue to be repeated over and over", he said.
It would be better on the part of the government if Yudhoyono concentrates on formulating concrete policies that will bring benefits to the Indonesian people and create economic self- sufficiency. "Sympathize with our people who continue to be coolies in their own nation", said Sitorus. (hri)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The people should throw their weight behind the government, no matter how disorderly it is, and turn away from any attempts to have it prematurely removed, a noted politician says.
"We should give the government a chance to do what it believes is best for this country until the end of its serving period," former speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly, Amien Rais, said Monday on the sidelines of a discussion on leadership.
"If any attempt of impeachment is allowed, then the amendment of the 1945 Constitution would be useless." The amended 1945 Constitution has made it much more difficult to impeach the President.
"After an administration's term is complete, it's time for us to evaluate whether the government has succeeded in solving the country's problems. If it is considered a failure, then the next incumbent should do better," he added.
Amien also urged independent candidates to run in the upcoming general election.
"I think independent candidates can be as good as those who are backed by political parties. The most important things are that each of them doesn't try to topple each other and that the public is allowed to choose who they believe to be their best leader."
Much grievance has emerged over several key decisions made by the current government, with critics saying it has failed to settle various problems including outstanding graft cases, human rights violations and disasters, such as the Sidoarjo mudflow.
"Indonesia will likely be an unfinished country if the government is unsuccessful in solving the country's problems," Amien added. He suggested the time had arrived to establish a new form of leadership that could emphasize "consanguinity and togetherness".
Amien said that to build a better country, a moral and bureaucratic overhaul would also be required.
Meanwhile, Yudi Latif, a political analyst from the Reform Institute, said that to solve the mistakes of past administrations, the government should implement a comprehensive one-size-fits-all solution, for example, by taking a "truth and reconciliation" approach.
"Many cases that occurred in the past are too complicated to solve, while the government is supposed to not only handle the past mistakes, but also move forward to manage the country," he said.
"Take fraud or graft cases as examples... If such cases are too difficult to be solved legally, then the government should try finding a political solution," he suggested.
A political solution, he said, would entail the government forgiving the perpetrators of past crimes and freeing them from the legal repercussions, providing they admit their guilt and return stolen assets to the state.
He said this would be an effective way to settle the unfinished cases. "If legal solutions take a long time to settle the problems, maybe the government should try an alternative way."
He said a "reversal-proof" principle could be applied to urge the perpetrators to confess, meaning that if they deny their implication in a case, they have to be able to prove it.
Jakarta Post - July 9, 2007
Police in Central Maluku, arrested Leonard Hendrik, an alleged activist of the secessionist Republic of South Maluku (RMS) in Aboru village, Haruku Island, Sunday.
Leonard was on the list of RMS activists that police have been hunting following the June 29 incident when over 30 of them disguised as Cakalele traditional dancers unfurled an RMS flag in front of the Visiting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in Ambon.
Wearing an RMS shirt and being hand-cuffed, Leonard was shoved into a car that would take them to a nearby pier to be shipped to the provincial capital of Ambon.
Led by Maluku's police chief detective Sr. Comsr. Antam Novambar, 150 officers and eight speedboats were involved in the early morning manhunt operation.
Another suspect, Selvianus Malawauw who had been arrested earlier and police took along to find Leonard, went missing when one of the speedboats developed an engine trouble and sank after it was hit by high waves, police said.
Novambar said Selvianus, with his hands still handcuffed, when missing in the darkness when everybody on the troubled boat started jumping for their lives. But the authorities could not tell on the suspect's fate.
| Demos, actions, protests... |
Detik.com - July 16, 2007
Iqbal Fadil, Jakarta – Mondays are usually the starting point of each persons activities for the week. Likewise also for demonstrations in the capital. Six points across the city will see the arrival of protesters from various groups with different types of demands.
For those residents of the capital city that don't want to get trapped in heavy traffic, you should be on guard for and pay attention to the following locations that will be targeting by protesters as detailed by the Metro Jaya Regional Police Traffic Management Center (TMC) for Monday July 16.
The first action will be held by 5,000 footwear factory workers from the National Workers Union (SPN) from PT HASI and PT NASA. At 10am they will hold a demonstration in front of the Nike Indonesia offices at the Jakarta Stock Exchange building on Jl. Jend. Sudirman calling on Nike Indonesia not to terminate orders to PT HASI and PT NASA for the sake of the employee's survival.
The second action will be at the Central Jakarta District Court on Jl. Gadjah Mada in Central Jakarta. Around 100 people from the Urban Poor Consortium under the leadership of Wardah Hafidz will attend a class action suit launched by victims of the Jakarta floods last February.
The next place to become a site for protests will be the Attorney General's Office (AGO) on Jl. Sultan Hasanuddin in South Jakarta. Around 50 people from the Anti-Court Mafia Society (MAMP) will be calling for the release of Wong Ivone Emmy Karena who has been found not guilty on charges of corruption.
Still at the same location, some 100 people from the Supersemar Foundation Goodwill Forum of Alumni and Scholarship Recipients (FSAP Yayasan Supersemar) will hold an action opposing the civil suit against former President Suharto. Both actions at the AGO will be held at around 10am.
The next location that will become the target of demonstrators will be the House of Representatives (DPR) building on Jl. Gatot Subroto in Senayan, South Jakarta. Some 40 people calling themselves the Berumun Sosa and Surrounds Youth and Student Independent Foundation (LIPEMBAS) will be calling on DPR members to give their full support of the splitting up of South Tapanuli regency.
Not far from the DPR meanwhile, around 100 people from the Jakarta Islamic Students Association (HMI) will hold a demonstration at the Forestry Department on Jl. Gatot Subroto protesting against Forestry Minister M.S. Kaban in relation to the provision of forestry concession in Riau province and calling on the government to punish criminals who destroy Indonesia's forests.
Both actions on Jl. Gatot Subroto will begin at around 10am so, for those of you who want to avoid traffic jams, pay close attention to what time you will be passing through these locations. (bal/nal)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Okezone - July 13, 2007
Idham Gofur, Jakarta – Scores of housewives and children held a demonstration in front of the State Palace on July 13 calling on the government not to surrender the distribution of milk and sembako (nine basic food items including rice and other staple commodities) to the market.
The protesters said that if the government allows this to happen they would demand that that Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu resign from her post. "If it's not possible, it is better if the minister resigns", said one of the speakers in front of the State Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara in Central Jakarta on Friday.
During the action, the protesters from the women's organisation Perempuan Mahardika National Network (JRPM) and the Urban Poor Union (SRMK) placed a 2x1 meter piece of black cloth on the road. This was used to hold a theatrical action in which a housewife fried a rock on a kerosene stove depicting their hopelessness in face of milk and sembako price increases.
Aside from protesting against the government, they also condemned the political parties saying that the existing parties are unable to provide a solution to the problems of the people, particularly in confronting the increase in the price of basic commodities. (fit)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Okezone - July 13, 2007
Siswanto, Jakarta – Around 100 residents from Cengkareng in West Jakarta held a demonstration in front of the State Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Utara on Friday July 13. They called on the government to issue a policy to provide subsidies for milk and sembako (nine basic food items including rice and other staple commodities).
"Actually it is not only now that it's difficult to buy milk. It has been difficult for some time", said Safarinah (50), a resident from the East Cengkareng administrative district who took part in the demonstration.
According to Safarinah, in general residents residing in the Cengkareng area do not have a source of permanent employment. In addition to this their incomes are below the minimum wage and the amount is unstable. "We wash cloths, on average we get 200,000 rupiah per month", said Safarinah who came wearing rubber sandals.
Most of the people taking part in the demonstration were women, some of which brought their children. According to another demonstrator, Juliawati, most of them work as scavengers or wash clothing. "We are demonstrating at the Palace because our president doesn't understand", said Juliawati while expressing her amazement at the opulence of the State Palace building.
The protesters also brought posters made from cardboard reading "Implement milk and sembako subsidies now" and "Expensive milk malnourished infants". (ahm)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Tempo Interactive - July 13, 2007
Jakarta – Teachers in the Indonesian Teachers Union (PGRI) held a rally in the capital city once again. Last Monday, PGRI deployed hundreds of members from East Java. Yesterday (12/7) the organization had teachers from Central Java.
According to the General Secretary of PGRI Management for Central Java Province, Sulistyo, the number of teachers involved in the action was 2,150. They left Brebes town square, Central Java, Wednesday (12/7), using 43 rented buses. It is planned that the PGRI Central Java's action will be followed by the PGRI West Java group.
As in the previous action, this time the rally targets were the State Palace, the House of Representatives, National Education Department and the Finance Department.
At the Parliament building, the protesters were greeted by House Deputy Chairman Zaenal Ma'arif. During the meeting, Secretary General of PGRI Central Java, Sulistyo, demanded that the House urge the government to agree to an education budget of 20 percent. "Based on the teachers' study, now the education quality is very low. Therefore, the education budget must soon be recognized," said Sulistyo.
Zaenal Ma'arif supported the teachers' demand about the education budget. In addition, it is in line with the Constitution's mandate. "It is better for the Education Minister to step down if he can't appreciate the education budget to be 20 percent," he said.
Director General of Educators and Pedagogy Officers Quality Improvement at the National Education Department, Fasli Jalal, said that he can understand the teachers' demand. "We'll always accept teachers with open arms. We'll try our utmost so that all allowances that were promised by the government are paid immediately," he said.
[Reh Atemalem Susanti, Kurniasih Budi, Sutarto.]
| Aceh |
Jakarta Post - July 13, 2007
M. Taufiqurrahman and Nani Afrida, Jakarta/Banda Aceh – Vice President Jusuf Kalla shrugged off the possibility of the former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) starting a new separatist movement by forming a local political party.
Kalla said Thursday that he was assured that former GAM officials would abide by the Helsinki Peace Accord description of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam as part of Indonesia.
"I am assured that leaders in Aceh, former GAM leaders, have agreed to maintain Aceh as part of the Unitary State of Indonesia," Kalla told reporters on the sidelines of a seminar on reading habits held by the Education Ministry here.
He was responding to a query about an initiative by the National Resilience Institute (Lemhannas) to review outlawing the newly founded GAM party. Lemhannas governor Muladi said the government should consider outlawing the GAM party if it broke any existing regulations.
Muladi also said that by establishing the GAM-based party, members of the former rebel group had violated the Helsinki Peace Accord, the Political Party Law and the Aceh Governance Law by using the symbol of their former organization.
Muladi also warned that the establishment of the GAM party could lead to the control of the legislature by the former rebel group, at which point they could propose a referendum on Aceh's independence.
Last week, former GAM senior officials announced the establishment of the local political party, which is likely to contest local elections in Aceh. The party's establishment sparked a furor as it used the flag of the former rebel group as its symbol.
Members of the new party claimed that the government had given the green light for the use of the flag, which was quickly denied by a number of senior government officials.
Kalla was among the first to reject the claim, saying that during a meeting between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former senior members of GAM on July 4, the President never gave his approval to use the flag. Kalla said he was present during the meeting.
On Monday, Kalla said that the establishment of the GAM party was in violation of the Helsinki Peace Accord, which said the movement should be disbanded.
Speaking after a Cabinet meeting Tuesday, Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Widodo A.S. said GAM was not allowed to use its former symbol as it could lead to disintegration. Widodo said the government would crush any attempts at separatism.
Meanwhile, in Aceh's capital Banda Aceh local people hoped that the new party would not affect the peace process in Aceh. "I hope the new GAM party will not affect the peace process," an unidentified driver of a bus plying Banda Aceh and Medan, North Sumatra, said Thursday.
As soon as the establishment of the new party was announced, more security officers were seen again everywhere, he said. Previously only a handful of officers were stationed along major roads, except to look for hashish, he added.
"Do use symbols of anything, but the most important thing is that the peace already felt among the grassroots is not affected," said Rumi Usman, a Banda Aceh resident.
Ainal, another resident, said that the peace process would be tarnished if the local party used the symbol for Acehnese independence. "The use of such a symbol is banned. Why do they insist on going ahead with using it?" asked Rusli Hamid, a trader.
Rusli said that if the establishment of the new party was only going to cause chaos, there was no need for it. "We need a local party which support the peace process, not one to ruin it," he added.
Aceh Kita - July 12, 2007
Banda Aceh – The case of RCTI television reporter Ersa Siregar, who died during a fire fight between TNI (Indonesian military) soldiers and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) during the period of martial law in Aceh has been reported to United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour.
The Banda Aceh Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) asked Arbour to pressure the Indonesian government to immediately investigate Siregar's death which occurred while he was being held hostage by GAM. In addition to the Siregar case, AJI also report the death of TVRI Banda Aceh camera operator Muhammad Jamaluddin.
"In January 2004, the National Human Rights Commission formed an independent team to investigate cases of violence against journalists in Aceh. But the results of this are still not known" said AJI secretary Maimun Saleh during a press conference following a meeting with Arbour at the UN representative offices n Aceh on Thursday afternoon.
AJI and 11 other local non-government organisations held a 45- minute meeting with Arbour at the UN offices. During the brief meeting AJI also handed over a report on violence and coercion against journalists in Aceh.
According to Saleh, the declaration martial law and a state of civil emergency in Aceh [between May 2003 and April 2005 - JB] represented the peek of restrictions against the press. A concrete forms of these restrictions was Executive Order Number 5/2003 issued by the Regional Martial Law Administrator (PDMD), which prohibited journalists and the media in Aceh from using GAM as a source of information.
Following this, journalists that were given permission to cover the Aceh war had to have a special press card, the Red and White Press Card that was issued by the PDMD. This policy of restricting the press was continued by the Regional Civil Emergency Administration (PDSD) with the issuance of Executive Order Number 4/2004 that regulated procedures for covering the conflict.
"The media was also asked to broadcast 'advertisements' of the achievements of the PDSD in fighting GAM. This order was issued on September 1, 2004", said Saleh.
In addition to reporting the press situation during the Aceh war, AJI also reported on the press situation since the peace agreement, which it said, had begun to improve. "At least there are indicators that show that there is no violence against journalists and civil activists holding demonstrations", he said. [dzie]
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Aceh Kita - July 12, 2007
Banda Aceh – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour has been asked to pressure the Indonesian government to resolve cases of human rights violations that befell the people during the Aceh conflict. This was conveyed by 12 Acehnese civil society organisations during a meeting with Arbour at the UN representative offices in Aceh on Thursday July 12.
The groups also asked Arbour to pressure Indonesia to immediately form a human rights court and a truth and reconciliation commission in Aceh, because these are part of the mandate of Law Number 11/2006 on Aceh Governance.
During the 45-minute closed meeting, the Aceh Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS) asked Arbour to pressure the Indonesian government to form an investigation team into cases of human rights violations and to exhume the graves of victims of crimes against humanity.
KontraS Aceh coordinator Asiah said that they had already sent a request for an investigation and the exhuming of graves of victims of the conflict to the National Human Rights Commission. "So far however there has been absolutely no action by the government", said Asiah during a press conference following the meeting with Arbour at the offices of the Banda Aceh Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI).
According to Asiah, human skeletons have been found tied up in sacks with their hands bound and some of the skeletons are even headless. Up until now 62 skeletons have been found at 41 gravesites. Most were found in northern and eastern Aceh.
Aceh YLBHI director Afridal Darmi said that Arbour had promised to convey this information to the Indonesian government. "Although no concrete commitment came out of the meeting", Darmi told journalists, adding that the respective groups used the opportunity to provide Arbour with written reports. Darmi estimates that they have compiled reports on at least 500 cases of human rights violations that took place in Aceh. [dzie]
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Aceh Kita - July 12, 2007
Udin, Banda Aceh – United Nations High Commission for Human Rights Louise Arbour is particularly interested in women's issues in Aceh. She is asking the Aceh government under the leadership of Governor Irwandi Yusuf to pay attention to gender equality at all decision-making levels in the Aceh government.
Arbour's statement was conveyed during a closed meeting with leaders of civil society organisations from the Joint Peace Forum (Forbes Damai) at the Ratu Safiatuddin Gardens in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh on Thursday July 12.
"Louise (Arbour) hopes that the Aceh government will ensure gender equality in all policies that it makes", said the head of the Aceh Peace and Reintegration Agency Aceh M. Nur Djuli quoting from Arbour's statement at the meeting.
Aside from emphasising the need for gender equality, Arbour also hopes that special attention will be given to cases of past human rights in Aceh. "Human rights issues in Aceh must be followed up stipulated in the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)", quoted Djuli.
Djuli provided Arbour with large amounts of information during the meeting on post-conflict reintegration. Civil society groups also gave Arbour reports on the human rights situation in Aceh. "She wanted to see developments in dealing with human rights in Aceh post the Helsinki MoU", said Forbes Damai Senior Program Officer Aguswandi.
Twelve local Acehnese non-government organisations also used the opportunity to meet with Arbour and report on the human rights situation in the province that has experience three decades of war. "We reported that the human rights situation has been good following the peace deal", said the secretary general of the Banda Aceh Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI), Maimun Saleh who was also present at the closed meeting. [dzie]
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Jakarta – The government denied Monday that it had given the go-ahead for ex-members of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to use the flag of the former rebel group as symbol for a local political party.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla further rejected claims that the government had agreed to the establishment of a local party in Aceh based on the former rebel group. "We didn't agree to it at all... Malik Mahmud did say that to me, but there was no approval given," Kalla told reporters Monday during his inspection of the Indonesian soccer squad while it was warming up for the 2007 Asia Cup.
Kalla was referring to the former GAM "prime minister", who held a meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on July 4, at which Kalla was present. In the meeting, Mahmud proposed using GAM's imprint as the symbol of a yet-to-be-established local political party.
Presidential spokesman Andi Alfian Mallarangeng also said that Yudhoyono had never approved the use of GAM's insignia. "There is no outlawing of local parties, but its establishment has to be consistent with existing laws and uphold the unitary principles of the state," Andi said, as quoted by Antara.
State Secretary Hatta Radjasa also rejected the former GAM official's claims. "In the meeting, the President clearly said that he did not approve of it as it contradicts the spirit of the Helsinki Peace Accord, which has given rise to peace and a special autonomy law for Aceh," Hatta told journalists.
On Saturday, former GAM officials announced the formation of a local political party which based itself on the now-disbanded rebel group. The local political party, chaired by former GAM militia commander Muzakkir Manaf, has adopted the white crescent and star symbol on a red background – the GAM symbol – as its new logo.
The new party is yet to be registered with the Justice and Human Rights Ministry. A 2007 government regulation stipulates that local parties in Aceh must register themselves with the local office of the ministry, which will then monitor its activities. The GAM party, if approved by the government, would be the first of its kind in the country's history.
In a related development, government critic and former speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly Amien Rais opposed the establishment of an Aceh local party, saying that such action would lead to separatism. "The government has to take firm action against the party to prevent the unchecked presence of local parties. A unitary nation should not allow such an unlawful political action," he said.
Amien said that if each province in the country set up its own political party and managed to attract a large number of followers, it would threaten national unity.
National Resilience Institute governor Muladi said the GAM party should not be allowed to be registered at the Justice and Human Rights Ministry as its concept violated the Helsinki deal and the 2006 law on Aceh Administration. In a hearing with House Commission I on defense and foreign affairs, Muladi said he suspected the local party would work in essence toward a referendum to secede the resource-rich province from the country.
"The Helsinki deal and the ordinance on local parties say there should be no more use of GAM's identity and its attributes after the signing. This new party seeks to dominate the local council and draw a plan toward a referendum," he said. "The President must be stern on this and we should notify the Aceh Monitoring Mission because GAM will always seek loopholes in the regulations," he added.
Detik.com - July 8-10, 2007
[The following is a compellation of abridged translations from Detik.com on reactions to the establishment of the GAM Party by former members of the Free Aceh Movement in Banda Aceh on July 7.]
Banda Aceh police protest use GAM logo and flag as party symbol
Iqbal Fadil, Banda Aceh – Banda Aceh municipal police chief Superintendent Drs Zulkarnain is protesting the use of the Free Aceh Movement flag and symbol for a local political party formed by former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) fighters.
"The symbol is not allowed. Although the people in the party are different. This symbol still represents the armed resistance movement of the past", protested Zulkarnain on July 7.
Earlier, former GAM members from the Aceh Transitional Committee (KPA) declared the establishment of a local political party called the GAM Party.
During the official opening of their new office around one kilometre from the provincial capital of Banda Aceh, GAM Party general secretary Tengku M. Nazar said that GAM is not an acronym or abbreviation meaning GAM in full. "GAM is us, not an acronym", asserted Nazar.
Former GAM commander Muzakir Manaf chaired the opening although not one government official from the Aceh provincial government attended, including Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf, who is also a former GAM spokesperson.
The GAM Party was established to participate in the 2009 general elections. Two other local political parties have been formed in Aceh: the Aceh People's Party (PRA) and the Gabthat Party. (Detik.com, 8/7/2007)
GAM party does not have government's blessing
Luhur Hertanto, Jakarta – State Secretary Hatta Radjasa has denied that the government gave its agreement to the formation of the GAM party or gave its blessing for the party to use the GAM symbol as its logo.
"There is no truth to the reports. It is untrue that the president agreed to the formation of the GAM Party", said Radjasa in Jakarta on July 9.
Radjasa explained that one of the aims of a discussion between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former GAM leader Malik Mahmud on July 4 was to come to an agreement over the formation of a local political party as part of the implementation of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and the law on Aceh governance. (Detik.com, 9/7/2007)
GAM's new political party concrete evidence of rebellious intent
Muhammad Nur Hayid, Jakarta – The use of GAM's name and flag for a local political party in Aceh is concrete evidence of GAM's rebellious intentions and the government must act firmly.
"This can no longer be tolerated. Summon the leadership, if they don't respond then arrest them", said House of Representatives (DPR) Commission I member Suparlan in Jakarta on July 9. Suparlan said that firm measures are needed so that the government does not continue to be harassed. "Take [them] to court and let the courts decide", he said.
Similar commends were made by another commission member, Sutradara Gintings, who said that GAM had violated Law Number 11/2006 on Aceh Governance and the government cannot just let it go. "We are waiting to see what the government's position is, because this is clearly a violation", he insisted.
National Mandate Party commission member Abdillah Toha meanwhile said that GAM's actions demonstrate that former GAM members no longer wish to be part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). "The fatal error in the MoU is that it does not have a clause on the dissolution of GAM. This can no longer be tolerated", he asserted.
Golkar Party politician Yuddy Chrisnandy is also asking the government to act firmly so the situation does not become even more uncertain. "Take fast and firm action so that [the problem] isn't prolonged", he said. (Detik.com, 9/7/2007)
Government must take immediate action against GAM's new party
Muhammad Nur Hayid, Jakarta – National Resilience Institute (Lemhannas) Governor Muladi is calling on President Yudhoyono to take action against the GAM Party over concerns that it could become the embryo of a separatist movement.
"The party is continuously looking for loop holes or gaps in the law", said Muladi during a break in a Commission I meeting at the DPR on July 9.
According to Muladi, by calling itself GAM and using GAM attributes they have violated the Helsinki MoU, the law on Aceh governance and the government regulation on local political parties in Aceh. "The Department of Justice and Human Rights must refuse to register the party", he said.
Muladi also said that the matter must be reported to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) and the movement stopped before it get international support. "The movement cannot remain alive if it doesn't get international support", he said.
He also added that based on the results of the recent election of regional heads in Aceh, if the GAM Party takes part in the 2009 elections they would win the legislative elections. "If they take part in the Regional House of Representative elections, their demands for a referendum will continue to grow", he said. (Detik.com, 9/7/2007)
Jusuf Kalla denies government agreed to new GAM party
Ken Yunita, Jakarta – Vice President Jusuf Kalla has denied a statement by GAM Prime Minister Malik Mahmud that the government does not have any problems with the formation of the GAM Party.
"Ah, I think that's absolutely not the case. There was no agreement whatsoever", said Kalla after attending the final training session of the national soccer team in Jakarta on July 9.
Kalla said that the establishment of the party is not in accordance with the spirit of peace in the Helsinki MoU but conceded that the agreement does not specifically mention the dissolution of GAM. "Malik Mahmud did indeed convey the matter to me, but there was no agreement", asserted Kalla.
A short time ago KPA spokesperson Ibrahim Syamsudin stated that during a meeting attended by Kalla, Yudhoyono told Mahmud that he had no problems with the GAM Party using the GAM symbol. (Detik.com, 9/7/2007)
Muladi: Destroy the GAM Party!
Ken Yunita, Jakarta – There have been positive and negative responses to the formation of the GAM Party. Lemhannas Governor Muladi says that the party should be destroyed legally, not through armed force.
"Yeah destroyed. The term 'destroy' is pretty harsh. But it must be so, it must be destroyed legally, not militarily, and must bear in mind not violating human rights", said Muladi following a meeting with Jusuf Kalla in Jakarta on Tuesday July 10.
According to Muladi, a resolution must be found that also pays attention to social justice and uses a cultural approach. "Invite the traditional councils to discuss it. Basically don't let there be any more discussion of independence, because it will only lead to more blood being spilt", he said.
In addition to this he continued, the territory surrounding Aceh must be strengthened militarily. "So there is no smuggling of weapons into Aceh. Deploy fighter jets, but they shouldn't enter Aceh territory, because the deployment of [non]-organic troops is prohibited. Aceh and Papua are more dangerous than RMS [the South Maluku Republic independence movement]", he explained. (Detik.com, 10/7/2007)
GAM party endangers integrity of NKRI
Muhammad Nur Hayid, Jakarta – There have been different assessments made of the the GAM Party. Some believe that the party cannot just be ignored because it endangers the integrity of NKRI.
"It is as if, a necklace of war has been draped around our necks. How can we just remain silent", said DPR Commission I deputy chairperson Yusron Ihza Mahendra when speaking with journalists in Jakarta on Monday July 9. "The formation of the GAM Party is clearly not in accordance with the Helsinki MoU. It also violates Law Number 11/2006 on Acehnese Governance", he added.
According to the Crescent Star Party politician, the Helsinki MoU states that after Aceh has been given regional autonomy, GAM must be disbanded and all GAM symbols destroyed. Mahendra believes therefore that the government has no choice but to obliterate symbols of GAM and the separatist movement. "Not provide space or even perpetuate them by allowing the GAM Party to be established and officially sanctioned", he said accusingly. (Detik.com, 10/7/2007)
GAM party could end up fighting for referendum
Ken Yunita, Jakarta – There are concerns that emergence of the GAM Party as a local political party in Aceh will end up in calls for a referendum or the liberation of the province.
"If it is allowed, [we] can see how it will pan out. Local parties are established, then dominate the parliament, and later that's what the parliament will discuss. They will be able to discuss anything, including asking for a referendum", said Lemhannas Governor Muladi in Jakarta on July 10.
"This is a serious problem. Attention really must be paid to it. This case closely resembles East Timor before. The government must reflect upon it, because all of our lines are stretched thin", said Muladi in an outburst of emotion.
Muladi said that by using GAM symbols, the new party has no other goal but to achieve independence. "They are using the GAM flag. GAM is the Free Aceh Movement. So if [they] still continue to use GAM symbols it means that's their aim", he asserted. (Detik.com, 10/7/2007)
GAM Party activists could be arrested, indicted
Indra Subagja, Jakarta – The formation of the GAM party has invited considerable polemic. It remains uncertain however whether the government will ban the party or not. At present, police are still monitoring the new party.
"There is monitoring, patrols, and our intelligence operatives are following it closely. Because it [could be] a precursor to disunity. And it could provoke feelings among people that previously felt GAM had won so it could form the GAM Party", said the head of the National Police Headquarters public relations division, Inspector General Sisno Adiwinoto on July 10.
Adiwinoto added that if the Department of Justice and Human Rights along with the Department of Home Affairs prohibits the party, the police would take immediate legal action. "If so it there will certainly be arrests", added Adiwinoto.
Although there has yet to be any prohibition, the activists from the GAM Party could be indicted under other articles. "Not because of being prohibited but what it does later, provocation for example, evil conspiracies, and hostility towards the state", asserted Adiwinoto. (Detik.com, 10/7/2007)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
| West Papua |
Cenderawasih Pos - July 13, 2007
With the regional assembly (DPRP) now preparing to issue a regulation about cultural symbols, such as the Morning Star, the song Hai Tanahku Papua some time this month, the Commander of Korem 172/PWY, Colonel Burhaniddin Siagian, said that the DPRP and the MRP should "act wisely" bearing in mind that the Morning Star flag, Tanahku Papua and the Mambruk bird symbol were not regional cultural symbols but symbols of separatism. A wrong decision would not be good for the unity of the Republic of Indonesia.
He said he had plenty of proof that the Morning Star flag is a symbol of rebellion. It was flown in a number of places on 1 July 2007 on the anniversary of the OPM (Free Papua Movement). On those occasions, the text of the declaration of West Papuan independence was also read out.
"I think there are plenty of regional symbols that can be used by the Papuans as Papua is rich in symbols, but dont use symbols that have been used by separatists."
He said that in anticipation of developments threatening the unity of the Republic, he would allow no space for the separatists to grow anywhere in Papua, whether in ideas or other forms.
"The Morning Star flag is clearly the separatists' flag. They should not be given the opportunity to fly the flag in Papua. The only flag that may be flown is the red-and-white flag," he said.
Police should act firmly
In connection with the current interrogation of members of Dewan Adat Papua in relation to the unfurling of the Morning Star flag at the Sports Stadium, the commander expressed the hope that the police will take firm action to deal with the flag raising incident. If they fail to act firmly, this would embolden Papuans to use separatist symbols.
The unfurling of the Morning Star flag represents a threat to the integrity of the Republic and requires firm action, especially bearing in mind that the conference did not discuss cultural matters but tended towards politics. They should have concentrated on cultural matters such as the status of women under customary traditions, inheritance, the way to resolve conflicts and how to protect Papuan traditions, not politics; still less should they have flown the separatist flag.
"Dont let them trick us because we cannot be tricked. A separatist symbol is a separatist symbol. The TNI (Indonesian armed forces) is ready to crush their movement."
On the same occasion, the Kodim commander, Lt Colonel A,H, Napoleon, spoke of recent developments in the district of Jayapura, in particular the visit by irresponsible groups who took actions that were a threat to the country's integrity. He ordered the lower military commanders, the danramil and babinsa to do their bit, to direct the people in their areas towards defending the NKRI, in particular to get involved in activities that are inspired by nationalism. 'I also hope that the military commanders will support the policy of the governor in developing the kampungs, so as to promote the welfare of the people.
[Slightly abridged translation from TAPOL.]
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Jayapura – Police have questioned 14 witnesses in connection with the unfurling of a separatist Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flag during the opening of the Papua Customary Community Congress here last week.
They included two local government officials, a National Sports Committee (KONI) official and members of the event's organizing committee, Papua provincial police chief of detectives Sr. Comr. Paulus Waterpauw said Monday. Police are also questioning the event's organizers.
Lawmakers said Monday the probe was questionable due to the fact former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid approved the use of the flag as a form of tribal identity and the approval is yet to be revoked.
Radio New Zealand - July 9, 2007
Paula Makabori – More Papuans are being questioned by Indonesian police in Jayapura over a flag-raising incident. This follows the arrest of eight Papuans at the end of the four-day Papuan Tribal Congress meeting in Jayapura last week.
Police made the arrests after the West Papuan independence flag, the Morning Star, was used at the opening ceremony by a group of traditional dancers from Manokwari.
A spokesperson for the international human rights group ELSHAM, Paula Makabori, says the eight have been released.
Ms Makabori says the Papuan Tribal Council's chairman Welem Bonay and other executive members are now being questioned over what she describes as a cultural event.
"The reason is because there is a group called Sampari during that congress who used the West Papuan flag in their traditional dancing. But that is actually cultural. This is the way the Papuans sometimes use traditional dancing or music or songs to present their information to people."
| Human rights/law |
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Last week United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour paid a five-day visit here, during which she met President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Indonesian Military Commander Air Chief Marshal Djoko Suyanto, as well as NGO communities and other officials. The Jakarta Post's M. Taufiqurrahman spoke Friday with the native of Montreal, Canada, getting her assessment of the country's human rights record.
Question: You have met with rights groups and government officials here. Have you found any discrepancies in what they reported on human rights conditions?
Answer: As everywhere there are different perceptions of reality between the non-governmental organization (NGO) community and the government. But here I don't sense the kind of disconnection that I see sometimes in countries where the governments are in total denial about their own shortcomings.
First, I found here a very sophisticated NGO community, very able and very engaged in different spheres; and most of my interlocutors in the government, the President, the minister for foreign affairs, people in the military, seem to be willing to acknowledge that they still have challenges.
This is most important, not to be in a state of denial.... For instance with the Munir case, the President raised it without my having to ask. I raised it with a lot of other people. To me this is a sign of realization that this is a very serious matter and it has to move forward.
What is your general assessment of human rights conditions here?
Not surprisingly, the most difficult part is to deal with the past, to deal with questions of accountability in the distant past and in the more recent past, to inspire confidence for the present and the future.
Indonesia is not alone; in fact it was only in the past 15 years internationally that we have been preoccupied with settling accounts with our history, particularly in countries emerging either from conflict or authoritarian regimes and in emerging democracies.
There is a lot of tension between embracing the future and moving forward and yet carrying this burden of the past, and not knowing what is the right way to settle it. Is it through the idealistic form of reconciliation that may be superficial, or through a vindictive accountability process that causes a lot of damage along the way?
The country is still struggling with this and I think law enforcement, judicial infrastructure is not strong, so it is particularly difficult.
So as a fairly new democracy Indonesia is not performing too poorly?
I think so. When you consider the size of the country, the pluralism, the history of authoritarianism, the pockets of conflict, very severe armed conflicts, look at all these and look at where the country is – if anything, it should be scared of having raised so many expectations that it may be difficult to deliver on both domestically and internationally.
This is a country that's coming across surprisingly as tolerant and already addicted to the features of democracy.
But we carry so much baggage from the past; the 1965 communist massacres, the Timor Leste rights violations, the Papua case.
I think the dialogue has to continue. I sense there are pushes and pulls in every direction for myself with respect to the Truth and Friendship Commission (CTF, set up by Timor Leste and Indonesia). I always have to express concern and so does the UN with respect to the amnesty provision.
This is not a step forward. As much as it is important to encourage a process of friendship and building a peaceful future between the two countries, it seems to me that this is not an appropriate way to go right at the outset, before all the evidence is in the public domain, to open the door to amnesties for crimes against humanity, war crimes, very serious violations of human rights.
To write off accountability, personal criminal responsibility altogether is not a step in the right direction. The dialogue has to continue, but it can't be a dialogue forever, some measures have to be put in place.
The more time passes, the more difficult it is to launch appropriate investigations and the less justice seems to bring people to account.
Do you think the Indonesian Military (TNI) has changed much, given the recent shootings of civilians?
Frankly, there are not a lot of places where you have the military as a leading force in human rights advancement. So the question is, is the Indonesian Military currently in its proper place in a democratic state? I think it's probably not there yet.
But there are a lot of signs that it is being made to move and moving in that direction. For instance the separation of the police from the military is a very important feature, I think, of the disengagement of military power that ought not to have that kind of oversight and presence over civilian life.
That is a step in the right direction. I said to the TNI chief and his colleague that the Indonesian Military – which has a lot of know-how – should have more engagement in international peacekeeping operations. There are a lot of outlets where it can in a sense realign some of its activities and certainly disengage from the business practices that aren't compatible with the place of military in a democracy.
But there are some signs that even the military sector could be made to move in the right direction.
However reform-minded, the President is a former military general. Do you think he has the credentials to lead a human rights campaign?
I don't know a lot of presidents that I would qualify as human rights campaigners. He does not have to be a human rights activist. What you have to ask of your leaders is that they have to believe in the rule of law. And the President certainly asserted that in very strong terms to me that he wants to lead a country that is well anchored in the rule of law.
The press, the NGO community have to push the human rights agenda in a more proactive fashion, looking at individual cases, not letting anything go.
The political leadership of the President talked a lot about balancing views, moving at a pace that the society is capable of sustaining. That's the real challenge for heads of state, to listen to all these voices, move at a pace that is sustainable and will not create backlash.
About the Munir case, what will be the UN's role in resolving it?
There is certainly awareness that the whole world is watching this case, in a sense that this has become almost a symbol of the political will and the know-how and the capacity of Indonesia to deal with serious, highly visible cases.
This involves a well-known human rights defender, people that have to attract a special form of protection. We have to dedicate every possible resource to ensure that they are protected when they are alive and if something happens, every effort would be made to punish those responsible.
I was given assurances throughout my visit here that this investigation is alive and moving forward and something would be done. The international interest and pressure will not go away.
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
The House of Representatives recently selected 11 new members of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). The Commission has yet to appoint a chairman, as it will be installed in September. One of the member-elects, M. Ridha Saleh, talked with The Jakarta Post's Tony Hotland about the commission's 2007-2012 vision and target.
Question: There's a prevailing view that Komnas HAM is impaired and has not had the impact it was supposed to have had. Can you suggest a solution?
Answer: There are three important things about Komnas HAM that need reviewing, based on the experiences of commission members during the last tenure.
First, it is essential that Komnas HAM works beyond just providing recommendations. There is a need for procedural rights, which will enable us to file lawsuits against those who fail to carry out recommendations. We need the power to be able to put pressure on failing parties.
For instance, if we find that a department is not doing its job and it's practices violate the economy and social welfare rights of the public, we will offer recommendations (to improve the condition), perhaps through a budget mechanism. If the department continues to fail, we should have the power to file a lawsuit against it.
Second, all members or staff of Komnas HAM must be legally protected and granted immunity in carrying out their tasks and investigations. There should be no threats posed to commissioners.
Third, Komnas HAM should also be provided with subpoena rights. We should be able to summon anyone relating to an investigation. If these three things happen, the image of Komnas HAM – as an institution dedicated to guarding human rights in the country – might improve.
And these points are what the new commissioners are looking at with the planned revision of the 1999 Law on Human Rights?
Yes. Moreover, the law should be changed to the law on human rights enforcement rather than just the law on human rights.
Currently, Komnas HAM forwards recommendations to the Attorney General's Office to be taken into consideration. Do you think Komnas HAM should take over the whole process?
For alleged gross human rights abuses, I think the litigation process should remain with the prosecutor's office. We have the 2000 law on Human Rights Tribunal, but that's for gross human rights cases. But we don't deal with such cases every day. There are common violations of human rights that are more at the grassroots level. We do plan to raise the issue of seeing if the human rights tribunal should, or should not, be under our auspices.
The fact that enforcement of human rights here is always besmirched with political tones justifies the reasons why Komnas HAM should be allowed to press charges against those who refuse to take our recommendations seriously.
An alleged gross human rights abuse cannot be automatically brought to a human rights tribunal because such a thing requires a permit from the House of Representatives. This is why I think Komnas HAM should enhance its strategic communication skills, mostly with parliament.
If we believe a gross human rights abuse has occurred and recommend a tribunal be launched, and the House turns a blind eye, we should have the power to bring the House to court on charges that it allowed the continuation of human rights violations... that it has become an instrument of the violations.
Does the review also consider the resolution of old human rights cases – for example, the Trisakti and Semanggi shootings or the May 1998 riot – which are still being stalled at the prosecutor's office and the House?
At the end of the last tenure, Komnas HAM was speeding at 90 kilometers per hour, from the 60 previously. It is without question that we must pick up where they left off at 90. We will definitely revise these old, unresolved cases. We've had discussions and we will bring them to the surface, and talk more with the victims on what direction we should head to in order to resolve the cases. This will involve strategic dialog, as it is quite political, so there should be an analysis on the political dynamics. We'll see.
We're also looking at probing newer cases, such as the Pasuruan shooting (by marines) and Lapindo's role in the Sidoarjo mudflow incident, as these fall under our jurisdiction to assess.
What about the need for additional commissioners, as the law stipulates the number should be 35 yet the House has only put through 11?
The law states there should be 35. And the agreement we had with the House when we were passed as commissioners was that we should bring forward candidates to be tested. I think we can have more people, but no more than 20.
From what we saw in the last tenure, commissioners did not perform their tasks optimally. I prefer we empower the commission's representatives at the regional level. They are the ones tasked with the difficult job. So they should be given more support and we should assign more representatives.
Fewer commissioners, though, allows for better communication and a hopefully quicker decision-making process. Commissioners should also have the option to employ expert staff. We definitely have reasons why having fewer commissioners is the best option.
Jakarta Post - July 14, 2007
M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour said she expects the Indonesian government to quickly get to the bottom of the murder of prominent rights campaigner Munir Said Thalib.
Arbour highlighted that the international community is closely monitoring the progress of the investigation into Munir's death. "I hope very much that the investigation meets a rapid conclusion," Arbour told a media conference after meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono at the State Palace on Friday.
Arbour said Yudhoyono had assured her during the meeting that the investigation into the murder would continue despite recent setbacks. "The President confirmed to me that this matter is being fully investigated," she said.
During an earlier meeting with National Police deputy chief Comr. Gen. Makbul Padmanegara, Arbour received a similar declaration. "I was told that the investigation was very alive and progressing," she said.
Earlier this week, on the sidelines of the 14th annual workshop for the framework of regional cooperation for the promotion and protection of human rights in the Asia-Pacific, Arbour held a meeting with Munir's widow, Suciwati, and activists from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) during which the latter called on the UN to support Yudhoyono in his efforts to unravel the mysteries surrounding Munir's death.
Usman Hamid of Kontras said Arbour will likely deliver an official report to the UN on the progress of the murder investigation.
Arbour is in the country on a five-day visit, during which she has traveled to tsunami-hit Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam province to witness the implementation of the Helsinki Peace Accord and gauge the progress of reconstruction efforts. She also held talks with government officials and representatives of non-governmental organizations.
Munir, a prominent critic of the government and the Indonesian Military (TNI), died of arsenic poisoning in September 2004 while onboard a Garuda Indonesia flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam which included a stopover in Singapore.
Investigators recently announced they had uncovered new evidence suggesting Munir was poisoned during his stopover at Singapore's Changi Airport and not while onboard the plane.
The police also announced the emergence of new evidence, including a new key witness named Ongen Latuihamallo, who claims to have witnessed Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, the sole person convicted over Munir's murder, sitting with Munir at a refreshment booth at Changi Airport.
The Supreme Court acquitted Pollycarpus, an off-duty Garuda pilot at the time of the murder, of all charges due to a lack of evidence.
Pollycarpus was instead sentenced to 22 months in prison for falsifying documents that allowed him to board the Garuda flight to Singapore.
Jakarta Post - July 12, 2007
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour has praised Indonesia's progress in applying human rights principles in recent years, and says the country should play a leading role in the establishment of human rights mechanisms in the region.
During her meeting with Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda here Wednesday, the commissioner also raised the need for the international community to enhance efforts to universally abolish capital punishment, which is still used by the Indonesian legal system.
"She expressed her appreciation of what Indonesia has done to uphold human rights principles, and our active engagement at the international level. She asked Indonesia to take a leading role in the promotion of human rights in the region," Foreign Ministry spokesman Kristiarto Soeryo Legowo said.
The Asia-Pacific region has lagged behind other regions in addressing human rights with no agreed upon human rights mechanisms, while many countries in the region do not have effective rights bodies.
Europe has the European Court of Human Rights, Africa the African Commission on Human and People's Rights and America has the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and Court of Human Rights.
Arbour said Tuesday in Bali that Southeast Asian countries would serve as an inspiration for other countries in the Asia-Pacific region, given their commitment to the immediate establishment of the ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism.
The Cebu Declaration on the Blueprint of the ASEAN Charter, which was unanimously endorsed by the leaders of the 10 countries in the regional grouping earlier this year, showed an emerging consensus on the establishment of rights mechanisms.
However, many were pessimistic about the grouping's equality of footing on the issue as several member countries, notably Myanmar, are accused of serious human rights violations, while many others are still unwilling to include a reference to human rights in the planned charter.
With Thailand falling into the hands of a military junta and the Philippines facing lasting internal conflict, a growing number of analysts have placed their hopes on Indonesia to champion human rights at the regional level, stressing the country's size and its relatively better human rights records.
On the issue of the abolition of capital punishment, Kristiarto said that Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda had explained Indonesia's position to Arbour.
"The commissioner did not specifically raise the issue in Indonesia as she referred to the international community as a whole, but as a country still adopting capital punishment. Pak Hassan explained that Indonesia is very selective and careful in handing down a death penalty. He said all capital punishment must go through a transparent and fair legal process," he said.
The international community has expressed growing concern about Indonesia's use of capital punishment, with reports saying more than 30 people across the country are on death row.
The European Union recently condemned an Indonesian court for sentencing two Europeans to death for drug offenses, urging the authorities in Jakarta to abolish capital punishment.
Earlier, Dutch authorities also lodged an official protest with the Indonesian Foreign Ministry against a death sentence handed down to one of its citizens.
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Jakarta – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour began her five-day visit to Indonesia during which she is expected to visit Aceh and meet with the President.
A statement from the United Nations Office of the Resident/Humanitarian Coordinator in Indonesia made available to The Jakarta Post said the visit was aimed at encouraging the government's efforts to promote and protect human rights at the national, regional and international levels.
The five-day visit will be the first for Arbour after she received an invitation from the government.
During her visit, Arbour is expected to hold talks with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda, Justice and Human Rights Minister Andi Mattalatta and other officials as well as civil society patrons.
On the first day of her visit Arbour will open the 14th annual workshop on the framework of regional cooperation for the promotion and protection of human rights, in Bali. The workshop, which runs from Tuesday until Thursday, was jointly organized by the Foreign Ministry and the UN high commissioner for human rights.
After the workshop, Arbour is scheduled to conduct a field trip to Aceh, where she will collect first-hand data on the development of the peace process there and examine post-tsunami recovery efforts.
She will be involved in discussions with Yudhoyono during the last days of her visit.
Arbour is the second UN official to visit the country this year to inquire about the country's human rights condition. Early in June, Hina Jilani, the special representative of the UN secretary general on human rights defenders traveled to Indonesia.
During her visit, Jilani met with Indonesian human rights activists and officials to hear reports on the country's progress in improving its human rights protection. Jilani also raised concerns about the unsolved murder of prominent rights campaigner Munir Said Thalib.
Jilani is expected to report the results of her visit at a 2008 UN Human Rights Council meeting. She said that Indonesia had made improvements in human rights as indicated by the establishment of democratic institutions.
Agence France Presse - July 10, 2007
Bhimanto Suwastoyo, Jakarta – A 1.5-billion-dollar civil suit filed against Indonesia's ex-dictator Suharto is a political move to appease government critics and comes too late to retrieve missing money, analysts said Tuesday.
The suit was filed on Monday against Suharto and a foundation that he chaired during his 32-year rule of Indonesia, and follows the abandoning of a criminal suit against the former strongman last year on grounds of ill health.
Suharto is 86 and spends his days as a near-recluse at his family's compound in Jakarta. Transparency International estimates he embezzled 15 to 35 billion dollars during his iron- fisted rule.
He sits at the top of their list of corrupt political leaders, trailed by the Philippines' ex-president Ferdinand Marcos, who squirrelled away less than a third of that.
Monday's suit seeks to recover 440 million dollars allegedly channelled through the foundation from public and private sources to prop up companies run by Suharto's clan and cronies, plus 1.10 billion dollars in damages.
Prosecutors have said the progress of the case will determine whether they lodge similar suits against six other foundations Suharto is alleged to have similarly misused.
But analysts doubted the case would bring Suharto to justice. They saw it instead as a deft political move by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who needs to be seen to be doing something after being elected on an anti-corruption platform in 2004.
"What they are after is a political effect – that they are seen as being serious about dealing with Suharto. That is all, nothing more," said Asmara Nababan, who chairs the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights.
He said the government should have pushed on with the criminal lawsuit and held a trial with Suharto in absentia. A civil suit would also take much longer to complete, he said.
"It will not be finished in five, ten years, and its economic effects will be negligible," he predicted.
I Gusti Agung Putri Astrid Kartika, who chairs the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsham), said she saw no point in the civil suit, given that the transactions were legal at the time they took place.
"As you know, during Suharto's time, regulations and laws concerning private foundations were very lax," Kartika said.
Amiruddin, an Elsham coordinator, added that the suit was "just candy for the people, just to present an image to the public of them working hard (on the Suharto case), while actually they are not."
The case is being brought by a new attorney-general appointed in May in a reshuffle seen as an attempt by Yudhoyono to reinvigorate efforts to crack down on corruption.
Dewi Fortuna Anwar, director of research at the Habibie Centre think tank, said that while some big names have been punished by a very slowly reforming judiciary system, Suharto was unlikely to join them.
The success of this civil suit will "depend very much on whether the prosecutors are very serious about it," she told a panel discussion marking 10 years since the Asian financial crisis, which precipitated Suharto's downfall.
"What happens sometimes is that the prosecutors bring it to court but they do it in such a way that it's thrown out of court by the judges, so they have to go back to construct it," she said.
"Frankly I'm not holding my breath... I don't think we're going to see a day where Suharto is going to testify in court. His doctor will not allow it because he will be very ill on that day," she quipped.
The Suharto family has remained largely untouchable in the near decade since the dictator's political power was supposed to have waned.
Suharto's son Tommy was freed from prison last year after serving just a third of the 15-year term he was originally handed in July 2002 for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge.
But he has escaped trial over allegations that he corruptly amassed millions during his father's rule.
Agence France Presse - July 9, 2007
Bambang Dwi, Jakarta – Indonesian prosecutors on Monday filed a civil suit against former dictator Suharto, seeking more than 1.5 billion dollars in damages over funds he allegedly stole during his three decades in power.
The suit indicates revived efforts by Indonesia to retrieve some of the billions of dollars thought to have been pilfered by Suharto, now aged 86, during his iron-fisted 32-year rule that ended almost a decade ago.
A criminal case against the ex-strongman was finally abandoned in May last year on health grounds, triggering widespread criticism of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who was elected on an anti-corruption platform.
As the case filed Monday is civil, Suharto himself will not be required to appear in court, and will instead be represented by his lawyers.
State prosecutors filed the suit in the South Jakarta District Court, asking for the return of 440 million dollars allegedly misappropriated, plus 10 trillion rupiah (1.10 billion dollars) in further damages.
The lawsuit alleges that Suharto funnelled the money – much of it from the state – through the Supersemar Foundation, which he chaired, to companies linked to his family members. The foundation is named as a co-defendant in the case.
"The suit was filed because evidence has been found that the funds gathered by Suharto and the foundation he chaired were not only used for scholarships... but in reality the funds were also used for other purposes," prosecutor Dachmer Munthe said.
Prosecutors also demanded the seizure of the building that houses the foundation's headquarters.
Supersemar was founded in 1974 to collect donations from Indonesia's private and public sectors to provide scholarships for students. It has thus far awarded almost 800,000 scholarships. But due to its status as a private foundation, its fund management records have never been made public.
Soebari Ahmad, a court clerk who registered the suit, said it would be directly submitted to the head of the court, who would study the complaint and then form a panel of judges to hear the case. "Hopefully, in not too long a time, this suit can be tried," Ahmad said.
The director of civil suits at the Attorney-General's Office, Agung Yoseph Suardi, told the Koran Tempo's Sunday edition that money from the Supersemar foundation was used to bankroll several companies owned by the Suharto clan.
Among them were Sempati Air, a now-defunct airline run by Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, and his national car-maker, PT Timor Putra Nasional, also defunct. Money also allegedly went to the family's pulp and paper company, PT Kiani Kertas, and PT Goro Batara Sakti, a retail company which has closed.
Suharto stepped down amid mounting unrest in 1998 and since then has lived at his upscale family residence in the leafy Jakarta suburb of Menteng. He has been in and out of hospital due to various health problems in recent years.
A successful case against him would be seen as a symbolic step towards improving Indonesia's dismal corruption record. Indonesia is consistently rated as one of the most graft-prone nations in the world, a situation largely seen as a result of Suharto's rule.
Danang Widoyoko, a coordinator of Indonesia Corruption Watch, said that winning a civil suit against Suharto would be tougher than a criminal case. He said a civil suit was the last option open to the Indonesian justice system to get the former dictator to return funds he is believed to have embezzled.
"But no matter what, this is a move that we should all support as it would be a way to return state wealth that had been siphoned" off by Suharto, he told AFP.
Detik.com - July 10, 2007
Ken Yunita, Jakarta – The government is being asked to be on guard against the arrival in Indonesia of human rights representatives from foreign institutions. This is related to the reemergence of separatist movements in various parts of the country.
"We must be on guard against those who arrive. Such as the US Congressperson [Eni Faleomavaega] the other day", said the governor of the National Resilience Institute (Lemhannas), Muladi, after joining Vice President Jusuf Kalla in receiving the Lemhannas class of XV graduates at the Vice Presidential Palace on Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan in Central Jakarta on Tuesday July 10.
If necessary explained Muladi, it would be better for the government to refuse entry guests who could have a bad influence on Indonesia. "We don't need to be courteous if it will cause us confusion. If necessary just refuse [them entry]", he said in an outburst of emotion.
In relation to the illegal cakalele dancers that unfurled the South Maluku Republic (RMS) flag during a commemoration of National Family Day on June 29, Muladi said that there is no need to be concerned about the RMS. "I don't think the RMS is of any significance", he said.
Conversely continued Muladi, Aceh and West Papua represent two regions that the government must continue to pay attention to. "The RMS doesn't have a strong human resource base. Aceh and Papua meanwhile, they have a strong human resource base, are rich in natural resources, and have international connections", he said. (bal/sss)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Detik.com - July 10, 2007
Gede Suardana, Jakarta – The United Nations is being asked to support Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in efforts to solve the murder of human rights activist Munir. This support will give Yudhoyono more confidence.
This was conveyed by the coordinator of the Committee for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Usman Hamid during break in the 14th Asia Pacific Regional Cooperation Workshop for the advancement and protection of human rights at the Ayodhya Hotel in Nusa Dua, Bali, on Tuesday July 10.
Hamid explained that it is hoped that this support will come from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, who will meet with Yudhoyono in the next few days. During the meeting it is hoped that Arbour will make a serious commitment to the Munir murder case.
"We hope that the UN will stop seeing the Munir case as a domestic issue, but as an international [one]. After returning to the UN [in New York], I hope that Louise will make an official report on the Munir case for the next hearing", said Hamid.
Arbour also plans to meet with Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association activist Hendardi, the wife of the late Munir, Suciwati and Hamid himself. According to Hamid, the meeting will discuss the investigations into unsolved gross human rights violations in Indonesia.
"Such as the case of human right violations in East Timor, Tanjung Priok and the Trisakti tragedy", said Hamid. (djo/nrl)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
| Gender issues |
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Jakarta – Females must make up at least 30 percent of a political party's candidate pool for the 2009 general elections and parties that do not adhere to this policy should be financially punished and removed from the election race, sociologists and researchers said.
Currently there are 61 female lawmakers in the House of Representatives. But 550 legislators were elected in the 2004 general election – and slightly more than half of the Indonesian population is made up of women.
Sociologist at the University of Indonesia Francisia Ery Seda said she recommended new political bills punish political parties violating the mandatory 30 percent female representation policy.
"Parties that do not reach 30 percent female participation must not be allowed to join the 2009 general election and the government must stop their subsidies," Francisia said Sunday.
Ani Soetjipto, a political studies researcher at the University of Indonesia, also said names of female and male candidates on election ballots should be fairly distributed.
"Ballot papers should list two male candidates followed by one female, or one male and two female candidates," Ani said. She also said bill drafts should demonstrate stronger legal wording.
Article 65 of Law 12/2003 on Political Party states political parties can nominate 30 percent of female representatives as their legislator candidates. "The phrasing for the article should be changed from can or consider to must," she said.
Ani said the law had not succeeded in increasing female participation because most parties viewed this article as a recommendation, not a rule.
"On the other hand, the new political party bill drafted by the government stipulates parties consider nominating a minimum of 30 percent of female candidates," she said.
Francisia said the political party bill should also state the party's membership was comprised of 30 percent females at all levels, including party leadership.
"Most female candidates starting their political careers as party executives usually make it to the House," she said. "But political parties are usually dominated by men. So their policies are lacking in affirmative action to support female participation."
Saldi Isra, a legal expert from the University of Andalas, said the amendment of the political party law must be followed by a party's internal rulings.
"This law must be synchronized with other political laws," Saldi said. "All political laws must state the minimum 30 percent of female political representation."
A legislator from the United Development Party, Lena Maryana, said her party had applied the minimum quota of female participation in seven provincial executive boards.
Chairman of the House's special committee deliberating political party, Ganjar Pranowo, said female participation was a sensitive issue because not all parties could fulfill the minimum quota.
Ferry Mursyidan Baldan, who chairs the House special committee deliberating the bills on presidential elections, said parties should share the same political views on gender sensitivity to smooth-out deliberation over the bill.
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Jakarta – A recent survey conducted to commemorate the National Police' 61st anniversary found that the public wants more female police officers, despite the discrimination they face.
The Women's Legal Aid Foundation (LBH APIK), the Partnership civic group and the National Police conducted a needs assessment survey on seven State Police Schools (SPN) in seven provinces of Aceh, Jakarta, East Java, East Nusa Tenggara, West Kalimantan, Makassar and Papua. These seven provinces were picked to represent Indonesia's three regions – west, central and east.
Estu Rakhmi Fanani, director of LBH APIK, said that the needs assessment showed that there were discriminatory policies in place when it came to recruiting policewomen. For example, out of the 26,000 candidates accepted in the 2005-2006 intake, only 1,000 were women due to limited places at the Policewomen's Academy.
There are currently 24 SPNs nationwide training male non- commissioned cadets, but there is only one school for female cadets, in Pondok Pinang, South Jakarta.
There is also a maximum number of female police officers that can be stationed at provincial police headquarters. Aceh gets 10 female officers per year, while Jakarta has a quota of 20 officers.
"In many cases, many female candidates are eliminated due to the quota, even though their grades exceed those of the male candidates," Estu said in a press conference Monday.
Estu suggested SPNs to also accept women as cadets to increase the number of policewomen, save money on the trip to Java and decrease the exclusivity of officers studying at the Policewomen's School.
"This will also fulfill one of the police's goals, that is local jobs for local boys or girls," said Estu.
"However, if SPNs were to accept female cadets, the facilities and teaching methods should be adjusted to the specific needs of female cadets."
Estu added that in the regions, the public found it difficult to access information on policewomen recruitment, resulting in smaller candidate numbers.
Nursyahbani Katjasungkana, a founder of LBH APIK, said that a 2006 survey held by the Aceh provincial police showed that more than 70 percent of prominent Acehnese figures said that the province required more policewomen, while 35 percent of the public believed that the number of policewomen should be more than or equivalent to the number of policemen.
Nursyahbani, also a legislator of the Nation Awakening Party, added that the number of policewomen was insufficient because Indonesia had 360,381 policemen while there were only 11,706 female officers.
Senior advisor for Partnership Adrianus Meliala said that the quota should be dropped.
"We should allow men and women to become police cadets. If in the end there fewer women female cadets, it means they are less capable," he said.
The problem does not stop in the recruitment process but continues in the policewomen's work as they are often assigned to desk duties.
"There is also a stigma in the community when policewomen must investigate drug cases at night and in the work place when they are paired with policemen," said Estu.
National Police human resources department chief Brig. Gen. Boedhi Santoso said that his office would accommodate the study and follow it up internally and then propose it to the National Police chief.
"If further study shows the possibility of decentralizing education, the National Police chief must issue a decree to allow that," he said.
| War on terror |
Asia Times - July 14, 2007
Simon Roughneen, Dili – After spending two years in prison on terror-related charges, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, widely regarded as Indonesia's most radical Islamic cleric, is plotting his next career move: into mainstream politics.
A spokesman for Ba'asyir's Indonesian Mujahedeen Council (MMI) told Indonesian media last week that the controversial cleric is weighing a run for the presidency at the 2009 polls. Ba'asyir's spokesman said that before officially declaring his candidacy, "He wants to see what people say first."
Ironically, perhaps, the radical cleric would likely aim to run on a morality ticket, attempting to seize on growing public cynicism over official corruption, including recent damaging allegations that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono received illicit funds to finance his 2004 election campaign. (Yudhoyono has denied the allegations, which were lodged by an opposition politician.)
Ba'asyir was sentenced to two and a half years in prison in March 2005 on conspiracy charges related to the 2002 Bali bomb attacks, which killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists. That sentence was eventually reduced and he was released last December, irking Canberra – many of those killed in Bali were Australians – and enraging the victims' family members.
Western officials have contended that Ba'aysir is the spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), an Indonesia-based Islamic radical group accused of various terror attacks, including the 2002 Bali bombings, the 2003 J W Marriott Hotel bombing in Jakarta, which killed 14 people, and the 2004 Australian Embassy bombing, also in the Indonesian capital.
The United States and Australia contend that JI has links to al- Qaeda, and Ba'asyir is on the United Nations' list of international terrorists. More recently, JI has allegedly been involved in stirring communal violence in areas surrounding the town of Poso on Sulawesi island.
For his part, Ba'asyir has repeatedly denied that JI exists and denies having links to terrorism. Last month, however, Indonesian police arrested the group's alleged leader, Zarkasih, and military head, Dujana, in coordinated raids on their hideouts. In detention, Dujana has told Indonesian authorities that Ba'asyir was JI's leader from 2000-02.
Ba'asyir refuted Dujana's allegation, repeating his claim, "There are no terrorists in Indonesia. What there are, are counter- terrorists," he said, adding: "The aims and sacrifices of the bombers, in their efforts to defend Islam and Muslims in making war against the real terrorist – that is, the United States of America and its allies – need to be taken as a model."
Ba'asyir famously called on his followers to harass and chase American tourists from hotels in Central Java in 2001. On June 25 this year, the radical cleric announced a new political pressure campaign to have Indonesia's US-backed counter-terrorism police unit, known as Detachment 88, officially disbanded.
Ba'asyir's legal defense team, known as the "Team for the Defense of Muslims", has in recent years provided defense counsel to several militant suspects. Team lawyer Munarman alleges that Detachment 88 is financed opaquely by the US, Australia and Singapore, and is unlawfully waging war on Islam and using torture techniques while interrogating suspected militants.
Both the US and Australia provide training and communications surveillance equipment to the elite unit, which has been credited by Western officials with netting several militant suspects. In Indonesia, however, the unit has been viewed with suspicion by some Islamic groups, and rights organizations have raised questions about the growing number of suspects detained without trial. Australian Federal Police Commissioner Mick Keelty has said that his officers were "forward-deployed" during the Dujana and Zarkasih arrests – raising politically sticky sovereignty issues.
Pro-sharia activism
Last week Australia issued a new travel warning to its nationals, suggesting that new terrorist attacks could be imminent on Indonesia-based tourist resorts and in-country Western interests. It's still unclear how much Dujana's, Zarkasih's and other key JI members' arrests have hindered the group's operational capacity, but judging by Ba'asyir's recent activities, it appears the radical group could be refocusing its efforts on pro-sharia activism.
Since his release late last year, Ba'asyir has resumed his drive to have sharia (Islamic) law instituted across Indonesia, where 86% of the 234 million population are professed Muslims. Part of that campaign, it appears, is to foment anti-Western sentiment and disseminate conspiracy theories against Yudhoyono's government, which has worked closely with US and Australian counter-terrorism officials.
The old radical logic goes that fostering a sense of persecution and shared grievance against the West will sharpen Indonesians' sense of being Islamic and cast the incumbent, secular elites as corrupt, Western lackeys.
To be sure, it will be difficult for Ba'asyir, for all sakes and purposes a convicted terrorist, to mount a serious bid for the presidency amid continued JI terror attacks, which the country's majority moderate Muslims have frowned on. Rather than promoting crude, religious-based political violence, Ba'asyir is now bidding to launch a more sophisticated form of culture war, aimed at winning over hearts and minds rather than destroying enemies. With both presidential and parliamentary elections due in 2009, political tensions are ratcheting up.
Prior to the 1998 ouster of Suharto, Indonesia was a one-party state and arguably never staged free and fair elections during his 32-year tenure. That changed with the multi-party polls in 2004, and Indonesian democracy now gives scope for Islamic expression in politics.
Several Islamist groups are jostling for electoral position with the new political opening, largest among them the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), or Prosperous Justice Party. The PKS won 7.3% of the vote on a morality ticket, claiming it would end the corruption that has long plagued Indonesian politics. But the party's popularity, judging by a 2005 public opinion poll, has declined dramatically because of its renewed push to implement sharia law.
Ba'asyir nonetheless seems keen to test the political waters, which he apparently hopes have shifted with the recent corruption allegations against Yudhoyono, who successfully ran on a "clean hands" ticket at the 2004 polls. If Ba'asyir can effectively and emotively conflate voter dissatisfaction with the perceived corruption of the incumbent elite with a sense of injustice toward Muslims, then his presidential bid could gather significant popular support.
More than 70 million Indonesians are members of two main Islamic organizations – the "traditionalist" Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the "modernist" Muhamiddiyah. Both are engaged in varying forms of social work, education and political activism and promote inter-religious tolerance in a pluralistic society – much more moderate than the purist, radical agenda Ba'asyir's MMI professes.
NU leader and former president Abdurrahman Wahid co-staged early last month a religious-tolerance conference on the resort island of Bali, where he brought together Nazi Holocaust survivors, Buddhist leader Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, and Indonesian Muslims in a display of cross-religious understanding.
The moderate Muslim leader also published a survey showing that 95% of Indonesians support religious tolerance, but with an interesting caveat that an even larger percentage of respondents did not think that pesantren, or Islamic schools, fostered intolerance. The majority of terrorist convictions in Indonesia have come against JI-affiliated pesantren, including allegedly Al Mukmin boarding school, which Ba'asyir founded and still runs in Central Java.
[Simon Roughneen is senior analyst for ISN Security Watch. He has reported from Northern Ireland, Sierra Leone, Pakistan, Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia and Somalia and has been working since early this year in Southeast Asia, where he has covered Indonesian and Malaysian politics for the Irish Times, The Village, ISN (International Relations and Security Network) and others.]
Reuters - July 9, 2007
Canberra – An Australian warning of possible terrorist attacks in the final stages of planning in Indonesia was based on intercepted militant communications, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said on Monday.
"We don't have any information designating a specific target or for that matter a specific time of a terrorist attack, but we have a constant flow of information about possible terrorist activity in Indonesia," Downer told Australian radio.
"There is constant (extremist) chatter," he said, adding that the arrest last month of top Jemaah Islamiah (JI) leader Abu Dujana had also lifted tensions.
In an upgraded travel advisory at the weekend, the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade said terrorists were actively planning attacks that could take place at any time, including on the holiday island of Bali.
Indonesian police said the security situation in the country at the moment was favorable. Ansyaad Mbai, head of the anti-terror division of Indonesia's security ministry, said there was no increased terror threat in the country.
"It's a conversation from three months ago, after the capture of six suspects in Yogyakarta... It's standard talk, all of the captured terrorists say JI will continue the war," Mbai said. "It doesn't mean Indonesia in particular is facing a higher risk of a terrorist threat," he told Reuters.
A total of 92 Australians have been killed in attacks blamed on the Southeast Asia militant group Jemaah Islamiah in Bali between 2002 and 2005. In 2002, bombs ripped through two Bali nightclubs, killing 202 mostly foreign holidaymakers.
Prime Minister John Howard said the latest warning had not been issued lightly, especially given the warming relationship between Australian and Indonesia.
"We only give these warnings on strong intelligence. We act on the advice of our agencies," Howard told Australian television. "We are the last country in the world to want to say anything unnecessarily serious about Indonesia."
Australia is probing whether attempted bombings in London and Glasgow at the end of June could be linked to home after questioning at least six Indian doctors, one of whom remains in police custody.
Howard on Sunday fast-tracked changes to immigration screening which match intelligence data with a person's travel and financial history to determine if they might be a security threat to Australia. Australia has never suffered a terrorist attack on home soil.
[Additional Reporting by Adhityani Arga in Jakarta.]
Agence France Presse - July 9, 2007
Jakarta – An Indonesian judge on Monday ruled that the arrest of a senior member of the Jemaah Islamiyah extremist network was lawful and he should remain in custody.
Indonesia's anti-terror police arrested Abu Dujana last month as he rode on a motorcycle with three of his young children. His wife, Sri Mardiyati, brought a suit against police alleging he was illegally detained.
"The arrest and detention of Abu Dujana... followed proper procedures," Judge Wahyono told the South Jakarta District Court.
Mardiyati had said Dujana's arrest was illegal as the warrants were only sent to her weeks afterward. Her suit also accused police of shooting the suspect in the thigh without cause, traumatising their children.
Police said during the hearing that they shot Dujana because they feared he was carrying a suicide bomb. Wahyono said the impact of the shooting was out of the court's jurisdiction so did not need to be considered.
Police accuse Dujana of involvement in the August 2003 bomb attack on the US-run JW Marriott hotel in Jakarta which left 12 people dead. He denies any involvement but he has admitted to heading the military wing of JI.
JI has been blamed for a string of deadly bomb attacks against western targets in Indonesia in recent years, including the 2002 Bali bombings which killed 202 people.
| Islam/religion |
Jakarta Post - July 13, 2007
Zainal Fikri, Banjarmasin – More and more regencies and municipalities across the country have adopted sharia-inspired bylaws. Many of them are quite controversial, such the prohibition on alcohol and gambling, the closure of public roads during Friday prayers and the restriction of women's movement at night. Others restrictions and requirements touch on dress codes for women and the obligation for Koranic literacy for those who want to marry or run in regional elections.
Are these really sharia bylaws? Some say yes. Others say they are not, they are only matters relating to ethics and morality.
These types of bylaws in Indonesia are similar to Islamic criminal laws in Malaysia. However, recently at the national level in Indonesia there have been people, particularly politicians, who have insisted that these kinds of bylaws and regulations can not be called "sharia bylaws".
Instead, they said they fall within the category of ethics and morality. In Malaysia, for instance, laws criminalizing disrespect for Ramadhan, leaving Friday prayers, gambling, intoxicating drinks and prostitution are officially cited as the "Sharia Criminal Offenses" or "Sharia Laws", which apply only to persons professing the religion of Islam in Malaysia.
The question is: why avoid calling these bylaws in Indonesia "sharia bylaws"?
Before their legality and constitutionality were questioned, the term sharia bylaw was used by different proponents of these regulations.
The first group, politicians, used the term to gain the support of constituents while campaigning and when they were in local parliaments or leading provinces, regencies or cities where Muslims are a majority.
In contrast, when they were speaking to their boss, the home minister, they said that these kinds of bylaws were regulating "public order and morality"; they did not use the term "sharia".
This was because they know that the power to regulate religion is in the hands of the central government, and local governments have no authority on matters relating to religion.
The second group using the term "sharia bylaw" was those publicly campaigning for the implementation of sharia in Indonesia at the local level, particularly Muslim hardliners. They used the term to justify their arguments for advocating and supporting local governments in implementing sharia law.
They also used the term as a counter-argument against fellow Muslims who criticized and protested the bylaws. They said that Muslims who did not agree with, criticized and rejected the bylaws lacked faith and were not committed to Islam.
To some extent, the opponents were accused of being apostates and unbelievers. The proponents simplified their arguments by stating that sharia was God's law. Muslims, they said, should follow God's law. Those opposing God's law are unbelievers.
When the legality and constitutionality of these sharia-based bylaws and regulations were questioned at the national level, particularly at the House of Representatives, proponents, including Muslim hardliners, no longer used the term "sharia" to attack their opponents. Instead they tried to use the word "democracy" as the basis of their argument for justifying the bylaws. Instead of saying that those criticizing the bylaws lacked faith, they accused them of being undemocratic.
They are now using more "neutral" terms, such as "ethics" and "morality" to categorize the bylaws and avoid using the term "sharia". They argue that the bylaws were produced through the democratic process at local parliaments. Therefore, let's respect democracy and the regulations.
Why? The most likely explanation is to avoid the question of legality. However, they forget that the contents of bylaws and local regulations, by whatever names they go by, must be in conformity with the Constitution and must not contradict higher regulations and laws.
The extent of the state's power, and the way in which it exercises such power, is limited and controlled by the law. There are restraints or legal limits on government officials' law- making power. These restraints in modern constitutionalism are human or civil rights. The government, in exercising its law- making power through legislation, is limited by constitutionally guaranteed rights.
Changing the name "sharia" to "ethics and morality" will not make the bylaws free from opposition if their contents are contrary to the laws above them and violate constitutionally guaranteed rights.
[The writer is a lecturer at Antasari State Islamic Institute in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan, and a PhD Student at Universiti Utara Malaysia. He can be reached at zainal.fikri@gmail.com.]
Jakarta Post - July 13, 2007
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – A Canadian Muslim intellectual has questioned whether the rise of sharia-based ordinances in Indonesia has been driven by a desire for harmony and people's welfare or political gain.
Anver M. Emon, a sharia and law expert at the University of Toronto in Canada, who is visiting Jakarta as part of a tour of Southeast Asia, said Thursday that while in a democratic country like Indonesia voice for sharia should be accommodated, its application brought questions, such as whose sharia interpretations should be used, and whether it was necessary for the people as a whole or just being used for narrow political purposes.
"Should we just take the old sharia, and apply it directly? And if we should adapt it to a pluralistic society like here in Indonesia, how can we do it? Is it necessary at all for raising harmony and people's well-being?" he said in an interview with The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
Due to endless disputes over the concept of sharia, there is no single, united perception among Muslims of what sharia is, what its content is or how it should be applied, Emon said. He said that he was afraid that sharia was only used by certain politicians or groups to attract voters in regional and national polls.
Since the fall of Soeharto and the passage of the autonomy law, a number of regencies have fully or partly adopted sharia-inspired bylaws, and several others have indicated that they plan to follow suit.
Most of these bylaws are to be found in regencies in provinces such as Aceh, West Java, West Sumatra and South Sulawesi. Other provinces where bylaws might be passed at the regency level are Banten, East Java and South Kalimantan, where Islam has a strong cultural foundation.
Many have raised concerns that the passage of sharia-inspired bylaws will be a threat to social harmony, create tension among Muslims and non-Muslims and violate human rights.
Emon, who has talked with religious and political leaders in Jakarta and Tangerang, said that the application of sharia also brought complications, as while certain groups among Muslims wanted the application of sharia, other Muslims preferred secular legislation, and rejected a rigid application of the laws.
Emon said that beside relations among Muslims, the application of sharia also required a decision on the place of non-Muslims in the legislation's framework so as not to sideline their basic rights and create social disharmony.
"In Tangerang, for instance, they said that they wanted to apply sharia primarily to guard their children's morality. But how can you legislate morality? It should be done through education," he said.
Emon said that the aims of sharia are to uphold justice, promote equality and bring about the well-being of the public, stressing that if these aims can be advanced through secular or national legislation, then there is no need for the application of sharia.
| Elections/political parties |
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Desy Nurhayati, Jakarta – The Democratic Party (PD) faction in the House of Representatives has recommended House leadership be determined according the number of votes obtained by each political party in the general election, instead of through political bargaining among factions.
The proposal was raised following the House's plan to dismiss Zaenal Ma'arif, a deputy speaker, in the wake of a leadership struggle in Zaenal's Reform Star Party (PBR), which ended in his dismissal.
Secretary of the PD faction Sutan Bhatoegana said his party was currently in the process of drafting the proposal and was asking its members to sign off on it.
"The proposal will be complete after we collect 13 more signatures from our members," he was quoted as saying by Antara, adding 86 members had already signed.
Sutan said Zaenal's dismissal was a PBR internal issue and had nothing to do with his faction. "But after the dismissal, we recommended a reshuffle in House leadership, particularly the position of deputy speakers, to be decided on by the factions with the largest number of votes in the House," he said.
Currently, the House leadership consists of one speaker and three deputies, with Agung Laksono of Golkar Party in the speaker's seat. The two remaining deputies are Muhaimin Iskandar of the National Awakening Party (PKB) and Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
In the mechanism proposed by the PD faction, those who hold the leadership positions should come from the parties with the largest number of lawmakers, these include Golkar Party, PDI-P, PPP, PD, PKB and the National Mandate Party (PAN).
However, chairman of the PKB faction, Effendy Choirie, said this mechanism could not be applied to House leadership.
"If Zaenal Ma'arif has been discharged from his position as deputy speaker, his successor should be from the same party," he told The Jakarta Post. "Such a mechanism can only be implemented in the House commissions, but the mechanism for House leadership is different," he said.
However, he said the mechanism was likely to be changed after the next legislative election.
Zaenal's dismissal needs to be approved by the President, who will issue a presidential decree on the replacement of the deputy speaker, he said.
Secretary-general of the PBR executive board, Yusuf Lakaseng, said his party would recommend Yunisab Akbar from the party's South Sumatra provincial executive board to replace Zaenal.
Zaenal's discharge from his position as deputy speaker was recommended after he was expelled from the PBR in January.
His dismissal from the party was attributed to his decision to practice polygamy and his violations of party rules.
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Jakarta – The Justice and Human Rights Ministry will verify the validity of political parties running in the 2009 general election only after a new law on parties is enacted, to minimize spending on administrative tasks, an official said.
"There could be substantial changes in the new law on political parties, especially in regard to the criteria for the establishment of political parties. Therefore, we'll wait until the law is enacted," director of constitutional law affairs at the Justice Ministry, Aidir Amin Daud, said as quoted by detik.com news portal Saturday.
"The verification process will be very costly. Therefore, we only want to do it once," he said.
Aidir said the registration of political parties would be done in April 2008, with the verification process taking place a month earlier.
A bill on political parties is currently being reviewed at the House of Representatives and is expected to be enacted before the end of this year.
Aidir said the government had allocated Rp 28 billion for the verification process, which will include visits to regions to examine parties' organizational structures as they had reported in their statutes.
More than 60 political parties have registered with the Justice Ministry to run in the 2009 election.
Jakarta Post - July 12, 2007
Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta – The urban poor made it clear Wednesday that casting their ballots in Aug. 8 election was their only way of having a say in how the city is run.
"If you exercise your right to vote, there is hope for a better future," said Saiman, a street vendor in Jatinegara, East Jakarta.
He said voters should find out what programs were being promoted by the candidates during the campaign period, which will start on July 22.
"Please, learn carefully the campaign platforms of the candidates. Since they need our voice, they will do everything to approach us," he told a dialog organized by the Jakarta Resident Forum (Fakta) and the Center for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (Demos).
Saiman, who is the head of the street vendors association in Jatinegara, said most of its members were yet to decide on which candidate they would vote for.
Dozens of eligible voters from the lower income brackets took part in the dialog.
The community of street vendors in Jatinegara is member of the newly established Alliance for Democracy Working Group, a political block of non-partisan members set up by Fakta and Demos.
The alliance consists of, among others, the community of Rorotan residents in Cilincing, North Jakarta; community of Makassar village residents in Cililitan, East Jakarta; the community of Pondok Jati residents in Matraman, Central Jakarta; the community of street vendors in Blok M, South Jakarta and the Institute for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
Saiman said that the alliance would draw up a social contract for the gubernatorial candidate who sought their support.
"The contract will be our tool to regularly control the work of the elected governor. As the voices of poor people are also crucial to determining the future of Jakarta, the next governor must be 'pro-poor' person," he said.
He said that the current administration often discriminated against poor people and gave better facilities to the wealthy.
"We don't like to work as street vendors. We do it because we do not have any choices. But we are often victims of the administration, who wants to beautify the city. They evict us without giving us solutions," he said. "However, we can't make this a reason for not voting in the election."
The alliance also urged the elected governor to revise the 1988 bylaw on public order and security and stop the eviction of poor people.
Fakta chairman Azas Tigor Nainggolan predicted that up to two million people across the city would join the alliance. The total number of registered voters in Jakarta is 5.7 million.
The alliance last week called for the improvement of the election system so as to allow independent candidates and local political parties to race in Jakarta's gubernatorial election.
It also stressed the need for urban development that recognized plurality, which was based on community and respected human rights principles.
Meanwhile, Dani, an East Jakarta Cipinang Besar Selatan resident, said that none of the current candidates seemed to be "pro-poor".
"But I and my family will cast our ballots. I hope the elected governor can control the prices of basic needs that make life harder in the capital," said Dani, a father of five married children.
Deputy Governor Fauzi Bowo and retired Army general Prijanto will take on Adang Daradjatun, former deputy chief of the National Police and his partner Dani Anwar, a politician from the Prosperous Justice Party, in the election.
Jakarta Post - July 9, 2007
Jakarta – A former military chief turned politician said Sunday the authorities should consider allowing independent candidates run for president.
Former Indonesian Military chief Gen. (ret) Wiranto said recent suggestions that independent candidates be allowed to participate in elections could be accommodated.
"The problem is, if an independent candidate wins the election, he will not be able to gain much support from the parliament," Wiranto, also chairman of the People's Conscience Party (Hanura), told Antara in Bangka Belitung provincial capital of Pangkal Pinang. Wiranto was in Pangkal Pinang to officiate the party's provincial executive board.
However, a candidate will only be able run as an independent if the 1945 Constitution is amended. Article 6A of the Constitution says a presidential or vice presidential candidate must be nominated by a political party or an alliance of parties participating in the election.
An independent candidate will only be able to run in a gubernatorial election if the related law is amended. At present, the law is still being reviewed in the Constitutional Court.
Aceh is a different case, with independent candidates allowed to run for regent, mayor and governor under a 2006 special autonomy law.
Wiranto lost his presidency bid representing the Golkar Party in 2004, when he failed to make it to the run-off round.
| Economy & investment |
Jakarta Post - July 14, 2007
Urip Hudiono, Jakarta – Despite major improvements over the past few years, the country's banking sector has yet to fully recover from its worst crisis in living memory 10 years ago, the central bank's governor says.
During a hearing with the House of Representatives' finance commission late Thursday, Bank Indonesia Governor Burhanuddin Abdullah said the fact that the banking sector had yet to fully recover could be seen from the banks' inability to reduce their deposit rates in line with the central bank's benchmark rate.
"The BI rate should be lower than the deposit rates," he said. However, the reality was that most bank deposit rates were still lower than the central bank's key rate, so that many banks preferred to place their idle funds in central bank SBI notes rather than converting them into loans.
With inflation having eased considerably this year, the central bank earlier this month trimmed its reference BI rate by a quarter percentage point to a two-year low of 8.25 percent, continuing the series of rate cuts that started last year when the BI rate stood at double-digit levels.
Despite BI's rate cuts, the deposit rates offered by the major banks remain lower than the reference rate. For example, Bank Mandiri, Indonesia's biggest lender by assets, offers deposit rates of between 6.25 and 7 percent, while Bank Central Asia (BCA), the second largest bank, offers rates of between 6 and 7 percent.
BI's latest quarterly survey on the banking industry found that the average deposit rate stood at some 7 percent, and average lending rates at between 14 and 16 percent.
The banks also set their deposit rates having regard to the Deposit Insurance Agency (LPS)'s ceiling rate for guaranteed deposits, which basically follows the BI rate trend. The agency lowered its ceiling rate Thursday to 8.25 percent, and extended its duration to three months up until September to allow more time for the banks to adjust both their deposit and lending rates. The duration of the ceiling was previously set at only one month
Burhanuddin said that BI could not cut its key rate drastically as this would affect investor interest in rupiah-based assets. This was particularly true at a time when other central banks around the world were either increasing or holding their reference rates steady. The US Federal Reserve last month held its key rate at 5.25 percent after previously lowering it.
Too large a rate cut, Burhanuddin said, could cause volatility in the rupiah, similar to what had happened during the 1997-1998 financial crisis, which would in turn fuel inflation and could force BI to increase interest rates again.
"That's why we will always be prudent with our monetary policy, and not lower the rate by more than 25 basis points at any time," he said. Given lower inflationary expectations, the BI rate could come down to 8 percent or even less by the end of the year.
BI expects the banking sector to be able to continue increasing lending by as much as Rp 150 trillion (US$16.6 billion) by the end of the year, which would translate into lending growth of between 18 and 20 percent. Lending growth came in at only 14 percent last year.
Separately on Friday, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Boediono said the government would do all in its power to prevent sudden capital flight of portfolio investments, and try to redirect these investments so as to benefit the real sector through the offering of incentives to encourage more initial public offerings and the buying of government bonds.
"Companies making share offerings can use the funds raised for business expansion, which will create more jobs and income. The proceeds from government bond sales, meanwhile, can be used to fund infrastructure development," he said. "One remaining problem is the central bank bill question as these bills mostly attract idle funds."
Jakarta Post - July 13, 2007
Ary Hermawan, Jimbaran, Bali – Indonesia will continue to adopt a society-oriented economic system aimed at guaranteeing an equal distribution of wealth to all citizens but remaining open to globalization, the President says.
"We need to clarify (our stance) once again because there are talks about what kind of economic system would be most suitable for our country in facing globalization," Yudhoyono said while addressing a ceremony marking the 60th National Cooperatives Day here.
"Our founding fathers agreed that the economy we should develop is an economy based on social justice. We choose neither capitalism nor communism. And we will not choose the emerging neo-liberalism, either."
The President agreed the nation is now part of the globalized world and that the government is bound to taking "what is good" from the process and at the same time impede its "adverse impacts". "This is what we need to do," he stressed.
A market-based economy, he said, has proved incapable of bringing social justice and equality to the people, and instead fosters greater disparity between rich and poor. "Meanwhile, communism, in which the government fully controls the economy, has failed to reach the goal it believes it can achieve," he said.
Indonesia enjoyed economic growth of about 7 percent under the New Order administration prior to the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis which badly damaged the country's economy, forcing it to close factories and borrow billions of dollars from international lenders to bail the banking industry out of strife.
"This year, hopefully, we will see a six percent economic growth, which must be equally distributed to all citizens. We must take part in the effort. We will not accept any capitalist- fundamentalist theory that taboos the role of the state," Yudhoyono said, adding that the government would take any measure necessary to ensure economic equality.
This year, the government allocated Rp 60 trillion (US$6.66 billion) in oil subsidies – especially for gasoline and kerosene – and Rp 23 trillion in power subsidies. Foreign companies are still limited in the downstream sectors of the oil and gas industries, while the government is still mulling over the possibility of liberalizing the power sector through the amendment of the 1985 Electrical Power Law.
The government also still subsidizes fertilizer and cooking oil. It recently raised export tariffs on crude palm oil as part of an effort to stabilize cooking oil prices. "These policies are to show that we are implementing an open and equality-based economy," the President said.
He said he hoped the private sectors could take the same line of thinking in developing the economy and that cooperatives could play a greater role in the effort. "Cooperatives should be the solution and crucial element of development for the welfare of the people," he said.
"We must not only maintain their existence, but also develop them," he told some 2,500 cooperative members from throughout the country.
Trade Minister Mari Elka Pangestu, State Minister for Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Surya Dharma Ali, Indonesian Cooperatives Council chairman Adi Sasono and former state minister for state enterprises Sugiharto also attended the ceremony.
Jakarta Post - July 13, 2007
Urip Hudiono, Jakarta – The government is upbeat that Indonesia's economy will continue to pick up momentum this year, with growth of between 6 and 6.11 percent year-on-year anticipated in the second quarter, on higher investment, exports and domestic spending.
Indonesia's economy, which recorded year-on-year growth of 6 percent in the first quarter of this year, will have expanded by 6.04 percent in the year's first half, the head of the Finance Ministry's Fiscal Policy Agency, Anggito Abimanyu, predicted Thursday.
The government further estimates that year-on-year growth will clock in at 6.29 percent and 6.45 percent in the third and fourth quarters, respectively, so as to achieve the 6.3 percent full- year growth rate targeted for 2007. "Realized investments will increase, building on the back of increasing investment approvals since 2005," Anggito said while commenting on the ministry's latest economic assessment.
Rising cement consumption and imports of capital goods have also left the government upbeat that investment will turn out to have grown by 11 percent in the second quarter.
The Investment Coordinating Board reported a 52 percent increase to Rp 65.2 trillion (US$7.2 billion) in the total realization of both foreign and domestic investments during the first semester compared with the same period of last year, mostly in the chemical, pharmaceutical and paper industries. It takes some two years before investment approvals are fully realized.
Consumer spending, meanwhile, is believed to have grown by 4.9 percent, and government spending by 8.9 percent, Anggito said, while exports are projected to have increased by 9.4 percent in the three months from April through June.
On the supply-side of the economy, ongoing growth in the communications, transportation, manufacturing and agricultural sectors are expected to more than compensate for the slight slow-downs in the construction, utilities, mining, trade and tourism sectors.
With inflation having eased to 5.77 percent on-year and cumulatively to only 2.08 percent in the first half, total spending is expected to have risen, as indicated by increasing auto sales, consumer credit and value-added tax revenues.
With the ongoing efforts to stabilize consumer prices – particularly the recent volatility in the prices of rice, cooking oil and sugar – the government sees inflation falling to between 5.5 and 6 percent by the year's end.
"Inflation should come in at around that figure if we double the 2.1 percent cumulative inflation up the end of June, and add on some 0.6 percent to take account of the usual impact of the holidays at the end of the year," Anggito said.
The Central Statistics Agency will announce the official second quarter growth figures next month. Growth during 2006's first half slowed to some 5 percent from 2005's 6 percent due to the fuel price increases in 2006.
Some analysts and commentators have urged the government to aim for better quality growth that would benefit the poor and unemployed through more jobs and increased earning opportunities, and have criticized the trend to technology-intensive rather than labor-intensive investment.
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Urip Hudiono, Jakarta – Having learned the hard way from the financial crisis about the importance of managing lending risks, Indonesia's banking sector has now improved significantly, and is well capable of weathering potential shocks, according to the central bank governor.
However, he warned the industry to avoid complacency, and to continue improving competitiveness and risk management in all areas related to operations.
Governor Burhanuddin Abdullah said that if another crisis were to occur like the currency upheaval that precipitated the 1997-1998 financial meltdown, it would be unlikely to cause as much damage to the banking industry and the economy as before.
"I think only two or three small-sized banks would face problems today," Burhanuddin said Monday during a workshop on good governance in the banking sector. "The rest will be resilient enough to keep going as usual."
BI is basing its optimism on the fact that Indonesia's banks have greatly improved governance and risk management in recent years, and have been displaying resilience under the various "stress tests" that the central bank has been applying to the industry.
Indonesia's economy is also stronger now, Burhanuddin said, as shown by stable inflation, an improving balance of payments picture on growing forex reserves, a solid budget and better deficit management.
The financial crisis, triggered by a fall in regional currencies, exposed the dangers of intergroup and risky foreign exchange dealings, which eventually exhausted Indonesia's finances and resulted in the near collapse of the economy.
The government had to shell out some Rp 650 trillion (US$72.2 billion) in public funds to bail out the ailing banks.
From the ashes of the crisis, the central bank has since been requiring the country's banks to practice prudent lending, and to comply with the Basel II risk management international best practices by 2010. Basel II not only deals with managing lending risks, but also deals more comprehensively with asset management aspects.
BI has also required all of the country's banks to have capitalizations of at least Rp 80 billion ($8.8 million) by the end of this year, and Rp 100 billion by 2010. New banks must have a minimum capitalization of Rp 3 trillion.
All this is expected to encourage mergers and acquisitions in the sector so as to produce a smaller but leaner and stronger banking industry.
Regarding the non-lending aspects of risk management, one area that Burhanuddin expressed concern about during the event was the growing trend among banks to outsource some of their operations.
While outsourcing could help improve efficiency, it could also have adverse effects on the sustainability of a bank's operations, Burhanuddin said. "We expect the banks to invest more in their own human resources, and consider these issues before going for outsourcing," he said.
Indonesian Banks Association (Perbanas) chairman Sigit Pramono admitted that many banks had outsourced low-end functions to reduce costs, but said that this was mostly confined to non- lending operations, such as delivery services and IT functions.
Jakarta Post - July 10, 2007
Andi Haswidi, Jakarta – After four months of improvement, consumer confidence fell in June amid concerns about cooking oil, milk and other food-product prices, a survey reveals.
The monthly consumer confidence survey by Bank Indonesia says that the consumer confidence index fall from 98.5 in May to 95.8 in June as fewer people were optimistic about current economic conditions and economic expectations.
The economic conditions index was down from 87.7 to 84.9, while the consumer expectations index fell from 109.4 to 106.6.
The price of cooking oil has surged over the last few months, and now costs more than Rp 8,000 (about 90 US cents) per kilogram. Cooking oil prices have been rising in line with higher prices for crude palm oil (CPO) – the commodity's main raw material – on the world market.
The government has been trying to bring cooking oil prices under control through market intervention operations conducted in collaboration with producers as part of which cooking oil is sold at below market prices. In addition, the export duty on CPO has been increased.
Another factor undermining consumer confidence in June has been the surge in powdered milk prices from between Rp 25,000 and Rp 27,000 per kilogram in January to about Rp 51,000 this month.
The global surge in milk prices has been triggered largely by droughts in a number of major producers, as well as high demand from China and India.
The BI survey concludes that of the 4,679 people surveyed, about 26.4 percent – down from 28.9 percent in May – expects the economic situation in the next six months to improve, while 21.8 percent – up from 21.1 percent in May – expects the economy to worsen.
The other 51.17 percent expects the situation to remain the same.
The survey concluded that consumers in only seven out of the 18 cities surveyed could be categorized as "optimistic", with the most optimistic consumers being found in Makassar, South Sulawesi, while those in Padang, West Sumatra, were the most pessimistic on 79.1.
The economic conditions index, the survey says, also fell due to a slight decline in optimism over income growth, which fell from 133.4 to 128.5. Despite the fall, BI said that respondents were generally optimistic about their incomes over the next six months.
Of all respondents, about 37.17 percent expects their incomes to increase – a decline from the 40.88 percent recorded in May, while 8.64 percent expects otherwise – a little worse than the 7.48 percent in May.
About 54.18 percent expects their incomes to remain relatively stable, as compared to 51.65 percent in May.
As for prices, consumers expect further big increases over the next three and six-month periods.
| Opinion & analysis |
Jakarta Post - July 16, 2007
Few newspapers gave space for the enactment last week of the Energy Law by the House of Representatives, as its 34 articles only provide a broad outline of national energy policies.
The Energy Law is nonetheless quite important not only because it is the first legislation the country has ever had on the energy industry as a whole, but also because the law outlines a holistic approach on the development of energy.
The new law will serve as the legislative umbrella for other laws on various energy resources or materials, such as a law on oil and natural gas, a law on water resources management and a law on geothermal power, as well as bills on minerals, coal and electricity currently under deliberation at the House.
The new legislation governs not only conventional energy such as oil, gas and coal, but also, and more importantly, provides more attention to the development of renewable energy sources such as biofuels, hydropower, solar and wind power, and geothermal power.
It requires the government to build up strategic energy reserves to maintain energy security, and to set up a national energy council, which would be the highest policy-making body in the energy sector.
The law still stipulates a price mechanism to stimulate efficient energy use, but also requires the central government and local administrations provide energy subsidies for the poorest segments of society.
Pricing policies can have an immediate bearing on the viability of fuel efficiency investments as large users are forced to use the most energy-efficient machinery. As our own experience has proven, subsidies are a significant disincentive for fuel efficiency investments, and the removal of this barrier can create a conducive investment climate in which fuel and electricity efficiency can thrive.
The legislation allows the central government and local administrations to provide fiscal incentives and facilities for companies or individuals who harness new energy resources or develop renewable energy sources such as biofuels, which require large plantations.
An unclear regulatory environment and inadequate incentive mechanisms have become the main barriers to large-scale investment in biofuel development, even though the country has enough resources to grow such biofuel materials as jatropha and oil palms.
Yet more important is that the new law also stipulates elaborate provisions on energy conservation, offering fiscal incentives and facilities for the producers and users of energy- conserving/saving machines. Many other countries have enacted and implemented regulations to promote energy conservation, which stipulate not only compulsory conservation measures but also fiscal and financial incentives for factories and buildings making investments in energy conservation.
The law will thus facilitate the integration of energy diversification, efficiency and conservation into a comprehensive energy development program based on special regulations that stipulate compulsory conservation measures, complete with fiscal and financial incentives for the development of renewable energy sources.
The law obliges the central government and local administrations to give incentives to industrial companies that conduct in-house management of energy efficiency through maintenance and housekeeping measures and the replacement of selected equipment, which may require additional investments.
But the legislation also requires the central government and local administrations give penalties or disincentives for energy users who ignore conservation.
The government indeed has at its disposal a variety of instruments such as tax credits or subsidized or low-interest loans through which energy efficiency improvements can be promoted. The central government, for example, can slap higher luxury sales taxes on big-capacity passenger cars, and local administrations can impose progressive car registration taxes on people owning more than one car to force fuel conservation.
Jakarta Post Editorial - July 13, 2007
The current brouhaha over the establishment of a local political party in Aceh raises a more important question about the exercise of democracy and equality in Indonesia: Shouldn't other regions be allowed to form their own regional parties to contest national and regional elections?
This is a more interesting point to pursue as far as other regions are concerned. Let Jakarta and Aceh fight it out over the question of whether the former armed rebel group, the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), can retain the acronym as the name of its new political party and the GAM flag as the party symbol.
This would be a good time to raise the question of local parties since the House of Representatives is currently deliberating the new law on political parties and other political legislation ahead of the 2009 national elections.
The way the law stands at the moment, all political parties must be "national", meaning they have to be headquartered in Jakarta; and to be able to contest elections, they have to have a sufficient number of branches in the provinces and regencies. The law does not ban local political parties, but it effectively precludes the emergence of any.
This issue is bound to come up sooner or later, and hopefully it will stir a healthy discussion, since the House must accommodate in the new law a provision allowing Aceh to have local parties, as mandated by the peace deal signed between the Indonesian government and GAM in Helsinki, Finland, in August 2005.
The most compelling argument why the law should allow local parties is not one of equal treatment (if Aceh can, so should other regions), but one of a healthier and more vibrant democracy.
All politics is local, as the saying goes. Local political parties are likely to better capture and represent local aspirations than some Jakarta-based parties. They know the area and they know the people, hence they know their needs better than anyone else. Allowing local parties is also consistent with the decentralization spirit of giving more power and say to the regions in managing their own affairs.
National parties have treated the regions simply as convenient support bases, places they turn to periodically every five years to renew their mandate, and then forget or ignore for another five years.
The party bosses in Jakarta have the final say on what the regional branches do, including the selection and appointment of representatives to sit in national and local legislatures. Very often, these positions go to people who live and work in Jakarta and who have little or no connection with the regions they represent. Most, if not all, of the existing political parties in Indonesia are not exactly grassroots, bottom-up mass-based organizations able to claim popular legitimacy from the regions.
As far as the regions are concerned, they have everything to gain and little to lose from having local parties. The biggest opposition, not surprisingly, will come from the Jakarta-based parties, and unfortunately, they are also the ones deliberating the new law on political parties. So, unless there is strong pressure from the regions, the House of Representatives is not likely to endorse the idea.
Jakarta would likely argue that allowing local political parties would undermine the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the same argument it used for decades to deny the regions autonomy. This is the old politics of fear, exaggerating the threat to serve their own interests.
Regional political parties are no more a threat than parties formed on the basis of shared religion, ideology, race and class (labor parties). In fact, parties exploiting religious symbols are historically far more divisive and threatening to the fabric of a pluralist and unified Indonesia because they play straight into the emotions of the people.
The unitary republic has survived for 62 years, overcoming far worse threats, so the fear of local political parties can be nothing more than exaggeration and a ploy by politicians in Jakarta to deny the regions their democratic rights.
The presence of local political parties will only make democracy more vibrant in Indonesia's multiparty political system. It will also force the Jakarta-centrist parties to start paying serious attention to regional needs, lest their traditional supporters abandon them.
India is the best example where regional parties play an important and responsible role in looking after not only their respective regions, but also national interests through the coalition governments they join.
If the government can agree to Aceh having local parties, then the rule should be applied to other regions.
Denying this right to other regions will send the wrong message: That to get the serious attention of Jakarta, one has to engage in armed rebellion first. That would be a sure path to the destruction of the republic.
Jakarta Post Editorial - July 12, 2007
The US$1.5 billion civil lawsuit filed by state attorneys against former president Soeharto at the South Jakarta District Court on Monday – more than nine years after his fall – could simply be a political public relations maneuver to assuage the public's frustration over the government's indecisiveness regarding the former dictators's alleged crimes.
Even though prosecutors seem highly satisfied with the quantity of evidence they claim to have proving Soeharto stole Rp 185 billion ($20.1 million) and $420 million from state companies and institutions for his Supersemar Foundation, many in the public remain doubtful the case will stand up in court.
Dachamer Munthe, head of the prosecution team, said Soeharto broke the law because the bulk of the money he raised from state institutions for Supersemar was siphoned off to the businesses of his family members and cronies and did not go toward scholarships for skilled yet poor children, as the foundation's statutes required.
In light of the South Jakarta District Court's dismissal of the government's corruption case against Soeharto in late September, 2000, declaring him medically unfit to stand trial, it is unlikely the state attorneys will stand a chance of winning the current civil lawsuit.
Moreover, it is doubtful as to whether the Attorney General's Office has really been able to collect well-documented and solid legal evidence this time around, more than nine years after Soeharto was ousted from the government on May 21, 1998. Since 2000, Soeharto has successfully evaded prosecution over the course of three different administrations by claiming he was medically unfit for trial.
As per the public's perception of him, Soeharto has always been viewed as one of the most corrupt heads of government in the world, alleged to have stolen billions of dollars from the people during his 32-year authoritarian rule. The Berlin-based Transparency International has estimated he made away with over $30 billion between 1966 and 1998.
But even if the district court allows the civil lawsuit against Soeharto to stand and pleases the public by ruling in favor of the government, the foundation may have nothing left for the state to foreclose on. Nine years has been more than enough for the Soeharto family, their lawyers and crony businessmen to strip the foundation of all its valuable assets.
But again, despite all the odds being against Soeharto being brought to justice, allowing Soeharto and his family to keep the estimated billions they pilfered is certainly politically unacceptable to many people.
This is indeed the dilemma Yudhoyono is facing. This will clearly make or break his government's credibility among the people, who just three years ago so enthusiastically voted him into office in the name of reform.
His success and credibility in fighting corruption would be dealt a severe blow by declaring failure in forcing Soeharto's family to return their alleged ill-gotten gains to state coffers. Amid continued frustration with the slow pace of reform, such a move could mobilize the many well-organized social movements.
Moreover, so long as Soeharto remains alive and under threat of prosecution, those who grew rich with his help and who remain entrenched in government, big business and high society will know their interests are still vulnerable.
After Soeharto underwent extensive colon surgery in May, 2006, the attorney general, apparently afraid he was going to die, seemed ready to drop all charges against Soeharto because of his deteriorating health. The country was also hoping at that time that Yudhoyono, together with the House of Representatives or the People's Consultative Assembly, would move faster and make a political decision on Soeharto.
But true to his style of leadership, Yudhoyono remains indecisive on the Soeharto case, afraid that a pardoning whitewash of his alleged crimes could renew bouts of massive social protests.
So all in all, the civil lawsuit against Soeharto, which could take more than a year to process, can be seen simply as a ploy by Yudhoyono to buy time until the 2009 presidential election. The President is hoping the lawsuit can project him as one that has distanced himself from Soeharto's regime, albeit without doing anything substantial about the former ruler's alleged political and economic crimes.
Jakarta Post - July 11, 2007
Aboeprijadi Santoso, Jakarta – State responses and the row over flag incidents in Maluku and Papua suggest little has been learned from Indonesia's rich experience with conflicts in East Timor and Aceh.
Some 60 years ago Ibu Soed, one of Indonesia's most respected nationalists who composed the popular song Berkibarlah Benderaku (Fly My Flag), captured the significance that could emanate from the symbolism of a flag for an independence struggle and its meaning for nationhood. Her lyrics went: "Fly, fly my flag, the symbol of holiness, heroism and courage." (Berkibarlah benderaku, lambang suci, gagah perwira...)
A flag can even be intimately linked to blood, another powerful symbol of common cause, since only by political struggle, including physical fighting, can the ideal of nationhood be achieved – as was the case with Indonesia and many other nations. Thus a flag can represent powerful national identities and aspirations.
However, not every use of a flag can be assumed to have such profound significance. For flag symbolism to be able to have such powerful meaning, it obviously has to inspire a common cause. A flag, in short, is an instrument of collective imagining.
In other words, some idea of nationhood has to be rooted first in the collective consciousness of the group that feels symbolically represented by the flag. But the symbol can only be effectively used, exercised and manipulated as long as the group is able to provide some real infrastructure of nationhood, i.e. political leadership, organization, networks and resources.
It's doubtful, though, that these aspects can be inferred from the simple flag flying attempt before the presidential entourage that happened in Ambon recently.
The so-called RMS (South Maluku Republic) has long ago ceased to exist as an effective political body, both in Maluku and in the Netherlands, where a few thousand of its supporters have lived since the early 1950s.
A half century on, thanks to the Dutch's false promise, the RMS legacy in Holland has been transformed from political diaspora to settled, peaceful, law-abiding migrants. Meanwhile there is little evidence that the FKM, Forum of Maluku's Sovereignty, reportedly associated with the RMS, has taken root in Maluku.
Quite the opposite has been the case with Papua and Aceh, as past incidents, war and violence demonstrated. Typically in both places the rebel movements rejected being marked as "separatists", denying that they legitimately originated from or have ever been part of the republic against which they rebelled.
The groups' ethnic perspective was further strengthened as both their hymns and flags were partly associated with religious sentiments; Christian-inspired lyrics and the Bintang Kejora flag for Papua and the Islamic crescent and the adzan (call for prayer) for Aceh.
Yet in both cases the flag symbolism did not always lead to panic responses and the blame game among the authorities, as with the RMS's Benang Raja flag incident recently. It's important to remember that the flag issue was once resolved by then president Abdurrachman "Gus Dur" Wahid's instruction in 2000 to consider the flag a cultural symbol devoid of any political implications.
This is why in Papua – and the current authorities should have been aware of this – the local customary council MRP (Papuan People's Council) and the local parliament have since been allowed to use the Bintang Kejora symbol.
In the case of Aceh, it's instructive to recall how the dangerous stand-off between the central military leaders and GAM (Free Aceh Movement) on the matter of GAM flag raising was resolved in late-1999.
The issue came to a head as GAM planned to commemorate its anniversary on Dec. 4. As the date drew closer and president Wahid rejected a military emergency suggested by then military chief Gen. Wiranto, the Army top brass was evidently in a panic and threatened to prohibit the GAM flag raising.
A behind the scenes dialog bore fruit as GAM commander the late Abdullah Syafei's message urging the public not to raise the flag was responded to with a reconciliatory call by the then local troika, governor Mahmud Syamsuddin, local military chief Col. Syarifuddin Tippe and local police chief Manggaberani, who allowed the raising of the GAM flag except at government offices.
Without this, blood would have spilled in Pidie, North and East Aceh, where many people, this writer recalls, celebrated the day with GAM flags. Thus, although Jakarta lost the political battle, compromise and dialog at some level were clearly possible.
Nationalist hardliners might argue it was precisely such tolerance and implied weakness that led to the Aceh war. Nonsense. In fact, that compromise contributed to a better climate and led to the first dialog between the government and GAM in early 2000.
Needless to say the case of Maluku, and Papua for that matter, is very different from that of Aceh. But state-sponsored nationalism – sometimes termed "black nationalism" – tends to aggressively swallow growing nationalism in the regions of the periphery – this has been demonstrated by the cases of Serbs versus Bosnia and Croats, Russia versus Chechnya, but also Indonesia versus Papua, Aceh and East Timor. Now one symptom is already visible, as following the Maluku incident one retired general in an exaggerated fashion warned that "Kalimantan and Sulawesi are ready to quit the republic".
However, most worrying with Maluku, perhaps, is not an emerging local nationalism, but the rise of the RMS myth that may easily be manipulated by local interests by linking it to religious rivalry and sectarianism in the region.
It has been demonstrated that the bloody conflict in Ambon and Central Sulawesi in recent years has been aggravated by associating the RMS with one religious group allegedly supporting separatism. The historic truth, though, is that the RMS was from its very inception a Dutch patronized aspiration supported by both Christians and Muslims.
Just two days after the flag incident, one local paper, Harian Fajar, complained that the incident was handled softly compared to other cases. One political party, the PKS, even compared, with deep regret, the incomparable case of Abu Dujana's arrest and the "relaxed" hunting of alleged RMS supporters.
Some hardliners apparently want "to maintain the full integration of the unitary state" with panic and warning myths rather than by winning hearts and minds with a human face.
[The author is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.]
Jakarta Post Editorial - July 9, 2007
Statesmanship is in short supply in Indonesia. Our political elite just doesn't have it.
The standoff between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the House of Representatives over the past month or so attests to the one missing element that is so crucial in leading a nation. A little statesmanship, from either side, is all that is needed to get this nation out of the present political mess and start addressing the real issues. But none of this seems to be forthcoming.
It all started when parliament began an interpellation motion calling on the government to account for a particular foreign policy decision. In other words, it's not even about a domestic issue.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono feels that he does not have to personally attend the plenary hearing and dispatched seven members of the Cabinet to answer the motion. Parliament sent the emissaries packing and insisted that the president himself come to do the explaining. Yudhoyono has since visited the parliament building on two occasions, not to attend a plenary meeting, but to discuss a way out of the impasse with the parliamentary leadership. Both times failed to bear fruit, and hence the standoff that continues today.
This is not as ridiculous as the issue over which the two sides are fighting: Iran, or more specifically, Iran's nuclear policy, and more to the point, the Indonesian government's decision to support a US-sponsored UN Security Council resolution calling for the expansion of economic sanctions against Iran because of its nuclear policy.
Parliament, led by prominent members from Golkar, which is not, coincidentally, chaired by Vice President Jusuf Kalla, started the interpellation motion, collecting more than enough signatures to call on the government to account for its foreign policy decision before parliament.
So now we have a situation where the executive branch and the legislative branch are at each other's throats over Iran. How pathetic can we get? This could only happen in Indonesia, where the political elite have truly mastered the art of pettiness and have avoided dealing with the more crucial and difficult issues facing the country, such as unemployment and poverty eradication. They have really cheapened the value of democracy.
Besides Golkar, many House members from other parties in the governing coalition signed on to the interpellation motion. Why the President still insists on retaining the coalition is anybody's guess. It is undoubtedly dysfunctional.
Even the President's relationship with Kalla is now in question. Kalla had in the past stopped the interpellation moves on their tracks by making a few phone calls to politicians in parliament. This time around, he hasn't even reined in Golkar politicians.
After this episode is over, Yudhoyono may want to rethink the composition of his Cabinet, and get rid of these little Trojan horses before they create more problems for him.
Supporters of interpellation argue that this all has to do with Muslim brotherhood. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad certainly charmed the pants off many people, including members of the House, when he came to town last year. He was so successful at this that many in Indonesia feel that – irrespective of the arguments presented at the Security Council – Indonesia should have voted against the US-sponsored resolution.
But if Muslim solidarity was a criterion, why then is Qatar, also a predominantly Muslim country itself much closer geographically to Iran, not having any of the same domestic problems despite also voting for the resolution. Obviously, this is not really about Iran or Islamic brotherhood.
The government, through Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda, has given the most detailed explanation to the public, both before and after the resolution was passed, about the rationale for voting in support. The president could not add anything more to what had already been given by his minister.
Nor is this about who is right or wrong in terms of parliamentary procedures. A ruling on interpellation does not require the president to come to the plenary meeting. In fact, on many occasions in the past, the presence of ministers was accepted.
Behind all these maneuvers, there is something more than our politicians would care to admit. This is all about the 2009 election. Iran and the Security Council vote is just a convenient entry point for their broader domestic agenda. The politicians in parliament as well as Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla are equally responsible for driving this nation to this present impasse.
If they had just a little statesmanship in them and saw the larger national interest, they could stop all this nonsense once and for all.