News & issues

Hammer and sickle T-shirts circulating in Central Java

Detik.com - October 5, 2006

Try, Jakarta – Who knows if it's just for fun or has a political purpose, but T-shirts with a picture of the hammer and sickle (the symbol of the Indonesian Communist Party or PKI) are circulating in several parts of East Java. The T-shirts are even being sold in public.

The commander of the Diponegoro Regional Military Command (Kodam), Major General Agus Soeyitno says that they are prepared for appearance of the T-shirts in other parts of Central Java. Based on reports, the T-shirts are already circulating in the regencies of Pati, Boyolali, Klaten and Kudus.

"If indeed they do continue to appear (the hammer and sickle T- shirts), we will cooperate with the national police to deal with it", said Soeyitno following the 61st commemoration of the Indonesian military at the Watugong Diponegoro Kodam parade ground on Jl. Perintis Kemerdekaan in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang on Thursday October 5.

Meanwhile the Diponegoro Kodam assistant for intelligence, Colonel Anjar Pramono, explained that they have not recorded in detail how many T-shirts are already circulating, although he is certain that the T-shirts are being sold at markets.

Pramono, who claimed to have one of the "illegal" T-shirts, added that if someone is found wearing one, they will not hesitate to question them, although each time people have been questioned it has been unclear where the T-shirt originated from. "So far we do not yet know where they originate from or who is distributing them", he said briefly.

The T-shirts with the picture of the hammer and sickle on the front right-hand side and back appeared around six months ago, then became widespread in September and as of this month are still being found in various parts of Central Java. After the existence of the T-shirts became public knowledge, the distribution of the shirts appears to have become clandestine. (try/asy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Mob protest for Tommy's release

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Jakarta – About 20 people staged a rowdy demonstration outside the Justice and Human Rights Ministry office Monday demanding the speedy release of Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putera from jail. The son of former president Soeharto is serving time for murder.

The protesters described the government's decision to delay his release because of fears over public reactions was "unacceptable". "Administratively, Tommy should have been given a conditional release on Aug. 18," the protesters, who claimed to represent different organizations, declared in a statement.

The group also demanded that Justice and Human Rights Minister Hamid Awaluddin clarify his statement, made at a House of Representatives hearing, that some people objected to Tommy's release.

"Which people did he refer to, we want to know," said one protester, while others banged on a table while talking to ministry spokesman Joko Sasongko.

Cipinang penitentiary filed a proposal for Tommy's release two- thirds of the way through his 10 year jail term in September, citing good conduct in support of the move.

Government urged to adopt pro-poor policies

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Anissa S. Febrina, Jakarta – For those who are fasting, this is said to be a time for increasing social empathy by actually experiencing the hunger and thirst that the poor feel almost every day.

Can temporary deprivation lead one to understand what is it like being trapped in poverty?

It seems that it takes more than that to really understand the issue as its roots lie in a lack of access to one's basic rights, not solely at the economic level, a non-governmental organization says.

"Poverty is not only about not having money. It is actually about the lack of opportunity to access proper education, health services, job opportunities and a reasonable standard of living," Urban Poor Consortium (UPC) deputy coordinator Abdurrachman said on the sidelines of Sunday's commemoration of World Habitat Day.

The rising number of urban poor in Jakarta is of the group's main concerns given the fact that state policies often act to the detriment of the poor.

According to the Central Statistics Agency, the number of poor people in Jakarta stands at 94,000 – or 9 percent of the city's total population – and will likely increase by 36 percent more by the end of the year. Although the figure is far lower than the 17.75 percent of population classified as poor nationwide, it is still ironic given that Jakarta was the largest single contributor (17.37 percent) to the country's 2005 gross domestic product.

It seems that on paper economic growth is no guarantee of poverty reduction.

Economist Chatib Basri cited Nobel prize winner Amartya Sen, who said that people were trapped in poverty because they were deprived of the chance and the processes to achieve higher living standards.

"We would urge the city administration to adopt policies that will increase the access of the poor to higher living standards," Abdurrachman said.

"One of the most important things is acknowledging that all people that live in the city, not only those who have Jakarta ID card, are residents who are entitled to all social services in the area," he stressed.

The requirement of residents to have a Jakarta ID card, according to Abdurrachman, was a political ploy to sideline the poor, who were mostly migrants seeking better opportunities in the capital.

Poor residents must possess a Jakarta ID card before gaining access to free education for their children and free health services, and often even to apply for a job.

The UPC has also urged a wiser method of dealing with city slums. "We strongly reject evictions as such a means of relocation undermines socio-cultural and economic aspects of the so-called illegal occupants' lives," the UPC said in a statement. "It would be better to improve the slums and enhance the quality of living there."

The question of land ownership has always been a problem for the urban poor as they spend almost a third of their income on rent. The urban poor also spend up to Rp 10,000 a day on meeting household needs, and pay an average of Rp 40,000 a month to use public toilets.

"We were born with several basic rights, like the right to land, water and air. We already have to pay for land and water, how soon will it be before we will have to start paying for the air we breathe?" asked a woman at a public forum held on the same day.

Collecting fuel a slippery business for Jakarta kids

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2006

Anissa S. Febrina, Jakarta – It was not yet afternoon, but North Jakarta's sun had already exhausted 11-year-old Syaiful last Saturday.

Beads of perspiration ran down his forehead, soaked his worn-out T-shirt and trickled down his right arm that gripped a black bucket with a yellowish plastic bottle in it. His bare feet were black and dusty.

While other children his age might still be sitting in front of the television watching their favorite cartoons, Ipul – as the second grade dropout is called by his friends – had his own playground. "Another truck! Another truck! This one is mine," shouted Ipul to his friends as a fuel container truck approached.

The five children squatting along an alley beside a fuel depot in North Jakarta's Plumpang merely shrugged while Ipul chased the truck driving at around 15 kilometers an hour. The driver did not stop.

Several years of "training" has made Ipul quick enough to open the tank's cap with his left hand and push the nozzle of the plastic bottle inside with his right. In less than five minutes, he ran back to his friends as a tenth of his bottle had been filled with kerosene drained from the truck.

Ipul does this 12 hours a day – seven days a week – to bring home up to Rp 600,000 a month. "My father used to do this, my brother, too. Now, I am big enough to join them," he smiled proudly, half raising his plastic bucket and bottle as if they were the trophies.

Dozens of children his age carry the label anak-anak tetesan (drip kids), a term derived from what they do for a living: chasing returning fuel trucks to steal a liter or two that is left inside.

"In five years, I will be allowed to do that and I will become a boss when I grow up," said Ipul pointing to several older boys lifting cans of collected fuel into a cart.

According to locals, the "profession" has existed since state oil company Pertamina opened its fuel depot in Plumpang in the 1960s, the second after its first depot in Tanjung Priok. Lower-class Jakartans residing in the area saw a business opportunity as they watched tanks being emptied, leftover fuel dripping from their tanks.

After delivering orders to gasoline stations or factories, the insides of the trucks' tanks are usually not really empty. Improper draining during delivery leaves up to two liters of gasoline, diesel fuel or kerosene in the tanks.

Armed with plastic bottles and nozzles attached to them, a boy can siphon off the leftover fuel, collect it until the bottle is full and sell it to local oil bosses.

"A boss like me used to be able to collect up to 20 drums of diesel a day. Now, it is only three as many people have copied this business in Kebon Jeruk (West Jakarta) and other spots," said 72-year-old Wasiyem. It is fuel bosses like Wasiyem that recruit children as "field workers" for their business. The boys' nerve and speed are the only things that can beat fast-moving fuel trucks.

And so for generations, Plumpang has seen reckless youths willing to risk their lives for a few drops of fuel and a small sum of money to support their families.

"There was a 10-year old drip kid, Satria, who was run over by a fuel truck two years ago. Since then, children below 14 are only assigned inside the depot," said 20-year-old Basuki who has been in the business since he was 12.

After several decades, the community of fuel thieves in Plumpang has established its own rules of the game. As Basuki said, smaller children can only be found working inside the depot while older ones who were mature enough to assess the risk chase after fuel trucks on the streets. Meanwhile, adults take care of the marketing, and of course the money.

This is an world turned upside down. Parents letting their children loose on the streets in the hope that they will bring home some money and adults consciously allowing adolescents to risk their lives for the sake of their business. Now, where is the sense in that?

West Papua

47 Papuans questioned over blockade at Freeport mine

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

Markus Makur, Timika – Papua Police apprehended 47 traditional gold miners Friday for their alleged involvement in a blockade against work at the Freeport gold mine in Timika. The miners obstructed the road leading to the mine.

Papua Police spokesman Kartono Wangsadisastra said that more than 200 people protested Thursday against Freeport's clampdown on illegal mining and demanded the company find the miners alternative employment.

"The management did not want to see them so they ran after security officers with machetes, knives and other traditional weapons. They also wanted to take ore so we drove them out and confiscated their weapons," he was quoted by Reuters as saying.

During the protest, the miners damaged the iron railing around a warehouse, using three barrels from inside to block off the gate.

Adj. Comr. H. Silalahi, the chief of Mimika Police's general crimes unit, said Friday that police had also confiscated three machetes, a banner, four hammers and a knife from the miners.

The police, he said, were questioning the miners, who had also burned tires in protest. "But we haven't named any suspects. We're only questioning them," he told The Jakarta Post.

Freeport has yet to issue a statement on the protest, which did not disrupt operations at the mine.

In February, a group of protesters blocked off the road to the gold mine for four days to protest the American mining giant's activities in the province. The incident escalated when scores of people attacked the Sheraton Timika Hotel, leaving two police officers suffering arrow wounds.

Freeport's mining operations have been a frequent source of controversy in the country, with issues ranging from its impact on the environment and the share of revenue going to native Papuans and the Papua government to the legality of payments to the Indonesian security forces who help guard the site.

Some protesters have demanded the closure of the lucrative mine, believed to have the world's third-largest copper reserves and one of the biggest gold deposits. One such protest left five security officers dead in March near the province's main university after protesters retaliated with force when police tried to break up the rally.

Freeport has been operating in Timika since 1972, under a working contract signed by the government in 1967 and extended in 1991. Under the latest agreement, the company has the right to extract minerals until 2041.

The company's operations cover two million hectares of land in Papua, with a concession area that stretches from an altitude of over 4,200 meters above sea level down to the Arafura coast.

Labor supports Coalition on asylum for Papuans

The Australian - October 5, 2006

Cath Hart – Labor has thrown its support behind Coalition moves to ensure the asylum system is not manipulated for international political purposes.

Opposition immigration spokesman Tony Burke yesterday offered support to the Government after revelations in The Australian last week that a group of 43 Papuans had manipulated the system.

"The federal Government is right to say that the reason for having a refugee system is for people to flee persecution – it's not there for people to make political statements," Mr Burke told ABC radio.

"The only question then should be whether or not people are genuinely fleeing persecution. And that determination ought to be made independently, and our relationship with other countries ought not to be part of a genuine independent process determining that somebody either has a well-founded fear of persecution or they don't."

The Australian revealed last week that the 43 Papuans who arrived in a dugout canoe in January, and were granted asylum on the grounds they faced repression from Indonesian authorities, had been selected to ensure their successful applications and create a precedent.

The granting of asylum to 42 of the Papuans in March triggered a diplomatic crisis in which Jakarta withdrew ambassador Hamzah Thayeb in protest.

Papuan activists have now signalled they are organising another boatload to make the trip to Australia.

But Mr Burke said attempts by Papuan activists to establish a beachhead for independence in Australia had backfired. "There's been a lot more speeches delivered in the parliament by each side of the parliament against Papuan separatism as a result of the last 43 applications," he said.

John Howard has vowed to closely scrutinise Papuan applications for asylum, and Immigration Minister Amanda Vanstone has hinted at other measures to be taken if the actions of the Papuan asylum-seekers are deemed not to be in Australia's national interest.

The Government unsuccessfully tried to amend the migration laws so all unauthorised boat arrivals were processed offshore in an effort to quell the diplomatic tensions.

Victorian backbencher Petro Georgiou yesterday defended his colleagues who joined him in crossing the floor of the House of Representatives in August to vote against the legislation.

But Queensland Liberal backbencher Cameron Thompson said he would raise the revival of the failed amendments with Senator Vanstone.

Struggle to fix years of neglect

Australian Financial Review - October 4, 2006

Morgan Mellish – On the main road into Jayapura, a large two- storey building is being erected – the bureaucrats of Papua's provincial capital are upgrading themselves to better lodgings.

For decades, Indonesia's central government neglected Papua. Now, a lot of funds are flowing into the country's second-poorest province. But not much is reaching the people.

"Where the money is going is easy to answer," says Paul Sutmuller, head of the United Nations Papua development program. "Everywhere, government departments are moving into new buildings.

"I'm not saying those new offices mightn't be necessary. But you could argue: Why do you start with improving your own businesses before you improve the living conditions of the people?"

Over the years, huge tax revenues flowed to Jakarta from the massive Freeport copper and gold mine near Timika – up to $1 billion a year – but much of that was simply pocketed by the regime of corrupt former dictator Soeharto.

The years of neglect left their mark. Nearly 40 per cent of the province's population – twice the national average – live below the poverty line. This, and widespread human rights abuses by the Indonesian security forces, are the causes of Papua's political unrest.

But Jakarta's financial neglect, at least, has stopped. Following the 2000 enactment of special autonomy laws – which granted more powers and funds to the troubled province – the federal money coming in has skyrocketed.

Papua's per capita revenue was under 300,000 rupiah ($44) in 1999, the year after Soeharto was ousted. But it jumped to nearly 800,000 rupiah in 2003 and is now substantially higher than that.

"The statement [Jakarta] is exploiting Papua financially is very incorrect, now at least," says World Bank senior economist Wolfgang Fengler.

"That has lots of implications. It means putting more money in is not the answer. If you talk to the new Governor, he's very blunt. He says, 'We don't need money, we need people who can help us use the money well'."

Like the rest of Indonesia, part of Papua's problem is simply a cumbersome bureaucracy. A recent UNDP study found more than 50 per cent of local government revenues were spent on "operational expenditure".

On top of this, it can take up to eight months to prepare the provincial budget, leaving only a few months to actually spend the money. "The planning and budgeting cycle takes half a year and sometimes more," says Sutmuller. "Last year, they had just four months to spend the budget."

To overcome this, Papua's new Governor, Barnabas Suebu, is proposing to partly bypass district and local governments and hand money directly to the villages. Under this reform, he will distribute $15,000 to each of the province's 3805 villages.

"We will deliver funds and services directly to the people," Suebu says. "We will save money at the top levels [of the bureaucracy] so services can touch the people directly."

This has been welcomed by groups such as UNDP but nobody expects it to completely solve the dilemma of how to raise standards of living. Part of the problem is the area's geography. For starters, there are hardly any roads, meaning most goods are delivered by plane, vastly increasing costs. A bag of cement, for example, costs the equivalent of $8 in Jayapura, $54 in Wamena in the central highlands and a massive $180 in the even more remote township of Mulia.

Part of the solution, some believe, is more foreign investment. Freeport, which accounts for about half of the province's gross domestic product, has been able to operate here profitably, although controversially, since the late 1960s. But virtually no other large Western companies have been brave enough to try.

Only BP has made a significant investment. It is building a $6.6 billion liquefied natural gas project at Bintuni Bay in the province's east. But nobody expects BP to have an easy time.

"[Investment] has got to be attractive to the foreign company, to the national and provincial governments and to the people who surround it," says the World Bank's country director for Indonesia, Andrew Steer.

"Getting all of those right is very hard. If BP can't do it, it's certainly not for want of trying. But if the company succeeds, it will attract others of its calibre and that really matters."

Papuan refugees face closer scrutiny

The Australian - October 4, 2006

Dennis Shanahan and Stephen Fitzpatrick – Papuan asylum-seekers face tougher scrutiny in Australia over fears that political activists are manipulating the system to guarantee successful applications for asylum that are damaging relations with Indonesia.

The federal Government will look more closely at applications from Papuans after John Howard and Immigration Minister Amanda Vanstone discussed the latest claims that more asylum-seekers from the province were on their way. Senator Vanstone warned that any new Papuan asylum-seekers might find themselves taken to Nauru for processing.

She hinted of other unspecified measures to be taken if the actions of Papuan asylum-seekers were deemed to be "not in Australia's national interest". Ms Vanstone said that while not doubting the veracity of their claims, the federal Government did not want asylum-seekers risking their lives in shaky boats crossing the dangerous waters of the Torres Strait.

Mr Howard said yesterday he had concerns about the latest claims that another boatload of asylum-seekers was coming from Papua because of apparent manipulation of the Australian asylum system.

"I am not going to have the system manipulated by anybody," he said. "I think the revelations in The Australian newspaper a couple of weeks ago about the way in which the 43 were assembled and these latest stories mean that the Government will be looking even more closely at any possible manipulation of the system," Mr Howard said in Sydney.

The Australian revealed that the first boatload of 43 Papuan asylum-seekers, who were granted asylum in Australia for fear of political repression from Indonesian authorities, were carefully vetted and selected to ensure their successful applications and create a precedent.

Edison Waromi, who helped plan the audacious sea trip from Papua to Cape York last January led by independence activist Herman Wanggai, said Mr Howard was in a "dilemma" trying to please both Jakarta and his own partyroom. Mr Waromi would not comment yesterday on whether he knew of new plans to send another group of asylum-seekers by boat across the Torres Strait.

The court decision to grant the 43 visas angered the Indonesian Government, which recalled the ambassador in protest, and dominated a meeting between President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Mr Howard in Batam in July.

At that meeting, Mr Howard declared Australia had no intention of threatening Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua. He said Papuans were Indonesian citizens and Australia would not allow itself to be used as a base for political separatist movements.

But his bill, which included offshore processing of all illegal arrivals, was pulled from the Senate when it faced defeat in August.

Mr Howard spoke yesterday morning to the Immigration Minister about the manipulation of claims and reports that there were more asylum-seekers from Papua on their way.

"I am prepared to defend the proper administration of the asylum system but I am not going to have the system manipulated by anybody," Mr Howard said. "We have an orderly refugee program and if people are trying to manipulate the system, it will mean ever-closer scrutiny of asylum applications in the future."

Kim Beazley said the reports of more Papuan asylum-seekers coming to Australia meant foreign policy focus should be moved away from Iraq towards developing a coastguard.

"What this report shows is that we have got to reorient our strategies and our policies to refocus on the Southeast Asian and South Pacific area. "We need a coastguard, we need a process which ensures that nobody makes unexpected landings on the Australian coastline. And they can be effectively dealt with by what are very powerful and tough laws now."

Indonesian politician Yudhi Krisnandi, part of a foreign affairs delegation that travelled to Australia after the asylum-seeker affair blew up earlier this year, said yesterday that Papuan independence agitators appeared to have mustered enough unity to trick Canberra.

"Like it or not, Australia must admit that its actions (in awarding temporary protection visas to the 43) were not based on correct information," Mr Krisnandi said.

Papuan separatists plan exodus

ABC Lateline - October 3, 2006

Reporter: Geoff Thompson

A group of Papuan separatists says it is planning another exodus of asylum seekers to Australia, to follow the 42 who were given temporary shelter earlier this year. Transcript.

Tony Jones: Well, the Federal Government has expressed concern about suggestions of a new exodus of refugees from the Indonesian province of Papua. Papuan dissidents say they're planning a new voyage after the success of an earlier one which led to 42 people being given temporary shelter in Australia. Indonesia correspondent Geoff Thompson gained rare access to the separatist movement in Jayapura to file this report.

Geoff Thompson: On the edge of Jayapura a celebration of the Papua Indonesia does not want you to see. A few years ago, a secret little gathering like this would be an occasion to raise the Morning Star flag of Papua's independence movement. Now, a small separatist gesture is all that is dared. But there is a new hope here. 42 Papuans have been accepted by Australia as our neighbour, says Papuan customary council spokesman Willy Mandowen. It's the first time in history. What's going on? It's a sign of God's blessing, he says, that the Papuan struggle is in his plan. Australia's decision to grant temporary protection to 42 Papuans was part of a plan. One carefully organised over the last three years, with the help of the West Papua national authority's Edison Waromi.

Edison Waromi: This is very encouraging for the Papuan people who are being pursued and intimidated. They can just go together to the kangaroo continent until Papua's problem, independent Papua's political status can be resolved fairly and peacefully.

Geoff Thompson: The extent of human rights abuses by security forces in Papua range from claims of pervasive low level violence to allegations of genocide.

Francesca Lawe-Dowls: It's still quite hard to gauge in some ways, because of the well known access problems. It's more a problem of a cultural of impunity among the security forces which leads to sporadic eruptions of violence than it is a systematic campaign to wipe out Indigenous Papuans as some groups would allege.

Geoff Thompson: Any thorough journalistic probing inside Papua is far from encouraged by the Indonesian Government. Permission to travel here is rarely granted, and when it is journalists' movements around the province are strictly controlled and keenly observed. Even talking to known independence supporters or human rights activists in Papua is enough to get journalists with correct permits detained by police. But Willy Mandowen hopes the wind will change by the end of this year.

Willy Mandowen: We think we are on the right track. Again in the past, we do it publicly but today we want to do it silently when the time comes for the right wind, we will sail.

Geoff Thompson: Edison Waromi warns that another boat of asylum seekers will sail some time, too.

Edison Waromi: I can say there will be more people leaving, but I can't yet confirm what day and what time, because if I say then Jakarta will surely monitor the Southern Waters and the borders of Jayapura. But I will say there will be an exodus.

Geoff Thompson: In the face of these warnings Prime Minister John Howard says he's concerned about possible misuse of the refugee system by Papuan separatists.

John Howard: If people are trying to manipulate the system, then it will mean ever closer scrutiny of any asylum applications in the future.

Geoff Thompson: Despite the separatist claims, there's no evidence that any exodus is imminent.

[Additional reporting: Mark Dodd.]

Lawyer says Papuan asylum bid vindicated by court decision

ABC The World Today - October 3, 2006

Reporter: Gillian Bradford

Eleanor Hall: The lawyer representing many of the Papuans who've been given protection in Australia, says the public should not lose sympathy for them just because their bid to come here was highly organised.

The ABC has spoken to independence leaders in the Indonesian province of Papua who have confirmed that they handpicked the 43 asylum seekers who came to Australia in January this year, knowing that they had the best chance of being granted protection. They also said there were plans for more Papuans to set off for Australia though they did not give any details.

The Immigration Minister Amanda Vanstone says she finds it depressing that the Papuan refugees bid to come to Australia was well organised. But Refugee Lawyer David Manne has told Gillian Bradford that nothing these people have done makes their claims for protection less genuine.

David Manne: There's one simple question in all of this, and that is, did and do the 43 West Papuan refugees face a real chance of facing fundamental human rights abuse in the form of persecution if returned to West Papua, or anywhere else in Indonesia?

And what is crystal clear is that on an objective assessment, based on legal criteria, the Australian Government found that all 43 West Papuan refugees faced the real chance of facing brutal human rights abuse at the hands of Indonesian authorities if returned to West Papua or anywhere else in Indonesia.

That's the simple question, and the answer remains completely unaltered by any of these conspiracy theories, which are being peddled at the moment about how the West Papuan refugees are out in Australia.

Gillian Bradford: Do you think some Australians though, will think they've been played for fools here, that this was planned over a long period of time, their bid to come to Australia?

David Manne: Look, I'm sure Australians will once again, as they have with the 43 West Papuans, understand that a fair, just, decent and humane response is needed to people who flee in fear for their lives like the West Papuan refugees, and that if they are found to be genuine refugees, that they must be protected here.

Gillian Bradford: Are you concerned now, that because this information is out there, that it was an organised bid, that that may affect the asylum chances of others who plan to come to Australia?

David Manne: Look, it's crucial in all of this that we focus on the fundamental issue, and that is the protection needs of innocent, vulnerable people. It's crucial that politics not prevail over the protection needs of innocent and vulnerable people, who are refugees, such as the West Papuans.

Gillian Bradford: Amanda Vanstone says she finds this story depressing, to find that it was an organised arrangement, and she would implore Papuans not to do this, because it is the most dangerous way of seeking asylum.

David Manne: The issue is about whether or not people who arrive in Australia need protection from brutal human rights abuses at the hands of their governments, including the Indonesian Government.

The issue is not about whether or not anyone feels depressed about their situation, but whether or not they meet the legal criteria for refugee status – that's the crucial issue – and if they do, Australia has clear cut obligations under the refugees conventions and indeed domestic law in Australia, to provide protection to such people, so that they're not facing brutal human rights abuses in the future.

Gillian Bradford: Will you continue to represent any such Papuans who make their way to Australia?

David Manne: If we are requested to assist people who have genuine protection needs, we will do everything we can to assist them.

Nothing which has been suggested, none of the allegations or theories, or conspiracies that have been peddled recently alter the basic fact, and that is that people such as the 43 West Papuans who flee in fear for their lives and are found on an objective basis, an objective assessment, to be refugees, nothing has changed the fact that they deserve our protection.

Eleanor Hall: That's refugee lawyer David Manne, speaking to Gillian Bradford in Canberra.

Families of Abepura suspects lodge complaint with Komnas HAM

Detik.com - October 5, 2006

Nograhany Widhi, Jakarta – Feeling that there has been a miscarriage of justice, the families of the defendants in the Abepura case have lodged a complaint with the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM). They claim that there are three new pieces of evidence linked to the case that has already become a focus of attention in the international community.

The three new pieces of evidence are contained in a 150-page report on human rights crimes and immunity at PT Freeport Indonesia, human rights violations and a violation of court justice. "We are reporting here in order that there will be peace, justice and truth. Also for the protection of the [current] generation of Papuan youths", said Yemima Krei, a representative from the Papua Indonesian Christian Church Synod at the Komnas HAM offices on Jl. Latuharhari in Jakarta on Thursday October 5.

The families lodging the report with Komnas HAM were represented by Emi Bero Tabui, the mother of the Yesya Echo Merano Bero Tabui, and Sulamit, the older brother of Peter Buwinei. The two defendants are students from the Jayapura University of Science and Technology. In addition to the families of the defendants, also present was a representative from the Papua Communion of Churches and the legal attorney for the two.

Aside from presenting the new evidence, the families also said there had been a distortion of the facts in the Abepura riot, which took place in front of Cendrawasih University during a protest against PT Freeport in March. Initially it was an issue of a riot between the local community and PT Freeport Indonesia that involved members of the Indonesian military and police, now it has just been turned into an issue of the killing of a police officer and an Indonesian airforce officer by Papuan students.

To date some 24 people in involved in the Abepura clash have been incarcerated having being sentence to between four to 15 years in jail. Two are still being prosecuted. "And there could still be additional suspects", said Krei. (ahm/sss)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Army must be part of Papua solution, says Jakarta

Reuters - October 2, 2006

Jakarta – The military presence in Indonesia's troubled region of Papua is necessary to prevent a slide into tribal warfare, Jakarta's defence minister said on Monday amid allegations the army abused indigenous Papuans.

Papua, a region comprising two provinces on the west half of New Guinea island, has long been under the scrutiny of Western groups critical of how Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, treats the predominantly Christian and ethnically distinct area.

Soldiers were behind the killing of a Papuan independence leader in 2001 and some indigenous activists campaigning for a split from Indonesia have recently accused the army of genocide, charges Indonesia denies.

"In regards to human rights violations, I think it is an old story. The media circus, particulary the satellite television, tends to recycle these images about past events," Indonesian Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono told Reuters in an interview.

After human rights abuses against indigenous Papuans under the autocratic rule of President Suharto were unearthed, the Indonesian government in 2001 issued a law giving Papua a bigger share of revenue from its rich mineral and natural resources and more freedom in running its own affairs. Suharto left office in 1998.

However, some foreign groups, especially those based in Australia, have said the measures were not enough and increased their campaign against the Indonesian military presence in Papua.

Sudarsono, a respected politics professor, said human rights groups had failed to recognise the positive role the military played in maintaining stability in Papua.

The army have "the understanding about the anthropology and sociology of these cultures. They have worked very carefully with the views from within rather than imposing the view from outside in," said Sudarsono, who was a former ambassador to the United Kingdom.

"They must be there simply to prevent the outburst of subtribal warfare. This is what human rights groups in Australia, Europe and the United States do not want to understand," he said.

Papua, with a population of two million occupying a land area almost as large as Iraq, has around 300 indigenous tribes, some still living in virtually Stone Age conditions, with different sets of languages and traditions.

Tribal wars using bows and arrows killed at least three people last month, triggering a deployment of troops to the affected areas. Some reports said Indonesia would increase its military presence in Papua due to those events.

However, Sudarsono dismissed the idea of new troops beefing up the 12,000 already in the region, saying there were no funds for that and there has only been regular rotation of forces.

Jakarta took over the area in 1969 under a vote by community leaders backed by the United Nations. Many rights groups consider that UN process a sham.

Army 'saving' Papua from tribal warfare

Sydney Morning Herald - October 2, 2006

The military presence in Indonesia's troubled region of Papua was necessary to prevent a slide into tribal warfare, Jakarta's defence minister said, amid allegations the army has abused indigenous Papuans.

Papua, a region comprising two provinces on the west half of New Guinea island, has long been under the scrutiny of Western groups critical of how Indonesia treats the ethnically distinct area.

Soldiers were behind the killing of a Papuan independence leader in 2001 and some indigenous activists campaigning for a split from Indonesia have recently accused the army of genocide.

"In regards to human rights violations, I think it is an old story. The media circus, particularly the satellite television, tends to recycle these images about past events," Indonesian Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono told Reuters in an interview.

After human rights abuses against indigenous Papuans under the autocratic rule of former president Suharto were unearthed, the Indonesian government issued a law in 2001 giving Papua a bigger share of revenue from its rich mineral and natural resources and more freedom in running its own affairs.

However, some foreign groups, especially those based in Australia, have said the measures were not enough, and have intensified their campaign against the Indonesian military presence in Papua.

Sudarsono, formerly a respected politics professor, said human rights groups had failed to recognise the positive role the military played in maintaining stability in Papua.

The army have "the understanding about the anthropology and sociology of these cultures. They have worked very carefully with the views from within rather than imposing the view from outside in," he said.

"They must be there simply to prevent the outburst of subtribal warfare. This is what human rights groups in Australia, Europe and the United States do not want to understand," he said.

Papua, with a population of two million,has around 300 indigenous tribes, some still living in virtually Stone Age conditions, with different sets of languages and traditions.

Tribal wars using bows and arrows killed at least three people last month, triggering a deployment of troops to the affected areas. Some reports said Indonesia would increase its military presence in Papua because of those events.

However, Sudarsono dismissed the idea of new troops beefing up the 12,000 already in the region, saying there were no funds for that and there had only been regular rotation of forces.

Indonesia took over Papua in 1969 under a vote by community leaders backed by the United Nations, but many rights groups consider that UN process was a sham.

Popular resistance

Residents protest mall construction

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

Tangerang – It was business as usual at the construction site of Pamulang Square near Lake Tujuh Muara on Jl. Siliwangi in Tangerang regency Thursday despite mounting protests from environmentalists and local residents.

Dozens of workers were seen digging holes to sink pylons for the shopping mall construction.

Protesters are concerned by the fact that the lake functions as a water catchment for the regency and a shopping mall construction would damage the environment near the lake, said Sugandi who is an activist with Lake Tujuh Muara Conservation Committee.

He said the committee and residents of the three subdistricts had delivered their objections to the developer's plan to build the square near the lake, but received no response. "I think our concern is reasonable. A large shopping mall will produce various types of waste every day and where will the waste go if the developer has no environmental impact analysis document as the legal basis to establish a commercial building," said Achmadi, a local resident.

Residents protest Minahasa gold mining

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2006

Jongker Rumteh, Manado – Residents of North Minahasa, North Sulawesi, are protesting a future gold mining operation in the regency because of a possible plan to dispose of tailings into the sea.

Chris Belung, the chairman of the People's Environmental Awareness Movement in North Sulawesi, said that PT Meares Soputan Mining, owned by the British-registered company Archipelago Resources, should update its environmental impact analysis (Amdal) because it was made seven years ago.

He said the company considered the tailings harmless and was planning to dump them at sea. Chris said the tailings would be hard to detect at sea and it was too early to declare them harmless.

Experts are divided on the matter. "In my opinion, the company should take one of the three options suggested by the national Amdal commission, which includes dumping the tailings on land, since it can be turned into products like building materials. Of course, in taking this option, the company will have to install machinery to recycle the tailings," he told The Jakarta Post.

He said the company wanted to go ahead with disposing of the tailings into the sea because it would cost it less and the technology was less complicated. Chris warned, however, of the potential repercussions of the mining operations on the environment.

Frances Carr of the London-based Down to Earth group previously said the gold mine plans to dump some six to eight million tons of mining waste into the pristine waters of Rinondoran Bay and the gold extraction process will use cyanide heap leaching.

She said these wastes, containing cyanide compounds plus arsenic and heavy metals, will not stay on the sea bed as an inert heap. There is a high risk they will enter the food chain as seas around North Sulawesi are subject to tropical storms and strong currents; frequent earth tremors affect the ocean floor, she added.

When previously contacted, the company's manager, Peter Brown, promised to provide a written explanation but as of Wednesday, no response was available.

The regency's community leader, Nauke Paat, said the residents would continue to protest because the company was not transparent about its plan to dump its waste or how it would manage the waste.

"If the company continues to insist on dumping its tailings into the sea, I think the livelihood of thousands of residents living in coastal areas – the fishermen – will be disrupted. So basically, we're against the operation if the tailings are going to be dumped at sea. But even if that's not the case, and the tailings are going to be dumped at a land site, the company still has to be transparent," said Nouke, who is in the shipping business.

The mining operation has also been opposed by Yopy Yorek, who chairs non-governmental organization the Minahasa Custom Land Guardian. He said the environmental group was not only against the plan to dump the tailings into the sea but also against the mining operation in general. He said much of North Minahasa regency, as far as Tangkoko reserve in Bitung, would be affected.

Yopy said there was no guarantee that the popular Bunaken marine park, parts of which are located in North Minahasa waters, would remain untouched. "We reject the gold mining operation. People living in the mining area have already been threatened by security guards hired by the company. Fisherman and residents who work in tourism will also be threatened once the mining starts," he said.

The company is reportedly going to start operating in the regency this month. It is not clear whether the protest will cause a delay.

Human rights/law

Munir's widow turns to House for support

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

Jakarta – Frustrated with the government's handling of the murder of her husband, human rights campaigner Munir, the activist's widow Suciwati sought political support from the House of Representatives on Friday.

Munir's widow called on the House to use its political clout to press President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to take concrete actions to unravel the mysteries surrounding her husband's death.

"We hope the House can exert pressure on the government. We are tired of being given empty promises. I want to believe that the system still offers ways to solve the murder, but we have been led to distrust the system," Suciwati told a press conference at the House.

She said her own efforts to lobby the President have been fruitless. "I have spoken to the President through his spokesman, but what I got in response was that he told me not to criticize the government too much," Suciwati said, referring to presidential spokesman Andi Alfian Mallarangeng.

Usman Hamid, executive director of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), who has been campaigning with Suciwati to call attention to the case, said the House could play an important role in moving the investigation forward.

He said the President's seeming inaction and a recent Supreme Court decision to quash the murder conviction of the sole suspect, Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, could happen only because the House was not exerting enough political pressure.

Usman suggested the House immediately form a working committee to assist in the government's efforts to discover who ordered Munir's murder. "But first, the House should publish the results of its own investigation into Munir's murder," he said.

A government-sanctioned fact-finding team investigated the murder of Munir, who was found dead on board a Garuda Indonesia flight to the Netherlands in 2004. Its findings have never been fully released to the public.

Usman and Suciwati called on the government to set up a new investigative team, however, rather than revive the now-defunct effort. On Wednesday the National Police named Brig.Gen. Surya Dharma Nasution as the new chief of the revived team. "The old team didn't achieve anything or contribute anything that could resolve the murder case, so why decide to revive it?" Usman said.

Answers about the government's commitment to solving Munir's death proved to be difficult to come by Friday, with Yudhoyono remaining mum on the issue. The President walked away when journalists asked what further instructions he would give to police probing the murder. Minutes before, the President gave lively answers about progress in the planned deployment of Indonesian peacekeeping forces to war-torn Lebanon.

Noted lawyer Asmara Nababan suggested that a new team could jump-start its investigation by focusing on telephone conversations, allegedly between Pollycarpus and the former deputy head of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), Muchdi PR before and after Munir's death. Muchdi and BIN have denied any involvement in the case.

"We suspect that the 41 telephone conversations concerned field reports on Munir's assassination. That is why the BIN turned down a request to disclose them," said Asmara, a former member of the government-sanctioned fact-finding team.

Skepticism about Munir case lingers

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Jakarta – Politicians and activists are blasting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration for "not being serious" about resolving the 2004 poisoning death of prominent human rights campaigner Munir.

They said the administration's laxity was evident in the Supreme Court's surprise decision this week to quash the murder conviction of sole suspect Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto.

In the verdict Tuesday, the court cut the suspect's 14-year jail term to two years for falsifying his assignment documents in order to fly with Munir and later exchange seats with him.

Critics said the problem might also be with the Supreme Court. The verdict to exonerate Pollycarpus was split, and sharply contrasted with those issued by lower courts which found Pollycarpus guilty of involvement in the murder.

The Supreme Court argued there was insufficient evidence to convict the Garuda Indonesia pilot in the high-profile murder case.

The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Agung Laksono, said the National Police had not done a thorough job of collecting evidence against Pollycarpus. "The police must stop covering up the case and scrutinize all people believed to be implicated in the murder," he said.

Noted human rights lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis said the police failed to follow up on missing links between Pollycarpus and former senior officers of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN).

Pollycarpus has been accused of being a BIN agent. An independent investigation found he had communicated several times with the agency's former deputy chief, Muchdi P.R., before and after the murder.

"The police also said they found it difficult to investigate because the crime scene was abroad. But it happened inside a Garuda plane, so there shouldn't have been a problem at all," Todung said.

Munir was found dead on board a Garuda plane on Sept. 7, 2004, en route from Jakarta to Amsterdam. A Dutch autopsy found an excessive level of arsenic in his body.

Johnson Panjaitan, executive director of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association, claimed the Supreme Court's verdict was a result of a deliberate government policy to avoid resolving the Munir case.

President Yudhoyono sanctioned a fact-finding team to find out who ordered the murder, but the team said they had difficulty getting access to information from the military and BIN.

Yudhoyono has publicly stated his commitment to seeing the case solved. But with the exoneration of Pollycarpus, no one has been held responsible for the murder.

The deputy chief of the fact-finding team, Asmara Nababan, questioned Yudhoyono's resolve, pointing out that the President has not released the team's results to the public.

"What he has to do to prove his commitment to resolving the matter is not issue rhetoric, but meet what is stipulated in his own presidential decree on the forming of the fact-finding team," he told AFP.

Police vowed to revitalize their investigation into Munir's case, while a presidential spokesman said Yudhoyono had ordered police to step up the probe. But activists were skeptical, saying such statements were only lip service.

Munir's widow Suciwati told a press conference that she would like to meet Yudhoyono again to show him what the police might be missing in their investigation.

"The acquittal of Pollycarpus from the murder charge is proof that the government is half-hearted. Had it given full support, I believe the murderer, the executioner and the mastermind, would have been punished by now," she said.

Suciwati also said she was preparing to bring the case, which has drawn international attention, to the International Court of Justice.

Rights group says Indonesia failed in murder case

Agence France Presse - October 6, 2006

Jakarta – Indonesia's justice system failed in overturning the conviction of a pilot for the murder of a leading rights activist, Human Rights Watch said, calling for a new investigation.

The Supreme Court this week abolished a 14-year sentence for Pollycarpus Priyanto for the arsenic poisoning of prominent campaigner Munir on a flight to Amsterdam in 2004. He has been the only person convicted in the case.

Evidence presented during the trial showed he had links to Indonesia's powerful intelligence agency (BIN), which stonewalled a presidential fact-finding team tasked with investigating the murder.

"The failure to secure a conviction for Munir's murder is a huge blow for human rights protection and the reform process supposedly underway in Indonesia," Brad Adams, the rights group's Asia director, said in a statement. "This was a test case for the Indonesian justice system. It has failed."

The rights watchdog called on the court – which held a closed- door session and is not compelled to explain its verdict – to publish its decision. "The evidence against Pollycarpus was overwhelming, as reflected in the evidence presented in the earlier court decisions and the report of the president's own fact-finding team," said Adams.

HRW also called on the government to publish the final report and recommendations of the presidential fact-finding team set up at the end of 2004 to investigate the murder.

"President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono should also establish an independent body to audit the police investigation and Attorney General's response to Munir's murder," the group said.

"The police and the attorney general's office have steadfastly continued to ignore evidence and recommendations submitted to them by the presidential fact-finding team, which also implicated senior intelligence officers and airline officials in involvement in the murder," said Adams. "The truth needs to be uncovered, including who ordered and planned the killing, no matter where the trail leads."

Munir, who was 38 years old, had made numerous enemies through his work during and after the rule of dictator Suharto, which ended in 1998. Judges had said Priyanto's motive was to protect the military and BIN.

Legislators of major parties reject bill on state secrecy

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Outspoken legislators from the major political parties are criticizing the state secrecy bill, which they say has been deliberately made to hide corrupt government officials from public scrutiny.

Despite the criticism, no factions in the House of Representatives have voiced their formal objection to the controversial bill, which looks set to be passed quickly into law.

Yuddy Chrisnandi of the Golkar Party said the bill was unnecessary. The bill was open to abuse because it did not detail what state secrets were, he said.

"The bill gives no clear definition of state secrets, which allows for different interpretations. It would be very dangerous to... democracy because its enforcement will depend on the power-holders, and government officials could declare anything a state secret," he told The Jakarta Post here Wednesday.

Neither did Indonesia need a state secrecy council as mandated by the draft law, Yuddy said.

Under the bill, the council would be chaired by the defense minister. Members would include the home minister, the military and police chiefs, the attorney general, and the justice and information ministers.

The bill defines state secrets as all security, defense and intelligence matters related to the state.

Djoko Susilo of the National Mandate Party (PAN) said secrets in the bill should be defined in more detail. "Like the State Secrets Act in the United States, the bill should contain only certain detailed matters that cannot be exposed to the public for the sake of state security," he said.

Sabam Sirait and Andrean Pareira, lawmakers from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, said the bill would bar public access to necessary information on new developments and irregularities in the defense, security and intelligence sectors.

"The bill makes civil society powerless, kills democracy and drags the nation back to past repressive regimes. We must not stop any group from getting information," Sabam said.

The critical legislators, many of whom were members of the House Commission I on defense, vowed the commission would prioritize the ongoing deliberation of a bill on the freedom of information. That bill requires government and state officials to disclose all documents and correspondence in the public interest.

Pareira suggested the state secrecy bill be dropped and all state secrets inserted into a separate chapter in the bill on public information. The freedom of information bill is scheduled to be passed by the House by the end of the year.

Sabam and Effendy Choirie of the National Awakening Party said the party was conducting an in-depth study of the secrecy bill and wanted suggestions from the public before its deliberation with the government.

Activists threaten to sue military intelligence agency

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2006

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta – Prominent human rights groups lashed out Wednesday at a statement from the military intelligence agency chief, which accused them of fomenting separatist movements in the country.

Indonesian human rights monitor Imparsial and the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) slammed a statement made in August by Strategic Intelligence Agency (Bais) chief Maj. Gen. Syafril Armen.

They said Syafril's claim that the two groups, along with the Papua-based Human Rights Study and Advocacy Group (Elsham), had given financial and political support to separatist movements was baseless.

"We want the chief of Bais to retract the statement as it was a baseless and arguably stupid statement based on old data collected by the agency," Imparsial executive director Rachland Nashidik said.

Rachland said the accusation indicated that little had changed in the agency. He said the statement harked back to methods used by the authoritarian New Order regime to intimidate opposition groups into silence.

Imparsial gave the Bais chief a week to retract the statement and make an apology, or said it would file a lawsuit against the agency.

At a seminar organized by the Defense Ministry in late August, Syafril delivered a speech titled "Perceptions about Internal and Transnational Threats", in which he grouped Imparsial, Kontras and Elsham under the banner of "other radical groups", which continuously attacked government policies.

Syafril said the three rights groups received financial support from foreign agencies, which they used to encourage separatist movements in the country. In the speech, Syafril identified two other potential threats to the country's stability – resurgent communist groups and radical Muslim organizations in favor of implementing sharia law.

Separately, Usman Hamid of Kontras said the Bais chief as the head of an internal institution in the Indonesian Military (TNI) should not have issued such a statement because this could be construed as meddling in civilian affairs.

"Bais is an institution that has no power to implement policies and only reports to the TNI chief or the Defense Ministry, so why did it not just deliver the report to the two (bodies) concerned," Usman told The Jakarta Post. He challenged Syafril to provide evidence to back up his allegations.

Usman said that to prevent intelligence agencies like Bias from overstepping their authority, the government should draw up a more comprehensive law to regulate them. "Such legislation would put intelligence agencies under the control of both the executive and legislative branches of government and reduce the potential for abuse of power," he said.

Balinese musicians stand trial for dogging police

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2006

Denpasar – Two musicians went on trial Wednesday at the Denpasar District Court in Bali for allegedly singing a song that likened a police officer to a dog.

The suspects, Sofian Hadi aka Ed Edy and Teguh Setiabudi aka Igo – members of Bali-based rock band Ed Edy and Residivis – are accused of insulting the police force with their song lyrics Anjing (dog). Lead singer Ed Edy and guitarist Igo of the band could face 18 months in jail if proven guilty, Antara reported.

The two musicians, along with three other members of the band, were arrested by the police while playing at a charity concert for victims of an earthquake in Yogyakarta last July in Denpasar.

During the event they sang Anjing, an incendiary song containing strong language: Anjing! Kukira Preman. Anjing! Ternyata Polisi (Dog! I thought it was a gangster, dog! Turned out it was a cop).

A number of policemen providing security at the concert stormed the stage and arrested the musicians at the close of the song. The five musicians were jailed soon after for questioning but were released after 24 hours.

The musicians were charged under Article 207 of the Criminal Code for insulting state institutions.

Prosecutor Ridwan Kadir was quoted by Antara as saying that according to language experts, lyrics of Anjing did contain language insulting the police force. "In the lyrics, the police are likened to dogs," Ridwan said.

Arguing his case, Ed Edy attempted to persuade judges at the Denpasar court to let him sing Anjing to understand its meaning in context. The panel of judges turned down the request.

Calling someone a dog is considered a major insult in Indonesian.

A number of Balinese artists grouped in the Alliance of Balinese United Artists turned up during the trial to support the group. The artists demanded the judges acquit the musicians of all charges.

The two musicians said they did not understand why they were being prosecuted. "We don't know why we are here. We just sang at a benefit concert for the Yogya quake victims, now we are standing trial for it," Ed Edy said.

Following the fall of the New Order regime, restrictions on freedom of speech and art have been lifted and anti-government demonstrations are now allowed. Despite this, several prodemocracy activists and students have been arrested and charged for verbally insulting the president or other high- ranking officials in recent years.

Artists have also been forced to remove work containing nudity that some conservative Muslim groups find offensive.

SBY to face pressure in activist murder case

Radio Australia - October 5, 2006

Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is under pressure to release a report which implicates his security forces in the murder of a high profile democracy activist. It comes after the Supreme court acquitted Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Priyanto of the murder of Munir Thalib during a flight to Europe in 2004. Munir was famous for exposing government and miliatry corruption especially during the Suharto dictatorship and had many enemies as a result.

Presenter/Interviewer: Karon Snowdon

Speakers: Asmara Nababan, former head of Indonesia's Human Rights Commission and Chair of the President's Fact Finding Team into Munir's death; Andi Mallerangan, the spokesman for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

Snowdon: The murder of the 38 year old Munir by arsenic poisoning during a flight to the Netherlands in 2004 shocked Indonesia and put the new democracy's legal system on notice. That the system appears to have failed doesn't surpise Asmara Nababan, the former Secretary General of Indonesia's Human Rights Commission. And he holds the President himself responsible.

Nababan: The one who is responsible for this is the President himself. The President has promised to the public that he will order the true investigation by the police. And he even described the case of Munir as the test of history for Indonesia, in terms of rule of law.

Snowdon: Asmara Nababan who was also the Chair of the fact finding team appointed by a decree of the President himself to support the police investigation into Munir's death. The team included the police, government departments, and the human rights community.

Its report has not been made public by the President and its contents not used in the police investigation or at the trial of Polycarpus. The President had promised full transparency and that no-one would be beyond the law.

Its long been suspected that members of the secret intelligence service were involved in Munir's death. Asmara Nababan says the report concluded there was a conspiracy to murder Munir, it names members of the intelligence service and recommends a review of the first police team which mishandled the investigation, either deliberately or through incompetence.

Nababan: It is stipulated in the Presidenial decree the report of the (Fact Finding) Team will be publiicised by the Government, and its never done.

Snowdon: So without that going public from the outset its your view that the case was weak to begin with and that it needed that report?

Nababan: Yes because the report clear describes who is the people have to be investigated, becasue the conclusion of the team is it is a conspiracy. Now the team also mentioned several names from the intelligence community and as well from the Garuda Airlines, to be investigated but its not.

Snowdon: Would you say then that the President has been unwilling to release the report becasue of who it might implicate?

Nababan: Yes, yes.

Snowdon: Does that then draw him into a conspiracy?

Nababan: No I think he avoids to make an enemy among the powerful in the intelligence community.

Snowdon: there are names within the report that could be investigated.

Nababan: Yes.

Snowdon: Now the Police were members of your Fact Finding Team, and the Head of Police has said, today that he intends to fully investigate the case. Do you have any faith that that will happen?

Nababan: No becasue I think that kind of statement has already been published three or four times but there is no result.

Snowdon: The three member Supreme Court panel voted 2 to one to reverse the findings of two lower courts which found the off duty pilot Polycarpus Priyanto guilty of involvement of the arsenic poisoning of Munir. It seems he could be free as soon as early next year. The President's spokesman Andi Mallarangen says the President has ordered the police to "reinvigorate" the investigation.

Mallarangen: The President has also instructed the Police Chief to use all the information we have including from the independent team which the Police already got to make sure the investigation is done properly.

Snowdon: I understand the report does name some prominent people from the Intelligence service, regardless of who is named will they be investigated?

Mallarangen: Indonesia is a democracy right now, its based on the rule of law. Anybody is not beyond the law, that is the instruction of the President.

Snowdon: Asmara Nababan says the only solution is to make the fact finding team's report public.

Nababan: What now? It depends on Mr President, if he wants to convince the people about how to deliver the justice, the first step he should announce the Fact Finding Team report.

Court quashes pilot's conviction over activist murder

Agence France Presse - October 4, 2006

Bhimanto Suwastoyo, Jakarta – Indonesia's Supreme Court has quashed a murder conviction handed last year to a pilot over the death of a leading human rights activist on a flight to Amsterdam in 2004, a court spokesman said.

The verdict will infuriate activists already claiming the national intelligence agency was involved in a bid to silence the activist, Munir, who died in a business-class cabin after being poisoned with arsenic. Activists also saw the case as being a test of Indonesia's adherence to the rule of law.

A controversy over the quashing could prove an embarrassment to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who had promised Munir's widow that he would do everything in his power to seek justice in the case.

A panel of judges, which held a closed hearing for the appeal by Garuda Indonesia pilot Pollycarpus Priyanto, found there was insufficient evidence to support a premeditated murder charge, court spokesman Joko Upoyo Pribadi said.

"The panel, in their deliberations on Tuesday, found that only the subsidiary charges of falsifying a document could be proven and therefore sentenced him to two years in jail," Pribadi told AFP. Priyanto had been sentenced to a 14-year term for the murder.

Munir died on a Garuda flight in September 2004 and a Dutch autopsy found a lethal dose of arsenic in his blood. Priyanto, who was on the flight but off-duty, was jailed after being found guilty of lacing his drink with the lethal poison.

A government-sanctioned team that investigated Munir's death said it had evidence that Priyanto had frequent telephone contact with intelligence agents before and after the murder.

The head of the panel, Iskandar Kamil, could not be reached for comment. But the Detikcom online news agency quoted him as saying: "We revoked the verdicts of the lower and appeal courts because there are no facts, there is no evidence... that can prove the primary charges." Their report also said that one of the three judges on the panel had dissented.

The false document charge related to an accusation Priyanto had falsified Garuda letterhead in order to change the date of his airline ticket so he could board the same flight as Munir.

Priyanto's lawyer, Wirawan Adnan, complained that the two-year jail term was "so that no one could be charged over the detention of my client" and that his client had no need to falsify any letter.

"Why would he need to falsify a letter?... As a Garuda pilot, he can go on board any plane to Singapore. It just doesn't make sense," he told AFP, adding that he would consult with his client on the next legal step they may take.

The flight that Munir died on had departed from Singapore. Under Indonesian law, the state prosecutor could request a retrial over the murder charge but only if fresh evidence can be produced.

Judges had said Priyanto's motive for the murder was to stop Munir from criticising the government and the military.

The activist, who was 38 years old when he died, had made many powerful enemies through his work during and after the rule of dictator Suharto, which ended in May 1998. He had worked to expose military involvement in human rights violations during East Timor's 1999 vote for independence from Indonesia.

Indonesia's Supreme Court has in the past overturned other sensitive cases and is not compelled to divulge its reasons for doing so.

Tommy Suharto, the youngest son of the former president, was sentenced to 15 years in jail in 2002 for planning the murder of a judge who had convicted him of corruption. The court later reduced the term to 10 years.

Usman Hamid, coordinator of Kontras, the rights group founded by Munir, said the group was disappointed.

"This verdict is very strange and I think was made in disregard of authentic facts unveiled in court," he told AFP, adding however that he had not seen a copy of the verdict himself yet. "This Supreme Court verdict is fatal, a fatal, legal and political mistake."

Policewomen discriminated against, study finds

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2006

Hera Diani, Jakarta – A police officer in Bekasi, West Java, attempted suicide in late August after he shot his wife to death. Media reports said one of the reasons he shot her, after a heated argument, was that she was more successful in her career as an army officer.

That is perhaps an extreme example of the resistance women can face at home, even as they battle to succeed in the workplace at traditionally masculine institutions such as the military and police.

Partnership, an Indonesian nonprofit organization for governance, said Tuesday that its recent study found policewomen are still discriminated against and marginalized at work, despite efforts at reform by the National Police.

Women make up only 3.2 percent, or 9,097 members, of the 275,294-strong national police force, according to the study.

No policewomen hold senior positions. Only 0.12 percent are deployed at National Police Headquarters in Jakarta, while 3.08 percent work at the regional headquarters. The rest are in lower offices.

"Most policewomen are also posted in stereotypical assignments, like desk jobs and administrative work," said researcher Fitriana Sidikah Rachman.

During the recruitment process, female cadets are required to be virgins, among other conditions. Once they are admitted, only a few escape desk work and are assigned to the streets as detectives, intelligence officers or traffic police.

Fitria said during focused group discussions, male police officers said many men were reluctant to have policewomen work in the field, such as in undercover operations. They said it was "too much trouble" to worry about the female officers' safety.

For a policewoman to be promoted to chief, the study found, she must get an okay from her relatives. "Before appointing a policewoman, I would call her husband and ask for his permission. I don't want to cause a family feud when she has to go on a business trip or something," said one respondent.

There are also limited opportunities for women to get advanced training and education. The research shows that while some policewomen enjoy the comfort of working safely behind a desk, they are generally highly motivated and ready to serve their country in any capacity.

More than 50 percent of the respondents said they would take any position in the field, and only 7 percent wanted to do administrative work.

Criminologist Adrianus Meliala said most people perceived policewomen as a positive element. They feel female officers improve the bad image of the institution, which is generally seen as a corrupt and militaristic.

Policewomen are seen as more honest, strict and disciplined. "Policewomen are seen as more sensitive as well, and perfect for cases where victims or suspects are women, or for doing body searches on women," he said.

With the increasing number of special desks in police stations to handle cases such as rape and domestic violence, there is an increasing demand for policewomen.

The problem with discrimination against and marginalization of policewomen, Adrianus said, starts at the policy level among high-ranking officials. "The challenge now is to push the potential of policewomen, aside from increasing their numbers," he said.

Transvestites and AIDS - out of the closet

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2006

Zaky Yamani, Bandung – She is tall and slim, her skin is clean and her hair drops down to her shoulders. When speaking, she does so with a soft, polite voice.

Mbak (sister) Riri, as she is known to her friends, heads Srikandi Pasundan Foundation, a non-governmental organization that provides counseling on HIV/AIDS for transvestites in West Java.

Riri is conversant about HIV/AIDS among transvestites. She said twenty of 5,000 transvestites had been infected with HIV and have been marginalized: isolated by the community, deprived of legal protection, economic welfare and medical treatment. "The people loathe transvestites, let alone those living with HIV/AIDS," Riri said, hoping that the sentiment would die out.

Riri's colleague Vina attested to people's attitudes toward transvestites, saying that they often became the target of taunts. "We are considered a deviant group in the community," Vina said. Such a bitter experience, according to Vina, has fueled pessimism over whether the attitude of the government and people in general could change.

"Though we are active in discussions, we have yet to quash people's cynicism. A government official once dared to claim that there was not a single transvestite in his area.

"In fact, there were several members of Srikandi Pasundan. It's an attitude that departs from the reality that this particular group within society exists," Vina said.

"We are also discriminated against in medical facilities," Riri said. "We often become the subject of jocularity and fun by medical attendants. Such a situation causes much discomfort to us.

"They're just cynical toward us. We hardly have time to settle, before they break into laughter. That deters us from visiting medical centers for checkups.

"Fortunately, we have the PKBI (Indonesian Family Planning Association). We feel comfortable about getting checkups with them. Friends from outside of town also acknowledge that the clinic in PKBI serves us well," Riri said.

What irritates Riri and colleagues is that several government officials have a two-faced attitude – they appear to be pushing for the transvestites' rights when speaking before a forum but on the other hand do not pursue them in reality.

"Some medical attendants were incredulous about the proper way, for example, to examine sexually transmitted infection (STI) among transvestites.

"In fact, they left it to us to explain. When we were visiting a regency, someone asked how to examine a transvestite.

"Why should we explain? A medical attendant should. The specific character of a transvestite is that she acts like a woman but, when having a checkup with a doctor, is physically attributed as a man," Riri said.

This discrimination in denying access to public medical facilities or information often results in transvestites knowing little about the risks faced in their relationships.

Riri said among the transvestites in West Java, the only way of transmitting HIV/AIDS was through sexual intercourse. No other cause has been detected, which, according to Riri, shows the need to educate people about safe sex.

The obstacles in getting to medical facilities and the need for information has spurred the establishment of Srikandi Pasundan, said Riri. Problems arise when the organization finds that they have little room to move in carrying out their mission.

The streets are the ideal place to reach out to transvestites, but also where the Srikandi Pasundan themselves are most at risk of being arrested by officials from the local administration.

"People tend to think that transvestites loitering on the street are prostitutes. In fact, not all of them are. The streets for transvestites are a place to get to know each other and to declare their existence.

"Some of them fall victim to risky relationships. That's why we get to the streets to give counseling about HIV/AIDS.

"But during an operation, the police will arbitrarily round up all those on the streets. Even when we say we are from the foundation they will not listen to us," Riri said.

Transvestites feel policy is simply against them. With or without the rules, they believe they will always take the brunt of social wrath.

They want people to abandon labeling them as a deviant group of people who have no rights.

Riri appealed to the government and community to promote the awareness of HIV/AIDS, by educating people about safe sex and providing them with positive activities that would stop them from forming risky relationships.

"People blame transvestites for engaging in prostitution and – what else! We will not sell if there are no buyers. If we are to be punished, why aren't the buyers punished, too?"

Riri is resigned to being labeled a transvestite. "What parents on earth want to give birth to a transvestite? Nowadays, transvestites find it difficult to find a decent job. To work in a hair salon they have to cut their hair; they have to be dressed as a man. "The situation gets worse for those with HIV/AIDS. Life's chances seem to be closed to them," Riri said.

Legislative member Rahadi Zakaria called on the government to treat transvestites equally. "The government should not discriminate among its citizens. In other words, morality and religion should not be mixed up when delivering civil rights," Rahadi said.

"We must distinguish between the two – religion may not recognize them but the government should. Citizens are entitled to protection regardless of gender or orientation – be they men, women, gays or transvestites," he said.

Will that be realized? Although the trend augurs badly, there are many who hope that the trend will be turned around.

Sexual minorities protest bylaws

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Ary Hermawan, Jakarta – Sexual minority groups demanded Monday the government revoke dozens of regional bylaws they described as discriminatory.

"Such ordinances are politically charged to please the majority," Arus Pelangi director Rido Triawan told a discussion at the Justice and Human Rights Ministry office.

Arus Pelangi is a non-governmental organization committed to fighting for the rights of homosexuals and transvestites. Also in attendance at the discussion were representatives of women's advocacy group Srikandi Foundation and activists from the Association of Jakarta Transvestites (PWKJ).

Rido said lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transvestites had been victims of some of the sharia-inspired regional bylaws promoted by Islamic-oriented political parties.

"The majority cannot compel with their own rights the violation of the rights of the minority," he said. "Under the 1999 Human Rights Law, it is stated that the rights of the minority should receive priority."

Arus Pelangi listed at least 28 bylaws it deemed to be discriminatory against minority groups, one of which specifically outlawed gays and lesbians.

Critics have warned that the ordinances endanger the integrity of Indonesia, which is multicultural and multireligious.

The anti-prostitution bylaw issued by the Palembang mayoralty in 2004 defined prostitution to include homosexuality, lesbianism, sodomy, sexual harassment and "other pornographic acts."

"Being a homosexual is a personal choice. It is not a crime," Rido said. He added that the government's apparent incapability to give civil rights to the minority groups was regrettable.

Nancy Iskandar of the PWKJ said that she often received reports from transvestites who had been beaten and maltreated by security officers during night-time raids.

"They were tortured, treated unfairly and had no place in society," she said. She said transvestites who fell into prostitution were victims of rapid urbanization.

"They run away from their homes and from the societies who have expelled them. And now they are trying to find a place in the cities," she said.

The ministry's director in charge of facilitating the drafting of regional bylaws, Wahiduddin Adams, said he admitted the government was finding it difficult to control the issuance of discriminatory ordinances.

"Most of those ordinances have not yet been reported to the Home Ministry and the Justice and Human Rights Ministry," he said. It is believed that only a few of the 500 regional bylaws have been reported to the central government.

He said most of the bylaws deemed hostile to human rights could only be revoked by a presidential decree, as most of them had been applied for more than 60 days. A judicial review of an ordinance can only be filed with the Supreme Court before it is 60 days old.

Reconciliation & justice

Commission asked to boost ties with state agencies

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Hera Diani, Jakarta – It has been eight years since the National Commission on Violence Against Women was established following the mass rape of ethnic Chinese women during the 1998 political riots.

A study says that while some progress has been made, the commission needs to broaden its network, establishing visibility and good relationships with policymakers and officials.

The report was drawn up by a three-member team of researchers – Mary Jane Real, former regional coordinator of the Asia-Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development; Sylvana Apituley, director of the International Conference of Religion and Peace; and Rafendy Djamin of the Human Rights Working Group – who evaluated the commission early this year.

It showed there had been a high level of acceptance of the commission's existence.

Some milestones in the commission's history, the report said, include the passage of the anti-domestic violence law and its collaboration with the Foreign Ministry in handling the problems faced by migrant workers.

The commission has also run training and education programs at national and regional levels for government officials and other institutions, it said.

However, the report said the commission had been poor at forging good relationships with related state institutions, and that its good relationships were based only on individual acquaintances.

"Its relationship with the Attorney General's Office was established only because there was an acquaintance with a prosecutor," the report said.

The commission has also failed to come up with a solid lobbying strategy in its advocacy plan, which targets policy change.

Each division made its own plans and did its own lobbying, such as the advocacy for the domestic violence and witness protection bills. Nor did the commission establish a mechanism for monitoring, as seen after the domestic violence law was passed.

The study suggested the commission appoint a lobbying coordinator in every organizational structure to strengthen its influence in the regions, develop an effective monitoring mechanism and improve its relationships with related institutions.

Commenting on the report, Adriana Venny from the Jurnal Perempuan women's organization said the commission was still lacking much in the areas of advocacy and campaigning for gender issues.

"When President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono stated that women in conflict areas have no problems because they are treated well, which is not true, the commission should have been more responsive and should have held a press conference to clarify the President's statement," Adriana said.

The commission's poor public relations skills, she said, were particularly noticeable in its coordination with local organizations.

"We have received complaints from (women's) organizations and activists in the regions, saying the commission just likes to give orders and doesn't see them as partners on an equal footing," Adriana said.

While according to the evaluation, the State Ministry for Women's Empowerment sees the commission as a rival, Adriana said the facts showed otherwise.

"The ministry is part of the bureaucracy, but they have improved a lot and are more progressive. They're reaching out to activists and organizations in the regions. The commission is a bit arrogant in doing so," she said.

The commission, she added, should improve its public image and programs, providing support, education and advocacy on women's issues.

"They should employ more progressive people. They now have too many commissioners, with secretary-generals and the like, but it's not effective," she said.

Overdue truth body 'last hope' for victims

Jakarta Post - October 1, 2006

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta – Former political prisoners linked to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and human rights activists are unhappy about the government's seeming unwillingness to establish the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR).

They said Saturday the commission was their last hope to have their reputations rehabilitated and their rights recognized.

"We hope that our civil rights could be restored by this commission. And through this commission, we want the perpetrators of the crimes against us tried in court. But we are pessimistic that such a commission will be set up before the President's term ends (in 2009)," former political prisoner Robby Sumolang told The Jakarta Post.

Robby, 60, was incarcerated in the Buru island jail for 14 years without a proper trial for his alleged involvement in the failed Sept. 30, 1965, coup blamed on the PKI.

A member of the Indonesian Youth and Students Association (IPPI), then the largest of such organizations in the country, he was arrested by military police officers soon after the coup attempt.

The former teacher was not released from jail until December 1979. On attaining his freedom, he learned all of his property had been seized by the New Order government of president Soeharto.

"Although all of my belongings were confiscated by the government, I don't want the KKR, if established, to give me compensation. Rehabilitating my name will be enough. I know that the government doesn't have enough money to pay us," he said.

Financial compensation, however, is an issue for Payung Salenda, 81, another former political prisoner who was also arrested after the PKI coup.

"The planned commission must have a mechanism to give financial compensation. I was a civil servant before I was arrested and I had paid a premium for my pension, but I never received a penny of it," Payung told the Post.

Payung was a civil servant at the office of deputy prime minister J. Leimena, when he was arrested and sent to jail in late 1965. His offense – visiting Moscow and Kiev in 1957 to attend an international youth congress.

The demands by the victims, however, will unlikely be met in the near future. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has said little about setting up the truth commission despite the passing in 2004 of the law mandating the body.

State Secretary Yusril Ihza Mahendra recently said the President was having problems appointing members of the planned commission because he did not have enough information about the candidates.

Yusril said Yudhoyono would consult the selection team for the commission to find out more about the candidates sometime before the Idul Fitri holidays.

The selection team has screened and submitted 42 candidates for the commission to the President, who is supposed to pick 21 names, which will be presented to the House of Representatives for final approval.

Under the law, the commission is tasked with probing past human rights abuses that took place from 1945-2000. Many high-level government officials and security chiefs from the New Order era were implicated in these violations.

The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) criticized Yusril's statement, saying it was a smokescreen for the government's unwillingness to set up the commission.

"The (creation of the) KKR does not require candidates to know or be known by the President. So such a reason is an embellishment," Elsam executive director Agung Putri Astrid Artika said in a statement.

Labour issues

Migrant workers return home with dreams shattered

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Fadli, Batam – A wheelchair was the closest companion that Dian Elfina's brought back home from Malaysia.

The 25-year-old sustained a broken pelvis and leg after she jumped from a first-floor window to escape from a manpower office in which she was temporarily residing.

The native of Banjarnegara, Central Java, was one of 12 Indonesian migrant workers sent home by the Indonesian consulate in Johor, Malaysia, through Batam, Riau Islands province.

Dian said she had left for Malaysia in early July with a friend. She was sent there by a Central Java-based manpower company, PT Sentosa Karya Aditama. "I left from Central Java with a friend on a plane. We paid back the airfares by accepting cuts to our salaries for five months," said the elementary-school graduate.

After working for only two weeks, she got sick and could not work, prompting her employer to send her back to the manpower firm's offices in Malaysia.

"Upon arrival at the manpower agent, I was beaten and locked up. They did not want to hear that I was sick. So, I decided to jump from the first floor at night. I was lucky someone helped me and took me to hospital," she told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

Runs of bad luck were also suffered by 18-year-old Sunarti from Blitar, East Java, and Heri Dwi Astuti, a 49-year-old native of East Java.

After working for six months, Sunarti claimed her employer had never paid her her RM400 monthly salary, making her run away to the Indonesian consulate in Johor. Heri claimed she was beaten up by her employer and the manpower agent.

"The manpower agents (in Malaysia) are Indonesians too, but they're meaner than the Malaysians. I couldn't stand being beaten up so I ran away. I don't want to go back to Malaysia. I'd rather suffer here," Heri said.

Along with the migrant workers was a two-month-old baby boy, Agus. The son of 30-year-old Imas, a native of the West Java town of Cihampelas, was allegedly born out of wedlock after his mother's employer raped here. However, neither the employers nor Imas were willing to be interviewed.

Now, the migrant workers are living in shelters run by the Batam city social affairs agency, waiting to be sent back to their hometowns or for their relatives to come to fetch them. "I'd be ashamed if I were to be sent right back to my village. I'd rather be picked up by a relative in Batam," one of them said.

The agency's head, Anwar Ujang, said temporary shelter had been provided to 250 Indonesian migrant workers after they were sent back from Malaysia between January and the start of this month.

In order to provide assistance to the workers, the agency has had to spend money set aside in its annual budget for displaced people. He said none of the migrant workers were from the Riau Islands. Most of them came from Java and had little knowledge about Malaysia.

"They're tempted by the success stories of people who have worked in Malaysia. In reality, however, the risks are very high. As you can see, Riau Islands people, who live close to Malaysia, rarely want to work there," Anwar said.

Calls rise for Jamsostek chief's dismissal

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – The management of state-owned workers' insurance firm PT Jamsostek is coming under increasing fire from its union members for its decision to demote 12 outspoken unionists and senior staff officials.

The latest protests came from workers at Jamostek's branch offices in Lampung, South Sumatra, and Riau, which sent a joint letter Monday condemning the company's management.

The provincial branches of the Jamsostek Workers Union (SPJ) demanded the company annul the decision and threatened to take the case to the Jakarta Administrative Court if the company did not do so.

"The move to demote and transfer the senior staff officials and isolate the unionists is against Law No. 21/2000 on labor unions and the collective labor agreement between the management and the workers," Mairiwan Ekaputra, the SPJ leader overseeing the southern part of Sumatra, said Tuesday.

He urged the government to take rapid action to replace Jamsostek president director Iwan P. Pontjowinoto following mounting demands from protesting workers.

The situation arose after Jamostek union members filed in July a no-confidence motion against the company's management with the government and the House of Representatives. It followed the management's decisions to appoint two private companies as brokers in the investment of its Rp 36 trillion in assets and promote certain officials close to Iwan to strategic positions, amid graft allegations in an IT project.

In response, Iwan demoted or transferred two unionists and 10 senior officials who had supported the petition to remote branch offices, including those in North Sumatra, West Nusa Tenggara and Kalimantan.

Last week, 40 Jamsostek workers from Banten and West Java joined the chorus of opposition against the management at a protest at the company's headquarters in Jakarta. They demanded the transfers and dismissals being revoked, including the transfer of union leader Janaedi, who was sent to South Kalimantan.

SPJ chairman Abdul Latief said he would sue the management in the labor court, while workers affected would bring their case to the Jakarta Administrative Court.

"Jamsostek is not a kingdom where the management can hold lavish parties every day and drive away dissident citizens. It belongs to the workers and its huge assets must be safeguarded from thieves," he said.

The no-confidence motion won support from lawmakers and Manpower and Transmigration Minister Erman Suparno, who called for the sweeping reform of Jamostek's social security programs and the replacement of its directors. Lawmakers have asked the government to intervene and dismissed Jamostek's chief.

Jamostek's management, however, has defended the demotions and transfers, saying they were aimed at refreshing the organization and were in line with 1995 Limited Corporation Law.

"The recent shifting of several employees is not against the law or the company's statutes and collective labor agreement, which authorize the management, not the government nor the board of commissioners, to promote or demote any personnel in the company," Jamsostek spokesman Basuki Siswanto said.

He said the management would not respond to the no-confidence motion because it was filed with State Minister for State Enterprises Sugiarto, who has the authority to replace the management.

Jamsostek, established in 1992 to carry out social security programs for workers, has been widely accused of serving as a cash-cow for corrupt government officials and political parties since former president Soeharto's era.

Politics/political parties

Papernas: A coalition of the PRD, SRMK and LMND

Lampung Post - October 1, 2006

Bandar Lampung – The Bandar Lampung City Preparatory Committee for the National Liberation Party of Unity (KP-Papernas) plans to start socialising the new party this afternoon at the Lampung Cultural Gardens.

Speaking to the Lampung Post yesterday, KP-Papernas caretaker Badri explained that this represents a follow up of a decision taken during KP-Papernas' Lampung Regional Conference.

KP-Papernas Lampung needs to discuss the strategy and tactics to broaden the party's structure up to the sub-district level and the pressing task for Papernas at the regency/city level. And at the same time they will discuss the party's program of struggle, vision and mission as well as essential basis of Papernas.

"It is hoped that the formation of KP-Papernas can build a political party that is truly born of the people and for the interests of the people, to create a welfare program for all Indonesian people", said Badri. He added that Papernas has set a target of winning two seats in the Bandar Lampung Regional House of Representatives in the 2009 general elections.

Papernas Lampung represents an alliance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD), the Urban Poor People's Union (SRMK), the Lampung Contractors Union (SPKL) and the National Student League for Democracy (LMND). Nationally, Papernas has a presence in 22 provinces and has its strongest base of mass support in Lampung, Central Java and the Greater Jakarta area.

Currently, the structure of Papernas Lampung consists of branches in the sub-districts of Central Tanjungkarang, Panjang, Kemiling, Tanjungseneng and Kedaton. Other branches that are in the process of being established include Rajabasa, West Tanjungkarang, North Telukbetung, South Telukbetung, Sukarame, and Sukabumi.

"We have a strong basis in Panjang, Central Tanjungkarang, Tanjungseneng and Kemiling. The majority of members are from the urban poor, street traders, buskers and petty traders", said Donna Sorenty Moza from Lampung LMND. n DWI/K-1

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Another new political party registers

Java Post - October 1, 2006

Jakarta – New political parties continue to surface. After 27 new political parties registered recently with the department of justice and human rights, there is now one more party, the National Liberation Party of Unity (PPPN or Papernas), that is ready to follow suit.

The party, which has a nationalist, democratic and populist ideology, will hold a national congress in late November. "We are guessing around November 26-29", said PPPN public relations officer Iwan Dwi Laksono. The event, which will be held at the Senayan Sports Arena in South Jakarta, will involve tens of thousands of participants from the Jakarta and surrounding areas.

The PPPN was established by long-term activists. Its chairperson, Dominggus Oktavianus, was previously the head of the Indonesian National Labour Front for Struggle (FNPBI). He replaced Dita Indah Sari who is now the chairperson of the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD).

In 2004, leaders of the PRD also formed the Party of United Opposition (Popor) that failed to pass the electoral threshold and was unable to take part in the general elections. They have now changed its name and are hoping to participate in the 2009 general elections.

Iwan is convinced that this time round the PPPN's chances passing the electoral threshold are quite good. Based on an internal verification process, the party whose general secretary is Lukman Hakim already has branches in 135 cities and 201 sub-districts. "The majority of our constituents are from outside of Java", he continued. This includes Bali, East Nusa Tenggara, West Nusa Tenggara, South, West and Central Sulawesi as well as Kalimantan, Maluku and West Papua.

PPPN will later be competing with numerous other new political parties that have already registered with the department of justice and human rights such as the Generation Party (Partai Generasi), the Indonesian Youth Awakening Party (Partai Indonesia Muda Bangkit), the Indonesia Advance Party (Partai Indonesia Maju), the Indonesia Archipelago Party (Partai Nusantara Indonesia), the United Islamic Party (Partai Islam Persatuan), the Labour Solidarity Party (Partai Solidaritas Buruh), the Labour Party (Partai Buruh), the My Republic Party (Partai Republikku), the Indonesia Murba Party (Partai Murba Indonesia), the Indonesian Nationalist Party of Marhaen Masses (PNI Massa Marhaen), the New Order Party (Partai Orde Baru), the Satrio Piningit Party (Partai Satrio Piningit) and the Marhaen Indonesia Nationalist Party (Partai PNI Marhaen). (cak)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

War on corruption

BPK slaps disclaimer on government's 2005 budget accounts

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2006

Urip Hudiono, Jakarta – The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) has slapped a disclaimer on the government's 2005 annual budget accounts, citing continuing glaring problems as regards transparency and accountability in the management of the state finances last year.

It means the agency has for six consecutive years slapped a disclaimer on the government's annual budget accounts.

A lack of access to audit tax revenues, the continued existence of obscure government bank accounts, and irregularities in transferring state assets and liabilities were particular reasons for the disclaimer, the BPK said in its audit of the 2005 budget accounts, which it submitted to a House of Representatives plenary session Tuesday. The agency also noted ongoing weaknesses in the government's own internal audit system, and several incidences of non-compliance with financial accounting procedures.

The audit was carried out on Rp 851.9 trillion (US$92.6 billion) worth of state assets, Rp 1,349 trillion of liabilities, Rp 497.1 trillion of equity, Rp 403.3 trillion of revenues, Rp 427.1 trillion of expenditure, and Rp 20.7 trillion of deficit financing.

The disclaimer comes despite the government having implemented a new balance sheet accounting system, and could affect the credibility of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration in implementing its better-governance agenda.

"It looks like little has changed since the New Order era," BPK chief Anwar Nasution told reporters after submitting the audit results, referring to the country's three decades of infamously corrupt bureaucracy under former President Soeharto.

"The government still has a lot to do so as to improve budget transparency and accountability, and to follow up on our audit findings and suggestions."

Since 2000, the BPK has always given a disclaimer to the government's accounts, including to the 2004 budget accounts, which were the first to follow the improved accounting system established by the State Finances Law (No. 17/2003). The BPK and the House had mostly served as little more than rubber stamps during the New Order era.

Last year's budget was the first to be both drafted and managed by Yudhoyono's administration. The 2004 budget was drafted by former President Megawati Soekarnoputri's administration.

Anwar said that the BPK's main objection to the 2005 budget accounts, which had led to the disclaimer, was the fact that the agency had been prevented by the General Tax Arrangements and Procedures Law from thoroughly auditing Rp 347 trillion in tax revenues and Rp 29.22 trillion in uncollected tax revenues.

The BPK also found a total of 1,303 savings and deposit accounts holding some Rp 8.54 trillion held under the private names of government officials, rather than the names of their institutions, with the purpose of many of the accounts being questionable.

Further on, the agency noted weaknesses in the government's internal audit system arising from the existing patchwork of accounting systems, most of which were incompatible with one another. All of this resulted in the inadequate reporting of, among other things, government investments worth Rp 393.1 trillion in state firms, Rp 130.2 trillion in Bank Indonesia, and Rp 60.3 trillion in the regions.

There was also incomplete reporting of disbursements and allocations worth Rp 11.4 trillion for foreign debt payments, Rp 4.25 trillion for subsidies, and Rp 446 billion for unrealized project spending.

Although the BPK's disclaimer has no concrete legal consequence for the government, it nevertheless constitutes something of an embarrassment.

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati said in the budget accounts, however, that the government was continuously working on ways to improve the management of the state finances.

Government told to get tough on corrupt lawmakers

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

Ary Hermawan, Jakarta – Non-governmental organizations called on the Yudhoyono administration Friday to press on with corruption cases involving state officials and legislators, despite objections from the House of Representatives.

The call from Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) and Imparsial came after the House working group on law enforcement and regional administration recommended Tuesday that the government rehabilitate the names of regional heads and council members implicated in corruption cases.

The House accused the government of being discriminatory in battling corruption at the regional level and of criminalizing regional councilors. "The recommendation is akin to asking the government to make a mass acquittal for the corrupt," Emerson Yunto of the ICW said.

The ICW reported that at least 55 corruption cases involving 350 public officials and lawmakers were filed with district courts from January 2005 through June 2006. Emerson added that about 1,200 regional council members were named suspects, charged and convicted of corruption from 1999 until the end of 2004.

"We demand that the government ignore those recommendations," he said, adding that they were clearly counterproductive to the nation's anti-graft drive.

The House's working group was established in March in response to complaints filed by some regional council members suspected of or charged with graft allegations.

Trimedya Panjaitan, who headed the working group, said the government had discriminated against lawmakers from political party factions. Very few of those from the military faction have been charged with the offense, he said.

"This is our political stance. (Should the government ignore the recommendations), it will risk the good relations between the executive and the legislative body," Trimedya said.

Danang Wahyu, also from the ICW, said that the House members should press the government to start probing military officials in regional councils.

"They should instead expedite the deliberation of the military tribunal law so that the government can try military officials in civil courts," he said. Under current law, military personnel can only be tried in military courts. "They protested the discrimination (against them) by issuing a recommendation that is equally discriminatory," he added.

The ICW and Imparsial demanded the legislative body not abuse its power by intervening in government policies regarding the eradication of corruption that might affect the interests of lawmakers.

Both deplored the House's statement that public officials had been criminalized for the policies they made, saying that policy making was prone to corrupt practices.

They urged the government to take legal action against anyone suspected of corruption, be they politicians, military personnel, bureaucrats or people from the private sector.

Police chief's wealth questioned

Jakarta Post - October 4, 2006

Jakarta – House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono asked Gen. Sutanto on Tuesday to clarify Corruption Eradication Commission findings his personal wealth had soared since becoming National Police chief.

"(Sutanto's) wealth has increased significantly and (people) will question this. As a public official, he must be able to explain the increase," Agung said as quoted by the detik.com news portal.

The KPK announced Tuesday that Sutanto's total assets soared by more than 140 percent from Rp 2.4 billion (US$260,960) in 2001 to Rp 5.9 billion by the first half of this year. The amount of his bank deposits rocketed from Rp 75 million to Rp 4.2 billion, the commission said.

KPK director of wealth reporting and monitoring Muhammad Sigit said Sutanto reported in his disclosure that the bank deposits did not come from third parties. "We can find out whether the increase in his wealth makes sense by knowing his earnings as National Police chief because he doesn't have any other businesses," Sigit said.

National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Paulus Purwoko said the increase was normal and "logical", given Sutanto's top job in the force.

"It is logical for a man in his position (to collect such a amount of money)," he said. Sutanto's monthly salary and allowances were significantly higher than other senior members of the force, he said.

He declined, however, to disclose how much Sutanto was paid a month. The institution authorized to give out such information was the police finance department, he said.

Sutanto was appointed chief on July 8 last year, replacing Gen. Da'i Bachtiar. Sutanto served as the head of the police's training and education institution before heading the National Narcotics Agency (BNN).

The KPK also published the wealth reports of former industry minister Andung Nitimihardja and former fisheries and maritime minister Rokhmin Dahuri.

Neither Andung's wealth report nor Rokhmin's showed a sharp increase from 2001 to 2004. Rokhmin's wealth increased from Rp 5 billion in 2001 to Rp 5.9 billion in 2004, while Andung's wealth rose from Rp 2 billion to Rp 2.4 billion during the same period.

The KPK also announced the wealth of four regional officials, including West Kutai Deputy Regent Ishmael Thomas and Nias Regent Binahati Baeha.

The KPK has so far published the wealth reports of 30 ministers or senior officials at the same level as ministers.

The antigraft body is currently verifying the reports filed by Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh and Indonesian Military chief Air Chief Marshall Djoko Suyanto.

The commission is also collecting additional information to complete reports on State Minister for Women's Empowerment Meutia Hatta, Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Widodo Adisucipto, State Minister for Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises Suryadharma Ali and Coordinating Minister for the Economy Boediono.

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Industry Minister Fahmi Idris are among officials who have yet to submit their reports.

Don't write off forestry firms' debt, government told

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Greenomics Indonesia and the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) urged the government Sunday to cancel its plan to write off Rp 1 trillion (about US$1.1 billion) of the debts of forestry companies.

The two non-governmental organizations argued that the companies, which received loans from state-owned banks for forestry sector projects, spent the bulk of the money on projects in other sectors. They said the write-off would cause huge state losses, injustices and corruption in the courts.

The government's plan to cancel the companies' debt was announced by Forestry Minister M.S. Kaban recently after discussion with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Kaban said the companies had proposed the write-off and he would facilitate it.

"We have sent a letter to Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, asking her to turn down the proposal," Greenomics Indonesia coordinator Vanda Mutia Dewi told The Jakarta Post here over the weekend. She said it was important for Sri Mulyani to make a public response to the proposal because Kaban had signed a memorandum of understanding on forestry management with Greenomics and the ICW.

Kaban has issued a decree on the write-off procedure for forestry companies. More than 96 companies, which owe the state Rp 1.08 trillion in total, would be eligible for the debt relief on the grounds that they went bankrupt due to the economic crisis that hit the country in 1997.

The government made the loans through state-owned PT Bank Mandiri, Bank BNI and Bank Rakyat Indonesia to help the companies reforest their concession areas under the industrial forest program.

Kaban said that just like bankers who received "amnesty" because they could not repay their debts to the Central Bank, forestry businesspeople deserved a similar privilege. "At least the debtors should be excepted from paying interest," he said.

ICW coordinator Teten Masduki said the scheme proposed by the forestry minister was unjust because companies that had profited from illegal logging operations and received loans from the reforestation fund would be given a debt reprieve. "The forestry companies do not deserve such a facility because according to an independent audit, the greater part of the loans was used for things other than reforestation," he said.

Data made available by ICW and Greenomics shows that a number of the 96 troubled companies have debts amounting to Rp 20 billion or more. They are PT Inhutani I, Inhutani V, PT ITCI Hutani Manunggal, PT Adindo Hutani Lestari, PT Kiani Hutani Lestari, PT Tanjung Redeb Hutani, PT Surya Hutani Jaya, PT Musi Hutan Persada and PT Aceh Nusa Indrapuri.

Regional/communal conflicts

Poso activist denies military accusation

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

Ruslan Sangadji, Palu – A civil society activist in Poso, Central Sulawesi, denied Friday military accusations that he had been involved in the violence that followed the executions of three Catholics.

Iskandar Lamuka, director of Poso-based NGO the Institute for Empowering Civil Society, said he had been called by the Poso Police for questioning. "I've received a letter from the police asking me to attend a questioning session on Monday. I'll be there and will explain what really happened," he said.

On Thursday, Wirabuana Military commander Maj. Gen. Arief Budi Sampurno named Iskandar as one several non-governmental activists and local officials he believed were behind the violence in the aftermath of the executions of the Poso Three.

Fabianus Tibo, Marinus Riwu and Dominggus da Silva were found guilty of leading a Christian militia that launched a series of attacks in Central Sulawesi in May 2000, and were sentenced to death in 2001.

Their Sept 22. executions triggered violence in the province and in East Nusa Tenggara, where da Silva was from. In Poso, angry Taripa villagers in the North Pamona district stormed a police station and set fire to three cars, while the town itself has been rocked by several recent bombings.

Poso military command chief Lt. Col. Indra Maulana Harahap, following the orders of Arief, officially reported Iskandar to the Poso Police for defamation after he gave an interview to local radio station 68H on Oct. 2. Iskandar says he believes he did not defame any individuals or institutions in the interview.

"(I was only saying that) there are certain groups that intentionally provoke residents to trigger open conflict and legitimize the police in declaring a civil to emergency situation," he said.

Iskandar said Arief had accused him of provoking residents to resort to violent acts. "I never said anything like that. I never accused TNI as (Arief) said. The accusation is groundless. (Arief)'s statement is misleading," said Iskandar, who is also an executive of the Poso Center NGO.

Before setting up his civil society institute, Iskandar, along with Poso community figure Yus Mangun, worked assisting conflict victims in Poso who were fleeing to Palu. He also pushed for the disclosure of the details of a Poso humanitarian fund corruption case that involved several important officials, a move that allegedly helped make his office a bomb target.

Meanwhile, the Poso Center has said it intends to prepare several lawyers to accompany Iskandar during his Monday questioning.

"We believe Iskandar is innocent, it's just the Wirabuana Military commander who doesn't want to be criticized. if he wanted to have dialog, things would clear up," said Mahfud Masuara, the center's secretary.

He said individuals, NGOs and religious groups had all criticized the way the authorities had handled Poso and the Military's decision to deploy troops. He said the violence was evidence of the government's failure and that it and the authorities should be held responsible.

"We also want a review of the troop presence in Poso because they haven't made the situation there any better," Mahfud said.

NGOs, officials behind Poso strife: Military

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Andi Hajramurni, Makassar – A civil society activist and local officials are some of the people the military blame Thursday for the recent violence in conflict-torn Poso, Central Sulawesi after the execution of three Christians on death row last month.

Wirabuana Military Commander Maj. Gen. Arief Budi Sampurno said groups behind the violence came from Poso and outside the area, and included people from non-governmental organizations and several Poso officials.

Budi would not name all the officials or groups that he said were revealed to the Indonesian Military (TNI) by undercover operations.

"We have identified several groups or people who have provoked residents to fresh violence in Poso. There are NGO activists and local officials. We have evidence of their involvement since all this time the TNI has been among them, so we know who they are and their plans," Arief said after the military's 61st anniversary celebration in Makassar.

The three Christian men – Fabianus Tibo, Marinus Riwu and Dominggus da Silva – were found guilty of leading a Christian militia that launched a series of attacks in Central Sulawesi in May 2000. Their executions on Sept. 22 triggered violence inside the province and in East Nusa Tenggara, da Silva's hometown.

In Poso, angry Taripa villagers stormed police station and torched three cars and the town has been rocked by several recent bombings, including three over the weekend.

Arief said one of those believed to be responsible for triggering fresh incidents was activist, Iskandar Lamuka, a director of a Poso-based NGO, the Institute for Empowering Civil Society.

Iskandar had allegedly provoked residents and security personnel to attack each other, Arief said, and had been called in for questioning by the Poso Police.

He said the police were also hunting down officials suspected of being involved in the incidents. "Just wait, the Poso Police will certainly bring things out into the open," Arief said.

The military would be ready to assist the police to track down and arrest the perpetrators, he said. Arief said the military would not send fresh reinforcements to Poso ahead of the Idul Fitri celebrations. Instead it would work with Muslim and Christian youths to help secure the area.

He said that the decision not to deploy more soldiers was made because Poso's security situation was "good" despite the previous incidents.

"Poso residents have been working together with the military and the police just fine. If something happens, they will directly report it to the security personnel, so it's clear there are only certain groups that want to cause security disturbances in Poso," Arief said.

He called Poso residents to remain calm and not be easily provoked by the actions of irresponsible groups or individuals.

Security tight after violence flares in Poso

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2006

Ruslan Sangadji, Poso, Central Sulawesi – Paramilitary police are being deployed here after a series of attacks and bombings during the weekend amid rising religious tensions following the executions of three Christian militants.

About 20 men wearing black masks blocked a road in Poso town, witnesses told The Associated Press. They stopped a bus and forced five passengers to get out, intimidating them and stabbing one before police arrived. The victim was hospitalized with wounds to his back, said Yeni, a nurse. She described his condition as "serious".

Communal tensions have risen on Sulawesi since the executions last week of three Catholic men convicted of leading a militia that carried out attacks in 2000, including an assault on an Islamic school that left at least 70 dead.

Early Sunday morning two bombs exploded near a church and local government offices in Poso's Kawua subdistrict. No one was hurt. When police later arrived, a group of angry Christian villagers attacked them, accusing them of failing to secure the area. Cornered, police retreated to the Muslim-majority Sayo subdistrict.

A few hours before midnight Saturday, a police vehicle was attacked when a group of men threw a small bomb at a bomb-squad van, AFP reported. It was the fourth to rock the town in a day, police said.

Previously, three other small bombs went off on Saturday night, part of what police say is an attempt to stir up unrest after the execution of Fabianus Tibo, Dominggus Da Silva and Marinus Riwu.

The three were shot dead by firing squad on Sept. 22. Human rights activists believe the executions were hasty and politically motivated. No Muslims involved in the convict were sentenced to death and all received jail terms of less than 15 years.

On Friday, more than 100 Christian youths, angered by the Sept. 22 executions, torched a police station and hurled rocks at a helicopter carrying a police chief, state news agency Antara said.

Poso Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Rudy Sufahyadi said the situation in Poso was now under control after the deployment of another 300 officers from the East Kalimantan Police. Residents have also returned home to the Kawua and Sayo subdistricts in the city although the situation there remains tense. National Police chief Gen. Sutanto called on people Sunday not to be easily provoked into a larger-scale conflict.

In Taripa village, the situation was calm after the riot at the Pamona Timur Police headquarters there two weeks ago. The compound remains guarded by members of the Central Sulawesi Police Mobile Brigade, while remnants of burned vehicles resulting from the riot have not been removed.

The Trans Sulawesi highway that links four main provinces on the island has also been reopened. Thousands of people earlier ran amok at the headquarters after the executions, ransacking the building and setting fire to police vehicles. Several policemen from the precinct were reported to have fled into the mountains.

Environment

'We hope Lapindo will keep its promise': Environmentalist

Jakarta Post - October 7, 2006

The hot mud that is surging from PT Lapindo Brantas Inc.'s gas well in Sidoarjo, East Java, has remained unstoppable after over three months. The government's decision to take over the handling of the disaster through a national team for mudflow control gives the impression that the company is shirking its responsibilities. The deputy director of the East Java Forum for the Environment (Walhi), Catur Nusantara talked to The Jakarta Post's Indra Harsaputra about the issue.

Question: What do you think about the government's decision to handle the hot mudflow?

Answer: From the beginning, Lapindo has never been serious about handling the mudflow problem, which began on May 29. With the increasing complexity of the issue due to the absence of a lasting solution, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has finally instructed the national team for mudflow control in Sidoarjo to take measures to deal with the case.

In my view, the takeover was very late because the social problem of mudflow victims was already complicated. Now the local people don't trust anybody, not even the media and environmental activists, let alone the government and Lapindo. Even if the national team is serious about tackling the hot mudflow, it needs to work hard. Besides, it should be transparent in explaining to the public via the media what has actually happened and what concrete steps are to be taken by the victims, who have been living in even more dire conditions.

The national team has explained to journalists the government's plans, including its measures to rescue surrounding village communities. But the plans are conceptually unclear. An example is the statement of (energy minister) Purnomo Yusgiantoro on the declaration of a state of emergency and danger. In his description, the dangerous status is to be announced when hot mud threatens the safety of residents, destroys infrastructure and paralyzes East Java's economy, and under such circumstances mud water can be dumped into Porong River. At present, the government has declared a state of emergency but hot mud water continues to pour into the river. It's odd, as the mud water must in no way go to Porong River under the emergency status.

Wasn't it at the request of local residents that the mud water be immediately discharged into the river?

The majority of residents indeed agreed with the prompt disposal of hot mud water into Porong River and it's this local demand that eventually led to Sidoarjo Regent Win Hendrarso's decision – though still without Environment Minister Rachmat Witoelar's recommendation – to dump it into the river. All this had some reason. Lapindo came up with the idea of speedily dumping hot mud water into Porong River for the purpose of hastening problem settlement and saving its budget.

While preparing pipes and pumps for the discharge, Lapindo also sought the services of researchers from several universities to support the claim that the mud water and also hot mud contained no poison. The results were disseminated by the media to ease public worries about the mud water discharge.

Mudflow victims themselves had no choice but to agree with the disposal of untreated mud water into the river. First, they were in a difficult position with their homes being surrounded by hot mud ponds over five meters high. Second, there was no guarantee from Lapindo and the government for public safety and against the risk of any pond breach. Inevitably, they agreed and even staged a demo by blocking the Surabaya-Gempol turnpike and the Porong highway to urge the immediate removal of the mud.

So it's true that some interested parties persuaded local communities to accept the mud water discharge offer?

The interests connected with Lapindo's mud issue are endless. Various parties have obviously joined the game. Even among Sidoarjo's Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) circles, Walhi was once rumored to share some interests in order to prevent the NU from filing a joint lawsuit with Walhi. The media was also reportedly playing a part by writing stories in favor of Lapindo. In Porong, facts can be distorted. Those with certain interests may emerge as heroes by blaming others genuinely struggling for the victims. Among the victims themselves there are interested people trying to seek personal profits from the sale value of land, by working as brokers to fix their neighbors' land prices. Therefore, they are ready to support whatever plan and program is offered by the government and Lapindo, even if it's unfavorable to local villagers. Mostly called Lapindo's brokers, they have contributed to attempts at persuading residents around the well site.

If the situation is dangerous and threatens the safety of the local population, will Walhi agree with the disposal of hot mud water into the river and sea?

We have expressed our disagreement from the start despite the treatment of hot mud water. But if it's too late and inevitable, Walhi will have to make the only choice of dumping mud water into Porong River as long as it is treated and the outcome of this treatment is transparently announced to the public before its discharge. In reality, the mud water is now flowing into the river.

Is Walhi going to sue Lapindo?

Yes, we're planning to sue Lapindo, the regional administration and the central government for the environmental damage. We don't trust the survey results stating that the untreated hot mud water is safe for the river and the marine environment. Wahli regrets the fact that academics who have a social responsibility delivered the survey findings. What is happening in Porong is a series of deceptions. We hope the value of honesty will be apparent in court and the truth can be exposed.

Is Walhi convinced that Lapindo will settle the payment of compensation money to mudflow victims?

No, we're not, and the compensation will not be evenly and fairly distributed. As I've earlier said, the hot mudflow has never been seriously handled. It's because of the tug of war between Lapindo and the government. Indirectly, the government should have shared the responsibility, but Vice President Jusuf Kalla at first expressed the government's disapproval of any spending on the Lapindo case. Meanwhile, Lapindo had indeed wished to shift the crisis handling to the government. Still, after some time the government eventually took over the control of the hot mudflow and this opened a big chance for Lapindo to evade its responsibility. We hope that Lapindo will keep its promise and remain prepared to pay whatever amount of compensation is agreed on to the rightful victims.

Choking haze continues billowing across region

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Jakarta/Batam – Haze from land-clearing fires in jungle-clad Kalimantan and Sumatra worsened Thursday, disrupting travel and shutting schools across the northern part of the country as residents donned masks to cope with the bad air.

Satellite images taken over Borneo on Wednesday showed that although the number of hot spots – large areas with high temperatures indicating fires – had dropped in West and Central Kalimantan to 395, the number in South Kalimantan had more than quadrupled from a day earlier to 561.

"The governor has ordered all schools, from kindergarten to high school, to close as of today (Thursday) and only reopen Monday," West Kalimantan local official Emmy Putrimas, from the provincial capital Pontianak, told AFP on Thursday. She said masks were being distributed on streets to help people cope with deteriorating air quality.

In the Central Kalimantan capital of Palangkaraya, schools were closed for three days starting Tuesday. An aide to the head of the local education office said it was likely closures would be extended.

In Pontianak, visibility was down to less than 300 meters while in Palangkaraya, it was just 200 meters, meteorological officials there said.

Health officials in both provinces have said that more people have been seeking medical help for respiratory ailments in recent weeks.

Haze has also shrouded parts of Riau Islands, as the number of hot spots in Lampung, Jambi and South Sumatra has continued to increase.

The head of the Batam Meteorology and Geophysics Agency in Batam, Herry Saroso, said Thursday haze was still threatening the island.

Based on the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) satellite survey, the number of hot spots has increased from less than 100 to 257 hot spots in the past two days, he said. "The increase in the number of hot spots has made the Riau Islands become a victim of the haze," Herry said.

The choking smoke has also spread to neighboring Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. In Malaysia's Sarawak state, air quality remained unhealthy in most areas, with the air pollution index readings of between 106 to 188. The index considers haze levels of 100-200 to be unhealthy.

"At the moment, it's better than yesterday," Sarawak deputy chief minister George Chan told Reuters. "We have undertaken cloud- seeding three days ago."

Travel was also affected. "The helicopter service, a key mode of transport in Sarawak, has been stopped due to poor visibility," an official with the Department of Civil Aviation in Sarawak's capital Kuching told AFP.

On Thursday, the haze had spread 3,600 kilometers to smother islands in the western Pacific, authorities there said. In the US-administered Northern Mariana Islands, the Emergency Management Office said the Indonesian fires were the source of haze over the islands.

In Guam, near to the Northern Marianas, acting governor Tim Villagomez said the haze was likely to persist for several days, AFP reported. Motorists were warned to take extra care because of the poor visibility.

In 1997-98 the haze cost the Southeast Asian region an estimated US$9 billion by disrupting air travel and other business activities.

Forest fires have become a regular occurrence during the dry season here but in the last decade the situation has worsened, with timber and plantation firms often blamed for deliberately starting fires to cut land clearing costs.

Greenpeace activists smoke out forestry ministry

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Jakarta – Greenpeace activists literally smoked out the forestry ministry in Jakarta on Thursday to protest the government's failure to stop forest fires. The blazes have spread choking smog over much of Southeast Asia, threatening the health of millions.

Over the past week, thick smoke from fires in Sumatra and Central Kalimantan has affected Singapore and Malaysia. Agence France- Presse reported that smoky haze from illegal land clearing in Kalimantan and Sumatra reached the US-administered Northern Mariana Islands, 3,600 kilometers away in the western Pacific.

In Guam, near the Northern Marianas, acting governor Tim Villagomez said the haze was likely to persist for several days but was not expected to cause health problems.

Greenpeace demanded that the government investigate companies that clear land by burning the forest, and hold them liable for the damage.

They also hung a large banner in front of the ministry that read "Stop Forest Conversion", calling on Forestry Minister M.S. Kaban (photo) to preserve the remaining Indonesian forests rather than allowing them to be turned into agricultural and pulp projects.

"The government should put in place a permanent mechanism to build capacity to assess vulnerability, develop regional climate models and design adaptation strategies that consider the vulnerability of local communities and indigenous species," it said in a statement.

New Indonesia calamity: A man-made mud bath

New York Times - October 5, 2006

Raymond Bonner and Muktita Suhartono, Kedungbendo – It started as a natural gas well. It has become geysers of mud and water, and in a country plagued by earthquakes, volcanoes and tsunamis another calamity in the making, though this one is largely man- made.

Eight villages are completely or partly submerged, with homes and more than 20 factories buried to the rooftops. Some 13,000 people have been evacuated. The four-lane highway west of here has been cut in two, as has the rail line, dealing a serious blow to the economy of this region in East Java, an area vital to the country's economy. The muck has already inundated an area covering one and a half square miles. And it shows no signs of stopping.

The mud is rising by the hour, and now spewing forth at the rate of about 170,000 cubic yards a day, or about enough to cover Central Park.

Foreign companies, environmental groups and political observers are now watching closely to see whether the government will hold the company that drilled the well accountable for the costs of the cleanup, which could easily reach $1 billion.

The company is part of a conglomerate controlled by Aburizal Bakrie, a cabinet member and billionaire who was a major contributor to the campaign of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The disaster occurred as the company, Lapindo Brantas, drilled thousands of feet to tap natural gas and used practices that geologists, mining engineers and Indonesian officials described as faulty.

But as the liabilities have escalated, Lapindo was sold – for $2 – last month to an offshore company, owned by the Bakrie Group, and many fear it will declare bankruptcy, allowing its owners to walk away.

Mr. Bakrie declined to be interviewed. A spokeswoman for Lapindo, Yunawati Teryana, said that it was too early to conclude that Lapindo had acted negligently. She noted that some geologists had said this was a natural disaster, a natural mud volcano, perhaps set off by seismic activity in the area.

Government officials and company engineers are not hopeful that they can contain the problem. In what Indonesian officials describe as the best of the worst options, the government plans to pump the mud into the Porong River, which flows into the sea 20 miles north of here.

"It will be the death of the ecosystem around that area," said Amien Widodo, an environmental geologist who teaches at the November 10 Institute of Technology in Surabaya. There is debate whether the mud is toxic. But the sheer volume alone will smother just about everything in its path, he said.

"We are angry because we were living comfortably in our own home and now we are forced to leave," Reni Matakupan said as she stood here looking across 200 yards of mud at her family's factory, DeBrima, which was filling with mud.

The problems began in late May when the company had reached about 9,000 feet, Mr. Widodo said. It continued to drill to this depth even though it had not installed what is known as a casing around the well to the levels required under Indonesian mining regulations, and good mining practices, he said.

The company experienced problems with the drilling that led to a loss of pressure in the well. That is when the mud started seeping in from the sides of the unprotected well bore, at a depth of about 6,000 feet.

The mud was stopped by cement plugs that the company had inserted into the well hole. The mud then sought other avenues of escape, eventually breaking through the earth, and creating mud volcanoes in several places that resemble the geysers of Yellowstone.

If the proper casing had been in place, the mud would not have entered the well, Mr. Widodo said, and would not have discovered these other avenues to the surface, a conclusion supported by mining engineers. Several Western and Indonesian mining engineers spoke about the matter, some offering graphs and mining details that have not been made public, but only on the condition that they not be identified, for fear of running afoul of Mr. Bakrie, the billionaire company owner.

So far there does not appear to be any government investigation into what set off the mud eruptions. After the first eruptions, in late May, the police in Sidoarjo, the district at the center of the disaster, began an investigation, but it appears to have languished. "I am not confident that anyone will ever be prosecuted," said H. Win Hendrarso, the regent for Sidoarjo, choosing his words carefully. In an interview in his high- ceilinged office, Mr. Hendrarso, who was elected a year ago, said he had no authority to investigate. Any investigations would have to be by the central government in Jakarta, he said. He added that he was not aware of any.

"I just want Lapindo to take responsibility," he said. But Lapindo no longer exists, and the company to which it has been sold may not have any assets.

Last month, Lapindo's parent company announced that it was selling Lapindo for $2 to Lyte Ltd., a company that is registered in the offshore island of Jersey. The majority shareholder in the parent company is the Bakrie Group, and the Bakrie Group is also the sole owner of Lyte, according to public documents. The Bakrie Group is owned by Aburizal Bakrie and his brothers.

Lapindo's parent company, Energi Mega Persada, had said in an official securities filing that it was selling Lapindo because of the huge costs it faced in cleaning up after the mud flow, and it was better to use its assets for its other oil and gas projects.

An Energi spokesman, Herwin Hidayat, said the Bakrie Group remained committed to cleaning up the mud, through Lyte. He declined to say what assets Lyte had, if any. He said it was a "functioning company." He declined to give any examples of any business that it had done. A concern now is whether Lyte, which has been renamed Bakrie Oil & Gas, will declare bankruptcy, which seems almost inevitable.

"That's what I'm afraid of," said Mr. Hendrarso, the senior elected executive official in Sidoarjo, the district that is at the center of the mud disaster. If the Bakrie Group does not pay, the Indonesia government will be left with the bill, government officials said.

Health & education

Drug prices remain high despite rules

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Hera Diani, Jakarta – The tug-of-war between the government and the powerful pharmaceutical industry over drug price rationalization and labeling is raging on, with only a small percentage of drug producers completely complying with regulations, a survey has found.

The health minister issued several decrees earlier this year obliging producers to lower drug prices as well as put price labels and generic labels on medicine. The rules were aimed at regulating prescription drugs, which are said to be the most costly in the region, in order to prevent price gouging and make health care more affordable. Last month, the minister issued a decree to further lower prices. It took effect Sunday.

A survey by the Indonesian Health Consumer Empowerment Foundation during June and September this year, however, showed that the majority of pharmaceutical companies are not yet using generic labeling. When they did, the font size was not 80 percent of the brand-name font size, as required.

Most companies, the survey said, had yet to label each product with the highest retail price set by the minister even though that rule took effect Aug. 7. They had also failed to lower prices.

"There are many products whose prices are five times to 27 times higher than the price set by minister. Whereas the minister and pharmaceutical industry agreed that the price should not exceed three times the required price," said the foundation's Marius Widjajarta in a seminar Thursday. The head of the Food and Drug Monitoring Agency, Husniah Rubiana Th-Akib, slammed the industry for being reluctant to follow the regulations and frequently requesting delays.

Drug prices here are higher than in neighboring countries, she said. The antibiotic Ceftriaxone, for instance, costs US$25.48 per gram, while in the Philippines, Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand, it costs from $11.21 to $14.62 per gram.

"The price of drugs also differs from one place to another. We don't mean to kill the industry; in fact we increased 30 types of drugs because we thought their prices were too low," said Husniah, who was a member of the Health Ministry's drug price evaluation team. "We're also asking people to monitor the drug prices."

Meanwhile, Parulian Simanjuntak, the executive director of the International Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Group, said his members had followed the regulation requiring price labeling. "It officially took effect on Aug. 7, but the health minister agreed to give us until the end of the year to fully implement the decree," he said Thursday. He conceded that the organization was not complying on the size of the generic labeling.

Meanwhile, Anthony Sunarjo of the Indonesian Pharmaceutical Association told The Jakarta Post earlier that the group had set retail prices higher than those mandated by the ministry. "We formulated the prices ourselves because the health minister never discussed the prices with us," he said.

Parulian said that instead of focusing on regulating labels and prices, the government should work harder to increase patients' access to drugs. "We should focus on health service financing," he said. "We're focusing too much on short term programs."

Female circumcision must be banned - poll

Detik.com - October 5, 2006

Shinta Shinaga, Jakarta – Female circumcision is indeed already a tradition in Indonesia. However the medical world is now becoming concerned about the practice of removing the clitoris. The results of a Detik.com poll indicated that female circumcision must be banned.

The polling was opened on September 28 at 1.40pm West Indonesia Time. The question was: Female circumcision causes infection, hemorrhaging, sexual trauma and a series of other complications. Should it be banned even though it has become a tradition? There were two answers that could be chosen: "It should" and "It should not".

By Thursday October 5 at 12.30pm, 874 votes had been entered with 570 (65.22%) stating that female circumcision must be banned and 304 (34,78%) stating that it should not.

Female circumcision is generally done just after a baby is born up until the age of nine months although in the Gorontalo province of North Sulawesi it is done between the ages of one to four years while in Makassar, South Sulawesi, it is done between the ages of five to nine years.

The department of health has stated that circumcision in inappropriate for women in terms of health and even more so in terms of human rights because the practice has shifted from the symbolic, to the impairment of the sexual organs. The department of health has also been asked to issue a directive banning female circumcision.

The following problems can be suffered immediately following female circumcision: hemorrhaging, infection that can result in septicemia, tetanus and infection of the wound. Later on there are problems with menstruation, infection of the urinary tract, chronic inflammation of the hips, infertility, sexual disaffection, problems with pregnancy and giving birth as well as the risk of HIV infection.

Then there is also sexual trauma or psycho-sexual problems such as pain during intimate contact, a reduction in sexual desire, fear, depression and marital conflict.

The state minister for women's empowerment has declared her support for the banning of female circumcision. Moreover it is also considered to be a form of mutilation so that the body is no longer whole. According to the minister, female circumcision does not originate from Islamic teachings like male circumcision but comes from Egyptian culture that has been adopted by Indonesian society, even though not all Egyptians practice it.

So, should female circumcision be banned in Indonesia? The results of the Detik.com poll say it must. However the poll is not scientific and only reflects the opinions of Detik.com readers that participated in the poll. (sss/asy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

AGO examining 22 school books

Tempo Interactive - October 3, 2006

Tito Sianipar/Eko Ari Wibowo, Jakarta – The Attorney General's Office (AGO) will ban a number of school books from the 2004 curriculum.

AGO is now analyzing the suitability of 22 school books with historical facts. "Since it is concerned with education, (history) books must be composed properly," said Muchtar Arifin, the Deputy Attorney General for Intelligence, at a press conference yesterday (10/2) in Jakarta.

According to Muchtar, AGO will study 22 school books of the 2004 curriculum ranging from elementary school through high school. The books include, three History Books for Junior High School, Class IX; National and General History Book 3A for Senior High School, Class III, Social Sciences; and a History Book 3 for Class XII.

The examination of the books is based on the National Education Ministerial letter dated July 5th 2005. The letter contains a prohibition of history books of the 2004 curriculum and a notification of withdrawal of those books from circulation. "Because there are some facts that have not recorded the historical facts," said Muchtar.

Based on the letter, AGO will bring the investigation result to a clearing house, an inter-institutional internal research center. The forum includes AGO, the police department, State Intelligence Agency, Strategic Intelligence Agency, the Department of Religious Affairs and the Department of National Education.

The ban for not circulating and publishing the books will depend on the research of the internal forum. "Based on the forum, the Attorney General will consider whether or not to withdraw the books," said Muchtar.

In fact, according to Muchtar, the writers and the publishers may be charged with civil sanctions. They can be accused as disturbing public order. However, he said, so far none of those writers nor publishers were punished because of their published books.

AGO has banned the circulation of two books so far: an atlas which contains the picture of a flag with a morning star on it; and a book entitled I Found Truth in the Koran written by Maksud Simanungkalit. "Both books were evaluated as possibly disturbing public order and tranquility," said Muchtar.

Earlier, a historian at the Indonesian Institute of Science Asvi Warman Adam said that the 2006 national education curriculum covers history. In the curriculum, the facts which lie in the 2004 curriculum are no longer used. As a result, he said, people will get confused.

Meanwhile, the Department of National Education has argued that books with different curriculum exist by virtue of a resolution made by the history study team formed in 1998. Diah Herianti, the Head of Center for National Education Curriculum, said that the last revisions, the 2006 curriculum, are the adjustment to the competence standards of students' study. "After discussing matters concerning the September 30th incident, the team decided to use the existing version," he said.

AGO still investigating history book

Tempo Interactive - October 2, 2006

Fanny Febiana, Jakarta – The Attorney General's Office (AGO) is still investigating the reason why the words "(defunct) Indonesian Communist Party (PKI)" are not included in the "Gerakan 30 September (abortive coup by the PKI)" phrase in history books for elementary up to senior high schools.

"A team is investigating whether this was done on purpose or not," said Intelligence Deputy Attorney General Muchtar Arifin after attending Pancasila Sanctity day, yesterday morning (1/10).

If the word PKI was intentionally not included behind G-30-S, then the AGO wants to know the argumentation as to why. "There must be clarity. Because this will affect the general public especially students. This concerns history," said Muchtar.

Bali/tourism

Trouble season for Indonesia's Bali

Asia Times - October 2, 2006

Gary LaMoshi, Denpasar – In the beginning, Bali had a wet season and a dry season. When Western artists, actors and anthropologist Margaret Mead came in the early 20th century, Bali added tourist season to its calendar. Now, courtesy of Police General Senarko Danu Ardanto, Bali has a fourth season: the island's top cop last week declared the start of "trouble season" on what Travel & Leisure magazine still calls "the world's best island".

Islamic extremist bombers have hit multiple targets on Indonesia's tourist island of Bali twice in Octobers past. Attacks on nightclubs on October 12, 2002, killed 202 people, the majority of them foreign tourists. Suicide bombings of popular restaurants last year killed 20, plus a trio of bombers. General Ardanto's force is deploying 1,000 additional officers, hoping to avoid a three-peat.

Even if peace prevails this October, the 2002 and 2005 attacks mean a lasting case of trouble in paradise. The shadow of those blasts rises every October as Australia's emerging national signature event – the public memorial – comes to Bali. Balinese have done their Hindu cleansing ceremonies and largely moved on. Indonesian authorities tolerate these now annual happenings and occasionally provide a VIP guest, but these are Australian moments to remember its 88 nationals who died in the 2002 tragedy.

Previous October 12 bombing commemorations have included survivors, relatives of victims, and even Australian Prime Minister John Howard. The memorials help reinforce Howard's assertion that Bali is Australia's September 11. But like much of Australia's interaction with its giant neighbor, the impact on Indonesia is an afterthought and Jakarta's reactions a side- effect.

Canberra's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade reportedly planned to scale back the pathos last year. But when suicide bombers struck again – killing four Australians among the 23 dead – the Howard government decided to make another major show at Bali's Ground Zero at Kuta Beach. Foreign Minister Alexander Downer attended to demonstrate Australia was not intimidated by an attack on someone else's soil.

Captured documents from terrorist operative Azahari bin Husin revealed a plot to attack last year's October 12 ceremony, but the plan was reportedly abandoned due to security concerns. This year, though, the Australians are going lower key, in line with the government's warning against unnecessary travel to Indonesia due to the likelihood of attacks.

This October's pair of commemorative services are invitation only, private affairs away from the bomb sites, with no government incentives for the injured and families of the deceased to revisit. Victims attending the October 1 memorial, at a luxury hotel, were mainly Indonesians.

Star season

The foiled attack on the commemoration ceremony last year is reason to mark this 2006 "trouble season" with a star.

The Muslim holy month of Ramadan this year coincides with the bomb anniversaries. Last year, Ramadan began just before the October 12 anniversary, and just after the October 1 attacks. Perhaps Bali police can believe they've withstood the first danger points, but there's no relief until the calendar turns. Elsewhere in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim majority state with at least 180 million of its estimated 220 million people adherents to the faith, Ramadan has on occasion provided an excuse for Islamist violence.

Just ahead of Ramadan, the government chose to execute a trio of Christians convicted for inciting the killings of Muslims in central Sulawesi in 2000. That immediately put the focus on Amrozi, Iman Sumudra and Mukhlas, the Bali bombers of 2002, who are all awaiting execution. Balinese marched last week to demand that their death sentences be carried out, but the Poso executions may actually make the Bali executions more, not less, difficult.

As Indonesia struggles with the meaning and practice of diversity, particularly for religious outliers such as its 40 million Christian minority – larger than the entire populations of Australia and New Zealand – and Bali's 3 million or so Hindus, the Bali and Poso executions were seen as a pair, mixing revenge with loss for each camp. In that scenario, executing the Bali bombers first would have made more sense. It would antagonize the Muslim majority, but the subsequent killings of the three offending Christians would salve the wound.

Problems with the executions go beyond timing. The Poso convictions are widely considered a miscarriage of justice. Using those last three words for a headline, a recent Jakarta Post editorial stated, "The [Poso] executions will be remembered as part of the tragedies besetting the country's efforts to uphold justice for one reason: they took place while there was insufficient evidence beyond a reasonable doubt that the three uneducated men were the masterminds of the violence."

In comparison, the Bali bombing prosecutions were applauded as professional both in Indonesia and overseas, and the accused have not denied their roles – questioning only whether they deserve to be punished or rewarded for jihad against infidels. Nevertheless, widespread questioning of the Poso death sentences makes it easy for Islamic extremists to raise questions about the Bali bombers' sentences.

Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, the cleric jailed for his role in the first Bali attacks, told reporters, "[I]f you ask me which one is more dangerous, nude women or the Bali bombs, then my answer would be the women showing off their skin." You don't have to be an Islamist extremist or misogynist to imagine that if the Poso verdicts were the product of a flawed system and thus a miscarriage of justice, then the Bali bomber verdicts could be, too.

Even Australia has called Indonesia's administration of the death penalty into question, at least when it comes to Australian defendants.

Real victims still pained

Amid the attempts by Islamists and Australia's serial commemorators to hijack the Bali tragedies for their own purposes, the real victims of the bombings are often forgotten. The Balinese – and the thousands of other Indonesians and foreigners on the island who rely on tourism for their livelihoods – are still reeling.

Bali's economy depends on tourism for more than half of its income and jobs. Tourism cratered after the 2002 attacks, but by late 2004 it had rebounded. Last year, visitor arrivals were running at a record pace before last year's suicide bombings. Those blasts, even though the toll was relatively small and overwhelmingly local, may have a more lasting impact than the 2002 bombings.

The second strike showed that beyond any doubt Bali is a primary target for Indonesia's Islamic terrorists. The tourists are foreigners, the Balinese are Hindus, and the attacks attract international attention. No other part of Indonesia offers that winning combination for terrorists.

The immediate effect of the bombs last year wasn't as steep as in 2002 – a 43% drop in tourist arrivals the immediate aftermath, versus 57% in 2002. As expected, the gap narrowed, reaching a mere 11% by April. But since then, the gap has widened: in the prime tourist season months of July and August, arrivals were again off by more than 20%.

The biggest components in the fall have been Australians. Their arrival numbers are down 56%. Terror attacks combined with drug arrests are tipped as the reason for the dramatic drop. Whatever the reason, Balinese just wish the Australians would quit remembering so damned much. For Balinese tourism, it looks like a long, lonely trouble season.

[Gary LaMoshi has worked as a broadcast producer and print writer and editor in the US and Asia. Longtime editor of investor rights advocate eRaider.com, he's also a contributor to Slate and Salon.com, and a counselor for Writing Camp, www.writingcamp.net.]

Mourners remember victims of Bali attacks, one year on

Agence France Presse - October 1, 2006

Benito Lopulalan, Jimbaran – Survivors and relatives of the 20 people killed in suicide bombings on Indonesia's Bali one year ago held a sombre memorial Sunday amid stepped-up security on the resort island.

Some 120 people gathered to mark the one-year anniversary of the coordinated attacks by Islamic militants on three eateries in Kuta, the main tourist strip, and Jimbaran, a quiet bay dotted with beachside seafood restaurants.

Fifteen Indonesians, four Australians and one Japanese national were killed in the bloody attacks aimed at "America and its allies", according to documents left behind by the three bombers.

The memorial ceremony was held at Jimbaran, about 150 metres (yards) from the site of one of the attacks.

"We came together this morning to mourn, but many of us also will be remembering the life stories and aspirations of each person affected by these attacks," Australian Ambassador Bill Farmer told the gathering.

He said that despite the attacks last year and the bombings in 2002, which left 202 people dead, terrorism had failed to dampen the spirit of the Indonesian people.

"In this we can be certain. The attempts of terrorists to spread disorder and dismay, to drive people, faith and neighbours apart, and to attack the aspirations of Indonesia for democracy and a prosperous future, failed," he said.

Badung district chief Anak Agung Gede Agung, addressing the same ceremony, said the bombings had devastated Bali's tourism industry, the main income earner for the Hindu-majority island. "With the assistance of various sides, we are attempting to recover once again," Agung said.

As a relative of one victim spoke, tears began to fall among those gathered in Jimbaran. Jatmiko, who lost his mother and nephew in the attacks, said in a halting and emotional speech that it had been a very difficult time for survivors and their families.

"But we are here today not to remember how they died, but how they lived, how they presented beautiful memories and love to our lives to enable us to carry on with our journey," he said.

At least five floral wreaths were laid at the site, each marked with the name of the donating country – Australia, Indonesia, Japan, Denmark and Norway.

Families of the victims then spread flower petals along the ocean's edge before heading by foot to one of the blast sites, where they laid bouquets and held brief prayers.

After the gathering dispersed, the owners and staff of the two cafes hit by the bombs made their own procession to the sea, leaving a one-metre wide path of flower petals to the sea in their wake.

Three truckloads of police stood on guard nearby. Security was boosted around the island on Saturday ahead of the commemorations.

In Australia, Prime Minister John Howard paid tribute to the victims.

"Today we will pause to remember with sadness, the Australians who lost their lives in these bombings, as well as the Australians who were maimed and injured," Howard said in a statement.

"The citizens of Indonesia and other nations who lost their lives or were injured in the bombings will also be in our thoughts today."

Hundreds of mourners gathered in the New South Wales city of Newcastle, the hometown of three of the four Australian victims.

Four people have been given long jail terms for their involvement in last year's attacks but Malaysian terror operative Noordin Mohammad Top, believed to be the mastermind behind the bombings, remains on the run.

Armed forces/defense

SBY tells TNI to respect democracy

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Jakarta – President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono reiterated his call Thursday for the once all-powerful military to press ahead with internal reform and to respect democracy.

"Continue the reform process and respect democracy," Yudhoyono said in a speech during a ceremony marking the Indonesian Military (TNI)'s 61st anniversary.

"Democracy must continue to blossom and strengthen along with the establishment of the rule of law and a government that is free from corruption and other ills," he was quoted by Reuters as saying.

Indonesia has expressed concern about last month's bloodless military coup in Thailand and urged its fellow ASEAN nation to return to democracy.

Yudhoyono said the armed forces needed to improve and modernize their defense capabilities to deal with security problems at home, as well as external threats, although this would have to be done gradually in line with economic reality.

The military was heavily involved in politics and widely accused of human rights abuses during the 32-year autocratic rule of former president Soeharto. Since Soeharto's fall amid political unrest in 1998, the military has seen its wings clipped and has been under pressure to abandon its lucrative business ventures.

The TNI has also been forced to relinquish its once-influential dual function role that enabled its members to assume positions in the civilian bureaucracy, as well as political positions.

Yudhoyono said Indonesia must be strong militarily and economically so as to be "a dignified nation respected by other nations of the world". Yudhoyono, himself a former general, won Indonesia's first direct presidential election in 2004 on reform pledges.

The President's repeated calls for military reform, however, ring hollow in the face of the sluggish pace of internal reform within the military. Thus far, the TNI has failed to implement Yudhoyono's plan to phase out its territorial commands in the regions, as mandated by the TNI Law.

The promised handover of TNI-run businesses to civilians has also stalled, with only a small number of minor-league companies currently being audited by the State Ministry for State Enterprises.

A report from a special team tasked with handling the handover of military-run companies estimated their aggregate value at only Rp 1 trillion (US$100 million), a minuscule figure that quickly drew howls of protest from critics, including lawmakers.

Another blow to the effort to reform the military surfaced recently with the defense minister, Juwono Sudarsono, rejecting calls of servicemen and women to be made subject to civilian jurisdiction in cases involving non-military crimes.

The minister argued that trying soldiers in the civilian courts could compromise the country's defense system as the judges would lack knowledge about the codes that governed the lives and conduct of military members.

Critics say TNI holding onto old political culture

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – As it observes its 61st anniversary, the Indonesian Military (TNI) is still reluctant to abandon its old political culture, politicians and analysts say.

Outspoken legislators of major political factions criticized what they called the military's resistance to internal reform and its ignorance of the 2004 law on the TNI, which requires the military to withdraw from politics, cease business activities and concentrate on improving its professionalism.

They cited the military's demand for voting rights for its personnel, its rejection of civilian court trials and its still- chaotic arms procurement procedures as proof.

Yuddy Chrisnandi of the Golkar Party said the reform movement, which began following the downfall of former president Soeharto in May 1998, had yet to bring major changes to the military.

Yuddy said it appears the TNI still does not trust local police to keep order in some traditional areas of conflict. "According to our recent survey, the military in their daily appearance and operation is still deploying members in Papua, Aceh, Poso and urban areas," he said Wednesday.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has frequently asked the military to stay out of politics.

Djoko Susilo of the National Mandate Party (PAN) said that in compliance with military law, the TNI must be put under the defense ministry so that there will be no room for the military elite to appear on the political stage.

"The completion of internal reforms in the military has to come from the President in his capacity as supreme commander of the TNI, and he has to give full authority to the defense minister to control the military, including arms procurement," he said.

The law gives the Defense Ministry sole authority over the supply of arms for TNI Headquarters and all forces, and requires the TNI to give up all of its businesses, which have been a majore source of income for the military.

Djoko said his faction would fight for a bill that transfers some trials of military personnel to the civilian court system, an idea that has faced apparent reluctance from the TNI.

Sabam Sirait and Andreas Pareira of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle said a main condition of reform in the TNI was improving the military's welfare.

"The military budget must be covered by the state budget to make it professional, modern and deployable anytime... to defend the country's sovereignty," said Sabam. He noted that the lowest pay of low-ranking personnel is under Rp 1 million a month.

Sabam argued the government should allocate four percent to five percent of the gross domestic product for the defense budget to at least allow it to counter the military power of neighboring states, especially Singapore.

Analyst Andi Widjajanto blamed stagnant reform in the military on civilians, especially the House of Representatives.

"The House, which has legislative and budgetary rights and the control function, has no political courage to push for military reform," he said. He cited the defense commission's recent decision to allow the government to purchase 32 armored vehicles from France without a public tender. Andi said the House must exercise its authority to oversee defense and the military.

TNI's long road to democracy

Jakarta Post - October 5, 2006

As in the previous few years, the anniversary of the Indonesian Military (TNI) will be commemorated without fanfare. The ceremony to mark the 61st armed forces day Thursday will be a modest one, in line with the spirit of the fasting month of Ramadhan.

This year's TNI anniversary celebration, however, comes on the heels of the military coup against the Thai civilian government, the first after 15 years.

Many have lashed out at the Thai army for the putsch, which is unacceptable for whatever reason as not only has it put democracy in danger but also reinstated the use of the power of the gun.

In response to the coup, TNI Commander Air Marshal Djoko Suyanto has asserted the idea of a coup attempt is alien to the military's culture. The TNI, he underlines, is committed to upholding democracy and the law. Suyanto vows that the Indonesian armed forces will always respect the civilian government, which was democratically elected.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono himself has brushed aside the possibility of the military taking away the country's hard-won democracy. On a number of occasions he has warned the military against practicing politics, the latest when addressing TNI top brass just hours before the coup in Thailand was launched.

During his trip to the United States, Vice President Jusuf Kalla told American top businesspeople that TNI soldiers had been "returned" to the barracks to allow democracy to flourish.

The commitment of the present government and the TNI leadership to democracy comes as a relief. But who can guarantee the military will not be tempted to seize power in the future, or at least after the present national leaders step down?

History tells us a lot about the military's search for power in many countries, including Indonesia, usually stemming from a crisis that escalated out of control. Those people in uniform claimed they were the defenders of the nation and their actions a necessity to keep national unity intact when they seized power.

Militaristic rule in Indonesia, which followed an aborted coup attempt blamed on the communists in September 1965, was cheered in the beginning but it gradually showed its evil face. A corrupt mentality and the politicization of the law are the legacy of the past regime, which the nation is struggling to root out.

The possibility is still there for the military to claw its way back to power here, if, learning from Thailand, corruption is marauding or if the economy slumps to its ebb as Indonesia experienced in 1965. Therefore the survival of democracy largely depends on the civilian government; its capability of eradicating poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, corruption and other "time bombs" of social and political diseases will determine whether civilian supremacy is durable.

On the other side of the coin, the country's transformation into a full-fledged democracy will also rely on the acceleration of TNI internal reform.

Emerging from the hardships inflicted by the regional economic crisis and domestic political turbulence in the late 1990s, Indonesia took a major stride toward democracy in 2000 with the historic separation of the police force from the armed forces. The police have since played a leading role in security affairs, with full support from the military.

Another major step in political reform in the aftermath of Soeharto's resignation in 1998 was the termination of the TNI's political role. The armed forces, once a dominant player in both the House of Representatives (DPR) and People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), are no longer represented in the legislative bodies. The law allows military individuals to exercise their right to vote in exchange for their loss of legislative seats, but it remains a controversy until today.

Law No. 34/2004 on the TNI marks a further progress in military reform as it bans the military from business as of 2009. Profit- seeking in business has stood between the military and professionalism, which is one of the goals of the reform.

The reform movement has stripped the military of the privileges it enjoyed in the past, one by one. The next challenge for the military's commitment to reform will be their submission to the civilian justice system.

TNI leadership has demonstrated resistance to the political move in the House to enforce the long-delayed 2000 MPR decree, which orders soldiers to stand trial for general crimes at a civilian court, instead of the military tribunal.

The TNI's acceptance of the principle of equality before the law will precipitate its internal reform and place it on a par with other champions of democracy.

Indonesian military denies terror links

The Australian - October 4, 2006

Stephen Fitzpatrick, Jakarta – The Indonesian military is scrambling to distance itself from claims it is linked to terrorist networks after the arrest of a retired general in American Guam on arms smuggling and money laundering charges.

Former navy general Erick Wutolo and three other Indonesians were detained at the weekend after an FBI investigation led to allegations that they conspired to sell American weapons to Tamil Tiger rebels in Sri Lanka, and sophisticated night-sight goggles to Indonesia's armed forces, or TNI.

Mr Wutolo appeared in a court on the US-administered Pacific island yesterday, after one of his co-conspirators, Singaporean Haniffa bin Osman, agreed to stand trial in Maryland, in the US, on firearms, terrorism and money laundering charges.

The other Indonesians – all civilians – are due to appear before a Guam judge today. The head of the Indonesian parliament's lower house, Agung Laksono, has been scathing in his criticism of a military which, in the eyes of many, has not cut itself free from a reliance on illicit business practice.

"Why does this keep happening?" asked Mr Laksono as he demanded that TNI chief General Djoko Suyanto pay better attention to the fast-growing scandal. "Is this because business is too tempting? Is this to do with terrorism or with weapons smuggling?"

Prosecutors allege that Mr Wutolo and an associate named Subandi negotiated the purchase of $US3 million ($4 million) of US weapons and other military equipment, finally agreeing to an order of just $US700,000 but promising a follow-up contract worth $US15 million. Guam, which has been an American territory since World War II, was to be used as a transit point for the contraband.

The case follows one in April, when four men – one of them an Indonesian – were arrested in Hawaii as they negotiated the purchase of sidewinder missiles, handguns and military aviation radar systems, also allegedly for the TNI.

The TNI quickly distanced itself from Mr Wutolo, denying he was operating on its behalf. Marines commander General Safzen Nurdin praised his former colleague, describing him as "conscientious", but added: "We don't monitor people after they retire – he's not an agent of the TNI."

Indonesian army denies illegal arms purchase

Reuters - October 3, 2006

Jakarta – Indonesia's military denied on Tuesday any links with four Indonesians charged in the United States with a conspiracy to export arms.

US officials said last week that six people had been arrested in Guam, a US territory in the Pacific, and charged with conspiring to sell arms to Sri Lankan rebels and customers in Indonesia.

"The TNI (Indonesian army) requires our partners abroad to have a valid export license. If there were accusations that the TNI is buying illegal arms, this can't be true," military chief Air Marshal Djoko Suyanto told reporters.

The US officials said four of the men – two Indonesians, a Singaporean and a Sri Lankan – intended to export surface-to-air missiles, machine guns, ammunition and night vision goggles to the Tamil Tigers, considered a terrorist group by the United States.

The men were identified as Haniffa Bin Osman, 55, a citizen of Singapore; Erick Wotulo, 60, and Haji Subandi, 69, of Indonesia; and Thirunavukarasu Varatharasa, 36, a Sri Lankan.

Osman, Wotulo and Subandi also were charged with conspiracy to provide material support to a foreign terrorist organisation and money laundering. Suyanto confirmed that Wotulo was a retired Indonesian general from the marine corps. The three other Indonesians are accused of trying to export night vision goggles and long-range sniper telescopic sights to Indonesia and are civilian, he said.

"Night vision goggles can be used by anyone. In Russia they are sold freely in stores," he said. The US attorney's office in Maryland said the men were arrested in Guam late this week after making a down payment for the weapons and inspecting them.

The Singaporean suspect met undercover agents and test-fired several of the weapons in Maryland. The men submitted a purchase order for about $900,000 worth of arms and said a deal could be made for another order of up to $15 million of weapons, the statement said.

All six men face a maximum sentence of five years in jail for conspiracy to export arms. Subandi, Osman and Wotulo also face up to 15 years in jail for conspiracy to provide material support to terrorists and 20 years in prison if convicted of money laundering.

Indonesia foreign ministry spokesman Desra Percaya said separately that embassy officials in the United States would travel to Guam later on Tuesday to offer consular assistance to the detained suspects.

Arms procurement still chaotic: Analysts, politicians

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Last week's arrest of four Indonesians in the US reveals the chaos in arms procurement, involving both partners of the Indonesian Military (TNI) and its current and retired officers, analysts and politicians said Monday.

They called on the government to follow official procedures and uphold the principle of accountability in arms procurement.

Four Indonesians and their two foreign counterparts have been charged with conspiring to illegally ship arms worth US$900,000 to Sri Lanka's Tamil Tiger guerrillas as well as customers in Indonesia.

Along with their associates from Singapore and Sri Lanka, the four Indonesians identified as Erick Wotulo, 60, Subandi, 69, Reinhard Rusli, 34, and Helmi Soedirdja, 33, were caught allegedly doing a transaction with American undercover agents. Erick has been identified as a retired admiral in the Indonesian Navy, but the TNI has denied any link to him.

The suspects have been charged with conspiring to ship technically advanced night vision goggles to Indonesia without the necessary approval from the Defense Ministry. They are also accused of money laundering.

Andi Widjayanto, a military analyst from the University of Indonesia, said Indonesia had laws governing arms procurement, but the process remained chaotic, often involving unauthorized military officers and former officers.

Earlier this year, several Indonesians were arrested in the US for attempting to buy arms through a third party.

"Two 2006 ministerial decrees mean the TNI Headquarters, Army, Air Force and Navy are no longer allowed to buy their own arms and other military equipment," he told The Jakarta Post.

The 2004 law on military stipulates that arms procurement is the authority of the Defense Ministry, for reasons of accountability and efficiency.

Effendi Choirie, a member of the Defense Commission at the House of Representatives, called on US authorities to thoroughly investigate why the four Indonesians were buying the night vision goggles and other military equipment. Andi and Effendi said arms procurement is a lucrative business.

They alleged the four Indonesians were in fact the military's partners, and that they knew well what TNI needed for a particular fiscal year.

"Apparently, they did not know that following the lifting of the military embargo by the US Congress late in 2005, arms should be purchased on government to government basis," said Andi.

Indria Samego, a military analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, said the latest incident showed that the military was resisting reform.

"The President and Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono should be tough on arms purchasing and bring military officers to court for getting involved in the illegal arms trade," he said.

Djoko Susilo, a member of the House's defense commission, said the House should tighten its supervision of arms purchases by the government. "We have to make sure that every purchase follows the legal procedure."

TNI denies link with admiral held in US

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2006

Jakarta – The Indonesian Military (TNI) has denied any links Sunday with a retired admiral arrested in the United States last week for allegedly conspiring to sell arms and equipment to Sri Lanka rebels and Indonesian customers.

TNI spokesman Rear Admiral M. Sunarto Sjoekronoputro said Erick Wotulo, 60, who was arrested in US territory Guam, along with an Indonesian and two foreigners, had acted on his own.

"I did not know what was his motivation and for what purpose that he bought the arms. Certainly, the TNI would not buy illegal weapons," he told the detikcom news portal Sunday. Sunarto said the TNI would investigate to find out more about Erick's status as a retired officer.

The two Indonesians, Erick and Haji Subandi, 69, were among six men charged in the US for conspiring to sell arms and equipment to Sri Lanka's Tamil Tiger rebels and to customers in Indonesia.

American officials said Friday the Indonesians – along with Singaporean Haniffa bin Osman, 55, and Sri Lankan Thirunavukarasu Varatharasa, 36 – were charged with conspiring to export surface-to-air missiles, machine guns, ammunition and night vision goggles to Tamil Tiger rebels.

Arrested in Guam late this week, Osman, Erick and Subandi were charged with conspiracy to provide material support to a foreign terrorist organization and money laundering.

In a separate conspiracy also linked to the undercover operation in Maryland, two Indonesians – Reinhard Rusli, 34, and Helmi Soedirdja, 33 – along with Subandi conspired to ship night vision goggles to customers in Indonesia.

Foreign Affairs Ministry director of Indonesian citizens protection Ferry Adamhar told detikcom the Indonesian Consulate General in Los Angeles had contacted the US officials who made the arrests.

A team from Los Angeles, he said, would fly to Guam on Monday to confirm the arrest and to seek more details. "We will make sure the four Indonesians retain their legal rights, like access to lawyers. If they have no money (to pay for the lawyers), we will look for pro bono legal assistance," Ferry said.

Ferry said his office had also contacted the four men's families by telephone.

He said the Indonesian government would not interfere in U.S legal process and would not ask the government there to deport them. "They are being legally processed. Let the legal system in the country proceed," he said.

Foreign affairs

A new diplomacy over Papua

The Australian - October 7, 2006

Paul Kelly – The Howard Government must rethink its policy towards Papua to prevent tensions or even hostilities with Indonesia and to terminate the myths that underwrite our public sympathy for Papua independence.

This warning comes in a comprehensive paper from the Lowy Institute that finds the Papuan debate in Australia is characterised by "utopian thinking, dangerous demands and misguided analysis". These have the potential to damage Papua, threaten Australia-Indonesia relations and undermine Australia's security.

In one of the most muscular policy papers produced by the Lowy Institute, Rodd McGibbon, an Australian National University visiting fellow and regional specialist, dismantles the falsehoods that define the so-called West Papua constituency in this country.

But McGibbon has a broader objective. He warns that, over Papua, the gulf between public attitudes and Australia's core interests is dangerous and must be rectified by government. This is tied irrevocably to Australian attitudes towards Indonesia. McGibbon argues the Howard Government has been inept and has misjudged this challenge.

The task involves both foreign policy and "winning the battle of ideas in Australia". His message is that "decisive steps" from both Canberra and Jakarta will be required "if a serious disruption to the Australia-Indonesian relationship is to be averted".

The Lowy Institute's release of Pitfalls of Papua could hardly be better timed. It follows recent revelations in The Australian that the flight of the 43 boatpeople to Australia was a staged political operation planned over two years to exploit our refugee laws and maximise publicity for Papuan independence.

Despite the failure of the Howard Government's recent refugee bill, no Australian government can sit impassive and allow this situation to keep recurring.

In this context McGibbon's most potent argument is that the campaigns of the West Papua constituency in this country "make resolving the Papua issue more difficult, not less". There is one certainty: the more Australians are seen to support Papua separatism, the more Indonesian nationalism will crack down on the province and the more Australia's influence will be marginalised.

"The views and proposals put forward by Australia's West Papua constituency need to be subject to critical scrutiny," McGibbon says. "This is urgently needed as West Papuan supporters and other critics of Australian policy have engaged in myth-making that is shaping the public debate. "They have also adopted political positions that are not only unrealistic but potentially dangerous. This critique of the bilateral relationship has found resonance in the Australian media and community, representing a serious failure of political leaders to mount a case for the importance of Indonesia to Australia's long-term security interests."

McGibbon says that Papua touches "a deep chord among Indonesia's political leaders". Given that it constitutes 20 per cent of Indonesia's territory, there is growing anxiety about the potential for foreign-promoted separatist pressures over Papua "presaging a break-up of the state".

He warns Australian activists have created "unrealistic expectations" among Papuans over international support. They exaggerate Australia's influence over Indonesia. They grasp neither Indonesian politics nor the reaction to their tactics.

Such miscalculations are dangerous because no early settlement in Papua is likely. The outlook instead is for "continuing low-level conflict with the potential for a serious human rights incident that could spark international uproar and further refugee flows". The recent refugee uproar reveals how political leaders in Australia and Indonesia can be pressured into positions that threaten relations.

McGibbon repeatedly warns that perceptions of Australia's interference in Papua will allow Indonesian nationalists "to take the political initiative and justify a repressive approach in countering foreign elements accused of wanting to see the break- up of Indonesia."

He sketches the West Papuan constituency as a loose group of activists with the Australian Greens and Democrats its parliamentary spearhead. The Australia West Papua Association is a focal point, drawing support from figures such as John Pilger and Scott Burchill. The University of Sydney's West Papua Project is another focus. Church activists such as John Barr and Peter Woods are prominent and there are claims about backing from the Catholic church hierarchy. However McGibbon fails to mention the extent of mainstream media support.

This is the real problem. Remember that 76 per cent of Australians favour an act of self-determination in Papua, a stance that seeks the dismemberment of the Indonesian nation and that would brand Australia as an enemy.

McGibbon's paper identifies seven myths that have misled Australian opinion.

Myth one

Indonesia has engaged in genocide in Papua making it a moral imperative for Australia to intervene. The trouble here is the absence of evidence. McGibbon says: "The flimsy evidence adopted by University of Sydney's West Papua Project indicates the ideologically driven nature of the genocide charge." This 2005 report by John Wing with Peter King is arguably the most influential report by the West Papua lobby.

Yet "it provides no evidence whatsoever of a 'deliberate intent' to eliminate a group of people which is central to the UN definition of genocide. Instead the report discusses separate themes such as illegal logging, the spread of HIV-AIDS and human rights abuses, implying, but failing to make the case that such policy impacts have added up to genocide." After surveying the evidence, McGibbon concludes there has been "a systematic pattern of rights violations by Indonesian security forces since the 1960s" but "no evidence of genocide".

Such distortions have a political aim: to intimidate Australia to press for Papuan self-determination. McGibbon refers to the argument by Deakin University's Damien Kingsbury that foreign monitors be sent to Papua to enforce the peace. This is based on misconceptions that Indonesia is highly vulnerable to outside pressure and will buckle on Papua as it buckled on East Timor. For McGibbon, the view that Australia can "impose its will over domestic developments in Indonesia" fails to understand either "the nationalist dynamics in Indonesia" or Indonesia's "resolve in defending its sovereignty". He concludes: "Southeast Asia's largest state, and the world's fourth most populous, does not accept definitions that incorporate it within Australia's 'sphere of influence'."

Myth two

That Australia's policy is dominated by a Jakarta lobby intent on appeasing Indonesia.

This is an old charge beloved by our media. The failure to challenge such a distortion "reflects the impoverished state of the public debate". More seriously, the appeasement mindset "highlights the failure of political leaders to mount the case as to why the bilateral relationship is so crucial".

The appeasement myth survives only because of a refusal to confront the consequences for Australia of a collapsed relationship with Jakarta. This would shift our domestic politics to the Right, demand far higher defence spending and cripple our Asian engagement.

McGibbon says: "Critics of the bilateral relationship have seldom been called upon to confront the basic strategic reality that a stable, democratic Indonesia is of fundamental importance to Australian security interests. Neither has the case been effectively put to the Australian public by their leaders."

Myth three

Papua parallels the East Timor situation. It doesn't. The international situation between the two is different. Papua's incorporation into Indonesia was accepted by the main parties in a UN-sanctioned process.

East Timor's annexation by Indonesia, by contrast, was condemned by the international community. The Indonesian outlook on the two provinces was different. East Timor was tiny and, in the words of former foreign minister Ali Alatas, was a "pebble in the shoe". Papua is large, resource-rich and far more important to Indonesia. Papua, unlike East Timor, is enshrined in Indonesia's nationalist history, with former president Megawati Sukarnoputri declaring that without Papua "Indonesia is not complete."

Contrary to myth, the decision to offer East Timor a referendum was made by president Habibie and reflected a partial calculation that Indonesia might be better off without East Timor, a calculation that will not be made over Papua.

Myth four

Indonesia is a Javanese empire where democracy is a facade. In many ways this is the most disreputable and pernicious myth. It holds sway in our political culture as revealed in this week's Lowy Institute poll showing most Australians think Indonesia is "controlled by the military" and are neutral on whether Indonesia is "an emerging democracy".

For the West Papua lobby the idea of Indonesia as a sham democracy is pivotal. It denies Indonesia's legitimacy, reinforces the notion of a repressive state and, critically, rejects the obvious solution for Papua as a province within a democratic Indonesia.

McGibbon points out that John Saltford's '60s work on the Act of Free Choice claims that Papua was violently incorporated into a "centralised Javanese empire". This denies the reality of Indonesia's multi-ethnic identity. "The founding principles of Indonesia were based on a multi-ethnic creed and a deep commitment to religious and ethnic pluralism," McGibbon says. "Indonesia stood as an antidote to the racial and ethnic divisions of Dutch colonialism."

McGibbon says critics, such as Peter King, from the University of Sydney, play down Indonesia's democratisation and call the political system "barely reformed". "This sweeping judgment obscures the kinds of changes that have resulted from democratisation, including far-reaching constitutional amendments and the establishment of a democratic electoral system, including direct elections for the executive," he says. The critics overlook the new constitutional court and a vibrant free media. Such omissions are crucial. They mean critics are blind to the prospects of political change within Indonesia, thereby denying "openings for addressing Papuan grievances".

Myth five

Indonesia has latent expansionist tendencies. Denial of Indonesian democracy co-exists with its alleged expansionism. The theories are rife. For instance, a figure in the West Papua lobby, Jacob Rumbiak, claims that before Papua New Guinea was independent "the Indonesian military government already had a long-standing plan to annex PNG". McGibbon attacks King's claim of "Indonesian lebensraum" as "an outrageous allusion to Nazi Germany". The truth, of course, is that the entire appeasement theory of Australia's media plays on the notion of Indonesian expansionism. The theory remains devoid of evidence, with Indonesia's borders still largely following the Dutch colonial boundaries.

Myth six

Recent evidence exposes Indonesia's manipulation of the 1969 Act of Free Choice. There is no dispute that this act was not a genuine democratic plebiscite. The facts, however, are that the originating 1962 agreement accepted the reality of Indonesian sovereignty. The 1969 process was "a face-saving device for the Dutch", who had to endure a humiliating defeat over Papua. The 1969 act authorised what most of the international community had already decided: that Papua was Indonesian. This act, therefore, was "not a conspiracy" but "an open act of realpolitik that was accepted by the main international actors".

Myth seven

As Melanesian Christians, Papuans should be separated from Indonesia. This line has been pushed by church activists. It means that Australians claiming to be multicultural would deny Indonesia's ability to be multicultural. This argument is patronising and offensive. It obscures the multi-ethnic basis of Indonesia and the commitment of successive leaders to ethnic pluralism (it was one of Suharto's obsessions and was explicit in Sukarno's nationalism).

Indonesia has had a troubled history realising these multicultural ideals. Such difficulty, McGibbon says, "does not justify the crude Asian versus Melanesian dichotomy that often underpins the arguments of West Papuan supporters in Australia".

He argues that the best overall solution for Papua lies in a system of special autonomy within Indonesia. This will not be achieved easily given the struggle now under way within Indonesia between advocates and opponents of special autonomy. McGibbon says the challenge for Australia is to craft a new diplomacy. This begins with directly confronting Indonesian perceptions that Australia is supporting separatism. This is a condition for "any longer-term Australian role".

It demands a new series of confidence building measures with Jakarta: a bilateral security agreement with a clause that recognises Indonesian sovereignty; border security co-operation with Indonesia; further bilateral defence co-operation; and Australia's support for a Southeast Asian security community. At the same time Australian assistance to Papua should be intensified.

These efforts need backing by more information in Australia about Papua, better education about Indonesian democracy and a renewed commitment to explaining the importance of Australia-Indonesian relations.

Ultimately, it is a battle of ideas. The balance at present is heavily on the negative side.

We're still very wary of Indonesia

The Australian - October 3, 2006

Malcolm Cook and Ivan Cook – Unlike people, countries cannot choose their next-door neighbours or the neighbourhood they live in. Australia's position next to Asia - and far from the cultural origins of most of us – has deeply affected our views of Australia's place in the world. The good news is that Australia's "Asian angst" is history. The 2006 Lowy Institute Poll, released yesterday, confirms that we feel at home in Asia.

Australians polled had warmer feelings towards Singapore and Japan than the US. The new – and distant – Asian powers, India and China, were on par with the US. Australians see the rise of China as an opportunity, not a threat. We also see better days ahead. A majority of people polled believed our relations with China, India and Japan were the same or improving, with China topping this list.

The bad news is that, while we are happy with Asia and its upwardly mobile giants, we are much less sure about our nearest Asian neighbour, Indonesia. In the 2005 and 2006 Lowy Institute polls, Australians displayed a distinct lack of warmth towards Indonesia, ranking it 12th out of 15 countries and regions surveyed. This year, Indonesia ranks ahead of only Iraq, Iran and North Korea – not a very good crowd.

Our much smaller and weaker Pacific neighbours, East Timor (where our Diggers are dug in) and Papua New Guinea (our former colony), score noticeably higher.

Australians are comfortable with Asia and our Pacific neighbours. Only Indonesia stands out uncomfortably.

Like neighbours who do not know each other's first names, Australia-Indonesia relations are stunted by ignorance and a tendency to believe the best of our own intentions while questioning those of the other. Despite the best efforts of political cartoonists, less than one-fifth of Australians knew the name of the Indonesian President, while just over one-quarter of Indonesians correctly named Prime Minister Howard. Kofi Annan in the distant but well-loved UN was much better known on both sides of the Arafura Sea.

Australians are more vexed than Indonesians about living next door to each other. In the wake of tensions over Papuan asylum- seekers and the Bali Nine, roughly half our respondents believed that Australia's relations with Indonesia were worsening. This was the only one of the six relationships surveyed that we thought was in decline. Polled at the same time, Indonesians were more relaxed: only one-fifth thought relations were worsening. Indonesians were more worried about their relations with Singapore, China and Japan.

While Australians as a whole feel quite safe, Indonesia looms large and dark in our psyche. Respondents felt firmly that Indonesia is essentially controlled by the military, that it is a dangerous source of Islamic terrorism and that it could pose a military threat to our homeland.

Indonesians, on the other hand, proudly see themselves as an emerging democracy and not as a dangerous source of Islamic terrorism. They worry about us interfering in their household affairs, particularly over Papuan separatism. And while we firmly believe that Indonesia benefits from being next to their true blue (if somewhat anxious) friend, Indonesians are less sure about the strength of Australia's friendship or the benefits of being next door.

Positive results on regional relations, including those with our old foe, Japan, and traditional source of ideological concern, China, show that historical fears have largely been allayed. But while successive Australian governments have also seen close relations with Indonesia as a vital national interest, and despite thousands of Indonesian students studying here and millions spent on cultural exchange, Indonesia remains an acquired taste.

Australia has a blind spot on Indonesia and our Government has a serious public diplomacy problem. For years, many felt that the largely autocratic Suharto regime challenged Australia's democratic values. Yet Indonesia's great strides into democracy since 1998 have gone largely unnoticed here.

Public comment, including politicians' sound bites, has instead focused on neighbourly spats despite the shared tragedy of the Bali bombings.

There has been much cause for cheer in our recent history, but we continue to emphasise the things that separate us and ignore what brings us together.

Fortunately, there is something to build on. Three-quarters of Australians and two-thirds of Indonesians said it was important that we work to develop a close relationship, rather than supporting the view that we are too different to develop a close relationship. That gives us a start in what is going to be a long but necessary task of building first knowledge, then understanding, with our closest Asian neighbour.

[Malcolm Cook is the program director, Asia and the Pacific, at the Lowy Institute. Ivan Cook is research associate and co- ordinator of the Lowy Institute Poll. The report is available at www.lowyinstitute.org.]

Economy & investment

Indonesia pays off IMF debt

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Urip Hudiono, Jakarta – Within a week, Indonesia will finish repaying all its debts to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), ending an eight-year, up-and-down relationship with the global financial agency.

The central bank notified the IMF of the payment plan Thursday, Bank Indonesia (BI) Governor Burhanuddin Abdullah said, adding that the process is expected to be wrapped up within the next five days.

"As of today we no longer have any more debts to the IMF. We are now a regular member, and no longer a 'sick' member receiving treatment," he told a media briefing after BI's Board of Governors meeting. "We expect this will provide more room for Indonesia's economy to grow with more confidence and in a healthier fashion without being burdened by the IMF debt."

Indonesia will pay the remaining US$3.2 billion of its principle and interest to the Fund, Deputy Governor Hartadi A. Sarwono said.

The central bank repaid $3.7 billion of Indonesia's then approximately $7 billion in remaining debt to the Washington- based financial agency in June, following President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's request to settle the debt within the next two years. The IMF debt does not actually come due until 2010.

Hartadi explained that the earlier debt repayment was feasible in light of Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves, which have recently strengthened to $42.3 billion on sound macroeconomic conditions. The repayment will save the country some $500,000 from this year's interest payments, which were expected to reach $22 million.

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who first proposed repaying the IMF debt ahead of schedule, said recently that Indonesia could save at least $100 million in interest payments by 2010.

Sri Mulyani, a former IMF executive director, had argued for the earlier debt repayment considering the debt's increasing funding costs, while the money only functioned as a standby loan to strengthen Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves. Indonesia still has to pay Rp 63.5 trillion ($6.9 billion) in interest this year on its $61 billion in foreign debts, which may make the significance of the IMF debt repayment questionable except as a matter of national pride.

Indonesia's relationship with the IMF has always been politically sensitive, but the country may now be able to close those books. It joins Brazil and Argentina, which also paid off their debts this year.

Between 1997 and 2003, the IMF provided some $25 billion in loans to help Indonesia rescue its banking system, rehabilitate its economy by restructuring private and government debt, and strengthen its foreign exchange reserves.

Criticism quickly arose, however, as the loan program called for the government to implement a number of tough economic reforms under IMF supervision, including the privatization of state firms and the reduction of subsidies. Many nationalists saw these steps as damaging the nation's interests without significantly improving the economy.

Foreign debt costs have always been criticized, too, for siphoning off funds that could have been used to improve people's welfare.

The government, under public pressure, eventually terminated its program with the IMF at the end of 2003, but still remained under the Fund's "post-program monitoring" to assess the government's own reform targets.

Indonesia exports show record growth

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Andi Haswidi, Jakarta – High global demand for non-oil and gas commodities, including crude palm oil, coal and rubber, has once again helped the country's total exports reach a record growth level.

The latest data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), released Monday, shows that the country's exports from January to August reached US$64.63 billion, 17.13 percent higher than they were in the same period last year.

"The country's export growth continues to show increases, even though the margin is getting smaller," BPS chief Rusman Heriawan told reporters in Jakarta.

The latest BPS report shows that since the beginning of the year, Indonesia has seen its overall exports maintain their upward trend, despite some slight ups and downs in the oil and gas sector.

On a monthly basis, August's exports reached a total of $8.89 billion or 0.73 percent higher than July's record of $8.82 billion, which was also higher than June's figure.

More than 63 percent of increases in January-August exports were attributable to such commodities as rubber, rubber goods, mineral fuel, bronze, metal ores, fat, natural oils and paper.

The non-oil and gas exports in August reached $7.04 billion, increasing 4.08 percent on July, while the cumulative figure from January to August reached $50.31 billion, or a 17.21 percent increase on the same period in 2005

The most significant increase by percentage in August in the non-oil and gas sector was the export of metal ores, cracks and ashes, reaching a total of $184.8 million in total.

As for oil and gas, August exports dropped by 10.27 percent from $2.5 billion to $1.84 billion as the exports of crude oil decreased by 11.5 percent to $657.8 million and exports of gas declined by 12.56 percent to $908 million.

By destination, the BPS data shows that Japan remained the biggest importer of Indonesian goods up to August, at a total of $7.4 billion. The US came second at $7.1 billion followed by Singapore at $5.1 billion and China at $3.48.

On imports, the total value in August reached $5.62 billion or an increase of 4.35 percent on July's $5.38 billion, while the total figure from January to August was $39.93, which is 2.56 percent higher than 2005's $38.94 billion.

The country's non-oil and gas imports in August hit $3.95 billion, increasing by 10.97 percent compared to July while its total from January to August reached $27.4 billion, decreasing 0.08 percent compared to last year.

As for oil and gas imports, the total figure for August reached $1.67 billion or decreasing 8.55 percent compared to the previous month, while the January to August total reached $12.53 billion or increasing 8.84 percent compared to 2005.

With investment yet to pick up at expected levels, Indonesia will need a considerable contribution from net-exports to drive its economic engines, in addition to domestic consumption.

At present, net-exports only make up about 8 percent of the country's gross domestic product.

Art & literature

Writers, contemporaries venerate Pramoedya's 'sun'

Jakarta Post - October 1, 2006

Kadek Krishna Adidharma, Ubud – Despite the lateness of the hour for the sleepy artisan town of Ubud, a star-studded cast began to gather at 8:30 p.m. at the open stage of Puri Saraswati on Friday night for Tribute to Pramoedya.

Malaysia editor and writer Dina Zaman was one of the first to take her seat and enjoy the ambiance of gurgling water and an amphibian orchestra croaking and chirping from among the lotus fronds surrounding the stage.

The audience continued to trickle, filling all the provided seats, and began to rest and sit cross-legged on the stage itself, the access pathway through the lotus ponds and even the seats of Cafe Lotus, across the pond.

It was an appreciative crowd of hundreds that listened when travel writer and novelist Jamie James, who first came to Indonesia 11 years ago to interview Pramoedya, began the tribute.

"Tonight, we gather to praise and ponder Pramoedya Ananta Toer, by common consensus the finest writer of fiction yet to come out of the Republic of Indonesia," James opened.

John McGlynn, publications director of Lontar Foundation, then presented an introduction to the life and career of Pram, as the late writer is known to his friends.

"Pramoedya Ananta Toer is no longer with us," senior journalist and essayist Goenawan Mohamad opened his keynote address, "but such is his stature that his absence constitutes an assignment. Today, we have to deal with the memory of a hero and piles of prose works, not knowing for sure whether the subject of our discourse should be the former or the latter."

"Pramoedya is a writer who believes that good things can be done with words," he concluded. "At the end, history may have failed him. But history always fails everybody. The wonderful thing about Pramoedya's works is that they never celebrate defeat. Deep inside them, the sun always rises."

A brief anthology of Pram's work was presented by Pam Allen, professor of Indonesian language and literature at the University of Tasmania, and a selection was read by Indonesian literary giants Sapardi Djoko Damono, Linda Christanty and Sitok Srengenge.

The evening's tribute put a spotlight on the deep humanism evident in Pram's work.

Raising the laughable fact that the ban on Pramoedya's books are still yet to be lifted, his publisher and editor Joesoef Isak of Hasta Mitra quoted Maxim Gorky: "The people must know their history!"

Said Joesoef, closing the tribute: "Without rakyat, the people, knowing their own history, they cannot advance the historical process they are carrying out – the Indonesian revolution: the creation and consolidation of an Indonesian nation where the people are sovereign, independent, not an alienated and cosmopolitan elite."

The tribute ran until almost midnight, and those who were not aware of Pram and his works had a comprehensive introduction to the multiple Nobel nominee of the Buru Quartet – a set of four volumes of fiction recognized as the preeminent literary work of modern Indonesia.

The evening was a fitting tribute to the late individualist, the master of Indonesian historical prose.

Opinion & analysis

Forget the Nobel, remember Munir

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

Debate about human rights in this country seems to be too often all sound and fury that signifies nothing. Our politicians posture and make the right noises in international forums, often to applause, while at home activists work tirelessly to campaign for these rights. And sometimes they are murdered on the job.

Despite all their work and all the rhetoric, human rights seem difficult to uphold here. Or perhaps there was no political will to do so in the first place.

The Supreme Court's exoneration of former Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto from charges in a plot to murder rights activist Munir Said bin Thalib in September 2004 provides another example of the poor protection of human rights here.

Pollycarpus' escape from the premeditated murder charges reminds us of the high-profile trials of Army officers and civilian leaders accused of involvement in crimes against humanity in East Timor in 1999 and Tanjung Priok in 1984.

Those trials ran on an identical script. Some of the defendants were found guilty in the lower court, to the cheers of human rights activists. But it was the defendants who had the last laugh as they finally were acquitted in the appeal court due to a "lack of evidence". Their exoneration was only a matter of time.

Pollycarpus will serve his jail term for another five months for falsifying assignment documents, which enabled him to board a Garuda airplane where Munir was later found murdered. Pollycarpus will be a free man in March, or sooner if he receives a sentence remission.

The trial of Pollycarpus had sparked controversy since the day he was named the sole defendant in the case. The government- sanctioned fact-finding team formed to help the police probe the case had recommended a formal investigation into several officials at the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), including Muchdi Purwopranjono. In his much-awaited testimony in court, the BIN's former deputy chief denied involvement.

When convicting Pollycarpus last December, the Central Jakarta District Court judges recommended a further investigation into the case after finding that the convict had made repeated calls to Muchdi's mobile phone. The order fell on deaf ears.

Many believe Pollycarpus was made a scapegoat to protect certain individuals or parties who masterminded the murder of Munir. Pollycarpus personifies the silence of the lamb as until the Supreme Court reduced his 14 years jail term to only two years, he has never revealed the brains behind the murder.

Despite this, at more than one point before and during the trial his lawyer did threaten to do so; saying Pollycarpus knew more about the murder than he would let on, a tacit admission of involvement that the Supreme Court judges did not seem to consider worthwhile evidence.

Now the probe into Munir's murder has to start from square one. National Police Chief Gen. Sutanto said the success of the renewed investigation into Munir's death would depend on Pollycarpus' cooperation. But why should the former pilot help the police no that he has been declared not guilty in the case?

It is more imperative for the police to follow the recommendation from the fact-finding team, which suggested an investigation into several former BIN officials.

Foreign pressures have mounted on the government to be serious in investigating the case as implied by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono during his visit to Europe last month.

It is only political will, and not rhetoric, that will see the unraveling of the facts behind Munir's murder. The lack of "solid evidence" to convince the Supreme Court to uphold the lower courts' verdict could be the responsibility of the law enforcers.

The country should forget about collecting the country's second Nobel Peace Prize – the acquittal of Pollycarpus in the Munir case speaks volumes about a major setback in the country's efforts to respect human rights.

Long way to transparency

Jakarta Post Editorial - October 6, 2006

Four Indonesians have been arrested in the United States charged with conspiring to ship arms illegally to Sri Lanka's Tamil Tiger guerrillas and customers in this country.

The arrests last week in the US territory of Guam and the mainland state of Maryland have further lengthened the list of Indonesians suspected of illicit arms purchases.

This latest case was linked to the smuggling of surface-to-air missiles, machine guns, ammunition and night vision goggles worth US$900,000, according to US officials.

Erick Wotulo, a retired admiral, was nabbed in Guam together with his accomplice, Haji Subandi, while Reinhard Rusli and Helmi Soedirdja were held in Maryland. The Indonesian Military (TNI) has denied any links with the illegal procurements. The four are allegedly conspiring with two other foreigners, a Singaporean and a Sri Lankan national.

While these men may have acted on their own, dodgy deals among members of the armed forces are nothing new to the Indonesian public.

In June, it was revealed that an Army general, the late Brig. Gen. Koesmayadi, had amassed a significant stockpile of weapons in one of his houses. This was later explained away by an TNI investigation as the accumulation of an arms "collector", reasoning that seemed extremely unlikely because all the weapons were new.

In April, two Indonesians accused of trading illegal arms worth US$1 million were tried in an American court in Hawaii. In the same month, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) probed an alleged case of fraud in the purchase of two Russian-made Mi-17 helicopters by the Army.

A more famous case was the bribes allegedly paid by British tank manufacturer Alvis Vehicle Ltd. amounting to US$31 million in the mid-1990s to president Soeharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardijanti Rukmana, to secure the purchase of 100 armored cars, including Scorpion light tanks, to Indonesia. The case implicated a number of top army generals.

Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono has admitted that the military is badly in need of extra income due to the limited defense budget, which covers only a third of military spending.

Marking up purchases, a practice that has been going on for decades in arms procurements, can not be ended overnight. As the minister has said, minimizing the offense is the most realistic objective.

This does not mean that the government has done nothing. Last year, it introduced the "one-stop" policy that gave the sole authority to the Defense Ministry to select and buy arms for the military, procurements that have to be conducted through open tenders. In the past, each arm of the military was allowed to purchase arms itself.

More military markups stirred up a heated debate between the House of Representatives and the government early last month. The government had decided to buy 32 armored vehicles from France for the Indonesian peace-keeping forces in Lebanon, but the House found the US$890,000 price tag for each tank too expensive.

To be fair to the TNI, it is not the only government institution engaged in such corruption – it is hard to find a state agency not tainted with procurement scandals.

Even KPK agents have been convicted of graft. High-ranking police officer Suparman was sentenced to eight years' jail last month for extorting money and goods from a witness in a corruption case.

Graft involving government officials and businessmen probably makes up the longest list of abuses. Unfortunately when the government began focusing on these cases, the people who were targeted seemed only to be the least politically connected, not the worst offenders.

Open bidding in the procurement of goods is often seen as a way to preempt graft but the World Bank country director Andew Steer thinks otherwise if it involves "prequalified" bidders. "Once a bidder knows who else is prequalified, it makes it a lot easier for them to collude," he said.

This underlines the tough task facing the government in its battle against corruption.

The government and the people are facing an uphill struggle to fight this cancer. The level of difficulty in ending bad governance is generally commensurate with the length of time a country has maintained such a closed system. It will take some time before transparency becomes a normal part of Indonesian life.

May 1998: Coup attempt or pogrom?

Jakarta Post - October 6, 2006

B. Herry-Priyono, Jakarta – The recent exchange of words between former president B. J. Habibie and retired General Prabowo Subianto gives us more political entertainment in a country already full of stage entertainers.

Did or didn't Prabowo plan to stage a coup? And did or didn't he berate Habibie by saying, "What kind of president are you? You're naive", as is written in Habibie's newly published memoirs, Detik-detik yang Menentukan (Crucial Seconds). Of course, the reverse should equally be asked: "Is Habibie telling the truth?"

The witnesses, however, are somewhere out there, and, as always, they will remain silent. This is how tragedy after tragedy in this country quietly slip into the folder of history. Tomorrow's headlines may give us a new sense of urgency, but in fact they merely serve to conceal reality.

For the supporters of Prabowo, Habibie may look like a laboratory-sterilized engineer with a naive sense of reality. For the supporters of Habibie, however, the charge of his naivete precisely proves that Habibie innocently told the real story. Between the two quarreling camps are ordinary citizens who are amused, but amused in a sour and poignant manner.

I was in Jakarta during the May 1998 tragedy, to-ing and fro-ing as a curious citizen and a humanitarian volunteer between various locations that were ablaze in flames. As an ordinary citizen ignorant of the fierce power struggle that was then in full swing, I shivered at witnessing the forms of violence taking place in those days. Even more so when I heard that the same pattern of violence had descended upon other big cities. No, it was not the type of violence perpetrated spontaneously, nor were the rampages and looting committed spontaneously. It was mayhem bordering on pogrom, plain and clear.

To seek solace from my own helplessness, I began to pay close attention to the events and patterns documented by some friends both in and off the field. The overall pattern was very odd indeed, and the course of events revealed a curious pattern of violence that could hardly be said to be random.

First, it was absolutely odd for violence on such a colossal scale and magnitude to have broken out simultaneously. For such violence to have taken place all over Greater Jakarta is unusual enough, let alone for the mass violence to have occurred simultaneously in other cities.

The term "simultaneous" is the key. It refers to the occurrence of violence on a colossal scale and magnitude at the same time and in real time. In short, it has the appearance of randomness, and randomness is the child of spontaneity – something is spontaneous in the sense that it is not engineered.

But, how can we reconcile the appearance of randomness and the colossal scale and magnitude of the violence? The one is the foe to the other. In the world of human behavior, an entirely new random phenomenon can hardly arise and occur on a colossal scale. An entirely new random human act can only arise or occur as the result of either a prolonged social habit or of a specific work of social engineering.

Since the nature, as well as the scale and magnitude, of the May 1998 violence cannot be conceived as a manifestation of our long and historically deep-seated social habits – otherwise Indonesia would be a nation of barbarians – we are led to speculate that the May 1998 mayhem was not the outcome of spontaneity but rather of political engineering.

Second, it is utterly absurd to conceive the May 1998 tragedy as being the result of random and spontaneous acts. This time the ground is not logic but the course of events. It is instructive to note that the instigators of the burning, looting, killing and other forms of violence in the May 1998 mayhem were neither persons from the local communities nor people familiar to the locals.

These outsiders were the ones who seemed to have instigated the violence. And once the violence was started, they incited the crowds of spectators to join in. It was at this point that things started to look like they must have been initiated by locals.

Once the course of events appeared this way, the instigators fled. What was left then was a colossal scene of violent mayhem. So, there was no mystery; only the obscuring of reality. Of course, all this was then overshadowed by the unfolding events of the power struggle that eventually brought down Soeharto.

Third, it is totally absurd to suggest that the orgies of violence in May 1998 were left completely unmonitored by the military intelligence and secret services, whose vast surveillance networks were so effectively used during the preceding thirty-two years of dictatorship.

Only ordinary people like me could not have foreseen the violent monsters that were about to descend onto the streets of Jakarta and other cities. Let's do a simple exercise in logic. If a highly clandestine movement by a few activists was easily monitored by military intelligence, how can we account for the fact that systematic violence on such a colossal scale and magnitude like that in May 1998 was totally off the radar screen of the same mighty intelligence services?

Indeed, this uncharacteristic anomaly is something that begs an explanation. As things stand, we are really at a loss. No one is likely to stand up and answer all the above questions, if only because it would involve releasing some notorious skeletons from our collective cupboards.

What we are left with is the persistent reemergence of the specter of May 1998 tragedy.

Further exchanges of words following those between an ex- president and an ex-general should be greeted skeptically – will they do anything to solve the great puzzle surrounding the events of May 1998.

Let a hundred memoirs be written and published; let unscrupulous politicians manufacture their own versions for image making. The most vital safeguard with which we need to equip ourselves is a skeptical questioning of the extent to which these stories help reveal the systematic way in which the May 1998 mayhem was ruthlessly engineered.

[The writer is a lecturer in the Postgraduate Program at the Driyarkara School of Philosophy, Jakarta.]

Stateless Indonesians deserve justice not mercy

Jakarta Post - October 3, 2006

Dita Indah Sari, Jakarta – For more then 60 years they have lived overseas after the land where they spilled their blood denied them an entry. This is not a sort of fairy tale, but an episode of history – la Indonesia.

Following the eruption of the 30 September Movement (G30S) affair in 1965, hundreds of Indonesian nationals were unable to return home after they were deprived of their passports. It was these people, studying or working overseas in an official capacity, who were precisely the ones who lost their citizenship due to their different political viewpoints. The victims were those deemed to be supporters of founding President Sukarno's political line of Nasakom – Nationalism, Religion, Communism – or members/sympathizers of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

After the massive bloodbath that took place all over the country, for Soeharto's New Order regime annulling their passports was therefore a relatively simple matter.

Following the G30S affair, the fate of the many families left behind was unclear, not knowing if they were dead or alive. Most of these victims were forced to suffer endlessly in one place after another until eventually they decided to live in one country where they have stayed to this day. Initially being political escapees, as they needed legal, security and economic certainty they were forced to change their citizenship.

Decades of their productive time elapsed without their being able to contribute anything to the mother country. They are scattered across countries such as Germany, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Russia and China. On average, they are elderly, over 60 years old.

The political situation began to change after 1998. The government of President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid once tried to initiate their repatriation and restoration of their civil rights. Then Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra flew to Europe to meet with their representatives, although the effort failed on account of political reasons. For its efforts, the Gus Dur government was accused of compromising with the PKI (Gus Dur also proposed the revocation of a People's Consultative Assembly decree banning the PKI). His successor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, who is Sukarno's eldest daughter, should have been more concerned about the issue, but she remained silent.

More recently, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono expressed a desire to repatriate them, with Minister of Justice and Human Rights Hamid Awaluddin being tasked with taking charge of the process. The current government wants to give them back their passports and citizenship based on the newly enacted Citizenship Law. The government's intentions are positive, but from various statements the government has made, there are a number of basic issues that need correction, criticism or even challenge.

First, the term used by the government to refer to the exiles is "eks-mahid", meaning former government contracted students. They are referred to by this term because after their period of study was completed, they were obliged to work as government employees for a certain period of time as their overseas studies had been paid for by the state. This term is erroneous because it was not only students who lost their citizenship following the G30S affair but everyone who at the time was overseas and deemed to be politically opposed to the New Order regime. They were also delegates from various mass organizations (laborers', farmers', young women's, academic, cultural, sporting and journalists' groups), Indonesian representatives on various international organizations and forums, and state officials.

The name "eks-mahid" is actually misleading, even divisive. Will the rehabilitation policy only apply to former students? It would be more correct and fairer for them to be categorized as political victims of Soeharto's New Order.

Second, according to Yudhoyono and Awaluddin the planned repatriation is based on the spirit of reconciliation following the ratification of the new Citizenship Law. There are also humanitarian grounds, because most are now quite old. However this way of thinking is narrow and shallow in character. Why? Because the exiles' problem is a political one, not just administrative. The revocation of their citizenship while carrying out duties overseas violated the law and human rights. It is a political crime because it resulted in hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people suddenly becoming stateless, without status and being abandoned to live in a foreign country for years.

Therefore, the issue must be resolved through a policy decision by the government. The resolution of the exiles' problems should not be linked with the problem of naturalization. Awaluddin's call for the Foreign Affairs Ministry to facilitate the issuance of their citizenship documents indicates that the government does not understand, or pretends not to understand, the real issues. If they are asked to submit a request for naturalization, it means the exiles are equated with other foreign citizens who apply for Indonesian citizenship.

The good intentions and the seriousness of the Yudhoyono government can be measured by asking the following questions: Is the government willing to acknowledge that the revocation of the exiles' citizenship was a human rights violation and then correct this? Does the Yudhoyono government have the courage to apologize for the political crimes of the New Order? How long will the government continue to cover up the New Order's actions?

Without addressing this issue, administrative restoration of the exiles' citizenship means the Yudhoyono government denies the human rights violations and injustices committed against thousands of Indonesian people. The spirit of reconciliation and humanitarianism cannot be built on the negation of truth and justice.

If this aspect remains unaddressed, there will be suspicions that the government only wants to build up an image as a gladiator or hero of human rights, especially so now that it is eying the chair of the United Nations Human Rights Commission. Or perhaps Yudhoyono is dressing up his image to win a Nobel Prize?

The government's readiness to give amnesty, to rehabilitate and to provide assistance to the leaders and supporters of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) is a painful slap in the face. The exiles were not separatists. Nor did they try to divide the Unitary Republic of Indonesia (to borrow the government's terminology). Many even took part in or were involved in the war to defend the republic from the Dutch, and, ironically, were subsequently abandoned by the republic.

Unlike GAM, they never once stopped feeling themselves to be Indonesian, loving Indonesia, thinking like Indonesians, speaking the Indonesian language. Like a child yearning for its mother, they are tired of longing for their mother country from afar.

[The writer is the chair of the People's Democratic Party (PRD).]

Reignite the fight for independence

Kompas - August 18, 2006

A.J. Susmana – It has been 61 years since Indonesia declared itself as an independent nation. But the question so often asked by the cynical is: "Are we really free?". Just listen to the song from the advertisement by the Corruption Eradication Commission or the version being sung by street buskers that seems to get those people wearing ties in their cars so hot under the collar: "Is it true were are liberated, while corruption is still rampant?". People often answer: "Not yet". Is not the slogan of the nationalists who to this day have still not stepped back from the struggle for independence still: "Freedom! Freedom! Freedom!? So what kind of freedom are we actually seeking?

Former President Sukarno, the proclamator of our nation, long ago declared that independence is only a golden bridge towards justice and prosperity. And across this bridge lies the justice and prosperity that must be created for the Indonesian people. But it turns out that the process of creating the justice and prosperity that lies on other side of this golden bridge has not been easy. It was not simply a matter of turning over a new leaf.

We recall how the slogan "the revolution is not yet finished" reverberated in the decade after the 1945 Declaration of Independence. Not just pointing out the way forward and who should build Indonesia, but "the revolution is not yet finished" also clearly pointed to the ideological conflict in the understanding of (our) Indonesian independence. Bung Karno [Brother Sukarno] put this forward in a new summation: the Indonesian people are still shacked by nekolim – neocolonialism and imperialism. Conversely, there were also many Indonesian people who yearned for the 'normal' times under Dutch colonialism.

Bung Karno even called for the need for berdikari – to stand on one's own feet rather than to beg for foreign capital and its dictates saying: "Go to hell with your aid!". Tri Sakti (the Three Powers) was also presented as a way to crate justice and prosperity for the Indonesian people: political sovereignty, economic independence and a cultural identity.

However the period of thunderous clamor filled with people's mobilisations – marches, mass meetings and booming speeches, was brought to a close with the G30S(1) affair in 1965. After Suharto's New Order regime came to power, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) was accused as being the sole perpetrator of the G30S affair that had resulted in the villainous murder of seven generals. As a consequence, the PKI and its affiliated organisations were declared banned organisations. Communism could no longer be taught or disseminated in Indonesia. Thousands of the PKI's activists and sympathisers were killed even though they knew nothing at all about the G30S affair. Many others were sent to jails throughout Indonesia including to the island of banishment: Buru Island.

General Suharto remained in power for 32 years. The way forward and how Indonesia should be built was turned 180 degrees away from the direction exposed by Bung Karno. There were no more speeches like those of the Ki Dalang (The Great Puppet Master). The people no longer mobilised and took too the streets. There was no debate or polemic. General Suharto appeared before the people so composed, calm, with his genial smile, as if to portray a society in harmony and without conflict. Foreign capital poured in to create skyscrapers and immaculate streets.

But behind all of this the mountainous debt piled up, the press was controlled, the political parties and the mass organisations unified under the sole state ideology of Pancasila(2). Those who refused became enemies of the state and stigmatised with the stamp of the PKI or the extreme right – even farmers who were only defending their land because of inadequate compensation and workers demanding a wage rise. Pancasila became the sledgehammer of those in power to gag the sound of the people's criticism, which was deemed to undermine the authorities. The jails were filled with pro-democracy fighters and the screams and cries of people being tortured by those above the law. And on occasion, death was all too close.

Democracy did not exist under Suharto, such was the conclusion drawn by students and the uneasy intellectual critics of the regime. Discussion groups were built. Mass actions launched. Until in the end the only course left was to bring down the New Order dictatorship. This was the quintessence of the poems by the rebels Rendra, Emha and Thukul(3). The people augmented their ranks to break down tyranny. And Suharto fell. Democracy was won bringing with it the fresh breeze of reformasi and an opportunity for civilians to hold positions of power: a new President of Indonesia was elected much faster than had been imagined. We could finally breathe a little easier. Freedom.

But post the era of reformasi, we still continue to be dogged by the question of what kind of freedom do we want. Corruption is still rampant, the eviction of the poor continues, education and healthcare are increasingly expensive, concern over social issues appears to have declined, natural disasters come upon us repeatedly, the state debt piles up, there is moral crisis everywhere. We have abundant natural wealth: gold mines, copper, oil... but why have we become no more than coolies in our own country, living in poverty, dying of hunger in a sea of prosperity? This was not of course the freedom that we were seeking. Then what was?

It has been 61 years since Indonesia declared itself an independent nation. It should not be that poverty and suffering is still rampant. Democracy is the initial step in achieving genuine freedom, like the golden bridge declared by Bung Karno. Because of this therefore, the democracy that we have now won should also be able to further advance the people to achieve real justice and prosperity. Let the debate and polemic grow also in order to clarify the direction and how Indonesia should be built. Because, we no not need to feel uncomfortable about the growth of the new political parties in the lead up to the 2009 general elections.

Aside of course from it being a reflection of the democracy (read a feeling of freedom) that was won post the New Order dictatorship, the growth of new political parties also clearly reflects just how complex the issues are that are being faced by the Indonesian people. The duty of the government should be then to further guarantee and strengthen the mechanisms of democracy as fairly as possible for the Indonesian people as a whole. The people themselves have already demonstrated their power in the struggle for democracy, as was shown in the days of May 1998, and don't forget July 27, 1996(4).

It is under this umbrella of democracy that we can put aside factional egos for the sake of solving the urgent problems of the people: To unite, to join arms, reaffirm the meaning of our freedom and if necessary reignite the fight for independence. At the very least to fight against again becoming a nation of coolies as was embraced in the dream of our struggle for independence long before 1945.

[A.J. Susmana is an alumnus of the Gajah Mada University faculty of philosophy and a deputy chairperson of the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD).]

Notes:

1. G30S/PKI - The September 30 Movement/Indonesian Communist Party. An acronym referring to the alleged coup attempt in 1965 which the New Order regime of former President Suharto blamed on the PKI. G30S was a grouping of middle ranking officers lead by Lieutenant Colonel Untung, who kidnapped and killed six generals whom they accused of being members of a "Council of Generals" allegedly organising a coup against Sukarno.

2. The ideology of Pancasila was devised by Sukarno and at that time symbolised the process of bringing together Indonesia's hundreds of ethnic groups into a nation under the five principles of belief in one God, humanitarianism, national unity, democracy through consensus and social justice. During the 32 year Suharto dictatorship, Pancasila became an catch all term to define who was and was not loyal to the regime and all political parties were forced to adopt Pancasila as their ideological base.

3. Emha Ainun Nadjib - a Muslim poet and political commentator. WS Rendra - an outspoken poet and playwright. Wiji Thukul - a street performer and poet and member of the PRD who was disappeared in 1998 and is now assumed to be dead.

4. July 27 - Following Megawati Sukarnoputri's popular election as chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in 1996, the Suharto regime, who feared a PDI lead Megawati (who could draw upon the tremendous popularity of her father Sukarno) might threaten the state party Golkar's dominance in the upcoming 1997 elections, sponsored a rebel PDI congress in Medan, North Sumatra, and succeeded in replacing her with their own pro-regime candidate, Suryadi. Following weeks of protests and the occupation of party's headquarters in central Jakarta by pro- Megawati PDI supporters, on July 27 paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police which was blamed on the PRD, who's members were hunted down and arrested as the masterminds behind the riots.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Indonesia must push pace of reform or get left behind

Jakarta Post - October 2, 2006

David O'Brien, Jakarta – The issue of continued slow recovery of the Indonesian economy and in particular the perception of Indonesia as a suitable investment destination has again hit the spotlight. I particularly enjoyed the views expressed by Budiono Kusumohamidjojo in his article in The Jakarta Post of Sept. 18 and his conclusion that there is a need for courageous reforms.

At the macro economic policy level the right messages seem to regularly be issued, however actual changes in transparency, attitudes and processes remain notoriously slow.

The need for a sense of urgency first occurred to me after a recent Japanese investment forum. Here it became clear that the rest of the world is moving on and Indonesia seems to struggle to acknowledge the need to adapt to the rapid pace of change.

A review of surveys of investors by the Japanese bi lateral body JBIC provides an informative insight as to investors thinking over time. In 1998 Indonesia ranked in third place behind China and US for Japanese external investment. By 2005 Indonesia had fallen to eighth place, having been usurped by India, Thailand, Vietnam, Russia and Korea.

This was further reiterated in the most recent World Bank publication on business competitiveness. Indonesia had slipped slightly further behind. In releasing the report it was pointed out that the issue was not so much a lack of reform in Indonesia rather than the pace of reform relative to competitors.

The longer term strategic thinking of the government is now reported to have shifted. Rather than be a mere exporter of natural resources the new direction is to utilize those resources within Indonesia. Foreign companies are now being encouraged at high levels to relocate energy dependent industries to Indonesia rather than import raw materials.

It is a laudable aim and will require great skill in implementation to be successful. Lower priced energy is certainly a plus but without the difficult micro economic reforms in the legal, education, labor and overall business environment it may not be enough to justify shifting industry.

About a month ago, at yet another investment seminar, BAPEPAM (Capital Markets Regulatory Authority) presented a comprehensive list of reforms it planned to undertake. The guests, including representatives of the Australian regulatory arm, ASIC enthusiastically greeted the plan.

As with the seemingly endless seminars that lead to no results, there are well drafted blue prints in place that seem to lack implementation. In the meantime Indonesian companies take advantage of the laxness and further harm the perception of the country for investors.

The recent history of Bumi Resources would seem to raise a number of questions in relation to transparency to the market and limited examination by the regulators. In May of this year to much fanfare it announced the signing of a sales and purchase agreement for US$3.25 billion in relation to key assets it controls.

The mines Kaltim Prima Coal and Arutmin had been earlier acquired for a price said to be in the region of $650 million. They were originally purchased from foreign owned firms that were required to sell down their controlling interest in line with the existing mining law at the time. This required divestment of a controlling stake in the mine to local investors after ten years of operation.

At the time of the announcement it appeared to be an opportunistic sale of key mines at a time of record commodity prices. However one of the most closely watched commodity price indices, the Reuters/Jefferies CRB Index, is now 16.5 percent below its May high, at a level last seen in July last year.

Some eyebrows were raised when the buyer was revealed to be a shell company owned by the Jakarta investment bank, Renaissance Capital.

Renaissance Capital was established in 2002 by a group of Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu partners. The firm faced conflict of interest concerns when both auditing IBRA (Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency) and having a separate division advising on restructuring and divestments. The non audit team subsequently made the move to establish Renaissance.

Renaissance and its subsidiary Recapital Advisors have since been involved in the acquisition of a number of assets overseen by PPA. This is the entity created to dispose of those assets not divested by the end of the regulated term of IBRA.

In late 2005 this included the acquisition of 71.6 percent of Bank BTPN. This bank was formerly associated with Bakrie. In this case Credit Suisse assisted in raising $46 million to finance the deal. This transaction obviously served as a trial run for this new, much more ambitious play with all the same players back again.

Questions about the deal were first raised when it was announced nearly $1 billion of the proceeds would be directed at a major coal to liquids investment with South African technology leader SASOL. Something seemed awry when SASOL denied any knowledge of the deal within a week.

Credit Suisse and Renaissance spent months running around global capital markets in an attempt to raise $2.1 billion in debt. Another $700 million was committed by a Singaporean bank in the form of an exchangeable bond. The smaller proportional balance of equity proved just as difficult to source.

The information memorandum forecast to support such level of borrowings gave estimated EBITDA of $583 million. Subsequent events have surely led to many red faces and caused untold harm to any reputation that Indonesia was recovering as a location for lenders.

First half results have now been reported at an EBITDA level of $118 million. The fall was attributed to adverse weather conditions. However volumes of coal sold were not markedly different from forecast and sales prices have continued at as strong a level as forecast. The issue must therefore be on the cost side of things and one would assume that the mines now facing additional costs per tonne of coal mined.

At the same time as these new financial numbers found their way to the press, along came news of other previously undisclosed liabilities. There are alleged unpaid royalties in excess of $100 million and unpaid taxes of $40 million.

There would appear to be some cash flow difficulties for a business that in May was looking to secure $3 billion in debt funding. In the real world the regulator would be asking serious questions about disclosure of material information and the real purpose of the deal.

Structural reforms are how other countries are sustaining ongoing high levels of growth. It is hoped Indonesia hastens its own reforms to gain the trust of the investment community.

[The wrier is a Technical Advisor at CSA Strategic Advisory which assists businesses address change by originating strategy and successfully executing. He may be contacted at dobrien@csadvisory.com.]

Bakrie name at stake

Jakarta Post Editorial - October 2, 2006

Efforts to stop the unprecedented flow of hot mud in the East Java town of Sidoarjo are continuing, but truly extraordinary measures are needed to help the more than 3,000 affected families and end the disaster.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's order to dump the toxic mud into the sea, via Porong River, can be understood when viewed from the perspective of the people of Sidoarjo. Since the mud began to pour out of a PT Lapindo Brantas Inc. gas exploration well on May 29, all measures to contain the sludge have failed. After four months the villages nearest the well have almost completely disappeared beneath the mud. Thousands more people will lose everything if something drastic is not done.

A decision as controversial as dumping the mud into the sea must have been made only after intense debate. This is no doubt why environment minister Rachmat Witoelar eventually reversed his position to support the policy.

Rachmat had originally agreed with environmentalists that dumping the mud into the sea would only do the environment more harm and create new problems. This argument has gained strength as hundreds of dead fish have been found since Lapindo workers started to pipe untreated mud into Porong River earlier this month. Fishermen also are opposed to piping the mud into the sea, concerned it will affect their catch and their income.

The government, however, claims the mud does not contain hazardous substances. It also says it will treat the mud before it is dumped into the sea, hopefully minimizing the impact on the marine ecosystem.

A researcher from the Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology said the treatment of effluent would cost Rp 5,000 per cubic meter. With around 6.15 million cubic meters covering Sidoarjo as of Sept. 22, just treating the mud would cost Rp 30.75 billion. And that figure is certain to rise with no one sure when the disaster will end.

The government has done its part. It has formed a national team involving several ministries to deal with the mudflow. It also has ordered the resettlement of affected families, and has promised to provide them with jobs.

All of the costs will reportedly be borne by Lapindo, whose general manager Imam Agustino said the company would allocate US$140 million to cover all expenses. Lapindo claims to have already spent $70 million as of mid-September on operational costs and in compensation to victims. Each affected family receives Rp 300,000 in monthly meal allowances and Rp 2 million to rent a house for two years. It remains unclear how Lapindo determined the amount of the payments, or if it will offer more money in the future to help the families restart their lives.

Like tsunami and earthquake victims, all of the residents have to start over from scratch. The difference is that the people of Sidoarjo are suffering from what is likely human error.

A middle-aged woman, therefore, had every reason to cry over her house and all her belongings inside, destroyed by the sea of mud. She recalled how she saved rupiah by rupiah for years to buy the house.

There have been frequent rallies as victims of the mudflow vent their anger at Lapindo's handling of the disaster, prompting police to issue a shoot-on-sight order for anyone attempting to disrupt cleanup work.

Most recently members of Greenpeace Southeast Asia dumped mud taken from Sidoarjo outside the Jakarta office of Coordinating Minister for the People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie, whose family holds a controlling stake in Lapindo. The protesters demanded Aburizal take responsibility for the disaster.

While Aburizal quit the family business when he took up a government post in 2004, the minister cannot simply wash his hands of this case. He must prove he has done enough to help the mud victims receive adequate compensation and start a better life.

Fair or not, the Bakrie name is at stake with the mudflow. The recent takeover of Lapindo by the Bakrie family-controlled Lyte Limited in the wake of the disaster requires explanation. Despite its new status as a limited company, Lapindo cannot ignore public demand for transparency regarding the handling of the mudflow.