News & issues

Most Indonesians to live in cities by 2010

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta – The traditional view that most Indonesians live in rural areas will soon be turned upside down. Rapidly increasing urbanization and uncontrollable urban population growth will drive more and more of Indonesia's population into cities.

Research conducted by the Urban and Regional Development Institute (URDI) projects that by 2010 over 50 percent of Indonesian's population will reside in urban areas. By 2025, that 50 percent will have become 60 percent.

URDI's executive director and senior researcher, Wicaksono Sarosa, said considering that the current growth of the urban population had reached 4.4 percent per year, which far exceeded the total population growth of 1.7 percent per year, Indonesia would not be an agrarian state for much longer.

"Population growth in rural areas has been negative since 2000 because of the fast growth of urbanization levels. Meanwhile, urban population growth far surpasses national population growth because in addition to high urbanization, the birth rate is still greater than the mortality rate," he told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

According to data from the Central Statistics Agency, the total Indonesian population in 2004 was almost 218 million, up from 205 million in 2000 and 178.5 million in 1990.

Wicaksono said the absence of employment in rural areas had forced young villagers to migrate to urban areas to seek work.

"Since the end of the 1990s, we have observed that most people found in country areas are either the elderly or children, because the young people have left their villages for the cities," he said.

Member of the House of Representatives Commission IX overseeing population, Hakim Sorimuda Pohan, agreed, and said the inability of the government to provide enough contraceptives to people had also played a major part in accelerating Indonesia's population growth.

"We are worried that if we don't control our fertility rate then our population growth will be uncontrollable. So, fertility control is a must. Currently, most people don't have the money to buy basic needs let alone buy contraceptives. The government must provide cheap contraception for people," he told the Post.

Indonesia was hailed by the international community for the success of its family planning program. In the 1970s and 1980s it managed to consistently slow its population growth, through the establishment of the National Family Planning Coordinating Agency (BKKBN). Then president Soeharto received awards from several international agencies for Indonesia's success, and many countries imitated Indonesia's program.

"BKKBN is not as effective as it was previously. At the provincial level, BKKBN still functions but in regencies or cities it is turned into another agency because regional autonomy law gives the authority to regional administrations to formulate their own policies. So, we have no more agencies concentrating on campaigning for family planning," Hakim said.

Beside the birth control issue, he said, Indonesia did not have a specific policy to encourage development in rural areas. In contrast, Hakim said, China was now concentrating its policies and efforts on making villages the center of industry, to discourage people from abandoning their ancestors' lands for the cities.

"I think Indonesia should start thinking about encouraging agro- industries so that rural areas can provide jobs to villagers. If they have jobs in their home town then why should they move to the city?" he said.

Besides urbanization, high unemployment has also forced people in urban and rural areas to seek employment overseas.

"I visited Syria recently, and I found 40,000 Indonesian workers there. Most of them work illegally so they work without legal protection. Syria is not a rich country in the Middle East, so you can imagine how many more Indonesians work in other rich countries.

In Saudi Arabia alone, there are 300,000 Indonesian workers," he said, adding that he believed Indonesia needed to immediately make an agreement on migrant workers with these countries.

Police issue shoot-on-sight for East Java rioters

Jakarta Post - May 1, 2006

Jakarta – East Java Police chief Brig. Gen. Herman Suryadi has issued a shoot-on-sight order for rioters following the massive wave of vandalism by disgruntled supporters of a candidate in the Tuban regental elections.

Tuban Police intensified their hunt for the masterminds of the violence, Herman said, with a curfew imposed for an indefinite period of time in the area.

East Java Governor Imam Utomo, along with local police and military leaders, decided on the curfew after thousands of people vandalized property Saturday, including the local general election office.

"If the protesters resort to anarchy, I instruct (my personnel) to shoot them on sight because they will put other people in danger," Herman was quoted as saying by Antara newswire.

Police are maintaining a strong presence to ward off possible retaliatory moves, including against Chinese-Indonesians. One of the members of the losing ticket was ethnic Chinese.

Police have questioned candidate Noor Nahar Hussein and his running mate Go Tjong Ping, whose supporters ran amok after a quick count showed their defeat by incumbent regent Haeny Relawati, who is the former chairwoman of the local Golkar Party chapter.

Thousands of supporters of Noor Nahar and Ping, who were supported by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, alleged there was election fraud. They burned down Haeny's residence and vandalized property, including a hotel, a warehouse and luxury cars, as well as the Tuban administration hall. The Golkar regional office also was damaged.

Police have arrested 95 people believed to have provoked the violence, in which several policemen were hospitalized for severe injuries after being pelted with stones.

With the Tuban chapter of the General Election Commission (KPUD) continuing the ballot count, Haeny and her running mate Lilik Soehardjono still held a 3.5 percent lead over their opponents.

Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla held an impromptu meeting Sunday at Golkar's head office in Jakarta to discuss the situation.

Kalla, who is also the Vice President, said he had instructed the East Java governor and National Police chief Gen. Sutanto to launch a full probe into the rioting and take harsh actions against protesters who used violence.

"This isn't just the issue of Golkar, this is about democracy because there are 10 parties that support (Haeny's) bid," he said.

Kalla dismissed calls for a reelection and said protesters should let the local election office and the local election watchdog decide on the polls' legitimacy.

"The election was fair and square. It's easy for those who lose to ask for a reelection, but then we would have endless reelections if such a thing was allowed," he said.

He said all political parties and their supporters should abide by the law and respect the legal process of the election.

Decline of Indonesian press freedom

Tempo Interactive - May 1, 2006

Rini Kustiani, Jakarta – The Head of the Central Executive committee of the Voice of Human Rights News Center, Atmakusumah Astraatmadja, said that press freedom in Indonesia declined drastically in 2005.

The data from Reporters Sans Frontieres (Reporters without Boundaries) shows Indonesia's position went down from the 57-th place out of 139 countries to 102-nd place from 167 countries in 2005.

In the rank of press freedom, Indonesia is in third place in Southeast Asia in 2005. Three years ago, Indonesia was in first place. "This is due to the various violent acts against reporters and the press media," Atma told Tempo in Jakarta, yesterday.

The former Press Council Head recalled the assault cases against reporters, as happened to TVRI cameraman, Mohamad Jamaluddin, who was killed in Aceh, the hostage-taking of RCTI's two reporters, Ersa Siregar and Fery Santoro by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) which caused Ersa's death, and the latest cases of the attack on Indopos's office in Jakarta by Hercules and the violence against two reporters when covering the demonstration in Pembangunan Nasional Veteran University in Surabaya, East Java.

Aceh

In whose interests is it that Aceh is divided into two?

Jakarta Post - May 8, 2006

Aguswandi, Banda Aceh – Just when you think you have things figured out, they turn topsy-turvy on you. This might be the best way to describe the fallout caused by those advocating the division of Aceh into two new provinces.

There is no economic, political, or administrative need for establishing a new province in Aceh right now. The idea of dividing Aceh into two provinces comes solely from the political elite's interest groups who want to gain greater power locally, however irresponsibly.

Locally, these groups are mainly composed of the elite from the highlands of Aceh – Central Aceh, South East Aceh, Benar Meriah. Last year, while the government representatives and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) leaders met in Helsinki to labor on the peace agreement, the political elite of Aceh met in Jakarta to strengthen their demands for a new province called Aceh Leuser Antara (ALA).

In the last few weeks, while the House of Representatives has been discussing the new law for Aceh and both the GAM's leadership and EU head Javier Solana have been visiting Aceh to talk about peace and a better future for the province, the leaders of ALA have been issuing threats to take up arms if the government refuses to meet their demands.

This reminds us how the previous peace process in Aceh came to collapse. The highlands, especially the district of Central Aceh, were "hot spots" for the Henry Dunant Centre (HDC) team, who were mediating the peace talks.

First was the attack on the Joint Monitoring team office. This physical attack was then the start of what became an attack on the peace process itself. Indeed, after the incident, the peace process collapsed, martial law was imposed once more, the war began again. It later became clear that the attack had been organized by people within the political elite who felt threatened and weakened by the peace process.

This time, the elite are putting themselves in the line of fire as they go head to head with the prevalent desire for peace from the rest of Aceh. They are the bad old boys from the bad old days. Those who attacked the HDC office are the same people who are now demanding a new province for Aceh.

Their group also includes the "activists" that some refer to as anti-separatist fronts. Now, while peace in Aceh seems like a good thing for most people, they seem to see it as a personal defeat for themselves and their interests.

In their view, the present process in not in their favor, whether politically, or economically. The Helsinki MOU stated that Aceh's borders are those determined in July 1950, which include the central highlands as part of Aceh's territory. This means separation is not possible.

The government's reintegration program, while allocating huge amounts of money for economically empowering former GAM combatants through the BRA fund, is not accessible for them. This led to even greater anger and they have started accusing the government of discriminating against "the true sons and daughters of the republic".

To be fair, some of their arguments about the underdevelopment of the central highlands are partly true. Central Aceh and the West coast of Aceh are abundantly rich in natural resources, but they remain relatively poor and produce very little.

But this is not a sufficient reason for establishing a new province. The underdevelopment of the highlands was the reason behind the establishment of two new districts in 2003, splitting two existing ones into four. Prior to the division, we had South East Aceh and Central Aceh in the central highlands. In response to the clear need for accelerated economic development, Bener Meriah and Gayo Lues were established.

The continued underdevelopment of these districts is partly the responsibility of the political elite. While these new districts' power has expanded under the Autonomy Law, little has been done to maximize development and to stimulate or enforce good governance.

Instead of working hard to increase production in the new districts, the local political elite are demanding a new province. While the people in these four districts continue to live in poverty, their leaders live in luxurious houses in Medan and Jakarta, spending more time outside their districts than in them.

What makes the problem more acute right now is the involvement of those politicians in Jakarta who see the advocates for the proposed separation as their allies in the opposition to the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla peace initiative for Aceh.

Permadi, a House member from PDI-P, who is usually extremely reluctant to meet any Acehnese representatives, seemed suddenly eager to meet with pro-ALA groups. Soetardjo, another House member from the PDI-P party, even stated his support for a boycott by the central highlands of the next Aceh election. A good strategy for reconciliation and reintegration is much needed in the central highlands. If we can make peace in the mountainous part of Aceh, we will be able to maintain for peace anywhere in the province.

[The writer is a human rights advocate. He can be reached at agus_smur@hotmail.com.]

Draft law on Aceh to impose Islamic law on all residents

Associated Press - May 4, 2006

Jakarta – A draft law proposed by lawmakers on the tsunami- ravaged Indonesian province of Aceh will impose Shariah, or Islamic law, on all non-Muslims, the military and police, a local law enforcement official said Thursday.

Sharia took effect in Aceh, a predominantly Muslim region on the northernmost tip of Sumatra island, last year. It banned drinking, gambling, adultery and other behavior deemed immoral under Islam. Until now, it has only applied to Muslims.

The latest bill, submitted to the national parliament early this year for debate, is expected to be adopted by the 550-seat house by the summer after facing initial resistance.

"Based on the equality in law, Acehnese people have formally proposed ... to apply the Islamic Shariah Law to all those residing in Aceh, including military, police and non-Muslims," said Alyasa Abubakar who heads a local government office which enforces the Shariah on Aceh.

"We leave it to the parliament whether to accept or reject the Acehnese people's proposal," Abubakar said. "I personally feel that it is not fair to apply the Islamic Sharia only to Muslims."

Abdullah Saleh, deputy chairman of the parliamentary commission handling the draft, said it will be applied to all people equally "while on other hand it protects the non-Muslims freedom to perform their religious duties."

With 220 million inhabitants, Indonesia is home to more Muslims than any other nation, but is a secular state where people follow a moderate form of the faith.

The draft will almost certainly harm delicate relations with other faiths, in a country where Christian-Muslim violence has claimed the lives of thousands in recent years. Although around 97 percent of the population is Muslim, Aceh is also home to Hindus, Buddists and Christians.

Fransiskus Widanto, a 32-year-old Catholic working with a nongovernment organization in Aceh's capital Banda Aceh, fiercely opposed the idea of being forced to abide by Islamic law. "It should not be forcefully imposed, especially on non-Muslims," he said. "I think it would be better to leave if such a law is introduced."

Aceh was the single worst-hit Asian coastline in the Dec. 26, 2004, tsunami which claimed the lives of some 130,000.

Aceh set to elect governor in August

Jakarta Post - May 5, 2006

Tiarma Siboro and Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – Aceh is set hold its first-ever gubernatorial elections sometime in August, with independent candidates expected to contest the polls, the government announced Thursday.

The Aceh administration is currently registering voters for the direct election. Data from central government shows nearly 2.6 million people of some four million people in Aceh are eligible to vote. "We expect to hold the election in August and hope there will be no more delays.

During the first step of preparations, we are now registering voters and providing them with new identity cards," Communications and Information Minister Sofyan Djalil said after a Cabinet meeting on political, legal and security affairs.

However, the meeting attended by incumbent Aceh governor Mustafa Abu Bakar did not set a date for the vote.

The election date was initially planned for April but was postponed after it became clear the House of Representatives would be unable to pass the Aceh governance bill into law by its March deadline. That date was mandated by a peace accord signed by the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in August last year.

Several contentious issues, including articles that allow the establishment of local political parties and independent candidates to contest the elections, have delayed the bill's passage.

However, the government and legislators have promised to finish deliberating the legislation later this month so elections can proceed in August.

Confident of the bill's eventual passage through the House, GAM is already promoting independent candidates in the election and is setting up a local political party for the 2009 national polls.

Separately, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democrat Party called on the government and the House on Thursday to accommodate gender issues into the Aceh governing bill to help empower Acehnese women.

Democrat members of a House special committee deliberating the bill, Teuku Riefke Harsya and Benny K. Harman, said gender equality should be accommodated in articles setting up local political parties, the Aceh Ulema Council (MPU) and the sharia courts.

"The committee could include in the bill a requirement for local parties to give 30 percent of official positions to women and the bill could also be improved to allow the representation of women in the MPU," Harsya said.

Benny said women should also be allowed to run for office in the province. "Despite the enforcement of sharia law (in the province), Aceh should respect gender equality in all fields." If this happened, it would make the province unique, he said.

Meanwhile, Aceh-Nias Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Agency (BRR) chairman Kuntoro Mangkusubroto said Wednesday his office planned to set up 10 branch offices across Aceh and Nias to speed up its recovery programs.

The offices would be established in North and South Nias, Sigli, Aceh Besar, Calang, Meulaboh and Simeuleu, along with Lhokseumawe, Singkil and Takengon, he said.

Kuntoro said the BRR was building some 41,000 houses for tsunami survivors. The agency's progress was "acceptable" because "the national blueprint on public housing only required 71,000 houses for development a year," he said.

The BRR had received US$4.7 billion out of a total $7 billion in aid pledged by foreign countries to finance the post-tsunami reconstruction, Kuntoro said.

Aceh students protest again in support of draft Aceh law

Aceh Kita - May 1, 2006

Banda Aceh – Acehnese students have again demonstrated – this time in greater numbers – in the thousands. The students, who came from the Student Concern Alliance for Aceh Peace (Aliansi Mahasiswa Peduli Perdamaian Aceh, AMPPA) started the demonstration on the morning of Sunday April 30 with march from the Darussalam University campus towards Simpang Lima in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh.

The students were demanding the immediate ratification of the Draft Law on Aceh Government (RUU-PA). Student representatives came from all parts of Aceh including Banda Aceh, Lhokseumawe, Bireuen, Meulaboh, Sabang and Langsa.

Rahmat Djailani, one of the action coordinators, said that the action was held to oversea the RUU-PA that is currently being deliberated in Jakarta. "These actions will continue to be held as an effort to create pressure so that the RUU-PA can be immediately ratified", he said.

According to Djailani, concerns have surfaced such as the potential for riots along with [claims] of foul play if the deliberations on the RUU-PA keep being postponed and continue to take more and more time. "If its ratification continues to be postponed, we will mobilise even more protesters, possibly even the entire Acehnese people", said Djailani.

The demonstration began at around 10am and ended at 1.30pm. The protest was peaceful and disbursed in the area around the Banda Aceh Baiturrahaman Great Mosque. A number of police officers guarded the protest from the Darussalam campus to Simpang Lima. (Adw)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Aceh bill delay can be a blessing for ex-rebels

Reuters - May 1, 2006

Jakarta – Delays in passing a bill clearing the way for elections in Indonesia's Aceh province may play into the hands of former separatist rebels, boosting their strength when the ballots finally come.

The Aceh bill is aimed at cementing a peace deal signed in Helsinki last August between Jakarta and the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to end three decades of simmering conflict which killed around 15,000 people, mostly civilians.

According to the peace agreement, the bill would have set the stage for Aceh's first direct gubernatorial vote in April 2006, with elections for local officials to follow; but with the bill still being debated the timetable is now months behind, with August the new target.

Muhammad Qodari, deputy of the Indonesian Survey Circle which conducts regular study on the political trends in Aceh, said the delay could become a blessing in disguise for GAM.

"Standout GAM names do not hold Indonesian passports and they need more time to build the popularity of homegrown candidates," he told Reuters.

Qodari said recognition of an individual's name counts more than his affiliation in elections of executives in Indonesia. "The slower the drafting process, the more chances for GAM to manouevre. Those who try to hold back the bill will only bring benefits to GAM," said Qodari.

The bulk of GAM's political leadership hold foreign passports as a result of going into exile after Indonesia sought to crush the insurgency, which started in 1976.

Other tentative peace agreements and truces were reached in the decades after but the current one, signed last August, has been the most effective and lasting, with surrender of weapons by GAM and withdrawal of troops by the government adding to optimism it will endure.

GAM and Indonesia's government signed the peace deal after months of negotiations spurred by the December 2004 tsunami that left around 170,000 Acehnese dead or missing.

GAM has yet to make a major issue of the lengthy drafting process and missed deadlines for the political bill, adding credence to the view that it doesn't necessarily see the delays as a bad thing for its interests.

GAM's top executive, self-styled prime minister Malik Mahmud, said last week he thought deliberations were going well.

Pro-truce lawmakers said delays were necessary to defuse nationalistic fears the bill would be a gateway for Aceh to split from Indonesia. Debates on the draft's wide-ranging content are still underway without a clear date for a vote.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla, who heads the strongest party in parliament and was an architect of the peace pact, said last week it might pass in late May, opening the way for polls in August.

However, opposition politicians say there is no timeline. "The deadline is the government's business, not parliament's," said legislator R.K. Sembiring Meliala from the nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), the major opposition party and strongest critic of government Aceh policy.

No pressure, please

"We do not want to be pressured. PDI-P was not included in Helsinki. We were not taken into account then, why are we being forced to be responsible for it now?" Meliala told Reuters.

Swing parties say the legislation process for the Aceh bill is already moving at a quicker pace than most drafts and rushing laws governing an area with a volatile history is risky.

The bill will address, among other things, the touchy area of applying Islamic Sharia law in the staunchly Muslim province, and whether non-Muslims must also follow its rules and be tried in Sharia courts. Indonesian law is officially secular at national level.

The Helsinki truce came about after GAM dropped its insistence on an independent Aceh state and Jakarta promised to issue legislation allowing local political parties, including any group set up by GAM members, to vie for government seats in the province and giving Acehnese control of most of their affairs.

One sticking point in the bill is whether to have articles allowing independent nominees to run before local parties, including GAM's political vehicle, are set up next year.

The government and its allies have backed this proposal and GAM is busy grooming nominees while local media have speculated the ex-rebel group might even team up with an existing national Muslim party to form a matchless gubernatorial ticket.

The opposition argues the idea of having a local political party betrays the country's existing laws that require parties to have branches in more than half Indonesia's 33 provinces.

European Union monitors who have been in Aceh since last year to ensure implementation of security-related parts of the peace pact are now scheduled to stay until the end of the historic polls. Nationalist MPs have grumbled over this extension scheme, arguing Europe wants to interfere in Indonesia's affairs.

[Additional reporting by Diyan Jari and Telly Nathalia.]

West Papua

Indonesia freezes university ties over Papua

Australian Associated Press - May 8, 2006

Indonesia has frozen ties with two Australian universities, accusing their academics of supporting Papuan separatism.

A spokeswoman for the Indonesian Education Ministry, Nur Samsiah said Deakin University and RMIT University in Melbourne had both been blacklisted, preventing the two institutions from having ties or pursuing contracts with campuses in Indonesia.

"It's because of RMIT's support for the separatist movement, she told AAP. "There are two of them, RMIT and Deakin University." In RMIT's case, it was the second time a ban had been ordered.

This time the ban was related to the raising of the separatist Morning Star flag on its campus following Australia's decision to grant temporary visas to 42 Papuan independence activists, Samsiah said.

"Cooperation for these two universities is now on hold," she said "For programs currently underway, they will be completed if there is an agreement to do so, but after that it shall be stopped.

"Their academics, their lecturers and their campuses are used for supporting separatists." The bans, she said, were being coordinated with Indonesia's Foreign Ministry.

Also being discussed is a proposal to suspend accreditation by Indonesia of courses being taken by Indonesian students at both Victorian campuses.

The move, if put into force, would stop Indonesian students from studying there. The row over the visas has plunged relations between the two neighbours to their lowest level since Australia's military intervention in East Timor following that country's vote for independence in 1999.

The Indonesian government has withdrawn its ambassador in protest.

Jakarta accuses Australian academics

Melbourne Age - May 8, 2006

Sarah Smiles – The Indonesian Government has accused two Deakin University academics of promoting separatism in West Papua and warned that the country's institutions will have nothing more to do with the university.

Deakin has confirmed that it was aware of a letter sent on the issue by the Indonesian Ministry of National Education. "We understand (it) mentions that some academics hold views which they consider to be against the interests of Indonesia," the university said in a statement.

The letter concerns the work of Damien Kingsbury and Scott Burchill from the university's School of International and Political Studies.

Dr Burchill is a senior lecturer in International Relations and commentator on Australian-Indonesia relations. Dr Kingsbury has written several books on Indonesia and was a mediator between the Indonesian Government and the Free Aceh Movement in negotiating a peace treaty that ended the province's decades-long separatist conflict last year. Both are regular contributors to The Age.

Dr Kingsbury said he believed the Indonesian Government might have sidelined him for having contact with Papuan activists. "(The letter) is obviously a reflection about a fundamental misunderstanding about my interests and my role," he said.

"I was intimately involved in the resolution of the Aceh problem and if they really want a similar sort of resolution for West Papua, then I'm the sort of person they should be welcoming."

Dr Kingsbury, banned from entering Indonesia in December 2004, believes the letter was written by the Indonesian state intelligence agency, BIN.

He said he believed he and Dr Burchill were part of a wider list issued by BIN, singling out Australian activists, academics and politicians whom it viewed as unsympathetic to Indonesia's concerns over West Papua.

Deakin University defended the academics' right to speak out, saying it "supports the academic freedom of our staff members to comment, within the law, on matters within their research expertise".

The Indonesian consul-general in Melbourne, Wahid Supriyadi, confirmed he had a copy of the letter but he declined to comment further, saying it was a matter for Indonesia's Education Minister, Bambang Sudibyo.

Journalists charged, media independence at risk in Papua

Pacific Media Watch - May 5, 2006

Sydney – Editorial independence and journalist safety are at risk in Papua, says the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), after 50 people violently attacked Timika Pos journalists and other employees, in Mimika, Iwan, Papua, Indonesia, during a strike over the appointment of the chief editor.

According to IFJ affiliate, Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI), on April 23, 2006, a strike organised by Timika Pos workers was stopped by a group of approximately 50 assailants wielding knives from Golkar, Indonesia's largest political party. The workers were terrorised and intimidated by the attackers, even after they attempted to explain that the strike was related to internal organisational matters.

The paper's employees reported they repeatedly requested assistance from the Mimika Baru police station, only 250 metres away, but that police did not make serious efforts to respond.

However, rather than charge the attackers, on April 28, 2006, police arraigned two journalists, Edi Pratomo Cahyono and Marthen Joweni, on suspicion of violation of Articles 170 and 406 of the Indonesian Penal Code, regarding destruction of property. Both are facing up to five years in prison.

Timika's employees were protesting the appointment of Baharudin, managing chairperson of the Golkar Party in Mimika County as the new chief editor of the Timika Pos, journalists are concerned the appointment of the new editor could reduce the newspaper's political independence.

"The independence of the media and the safety of journalists are vital issues for Papua," said IFJ president Christopher Warren. "I urge the Indonesian Government and the Mimika police to drop the charges against Cahyono and Marthen and for both parties to work towards a peaceful resolution of this dispute," said Warren.

This is especially relevant in light of the continuing ban on foreign media in the province. The ban has prevented any foreign journalist from having official access to the region, severely restricting the media's ability to tell the West Papua story.

Damage at Freeport site worse than claimed: NGO

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Tb. Arie Rukmantara, Jakarta – The environmental damage caused by PT Freeport Indonesia's Grasberg mine in Papua province is much worse than earlier reported by the government, an environment watchdog says.

The Indonesian Forum for Environment (Walhi) alleged Wednesday that the subsidiary of the US based Freeport McMoran mining company had committed more violations of national environmental regulations than the government was holding to account for.

"Our study found the company's (disposal of its) total suspended solids also violated the country's regulations," Walhi deputy director Farah Sofa said.

The government in March announced Freeport violated Indonesian environmental regulations over its management of mine acid drainage and for failing to get a license to dispose of its tailings into a river.

It also said Freeport's power plant, managed by PT Puncak Jaya Power, failed to meet air pollution standards.

Walhi's report said the joint mine operation by Freeport and Australian miner Rio Tinto had violated a 2001 government regulation on water quality management and pollution control by not preventing dissolved copper from polluting the Aijkwa River, where Freeport deposited its tailings.

"The lower Aijkwa River (was found to) contain 28 to 42 micrograms a liter of dissolved copper. That is twice as high as the maximum limit the government set at 20 micrograms a liter," the report says.

The report is based on a year's study of unreleased documents about the mine Walhi obtained from an environmental auditing company, geologists and environmentalists.

The report says the river estuary and sea waters are also being contaminated by dissolved copper to levels that exceed tolerable standards.

Walhi's energy and mining campaign manager, Torry Kuswardono, said Freeport's total tailings were estimated to amount to more than a billion tons. Piled up along the 230,000-square kilometer modified Aijkwa Deposition Area, they were endangering many species living in the area, he said.

"Freeport's tailings have made some 35 percent of fish and shellfish populations in the river estuary vanish. At present, about 30 percent of the species living there have been contaminated and are threatened with extinction," he said.

Torry said Walhi publicized the report to convey "a message" to Rio Tinto stockholders, who are expected to attend the company's annual shareholders meeting in Melbourne on Thursday. "Hopefully, they will question Rio Tinto's policies," Torry said.

Rio Tinto owns 40 percent of the Grasberg operation.

"We would also like to give additional data to members of the House of Representatives working committee on Freeport, who will visit the Grasberg mine Thursday," Torry said.

Walhi demanded the government take immediate legal action against Freeport, or at least seriously review the company's operations.

"We are no longer talking about closing down the operation. Should the government refuse to take legal action, we urge them to establish an independent panel to formulate a future plan for the Freeport mine, which is more environmentally friendly," Torry said.

"The panel's duty should also include calculating the compensation Freeport must pay for destroying the environment," he said.

Freeport spokesman Siddharta Mursjid said he could not comment on Walhi's report because he had not yet seen it. He said Freeport's operations were in compliance with the government's 1997 environmental impact analysis (AMDAL).

"All I can say is that we are aware that every action carries a risk, but the risk of our operation was estimated in an AMDAL. And we have always carried out our operations according to the AMDAL," he told The Jakarta Post.

Environmentalist say mine damage worst than thought

Australian Associated Press - May 3, 2006

Rob Taylor, Jakarta – The giant Freeport gold mine blamed for a slew of environmental and social catastrophes in Papua is causing far greater damage to the environment than previously thought, green activists claimed today.

A study of reports submitted to Indonesian authorities by the US owner of the world's biggest gold mine showed the company, Freeport-McMoRan, had significantly understated the potential risk to surrounding forests and rivers, they said.

The study, prepared by the Indonesian environment watchdog Walhi, said Freeport had violated regulations covering the disposal of rock waste. This had caused landslides and leakage of toxic wastes into the waters of Wanagon lake.

As well, a dam built to contain waste slurry from the huge mine, which stretches from Papua's glacier-capped highlands to the coast, was not strong enough and toxic acids were leaking.

Slurry containing heavy metal copper waste had been released into estuaries along the Ajkwa river at twice the legal limit, Walhi said, contaminating around 230 square kilometres of river lowlands with sediment.

Heavy metal-laden tailings were also entering the local food chain, contaminating up to 90 per cent of crabs, fish and shellfish living in the estuary and posing a risk to people living off food stocks found in the river. Thirty-five per cent of local species had disappeared, the watchdog said.

The report is the latest to accuse the Freeport mine, which generates up to 700,000 tons of waste tailings each day, of causing serious environmental destruction in the fragile province, where scientists recently discovered reserves of rare animals once thought extinct.

In March, hundreds of demonstrators rioted in the provincial capital Jayapura in protest at environmental damage caused by the mine. Mobs killed five members of the Indonesian security forces, triggering a crackdown by police and the military.

The riots prompted Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to order an investigation into the activities of the Freeport, which is the biggest sole contributor to his government's tax coffers.

Yudhoyono said he was also concerned by claims the multibillion- dollar profits from the mine were being skimmed. He promised to ensure Freeport's annual community development programs, estimated at 400 billion rupiah ($A57.5 million), were used properly.

But Yudhoyono also warned local people against turning their anger against Freeport into a de-facto campaign for Papuan independence.

Walhi said the mine should cease operations altogether until environmental problems were fixed and those responsible for violations were brought to justice. "The government must also sample (the mine) periodically and precisely instead of relying on company reports," the watchdog said.

Demonstrators and activist shareholders would raise the report's concerns at tomorrow's annual general meeting in Melbourne of miner Rio Tinto, which invested $US1.7 billion ($A2.24 billion) in Freeport in 1995 and which still claims a share of profits, a spokesman told AAP.

Several Papuan separatists recently given visas to stay in Australia, despite Indonesian government protests, would attend the meeting, he said.

Environmental groups slam Freeport mine

Agence France Presse - May 3, 2006

Jakarta – Environmental damage caused by Freeport's huge gold and copper mine in Indonesia's remote Papua province is much worse than previously thought, an environmental watchdog said Wednesday.

Walhi/Friends of the Earth Indonesia accused the Freeport mine, a joint venture of mining giants Freeport-McMoRan and Rio Tinto, of ignoring government orders to amend its dangerous waste management practices.

"The law is not enforced by the ministry of the environment due to the joint venture's pervasive financial and political influence, to the degree that a Freeport-Rio Tinto proposal for circumventing water quality standards seems to be under consideration," the group alleged in a report.

Walhi said its report is based on unpublished company and government documents from 2002 to 2006.

Walhi mine campaigner Torry Kuswardono said the group found that the Freeport mine was polluting the World Heritage-listed Lorenz National Park. The ground water was affected by mine drainage, which is highly acidic and carries a high level of copper – toxic to people and fish, he told a press conference.

A significant proportion of it is washed up and down the coast, he said. "That's a very significant impact the company has to answer for. The national park is one of the conservation jewels of the planet," he told AFP.

Kuswardono said Freeport is also damaging the environment by dumping copper-rich ore around the edges of the mine, exposing its toxic elements to air and ground water.

"If the company processes the waste rock as ore, as other mines in the world would do, they will extract much copper and there won't be such environment problems," he said.

"What the company does is wasteful but very cost-effective. Their profit increases when they mine the purest-grade ore but the efficiency in mineral extraction terms is very low," he said.

Walhi urged the government immediately to enforce its environmental laws and suspend Freeport's operations until its alleged breaches are remedied. It also urged the government to review tax and royalty arrangements to improve benefits for affected communities.

Freeport spokesman Sidharta Mursjid said he had not studied Walhi's report but the company's recent environmental risk assessment was "consistent with that anticipated by the government's environmental impact analysis."

"As a mining company, we are committed to minimizing the impact of our company's operation on the environment," he told AFP.

Freeport-McMoRan has repeatedly come under criticism for its environmental practices at the mine. A violent mass protest in the Papuan capital Jayapura demanding closure of the mine left six people dead last month.

Indonesia's environment ministry threatened Freeport Indonesia, a local unit of the company, with a lawsuit in March unless it cleans up its act, after a two-week investigation found that it failed to comply with several government standards.

Over three billion tons of tailings and up to four billion tons of waste rock will be generated throughout the life of Freeport's operations, expected to end in around 2040, Walhi said.

Freeport releases the equivalent of 53,000 tons of copper annually into a nearby river, it said. This rate of heavy metal pollution is more than a million times worse than that achievable with standard mining industry pollution prevention practices, it said.

Call for UN to assist West Papua

Green Left Weekly - May 3, 2006

Pip Hinman – An Australian coalition of West Papua support groups has asked the UN to list West Papua as a non-governing territory requiring a self-determination plebiscite.

Joe Collins from the Australia-West Papua Association in Sydney said, "It is internationally accepted that the 1969 'Act of Free Choice' was flawed, and not a true act of self-determination. A Dutch government commissioned report by Pieter Drooglever concluded, as have others, that the 'Act of Free Choice' was a sham. It's time that the UN accepted responsibility and looked at its handling of the act of free choice but also at the New York agreement which transferred the administration of West Papua to Indonesia without the West Papuan people's consent."

A number of public figures have joined the Australian initiative to petition the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation to get the International Court of Justice's opinion on irregularities in the administration and annexation of West Papua. Archbishop Desmond Tutu has added his support to this effort, which has already been endorsed by Pieter Drooglever, Noam Chomsky and Bishop Hilton Deakin among others.

The letter asks the International Court of Justice if it agrees that: Indonesia is required to continue its obligations under United Nations charter Article 73 as an administrating power; the New York Agreement violates international law and the United Nations Charter; the agreement violated UN Resolution 1514 by delaying transfer of administration in accordance with the people's will; the Act of Free Choice was invalid in light of multiple violations of the terms of the New York Agreement, the United Nations Charter and UN General Assembly Resolution 1541; and that apart from historical issues, West Papua now qualifies as a non-governing territory as defined by UN General Assembly Resolution 1541.

Papua's 43rd anniversary draws a mixed crowd, new chief

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura – Around 500 people, consisting of freedom fighters, war veterans, and their children and grandchildren commemorated Monday the 43rd anniversary of Papua's return from the Dutch government to Indonesia, at the Cenderawasih Sports Hall in Jayapura.

A Papuan youth figure, Nico Maury, said the ceremony was organized to show the world that not all Papuans wished for the province to separate from Indonesia.

"We're in a democratic era now, and (it's normal that) some of our brothers and sisters might wish for autonomy. But, we, the sons and daughters of freedom fighters, are determined to secure Papua as an integral part of the country," he told The Jakarta Post. The ceremony was also attended by Papua caretaker Governor Soadjuangon Situmorang, Papua Police Chief Insp. Gen. Tommy Jacobus and Cenderawasih University Rector Bert Kambuaya.

According to Nico, the younger generation will defend what their parents struggled for in the past.

A freedom fighter, Ramses Ohee, described May 1, 1965, as the day "Papua returned to the folds of the motherland" after the Dutch relegated its authority to Indonesia through the United Nations.

He said the ceremony was chiefly organized by freedom fighters who had been saddened by the aspirations of those who wished to leave Indonesia.

The highlight of the ceremony was the bestowal of an honorary title on caretaker Governor Situmorang. He was made a Mamta tribal chief, and given the name Kotelo Kabam Papua.

The extended Mamta tribe encompasses Jayapura mayoralty, and Keerom, Jayapura and Sarmi regencies.

Mamta tribal chief Ramses Ohee presented Situmorang with a crown and hung a tribal bag, a token of responsibility, around the governor's neck. As a tribal chief, one of Situmorang's new duties is to fight for the rights of Papuans in achieving prosperity.

Situmorang considers the title an honor, and a sign that he is no longer considered an outsider, but a native Papuan. "They have accepted me wholeheartedly, now it's an emotional tie," he said.

He said that as a tribal chief of a major Papuan tribe, he needed to fight for the welfare of Papuans. Situmorang's reign as a chief will not be permanent, though – he will return to Jakarta after a full governor is inaugurated in Papua.

Pornography & morality

'Sharia-based bylaws violate Constitution'

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Tangerang is firmly in the spotlight after the issuance of a controversial bylaw to eradicate prostitution in the municipality. It also issued another bylaw that bans liquor. Syafi'i Anwar, executive director of the International Centre for Islam and Pluralism (ICIP), shared his views with The Jakarta Post's Ridwan Max Sijabat on what is happening in the region.

Question: What is your comment on the 2006 bylaw on prostitution in Tangerang?

Answer: The bylaw shows the Tangerang authorities' good intention to eradicate prostitution in the regency but its contents do not reflect this and have sparked controversy in society. Everyone knows prostitution is against religious and ethical norms, but the regency has taken wrong steps in eliminating prostitution as it cannot solve the problem without identifying its root causes and offering a comprehensive solution. Prostitution is a social pathology and it is caused by many factors. Economic difficulties and poverty are still the main factors behind prostitution.

What is wrong with the bylaw?

There are two serious problems with the bylaw. First, several articles of the bylaw are based on preconceptions, assumptions, and suspicions which could give rise to different interpretations. For instance, Article 4 states that anyone who is suspected of being a prostitute is prohibited from loitering on public roads, in parks, hotels and coffee shops, etc. Article 8 states that people are obliged to file reports with the relevant authorities on those allegedly practicing prostitution or pimping. Those articles bring about legal uncertainty because they allow law enforcers to interpret it in their own way and, more seriously, misjudgment without proof as evident in the arrest of a career woman in a crackdown on prostitutes in the municipality recently. Second, Tangerang apparently issued the bylaw not only to fight prostitution but mainly to follow in the footsteps of other regions in implementing one of the aspects of sharia.

Is the bylaw an appropriate expression of the spirit of sharia?

Many think so but I doubt whether the municipal administration understands the main purpose of sharia itself. The main purpose of sharia is to uphold justice (al adalah). Justice is the core idea of Islam.

Do you see the formal adoption of sharia as a trend in other regions, including Cianjur and Depok?

The growing efforts to implement sharia are really part of the gradual "sharia-ization" in the country. After Aceh which officially adopted sharia under the special Autonomy Law, many regions have followed suit.

Initially, only a few regions such as Cianjur, Tasikmalaya, Padang and Bulukumba introduced this bylaw. In 2005, 13 regencies demanded sharia and up to now, 18 regions have already or are about to adopt it.

Some of the regencies have even adopted sharia in a way that discriminates against minority groups. For instance, the Padang municipal administration issued a bylaw requiring all schoolgirls, regardless of their religion, to wear the jilbab (Muslim headscarf). The bylaw is unacceptable because it is not in line with pluralism which the Constitution recognizes.

The move to impose sharia is against the Constitution. Indeed, Indonesia is predominantly a Muslim country, but not an Islamic state. Our Constitution is not based on sharia but the state ideology of Pancasila. Pancasila is a kalimatun sawa, a common platform of Indonesian society.

We have to accept Indonesia as a pluralist society, consisting of more than 400 ethnic groups with diverse customs, and various religions and beliefs in 17,000 islands across the archipelago. This reality was realized by our founding fathers when they drafted the Constitution.

How does the new development affect freedom of religion in the country?

We have produced many regulations which are in some ways in conflict with the Constitution and ignore pluralism. In the name of the state, the government should maintain its neutrality and treat all citizens equally regardless of their religious or ethnic background. It should stick to the Constitution in making laws, bylaws and other regulations.

Freedom of religion is guaranteed by Article 29 of the Constitution and therefore, the government in the name of the state must assist all religious communities to practice their beliefs as freely as possible and take actions against those who violate that right. All problems can be solved democratically and in accordance with the law and the Constitution.

What should we do to promote pluralism?

All religious and ethnic groups should respect one another, promote religious tolerance, and develop interfaith dialog to campaign for humanity and tolerance. Both the government and society have to continuously pursue these efforts.

A multi-faith education program is necessary to inculcate religious tolerance in the hearts of the younger generation from childhood.

Makeup led to woman's branding as prostitute

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Jakarta – Every humiliating moment of that day is etched in Lilies Lindawati's memory. She still smarts at the indignity of being branded a prostitute as she stood before a jeering crowd in a "show trial" for Tangerang's new prostitution bylaw.

"I felt like I was being raped in front of those people who laughed at me after the judge ruled I was a prostitute, simply because the law and order officers found a makeup compact and a lipstick in my bag," a tearful Lilies told The Jakarta Post in her rented home in Tangerang.

Two months' pregnant at the time, she was arrested on Feb. 27 under the newly introduced Tangerang bylaw governing prostitution and public behavior, with her story widely reported in the media. She is refusing to be quiet despite the humiliating experience, and has reported Tangerang Mayor Wahidin Halim to the police for wrongful arrest and defamation of character.

Public order officers arrested the 35-year-old as she waited for a public minivan at the side of the street one evening. It was a cool evening and she had put on a jacket.

It was 7 p.m., and she was returning after an unsuccessful attempt to secure her final month's pay from her workplace, a restaurant that closed the week before. She needed it to pay for her daughter's school fees.

Suddenly, she was shocked as five public order officers approached and, calling her a prostitute, bundled her into a van. "I asked them why they were arresting me, but they said to save it for later at their office. I told them that I had a husband, but they ignored me."

She described a chaotic scene as 20 officers rounded up all the women in the area, including, she said, two teenagers eating at a sidewalk cafe and a 63-year-old buying rambutan on the side of the road.

Lilies said she tried to protest her innocence, giving her ID card to one of the officers, but they considered her makeup to be evidence enough that she was soliciting for sex. She does not own a cellular phone and could not contact her elementary school teacher husband.

She was detained for the night, with her trial and that of the others scheduled for the next day. It coincided with the anniversary of Tangerang city, and expectations of convictions were high as the women caught the night before were led out into a makeshift court set up in a park adjacent to City Hall.

"Lots of government officials and residents were gathered there. They were laughing at us as if we were part of a show," she said.

She was terrified by the judge's questioning. "I felt humiliated. I cried and told them that I had a husband. But I could not have him there to the trial to prove it since I was not allowed to call him."

The judge agreed with the arresting officers that she was a prostitute from the evidence of her makeup, and gave her the option of paying a Rp 300,000 fine or spending three days in jail. She only had Rp 10,000 on her, but, "even if I had had the Rp 300,000, I would not have paid it because I am no prostitute".

A reporter from Kompas daily attending the trial took down Lilies' address and contacted her husband, Kustoyo. He said he had been desperate to find his wife when she did not come home.

"The journalist told me that my wife had been put in front of many people as a prostitute. I felt like I was dying," he said. "My wife was only helping me support our family by working in that restaurant. What had she done wrong?"

The incident was embarrassing for the whole family, and Lilies is still reluctant to leave her home. When the Post asked her husband whether he would support his wife in her legal battle, Kustoyo wept and was silent for a moment.

"They (the Tangerang Education agency) made me sign an agreement that I would not take the mayor to court," said the 20-year teaching veteran. But he added he was willing to lose his job to support his wife.

Yan Apul, Lilies's lawyer, said that the mayor could be charged because he did not have the authority to dictate the conduct of residents. "Teachers are figures who can influence conduct, not the mayor. We will demand that he provide Rp 500 billion in restitution," he said.

He added the judge was at fault in sentencing Lilies without adequate proof of wrongdoing. "Even if Lilies were a prostitute, Article No. 4, Point 1 of the bylaw states that she must be returned to her family. However, the judge sent her to jail," he said.

Isma from the Tangerang office of the Indonesian Women's Coalition said there were 15 other women with similar experiences of wrongful arrest. "I know that they are scared to say anything now. But I encourage them to do the same thing as Lilies because they were humiliated," she said.

Tangerang Mayor Wahidin Halim said that his administration had submitted a draft of guidelines on enforcement of the bylaw. In order to prevent further wrongful arrest, the guidelines clearly define the criteria used in the bylaw to avoid further wrongful arrests. He added he would take stern measures against any the officers who erred in the enforcement of the bylaw.

The general secretary of the Home Ministry, Progo Nurdjaman, said his office would review the Tangerang bylaw. "The problem is in the implementation. I have asked the mayor to make guidelines," he said, acknowledging concerns it violated human rights.

Human rights/law

Official: Suharto shouldn't face trial

Associated Press - May 8, 2006

Eric Talmadge, Jakarta – Indonesia's vice president visited ailing former dictator Suharto in a hospital Monday and said he should not face trial for crimes allegedly committed during his rule.

Suharto, 84, underwent colon surgery on Sunday to stem intestinal bleeding and doctors said that he would remain hospitalized at least for five more days.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla told el-Shinta radio station after a visit to Jakarta's Pertamina Hospital that Suharto was able to speak and looked "better than I expected." Asked whether Suharto should face trial, Kalla said, "For me, we should no longer think about legal prosecution against an ailing former leader."

Suharto's 32-year-long rule ended in 1998 amid riots and pro- democracy protests. Suharto was indicted soon after his ouster for alleged corruption during the dictatorship, but has avoided trial because doctors told prosecutors a series of strokes had left him too sick to understand the proceedings.

Other than the corruption charges, critics say Suharto should also be tried in connection with widespread political bloodshed during his presidency, which killed more than 500,000 suspected communists and left-wing opponents after he took power.

Suharto still has many powerful allies in Indonesia's political and military elite, and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is seen as unlikely to expend any political capital in pursuing Suharto's case.

Yudhoyono was a former general in Suharto's army and heads his former political party Golkar. Many other politicians and army officers who got rich during his rule remain in power.

Kalla was accompanied at the hospital by Welfare Minister Aburizal Bakrie, who has deep links to the old regime.

Suharto faces charges of embezzlement. Last month, Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh asked doctors to take a new look at whether he was fit to stand trial.

This is the fourth time Suharto has been treated for intestinal bleeding in two years, most recently in November, although he is not believed to have undergone intestinal surgery before.

Despite Suharto's advanced age, the medical team decided to carry out the operation after a colonoscopy revealed bleeding on the left side of his colon.

Speaking at a news conference Sunday, Brig. Gen. Marjo Subiandono, the chief presidential physician, said there was no more bleeding and "the functions of vital organs such as kidney, heart, brain, have already been stable."

Suharto is said to have suffered permanent brain damage and some speech loss from at least two strokes. He received a series of blood transfusions to stabilize a shortage of hemoglobin, which are the red blood cells that carry oxygen through the bloodstream.

Judges clash over bid to force chief justice's testimony

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Jakarta – Three of five Corruption Court judges walked out of a bribery trial session Wednesday after the presiding judge refused to summon Supreme Court Chief Justice Bagir Manan.

The incident flared up when presiding judge Kresna Menon denied the prosecutor's request to change the trial agenda to include testimony from the chief justice.

"The dossier for the case indicates that Bagir is one of the witnesses who should be presented at the trial," prosecutor Khaidir Ramli told the court.

Kresna responded that he would conduct the trial in line with the predetermined schedule, which required the testimony Wednesday of Harini Wijoso, the defendant who is charged with bribery involving businessman Probosutedjo, former president Soeharto's half-brother, in 2003.

"Bagir Manan has no relevance to this case. It was revealed in a previous trial that he had no knowledge pertinent to the accusations of bribery," Kresna said.

Prosecutor Khaidir countered that the accusation of bribery could not be proven if one of the key witnesses did not testify. "We just want him here for the sake of achieving justice," he said.

One of the judges, Achmad Lino, said it was the second time the prosecutor had requested that Bagir be required to testify. "We should discuss this matter first so that we can reach a compromise if necessary."

Kresna cut Lino off, and said there would be no compromise. He also ignored Khaidir's attempts to speak again. "If we cannot compromise, then I will walk out," said Lino angrily, rising quickly from his chair and leaving the chamber.

He was followed by two other judges, I Made Hendara and Dudu Duswara. The three refused to return to the courtroom even after a recess of several minutes.

"The three judges cannot accept my decision to continue with the testimony of the defendant. The trial will be adjourned until May 10 with the same agenda," said Kresna.

Khaidir told The Jakarta Post he was dismayed by the tone of the dispute. "I was shocked because an argument between judges happened in open court," he said. He added he would continue efforts to ensure Bagir, who was elected to another term as chief justice Tuesday, appeared at the trial.

"Judge Kresna insists on continuing the trial with the same schedule. I will try to counter his argument again in the next trial session because I believe Bagir can reveal the truth," the prosecutor said.

The bribery case came to light when Probosutedjo was convicted of embezzling reforestation funds, causing the state losses of more than Rp 100 billion. He was sentenced to four years in jail by the Central Jakarta District Court in 2003, but the Jakarta High Court later halved the term.

Probosutedjo told the media that he had spent a total of Rp 16 billion to bribe court officials during his legal battles. He also has claimed that his former lawyer, Harini Wijoso, asked specifically for Rp 5 billion to bribe Chief Justice Bagir Manan.

Labour issues

SBY slammed for blaming labor violence on rivals

Jakarta Post - May 6, 2006

Jakarta – Politicians and analysts have rebuked President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for accusing his political rivals of orchestrating Wednesday's violent labor rally in Jakarta.

His comments showed the government was uneasy in handling labor affairs, they said Friday.

Former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid said Yudhoyono should apologize for the "groundless" accusation, and be prudent in dealing with the crucial labor issue.

"The government must apologize. They (government officials) should not be arrogant. They must realize they have given so many promises to workers, but none has been fulfilled. Rather than accusing others, why don't they review the labor policy?"

Susilo, who was on an official Middle East trip when the protesters vandalized property and clashed with police in Central Jakarta, said the disturbance was engineered by political rivals who were dissatisfied with the 2004 presidential election.

About 19 labor unionists were arrested, with eight of them declared suspects for allegedly injuring security personnel and journalists. As well as pelting security personnel with stones, protesters also tore down the fence outside the legislative compound.

The Confederation of All Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI), who organized the rally to protest the planned revision of the 2003 Labor Law, has accused a 30-member group of committing vandalism in their attempt to incite unrest. The group members reportedly used fake KSPSI emblems.

The secretary-general of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), Pramono Anung Wibowo, denied that his party or its chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, who lost the election to Yudhoyono, was behind the violent rally. He said Megawati would not sue the President for his statement and his party would continue opposing the law revision.

Janzi Sofyan, deputy chairman of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), warned the government of more unruly rallies, and said Manpower and Transmigration Minister Erman Suparno should be replaced because he was incompetent.

University of Indonesia political analyst Arbi Sanit said Yudhoyono's reaction showed he was "panicking", due to the opposition to the law's revisions and the realization that he could not fulfill all political concessions he made during his presidential campaign.

"He is in a panic because so far, he has made no progress to improve the people's social welfare and his government has taken the employers' side in revising the law while corruption remains rife."

He dismissed the government's argument that revisions were needed to draw more foreign investment. He said it should instead focus on eliminating the high-cost economy and upholding the law to give legal certainty to investors. He warned that proceeding with the revisions would be political suicide for the administration.

Denny J.A., executive director of the Indonesian Survey Circle, said that through the rallies, workers may have used senior political figures to voice their grievances after they were disappointed by the government and legislature.

He also warned the government against treating the labor issue lightly because workers – numbering 30 million in the formal sector – could be a serious threat to the political and economic stability.

He also said that an April survey by his organization showed approvals for Yudhoyono-Kalla had dropped drastically because the public saw no progress in economic development and a failure to address their political aspirations.

Malang workers reject call for 3-day strike

Jakarta Post - May 6, 2006

Malang – The Malang chapter of the All-Indonesia Workers Union Federation (KSPSI) has rejected a call from the federation's headquarters to launch a three-day strike.

Head of KSPSI's Malang chapter Waridi explained why he rejected the call when he led a rally Thursday of about 5,000 workers from 48 companies in front of Malang City Hall in rejection to the government's plan to revise the 2003 Labor Law. "The workers need to earn to support themselves. If they strike they forfeit the chance to earn," Waridi said.

He reiterated that workers in Greater Malang (Malang mayoralty, Malang regency and Batu) would stage only a one-day rally because of the cost entailed in organizing one. Commenting on the massive rally, which turned violent in Jakarta on Wednesday, Waridi strongly condemned the unruly strike.

The workers joining Thursday's rally in Malang included representatives from cigarette companies including Bentoel Prima, PT Sampoerna, Kompas Agung, Gangsar and Karnia.

Planned rally canceled

Jakarta Post - May 5, 2006

Jakarta – Union leaders have called off a rally planned for Friday in Jakarta after a similar march Wednesday ended in violence, which they claim was instigated by outside parties seeking to sow chaos.

The Confederation of All-Indonesia Workers Unions (KSPSI), which organized Wednesday's rally to denounce any changes to the 2003 Labor Law, has pledged to find those responsible for the violence.

KSPSI chairman Syukur Sarto promised Thursday the organization would find the people behind the violence and win the freedom of eight confederation members arrested as suspects in the clash between protesters and the Jakarta Police.

"We are now looking into the matter... we will pass on our findings to the police when we have concrete evidence." Syukur said an unidentified group of people wearing red ribbons around their arms was present at the rally. He said they drew attention because the agreed upon dress code for KSPSI members was work uniforms decorated with white or blue ribbons. "They were on the front line when the clash started and they were the first to flee the scene when the police began dispersing marchers. We will find them," he said.

Police arrested 14 people during the clash Wednesday, naming eight as suspects in instigating the violence. If found guilty the suspects could face a maximum sentence of six years in jail.

Workers themselves are questioning the political agenda of those behind the violence, which has worsened labor's already tense relationship with business and the government.

Consolidation of Muslim Workers Unions chairman Abdul Rozak Yahya reported to the police the invitation letter the group received to take part in the commemoration of International Labor Day on Monday carried a hammer-and-sickle logo, the symbol of Communism.

Businesses in Jakarta are continuing to count the costs of Wednesday's massive rally. Turnpike operator PT Jasa Marga estimated the rally caused the company total losses of Rp 1 billion (US$111 million), including lost income from turnpike users, damaged road separators and broken lamps along the Cawang turnpike in East Jakarta.

"That's the price of democracy, I guess... I hope people can find other ways to express their opinions rather than staging violent protests," company spokesman Zuhdi Saragih said.

The demonstration caused heavy traffic congestion on the city's main thoroughfares for much of the day, leaving many motorists unable to reach their destinations.

Protesters also tore down gates in front of the House of Representatives. The Jakarta administration estimates more than Rp 160 million in damage was caused just from broken flower pots along the median strip on Jl. Gatot Subroto, as well as from damage to a bus stop in front of the House building.

"We haven't counted nonmaterial losses. I had to cancel all of my activities outside the office Wednesday due to the rally," Governor Sutiyoso said.

The business community is concerned the violent demonstration could scare off potential investors. "If workers stay off the job long enough, they will hold back production and investors will no longer trust doing business in Indonesia," Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) chairman Sofjan Wanandi said.

Apindo reported that members suffered Rp 850 billion in losses from Monday's rally and another Rp 71 billion in losses Wednesday. "I deplore these rallies. Workers are supposed to bring a good image to their companies so they can attract investors," Electronic Employers Association chairman Rachmat Gobel said.

Labor movement seizes its chances when it can

Jakarta Post - May 5, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – The labor movement, which evolved from communities of railway and plantation workers during Dutch colonialism, has enjoyed highs and suffered lows along with the changing administrations in the country.

Today, despite progress in the passage of regulations, it has experienced a letdown in achievement of its aims despite increased freedom for workers to express their grievances in the reform era.

The resignation of Soeharto in May 1998, bringing an end to his militaristic regime and the suppression of labor activism, ushered in enormous changes in politics, the economy, security and human rights. Change in the labor system was highlighted by the ratification of ILO Convention No. 87 on freedom of association and the reform of oppressive labor laws. There are 87 labor unions registered with the government and at least three more laws protecting their rights.

The labor movement began in the early 1900s through the formation of workers' associations to oppose oppressive policies of the Dutch colonial government against workers in the railway industry in Java and Sumatra and in rubber and oil palm plantations in North Sumatra.

It gained official recognition from the ruling regime in the 1940s, when many labor unions were set up to protect workers in the railway company and state plantations, and peasants in the agriculture sector. The presence of labor unions prompted founding president Sukarno to issue Law No. 14/1948, which adopted the International May Day as national labor day in Indonesia (it was annulled after the abortive coup allegedly spearheaded by the Indonesian Communist Party, or PKI, in 1965).

Labor unions could not do much to improve workers' social welfare because almost all were affiliated with political parties, and workers were vulnerable to abuse and intimidation because of their political struggle. The temporary constitution, which was dropped in 1959, stipulated workers' rights but no laws were made to enforce them.

The nation's return that year to the 1945 Constitution created uncertainty because labor unions were divided among nationalist parties, Islamic parties and the PKI.

Despite the poor conditions in almost all sectors, labor unions succeeded in achieving government ratification of several ILO Conventions, especially ILO Convention No. 12/1965 on collective bargaining and equal treatment in workplaces. The government also passed Law No. 12/1957 on dismissals, requiring employers to provide severance pay.

When Soeharto effectively came to power in 1965, all parties and labor unions that supported the PKI were liquidated and the remaining labor unions were eventually reorganized into the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI) on Feb. 20, 1973, in the government's attempt to ensure control.

Workers had no freedom to unionize and underground labor unions, including the Indonesian Prosperity Labor Union established by Mochtar Pakpahan and the Independent Labor Union chaired by the late C. J. Princen, faced persecution when they emerged in the 1980s.

In the 1990s, Dita Indah Sari and Budiman Sudjatmiko represented workers in industrial disputes in West and East Java through their People's Democratic Party (PRD). Dita was later jailed in Tangerang.

Mochtar also was jailed while Princen was tortured several times for their representation of workers in labor disputes. Security forces were often deployed by businesses to intervene in industrial action.

The Soeharto regime's repressive approach to the labor movement drew fierce criticism from the international community, with the United States imposing sanctions on Indonesia's export commodities in 1995.

Soeharto's exit gave the labor movement the freedom to fight the worst forms of employment and discrimination. However, despite the ratification of many ILO conventions and prolabor laws, labor conditions have remained poor following the prolonged economic crisis that hit the country in 1997. The majority of workers employed in the formal sector are still paid in accordance with regional minimum wages.

Recent months have brought a new rallying cry for labor unions. The government's decision to revise the 2003 Labor Law to encourage foreign investment has met opposition from the workers, who have condemned it as detracting from their rights and benefits.

Peaceful May Day rally gets message across

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Multa Fidrus and Theresia Sufa, Jakarta/Tangerang/Bogor – It was dreaded by some and eagerly awaited by others, but the peaceful World Labor Day rally Monday surprised all, turning Jakarta into a sea of color despite the traffic snarls it caused.

The 40,000 workers, farmers, jobless, journalists and college students proved the services of the 14,000 police and army personnel tasked to guard the May Day march may not have been necessary. "The workers kept their promises to keep the peace," labor activist-cum-politician Budiman Sudjatmiko said.

Spectators cheered and applauded the workers, saying they were aware of their plight and believed in their right to march. "We are awed and inspired by their fight and have no problem as long as everything is under control," said Marwa, representing her fellow account managers at Leo Burnett Kreasindo advertising company.

Construction workers around the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle, who could not join in the rally, showed their support by unfurling banners bearing the words "long live the workers".

Thousands of transportation workers swarmed the Jakarta International Container Terminal to mark May Day with a "free speech" forum that lasted for more than two hours, expressing their opposition to the planned revision of the Labor Law and demanding the government improve workers' conditions.

The celebration reached its climax when all workers who were gathered at the venue bowed their heads while vessels and container trucks sounded their horns and building managements hit their fire alarms simultaneously for 10 minutes.

Also attending the celebration were workers from the land and air transportation industries, including state-owned rail company PT Kereta Api Indonesia and airline companies.

Ten thousand workers in Tangerang's Association of Leather, Garment and Textile Workers (SPTSK) gathered for speeches at the back gate of the Soekarno-Hatta International Airport, causing traffic jams that forced the cancellation of five flights and one delay as only a few passengers arrived at the airport in time, a spokesman for airport operator PT Angkasa Pura II, M. Waspan, told The Jakarta Post.

SPTSK chairman M. Anwar said that Angkasa Pura and the municipal administration had agreed to let them use a soccer field about 100 meters away from the airport.

"There was a miscommunication among rally leaders from each factory. They stopped and gathered at the back gate instead of marching to the soccer field," he told the Post.

A concert featuring dangdut music had been awaiting them at the soccer field. "We had arranged to have a day off today but get in to work Sunday... That's why we can mobilize a lot of workers today," Anwar said.

Meanwhile, in Bogor, Deputy Regent Albert Pribadi supported the rally and acknowledged workers' important roles in improving the country's economy. "We officially ask the central government to revise the Labor Law and to side more with the workers," he said.

Widespread apprehension over mass gatherings like Monday's was evident in the comment of one spectator: "History tells us that moments like this are just the beginning of the establishment of Communism," said the middle-aged man.

Workers keep rallies peaceful on May Day

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Jakarta – Hundreds of thousands of workers rallied in major cities and towns nationwide Monday, with revisions to the labor law their collective target of protest on International Workers Day.

Although the government relented to massive labor union pressure about changes to the 2003 law, workers fear their demands will eventually be pushed aside in a subsequent draft.

In Jakarta, workers from the capital and surrounding areas marched to the State Palace, the House of Representatives and the Tanjung Priok Seaport under tight security from the police until a downpour forced them to disperse.

Although the rallies were generally orderly, there was disruption of traffic as protesters spilled out onto the toll road along Jl. Gatot Subroto near the House compound.

Carrying banners and flags, workers marched peacefully from Hotel Indonesia traffic circle to the State Palace.

Labor unionists said they were rallying to celebrate May Day and to show solidarity against antilabor government policies in a heightened sense of activism.

"We are sending a message to the government that workers nationwide are joining forces to oppose its plan to revise the relatively new labor law. We also demand the government declare May Day a national holiday," the chairman of the Confederation of Indonesian Prosperous Labor Unions, Rekson Silaban, said.

Workers gave an enthusiastic response to House Deputy Speaker Zainal Maarif's comments in a speech that he would seek support for their demands in the legislature.

House Commission IX on labor and social welfares decided in a meeting Monday that they would not deliberate any bill to revise the labor law. Bambang Wirahyoso, a labor unionist of the Indonesian Trade Union Congress, warned the House leadership of more massive rallies if lawmakers reneged on their promise.

The draft officially scrapped by the government allowed companies to outsource all types of labor to other companies. It also reduced the severance pay and service payments for dismissed workers.

Five state universities – the University of Indonesia, Padjajaran University in Bandung, Yogyakarta's Gadjah Mada, University of North Sumatra and Hasanuddin University in Makassar – have been appointed by the government to assess the current law and prepare an academic draft of proposed revisions.

Monday's rallies in the capital disbanded peacefully amid a sudden heavy downpour. "Thank God," said Adj. Com. Harjon, who was stationed outside the legislative building.

A heavy security presence also was evident amid huge demonstrations in the cities of Medan in North Sumatra, Bandung in West Java, Semarang in Central Java, Yogyakarta, Surabaya in East Java and Makassar, South Sulawesi.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla said the government would await the findings of the universities, which are expected to be submitted in two months' time.

Kalla also expressed his appreciation of the labor unions for organizing peaceful demonstrations, as well as law enforcers for maintaining order.

He said President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, currently on a 10-day trip to the Middle East, called him to convey his gratitude at the peaceful celebration of May Day.

Labor movement claims hardship brings solidarity

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat – Workers have found shared causes for concern and a renewed sense of activism in rejecting proposed revisions to the 2003 Labor Law and hardships they say have been caused by the government's economic policy.

They also know they need to build stronger political bargaining power to fight for their rights.

Major labor unions, commenting on Monday's observance of International Workers Day, said this year's observance coincided with heightened fears about the welfare of workers, particularly minimum wage earners.

"May Day is coincidentally the golden moment for labor unions to establish strong networking among workers and solidarity to fight for their common interests," chairman of the Confederation of Indonesian Prosperous Trade Unions Rekson Silaban said.

Khoirul Anam, vice president of the Indonesian Trade Union Congress (ITUC), said he was proud of the strong solidarity among workers who took part in the rallies and the government's response to their actions.

"We are sending a message to the current regime not to lash out at the workers' demands. They (the administration) should know about what to do in the future."

He said two fuel price hikes last year weakened the purchasing power of workers. "We are against the planned revision of the labor law because the government, in an alleged conspiracy with businesspeople, wants to cut the rights of workers and create job insecurity. Its labor concept in the dropped revision draft is actually modern slavery," he said.

The ITUC will mark May Day on Wednesday with a daylong seminar on labor conditions in the country. Rekson and Khoirul said their unions would campaign against political parties supporting the law revision.

Separately, Syukur Sarto, deputy chairman of the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI), admitted his organization was has been backed by political parties to fight against the law revision.

"You know, KSPSI is a 'nest' for politicians of certain political parties but the strong labor movement has a lot to do with the strong opposition of most workers to the law revision," he said.

KSPSI, which is marking May Day on May 5 when President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has returned from the Middle East, is chaired by former manpower and transmigration minister Jacob Nuwa Wea, who also belonged to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), while Syukur is a senior member of the SOKSI mass organization affiliated with Golkar Party.

Medan brought to standstill by worker rally

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Jakarta – Business in the North Sumatra capital Medan ground to a halt Monday, with many companies unable to operate as normal because their employees were taking part in rallies to mark International Labor Day.

Yopie Batubara, chairman of the North Sumatra chapter of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin), said 1,500 factories in the province closed their doors Monday, resulting in total losses of Rp 150 billion (US$160 million). There are about 7,500 factories in total in North Sumatra that are members of Kadin.

Rallies were also held in several other big cities in Indonesia, including Jakarta, Surabaya, Bandung, Surakarta, Makassar, Manado, Batam, Malang, Ambon and Yogyakarta.

At the Medan Industrial Estate (KIM) as many as 200 companies remained closed Monday. The scene was similar in other business areas in the city, including along Jl. H.M. Yamin and Jl.

Sisingamangaraja. Most of the companies decided to remain closed because of fears the worker rallies would turn destructive.

PT KIM manager Jefri Sirait said the businesspeople he contacted informed him the closures were only temporary. Business activities are expected to return to normal Tuesday, he said.

"They have the right to halt their operations, even though I gave them assurances there was no reason to worry as we had already requested extra police protection," Jefri said.

In Bandung, representatives of the West Java chapter of the Indonesian Textile Association (API) said massive Labor Day rallies had caused association members losses amounting to Rp 15.2 billion (US$1.66 million).

"However, the losses were not as bad as an earlier strike (on April 12) because we were already prepared," said Ade Sudrajat, chairman of API's West Java chapter. He added that losses from the earlier strike totaled Rp 70 billion.

Nearly 80 percent of workers employed at 248 textile companies throughout West Java took part in rallies Monday, Ade said.

This was confirmed by Dedi Wijaya, chairman of the West Java chapter of the Indonesian Employers Association.

However, many of the workers agreed to work Sunday or on an upcoming holiday to make up the lost day, Dedi said. Thousands of workers took part in rallies throughout Bandung.

In Ambon, Maluku, 10 members of the Muslim Student Association held a protest against a government proposal to revise the 2003 Labor Law. The protesters were closely watched by about 60 police officers.

In a speech in front of the Maluku governor's office, the protesters called on companies to do more to improve worker welfare.

"Why are students the ones holding a rally on Labor Day? Because the workers are busy working for a living," one of the demonstrators, Djamaludin Arey, said.

In Batam, Riau Islands, about 200 members of the Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union (SBSI) rallied at the Batam mayor's office. One of the demands of the workers was that May 1 be declared a national holiday.

In Makassar, South Sulawesi, about 1,000 workers demonstrated in front of the South Sulawesi governor's office. The workers reiterated their opposition to any government policy that harmed the welfare of workers.

A similar rally was held in Yogyakarta, where workers spoke out against the involvement of universities in the controversial revision of the Labor Law.

"The involvement of universities will just be used by the authorities and business owners to legitimize their oppression of workers," rally coordinator Muhamad Yusuf said.

In Surakarta, Central Java, Labor Day was marked with a so-called workers' congress in City Hall, while in Malang, East Java, a rally blocked off a major road linking Malang and Surabaya.

In Manado, North Sulawesi, about 500 demonstrating workers arrived at the North Sulawesi governor's office in buses, trucks and on motorcycles.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Students demand graft probe

Jakarta Post - May 8, 2006

Panca Nugraha, Mataram – Eggs flew through the air Saturday as tens of angry students in Mataram protested what they called slow progress in handling corruption cases at the West Nusa Tenggara provincial council.

The students, who were from the anticorruption movement, demanded the province prosecutor's office and high court take serious action on corruption cases.

The protesters pelted eggs at the prosecutor's office, which was closed, as police officers tried to prevent them from entering the office compound.

"We want law enforcers to be consistent in investigating and punishing those involved in corruption cases in the province, including at the council," a protester said.

The students were referring to alleged embezzlement from the council's 2001-2002 budget. Last year, the prosecutor's office named as suspects 12 former councillors who served during the 2000-2004 term. The budget-padding allegedly cost the country around Rp 17.5 billion (over US$2 million).

Court proceedings on the case have started at Mataram High Court. Ten suspects were put on trial; two others had died. The protesters also demanded an investigation of Governor HL Serinata, who was the council speaker at the time.

The demonstrators then continued their rally at the high court, some 300 meters from the prosecutor's office, to protest the court's failure to present Serinata as a witness in the trials.

Responding to the protest, the spokesman for the prosecutor's office, Maryadi, said by phone that his office has worked hard on corruption cases in the province, including the alleged case at the council.

He said in the council case, there was a suspected padding of the budget for the councillors' allowances. "We're serious in dealing with the case," Maryadi said.

He said that the prosecutor is scheduled to read charges to the defendants on May 9 and 10.

The office, he said, was also looking into other alleged corruption cases in the province, but he said he could not make the details public since the cases were still under investigation.

Separately, the coordinator of People's Solidarity for Transparency's legal division, Basri Mulyani, questioned the court's seriousness in working on the case since it failed to present the governor as a key witness. "Basically, the court has the right to force Serinata to testify at the trial," he said.

He said the provincial government, council and law enforcers should sign a memorandum of understanding to fight corruption. "Or, maybe they were all behind these corruption cases," Basri said.

Students protest against alleged embezzlement of refugee funds

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

M. Azis Tunny, Ambon – Students rallied at the Maluku governor's office and the local prosecutor's office Wednesday to protest the alleged misappropriation of reconstruction and resettlement funds.

The protesters, from the Maluku City Forum (Forkot), also demanded the dissolution of the Maluku People's Anti-Corruption Forum (Formasi), headed by Maluku Governor Karel Albert Ralahalu, which they claimed had failed to punish those involved in corruption.

The forum was formed in 2004, in response to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's call for an all-out war against corruption.

Protesters said the forum, which includes bureaucrats, legislators and public figures, had failed to deal with corruption in Maluku, especially in connection with funds meant to assist people displaced by years of religious violence in the region.

About 3,850 families are reportedly still waiting for assistance to move into permanent homes.

"The creation of Formasi was merely a mechanical response to the President's declared war on corruption. The forum has not once submitted a corruption case to prosecutors, let alone bringing a case to trial," Maluku Forkot head Syaiful Chaniago said.

He said the misappropriation of funds for displaced persons was widespread by contractors appointed by the local government to build houses for the families, with the result being generally poor quality houses often unfit for habitation. He added that displaced persons also were not receiving the assistance to which they were entitled, including a one-time cash payment of Rp 500,000 (US$55.50) for each person.

"All parties, especially law enforcers and the provincial administration, should make resolving the misappropriation of funds for displaced persons a priority. But instead they have chosen to protect unscrupulous contractors," Syaiful said.

He cited the alleged misappropriation of Rp 606 million meant to purchase building materials for displaced persons in Salahutu, Central Maluku regency, by a contractor.

"Our brothers and sisters who were victimized by the conflict are still living in miserable conditions, despite the fact that the central government has disbursed more than Rp 600 billion since 2000. The lack of supervision of the problem is due to people with vested interests who wish to benefit from the situation by exploiting the displaced persons," said one protester.

This is not the first time contractors hired to build homes for displaced persons have been accused of pocketing reconstruction funds.

Earlier, hundreds of displaced persons converged on the Maluku legislative building to demand that action be taken against corrupt building contractors.

It was reported then that houses had been built in violation of standard specifications, and were already in need of repair before they were even occupied.

When asked to comment on the allegations, Maluku Social Welfare Office head Cristian Hehanussa said the office appointed the contractors to carry out construction, but did not directly supervise their work.

"We have not done any supervision. All we do is provide the money for building materials to be distributed to the contractors. If there are instances of houses being built that are not up to standard, we will ask them to rebuild the homes," he said.

Hehanussa said there were still 3,850 displaced families throughout the province waiting to be resettled. The central government has allocated Rp 51 billion this year to assist the displaced persons, but the money has yet to be disbursed to the families.

Regional/communal conflicts

Maluku, Kalimantan strife 'lingering'

Jakarta Post - May 1, 2006

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta – The smoldering, bloody sectarian conflict in Maluku and ethnic warfare in Kalimantan may flare up again unless the government addresses injustices and lingering tensions, an expert says.

Addressing a two-day international workshop on conflict resolution and peace-building here last week, Thung Ju Lan of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said despite the relative calm, the situations in Maluku and Kalimantan remain shaky.

He said the conflicts were far from over because the causes of the problems remained largely unsettled. "The sectarian conflict in Maluku has had its main roots in a weak government, a widening gap between rich and poor, and injustice," he said.

Thung said the widening economic gap between indigenous people and migrants could fuel fresh fighting in Maluku. That gap, he added, is linked to the continued exploitation of forest and mining resources, and prolonged segregation between Muslims and non-Muslims.

Christianty, a participant from Ambon, Maluku, said Ambon was "looking peaceful but segregation has frequently caused misunderstanding between the two communities.

"Local elections have frequently sparked conflicts as politicians fight for support from communities of different faiths and ethnic backgrounds," she said.

She also pointed out that the relatively new regional autonomy had brought about meaningful changes in local governance. "Jakarta has decentralized authority in many fields and disbursed trillions of rupiah for the province, but the poor remain poor while the rich are getting richer."

Thung, who conducted research on conflicts in Maluku and West Kalimantan from 2002 through 2004, said similar conditions remained in West Kalimantan. In that province, the local government ignored core problems that incited ethnic conflict between indigenous Dayak and Malay groups and Madurese migrants from Java.

"Dayak and Malay people attacked Madurese people because the latter were trying to control the business sector, after other sectors had been dominated by the bureaucracy and security authorities and foreign companies," Thung said.

Thung said the government and bureaucracy had to reform themselves to prevent the two provinces from seeking independence in the future.

"The two provinces have been in need of leaders of integrity who treat people equally regardless of their ethnic, racial and religious backgrounds. Bureaucratic reform has to be carried out by recruiting the best people. Segregation must end; legal certainty should be upheld and security authorities must maintain their neutrality," he said.

Health & education

Pupils study amid dust, termite nests

Jakarta Post - May 8, 2006

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang – Children are full of wonders: even in a dilapidated classroom, the sound of their laughter and cheerful chatter fills the air and spills outside.

The children are third graders at Rancagong State Elementary School in Legok district, Tangerang. They played a guessing game while they waited for their teacher in the morning.

The game and the noise came to a halt, however, when a Jakarta Post reporter and two teachers entered their worn-out and dirty classroom. "We're guessing whose table the insects will fall on today," one of the students, Dewi Gustiana, 9, told the Post.

It was just another of the wonders of children that they could turn the tragedy of insects falling through a roof full of holes into a game. It's the students favorite game to play while they wait for their teachers.

Every corner of the school was in a serious state of disrepair. Parts of the roof were missing. The wooden plank holding up the roof was infested with insect nests.

The floor collected dust and the sky was visible through the ceilings and walls in nearly every classroom. Parts of the roof were loose and posed a serious danger to the students and teachers below.

Nonetheless, the students seemed to enjoy themselves as they played while awaiting their teachers. None seemed to realize the dilapidated school building was a hazard. According to the teachers, the building has been in deteriorating condition since 1998, but they have no funds to repair it.

One of the students spontaneously asked the Post: "Are you going to publish our school's story in the newspaper, sir? When will our school be repaired?" Neither the teachers nor the Post could answer the question.

One of the teachers, S. Penny, invited the students to say a prayer asking God to tell the government to immediately repair their poor school building. This school is not the only one that poses dangers to its students and teachers.

Head of the regental education agency Muhyu Syariffudin said as many as 1,031 classrooms spread out at hundreds of schools in 26 districts across the regency are in disrepair, with no efforts having been made to renovate the buildings despite widespread publicity about the problem.

Peusar State Elementary School in Curug district was no better. There are only three classrooms available, so students use them alternately. First- through third-graders study in the afternoon, while fourth- to sixth-grade students use the classrooms in the morning.

"Damaged schools must be repaired soon because students and teachers are scared to be in the classrooms. The roof could collapse at any moment, especially during rainy season," said the school principal H. Undang K. Muhyu said he had submitted a proposal to the Banten provincial administration to renovate the school along with 119 other damaged schools this year.

"But I am not sure whether our proposal will be followed up with action," Muhyu said, adding that he could only hope now the administration would fix the schools before they claimed the lives of any teachers or students.

School fees still shutting out poor despite budget increase

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

Jakarta – Poor students continue to be denied education because the government is not properly monitoring how schools spend their education budget allocations, consumer groups and activists say.

Sudaryatmo from the Indonesian Consumers Foundation (YLKI) said despite the increased budget for national education this year, schools continued to pass on illegal fees to students.

"Currently the government lets schools decide crucial problems, including their budget allocations," he told a discussion Tuesday on National Education Day.

This had allowed schools to continue to charge high fees despite a constitutional requirement mandating free education for all students to the end of junior high school level, he said. A lack of monitoring of these boards meant schools were often misusing their education budgets, he said.

This year, the government allocated Rp 36.7 trillion (about US$4.2 billion), or 8 percent of the national budget, to education, a more than 100 percent increase from the Rp 16 trillion allocated in 2004.

Education Minister Bambang Sudibyo has said around Rp 20 trillion of the budget would be spent directly funding elementary, junior and high school education, along with Rp 6.2 trillion spent on school operational costs, and Rp 4.1 trillion for the maintenance of school buildings.

Educators and other critics have accused the government of defying a 2003 law that orders it to allot at least 20 percent of the state budget to education.

Despite the funding increase, recent surveys by two non- governmental organizations – the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) and the Indonesian Street Children Organization (ISCO) – revealed the increased payments to schools had not led to decreased school fees.

"The schools' operational assistance funding does not often cover all their operational costs," the ICW's Ade Irawan said. "Sometimes parents still have to pay operational fees that should have been paid by the state."

The funds for operational assistance are meant to pay the salaries of teachers, buy school teaching materials and pay schools' telephone and electricity bills.

Ramida Siringoringo from the ISCO said many schools required parents to pay so-called "development money", but failed to disclose what the money was being used for.

"We have found that several schools ordering parents to pay development fees cannot explain where the money goes," she said. "These development fees could reach Rp 800,000 (per student) a year."

Natalius Telaumbanua from the Care Education Forum said some schools used the operational assistance money to finance non-core activities. "For example, we have found that one school used the fund to cover the travel costs of its headmaster, while the school had actually received a particular allocation for this purpose," he said.

Ade urged the government to take measures to stop schools from misusing their money. "Some schools allow their headmasters to manage the school budgets, which could lead to the misuse of such funds. "In these cases, the teachers and parents should monitor the schools' operational expenses."

About 300 children dying a day of pneumonia: Expert

Jakarta Post - May 4, 2006

The mortality rate for pneumonia among children under five remains high in the country because parents don't know how to quickly spot the killer disease, an expert says.

Pediatrician Mardjanis Said said that about 300 children under five died of pneumonia here every day; with it accounting for 41 out of every 1,000 infant deaths.

Mardjanis presented his findings during his inauguration as a University of Indonesia professor in Jakarta last week.

"The high mortality rate is really worrying. Few people here know about pneumonia symptoms and how the disease affects people, children in particular," he said. "Infection from bacteria, which causes most diseases including pneumonia, is relatively high in the country."

Indonesia, like many other developing countries, faces problems of malnutrition, public hygiene and poverty, Mardjanis said. The combination of poor infrastructure and poverty meant common bacterial infections could be dangerous, particularly among low- income families, he said.

According to the World Health Organization, pneumonia, which kills around two million children in the world each year, caused 70 percent of the fatalities in developing countries in Africa and Southeast Asia.

A 2005 WHO report concluded the deaths of 19 percent of children under five were caused by pneumonia, followed by diarrheal infections (17 percent), malaria (8 percent) and measles (4 percent).

As a common secondary infection, children with illnesses such as measles and diphtheria can also contract pneumonia easily.

Mardjanis said while some vaccines could prevent the disease, "they are too expensive for most people" and the government had yet to include pneumonia vaccinations in its national health program.

"Currently, the best way to prevent the disease is recognizing the early symptoms of pneumonia," he said. "Children breathing faster than usual is key symptom." The pace of breathing among children differs, depending on their age, he said.

Infants under two months normally breathe around 50 times a minute; children aged between two months and a year around 40 times; and children above a year less than 40 times a minute. "Although (fast breathing) could indicate other respiratory diseases, 80 percent of these (symptoms in such) cases lead to pneumonia," Mardjanis said.

Islam/religion

Clerics give Banyuwangi regent ultimatum

Jakarta Post - May 5, 2006

Indra Harsaputra, Banyuwangi – Ulemas organized a mass rally Thursday to demand Banyuwangi Regent Ratna Ani Lestari resign within 24 hours for allegedly blaspheming Islam.

Thousands of members of non-governmental organizations, the country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama and the Islam Defenders Front rallied at the regency administration office in the East Java town.

Among their accusations is that she practices a different religion from that stated on her ID card. Banyuwangi native Ratna, who was Muslim, is married to the Hindu regent of Jembrana in Bali.

They also accuse her of distorting verses from the Koran, and including the price of pork – forbidden for consumption by Muslims – in the regional budget. "This really hurts us. The demand for her resignation is firm," said one of the leaders of the protesters, Suroso.

Ratna was reportedly in Jakarta to attend a meeting with the Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology.

Allegations against Ratna first surfaced in July 2005, a month after she was elected to a five-year term. A group calling itself the Forum Concerned for the Safety of Banyuwangi reported her to the local police for allegedly using Koranic verses in her election campaign, Suara Merdeka news portal reported last year.

All parties in the Banyuwangi Legislative Council are supporting the demand for her resignation, except the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which originally endorsed her bid for the regency leadership.

"We fully support the request by ulemas for Ratna to resign. She has hurt the feelings of ulemas and the people," Banyuwangi Legislative Council speaker Ahmad Wahyudi told The Jakarta Post.

PDI-P believed political maneuvering was behind the bid to unseat Ratna. The party's Banyuwangi chapter chairman, Hermanto, said that the council's support for Ratna's resignation was premature and legally suspect because she was not formally accused of a crime.

"We reject the demand from the parties because it is in the interest of only a handful of people and does not represent the aspirations of the Banyuwangi people," Hermanto said.

Although Thursday's protest was orderly, organizers said there was no guarantee protesters would remain calm if Ratna ignored the ultimatum to resign. They threatened to return in greater numbers Friday.

East Java Police chief Insp. Gen. Herman Sumawiredja had issued a shoot-on-sight order for protesters who became unruly. Up to 600 police personnel were deployed for the demonstration, and they were stationed at a number of high-risk sites, public facilities as well as Ketapang harbor, which links Banyuwangi and Gilimanuk in Bali.

Ahmadiyah mosque vandalized in Southeast Sulawesi

Jakarta Post - May 1, 2006

Hasrul, Kendari – The chairman of a local Ahmadiya group says dozens of unidentified people have vandalized the Nur Rabwah mosque belonging to Ahmadiyah followers at Ranowila village, Konda district in the South Sulawesi regency of South Konawe.

The chairman, Samilin, said the Saturday night attack had broken glass and damaged the rostrum, carpets and loudspeakers. No injuries were reported.

The incident happened suddenly while Ahmadiyah followers were commemorating the Prophet Mohammad's birthday, he said, adding that the Ahmadiyah followers run away in fright. "At the time of the attack I was still preaching," he said.

Samilin said he immediately asked his followers, who are mostly housewives and children, to go home.

"I don't know who the attackers were because it was dark," he said. No condemnation against Ahmadiyah was heard during the attack. The attackers fled afterward, Samilin said. Police officers arrived at the site two hours later and found no one there.

Kendari police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Aditya said his officers were still investigating the attack and searching for the perpetrators. He said he did not know the attackers' motives.

Up to 200 police officers have been deployed to safeguard the mosque and protect Ahmadiyah followers, Aditya said. Local residents flocked to the mosque Sunday evening to look at the damage.

Samilin said that there were at least 600 Ahmadiyah followers at Ranowila village. He explained that since its establishment in 1995, the Ahmadiyah followers had gotten along well with their neighbors. "We live peacefully with our neighbors, so why were we attacked?" he asked.

The government recognized Ahmadiyah as a corporate body in 1953. But in 1984 the Ministry of Religious Affairs issued a circular to its regional offices to consider Ahmadiyah teachings as heresy, since followers of Ahmadiyah view their founder, Mirza Gulam Ahmad, as a prophet. Islamic teachings hold that Muhammad is the last prophet.

Ahmadiyah has some 200,000 followers, and was first established in Indonesia in 1925. The Indonesian Ulema Council has issued a fatwa that forbids Ahmadiyah teaching. A series of attacks against Ahmadiyah followers has taken place across the country over the last few months due to this fatwa.

Armed forces/defense

Military to participate in exercise in Thailand

Xinhua News - May 4, 2006

Jakarta – The Indonesian military (TNI) will for the first time take part in a joint military exercise with Thailand, the United States, Japan and Singapore in Konayo, Thailand, on May 15-26, 2006.

"This is the first time for us to join (the exercise) after our status as an observer," Antara news agency quoted TNI Commander Air Marshal Djoko Suyanto as saying here on Thursday.

Djoko said, it was based on the TNI's interest to participate in the joint exercise codenamed "Cobra Gold" in a bid to widen its horizons, improving its capability and professionalism. For now, the TNI would only participate in the preparatory phase of the joint exercise. "We will not yet take part in the battle exercise," he said.

He said the 25 servicemen who will join the exercise originating from the Army, Navy and Air Force. Djoko said further that the total number of personnel who will take part in the joint exercise ranged between 9,000 and 10,000 from navy, air force and army including representatives of the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, Australia, Belgium and France.

He said the TNI in the joint exercise would focus its attention on peace keeping operations, especially relating to the operation of humanitarian relief.

"Cobra Gold" is one of the joint exercises held in coordination between the US Seventh Fleet with a number countries in the Asia Pacific region. Such a joint exercise with Thailand could also be participated in by other countries in the Asia Pacific region.

Military maneuvering behind dodgy US deal

Jakarta Post - May 2, 2006

Jakarta – Two Indonesian businessmen are on trial in Michigan, the United States, for attempting to illegally smuggle weapons into Indonesia. The company they were working for was a recognized weapons seller to the Indonesian Air Jakarta Post's Ridwan Max Sijabat and Tiarma Siboro issues behind the case.

During the United States' 15-year ban on the sale of armaments and spare parts to Indonesia, the Air Force's arsenal stayed in surprisingly good shape.

In military exercises in 2002, this air power went on show. At Bawean Island in East Java, military top brass and other dignitaries watched as two pairs of F-16 Falcon bombers blasted into the sky and engaged in a mock dogfight.

A year later, several units of the British-made OV-Bronco spy aircraft flew over Aceh, while a pair of Falcons gave air support to Scorpion tanks and thousands of soldiers during the offensive against Free Aceh Movement rebels in the conflict-scarred province.

Air Force spokesman First Air Marshall Sagom Tamboen recently admitted to local media that to get around the US ban, Indonesia had sourced aircraft parts from an international "gray market" so its US-made war machines could stay in operation.

Sagom said third-party dealers, who source equipment from US arms manufacturers and international weapons markets, had ensured around 30 percent of the nation's existing Bronco aircraft could remain operational.

According to Sagom, the Air Force had recently ordered a number of radar parts for F-5 Tiger bombers from PT Ataru Indonesia, a recognized government arms contractor and local subsidiary of Singapore-based Indodial PTE Limited, confirming the contracts were made during the 15-year embargo period.

Ataru had won a total of 15 arms procurement contracts from the Air Force, he said.

However, on April 9 this year the United States authorities put a stop to Ataru's lucrative business with the arrests of the company's president director, Indonesian businessman Hadianto Djoko Djuliarso, compatriot Ignatius Ferdinand Soeharli, Ibrahim bin Amran of Singapore-based Indodial PTE Limited and British Singapore resident David Beecroft. Hadianto and Ibrahim were charged with money laundering and violating US export laws when they were first detained in Hawaii. All four suspects were later moved to a US federal court in Detroit, Michigan, to have their cases heard there.

They are charged with trying to source and ship 245 air-to-air Sidewinder missiles, 882 H&K machine guns, 800 handguns, 16 sniper rifles, 5,000 rounds of ammunition and parts for F-5 Tiger jet bombers to Indonesia without proper US export licenses.

The bulk of the attempted purchases came from a Michigan-based arms company, the reason their trial has been moved there.

US authorities also questioned two Indonesian Air Force officers who had accompanied the brokers to Hawaii, but found no evidence that they had any role in the transactions. Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono also claimed the deal was also outside the government's knowledge.

Despite the official denials, the trial of the four men could prove to be an embarrassing sideshow for Jakarta-Washington defense relations. And the timing could not be worse; the United States only lifted the ban on military supplies and training to the country in December, while Hadianto, Ibrahim and associates were allegedly making the weapons deals many months earlier.

The question remains – with Washington signaling for months last year that it planned to normalize military relations with Indonesia, why didn't the four wait until the arms embargo was lifted and go ahead with the deals when they were legal?

According to Effendy Choirie, a legislator of the National Awakening Party, local corruption involving Air Force generals and their families was behind the deal and meant it could not wait.

Meanwhile, Andi Widjajanto, a military analyst at the Centre for Strategic International Studies said he had long known about the clandestine supply of aircraft equipment from the United States through "gray markets".

During the embargo, he said, the military had no choice but to discreetly buy weapons and parts on international markets to keep its jet fighters and C-130 cargo aircraft operational, he said.

Indria Samego of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences said despite the recent streamlining of government procedures to buy arms, "old players linked to former president Soeharto's cronies and retired and active military officials are still there and they were involved in arms supply in the past few years."

Defense Ministry secretary general Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsuddin denied any knowledge of the US graft case. He claimed arms deals conducted by all the military's forces were reported to his office, with their budgets audited by the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK).

However, he also said the TNI Headquarters and Defense Ministry had lists of private arms suppliers, many which he said had been struck off for "unprofessional behavior".

This would in part explain the many recent arms deals involving the government, which have been tainted by alleged graft. The last occurred in the ongoing procurement of Mi-17 helicopters from Russia. Only four of the helicopters were bought, and the BPK in its 2004 audit of the deal indicated graft caused the state to lose US$3.24 million. No one has yet been charged in that case.

Legislators have also questioned a 2004 deal between the industry and trade ministry and a government-appointed private company to buy Sukhoi war planes from Russia, although little more is known about the case.

The same year, the London-based Guardian newspaper revealed a British business allegedly bribed Siti Hardiyanti "Tutut", a daughter of former president Soeharto, giving her a 16.5 million pounds sterling "present" to smooth the sale of 100 Scorpion tanks for the Army between 1995 and 1996.

Investigation into the case reached a dead end after both the Defense Ministry and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) said they found no evidence of irregularities in the deal, although Indonesia had to pay two and a-half times the amount that Singapore paid for each of the tanks.

People

The death of an unreconstructed Marxist

Asia Times - May 3, 2006

Michael Vatikiotis, Singapore – Pramoedya Ananta Toer, who died in Jakarta on Sunday at the age of 81, never won the Nobel Prize for Literature that he was nominated for more than once toward the end of his life. Perhaps this was because he did not write any new work for the last decade of his life; perhaps also because the country he was born in, and was so critical of in his writing, Indonesia, is not well regarded by the liberal-leaning Nobel Committee.

If he had won the Prize, Pramoedya would no doubt have reacted with characteristic earthiness. The million-US-dollar check would "go a long way toward getting my children and in-laws off my back", he might have quipped with a broad grin. Here was a man supremely modest about his literary accomplishments, which included nearly 40 books translated into almost 40 languages.

Pramoedya would certainly have risen to the occasion and probably used the acceptance speech as a platform to declare the political activism that runs through his writing like searing-hot lava. Almost half a century ago, Albert Camus accepted his Nobel Prize giving this definition of his art: "It is a means of stirring the greatest number of people by offering them a privileged picture of common joys and sufferings."

Pramoedya knew a great deal about suffering. Persecuted and jailed first by the colonial Dutch then the Indonesian authorities, he saw his library and works destroyed, he was sent to a prison camp on a remote island, deprived of pen and paper for 14 years and, after his release, placed under city arrest until 1998. His books were banned in Indonesia beyond the fall of Suharto in 1998 and the end of authoritarian rule, and some even remain blacklisted today.

Although he was an Indonesian patriot and a nationalist to the core, his Indonesian peers shunned him for many years. Critics never forgave Pramoedya for his alleged communist sympathies. In the 1950s, Pramoedya had been a literary commissar who is said to have lorded it over those deemed ideologically impure. To be sure, there was rancor, and perhaps a great deal of professional rivalry. As an obituary in the Jakarta Post so aptly put it: "Many Indonesians could not see beyond his politics, and thus failed to appreciate his work."

Pramoedya the prodigal son of the soil lived almost entirely off the royalties and fees he earned overseas. His politics were hard to the left. In media interviews, which he gave frequently after 1998, he would rail against modern Indonesian government. His last interview was featured last month on the cover of the debut edition of Playboy magazine in Indonesia, which has stirred a hornets' nest of violent fundamentalist reaction. He saw Indonesia as a nation of coolies, its promise as a new democracy unfulfilled; the young generation he placed so much faith in, cheated of their freedom to play a role in nation-building. Toward the end of his life he joined the small cadre-based radical People's Democratic Party (PRD).

Yet he was also a very conservative historian. He worried that too many Indonesians were ignorant of their history. Pramoedya compiled a detailed chronicle of the Indonesian revolution, revealing that it took several weeks for the declaration of independence in August 1945 to reach the extremities of the archipelago. When he died, he was working with his daughter on a new encyclopedia of Indonesia.

This compulsive compiling betrays Pramoedya's great sense of loss after soldiers burned down his library upon arresting him in 1965. It also speaks to an old-fashioned fastidiousness, perhaps instilled by his stern schoolteacher of a father.

His last published book, The Great Post Road, is a powerful polemic on Indonesia under Dutch colonial rule. It concerns a major highway that stretched 1,000 kilometers across the north coast of Java and was built by governor general Herman Willem Daendels in the early 19th century. Although the project is long lost in the mists of history, Pramoedya conservatively estimated that the construction of Daendel's "Great Post Road" cost the lives of more than 12,000 who toiled as forced laborers in indescribable conditions to build a 7-meter-wide road so that the wheels of commerce fueling Dutch wealth in the East Indies could grind more efficiently.

Pramoedya followed the Great Post Road in this small, tightly written volume using every town and district along the way as a marker of colonial excess and corruption. In his writing Pramoedya has consistently argued that the ordinary people of Indonesia were never fully liberated. Independence offered the promise of liberty that was snatched away by selfish and corrupt native rulers who borrowed techniques of exploitation from the Dutch.

For Pramoedya, the old unreconstructed Marxist, Indonesia's history was a long continuous tragedy dominated by injustice and corruption. Using characteristically sparse prose, yet still managing to convey a deep sense of emotion, Pramoedya related the historical memory of colonial infamy and his own vivid experience growing up in a time of war and revolution.

Interwoven with long-forgotten vignettes drawn from the little- known history of early resistance to Dutch rule are snippets from his own past time spent in jail, memories of a long-banned and long-forgotten artist. There are Dutch infamy and injustice mirrored with his own sufferings at the hands of the modern colonial regime he sees represented by president Suharto's New Order.

Pramoedya is best known overseas for his Buru Quartet, a majestic story spanning the dawn of Indonesian nationalism through to the dying days of colonial rule. Pramoedya composed the epic while exiled on a remote island in eastern Indonesia and recited it orally to his fellow inmates. Eventually published in the late 1970s, the books were banned in Indonesia. Alongside the great Filipino writer Jose Rizal's Noli me Tangere, the Buru Quartet ranks as one of the most important works chronicling Southeast Asia's nationalist struggle against colonial rule.

In earlier, shorter stories, Pramoedya captured the stifling poverty of Indonesia's early years as an independent republic. One of these stories, "Gambir", is a simple tale about two coolies living along the railway tracks outside Jakarta's Gambir Station. They sleep in the open, catching chills and forever dealing with runny noses and stomach ailments. They awake "scratching the crust from their eyes, coughing, spewing out the phlegm that had risen in their throats again and from time to time scratching themselves from their asses to their necks". These Tales from Djakarta were written in the 1950s, but the same people can be seen along the streets of Jakarta today. They suffer the same ailments and have no recourse to modern health facilities.

Pramoedya's dark vision of his homeland, even in the later reform period, was at odds with more optimistic assessments of Indonesia. For his ability to represent the common Indonesian and give voice to the disappointment and despair of more than a half-century of unrealized national aspiration in one of the largest nations on Earth, Pramoedya certainly ranks as one of the great literary figures of our age. Sadly, he died without the world, and too many of his Indonesian compatriots, fully recognizing this.

[Michael Vatikiotis is former editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review. He is currently a visiting research fellow at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.]

Literary icon Pramoedya dead at 81

Jakarta Post - May 1, 2006

Jakarta – Acclaimed author Pramoedya Ananta Toer spent much of his life alone, in his solitary art, his years of imprisonment and also as an unyielding voice proclaiming what made the archipelago a nation today.

Yet he did not die alone Sunday morning, surrounded by family and his circle of loyal friends at his home in Utan Kayu, East Jakarta. Author Goenawan Mohammad, writer Martin Aleida, cultural observer Mudji Sutrisno, Solahuddin Wahid, politician Budiman Sudjatmiko, journalist Fikri Jufri, Cultural and Tourism Minister Jero Wacik and fellow political prisoner Oey Hay Djoen were among the friends who were at his home and later attended the funeral in Karet Cemetery.

Pramoedya, who was 81, suffered for many weeks from advanced complications of diabetes, high-blood pressure and lung problems. He was admitted to St. Carolus Hospital on Thursday night, and went into a coma Friday morning. When he regained consciousness the following afternoon, he demanded to be allowed to return home.

Pramoedya, affectionately called Pak Pram, was born in Blora, Central Java, on Feb. 6, 1925, the son of a teacher and a rice seller. He grew up to be true man of letters, an accomplished journalist, essayist and especially novelist. His works – including the Buru Quartet and Nyanyi Seorang Bisu (The Mute's Soliloquy) – have been translated into nearly 40 languages, garnering international acclaim and leading to nominations for the Nobel Prize for Literature.

The ravages of aging – he was visually impaired and almost deaf in his later years – did not diminish his deep, strongly voiced convictions. As well as his many faithful supporters, his obstinacy accrued enemies, including within the local literary community, who disliked him and his politics.

Imprisoned during the finals days of Dutch colonialism in the late 1940s, and again by the Sukarno administration in 1959, he was incarcerated on notorious Buru island for political prisoners from 1965 to 1979. The latter was due to alleged communist sympathies from his involvement in Lekra, a leftist cultural organization prominent in the 1960s.

He had totally stopped writing, except "for signing checks", he quipped, since 2000. After Buru, he largely spent his days making clippings to finish his ambitious Indonesian encyclopedia project because, he said, "no Indonesian pays enough attention to their own homeland".

"I don't think anyone can ever stress enough the important role he played in the creation of Indonesia as a concept, as a nation," John McGlynn, a translator of many of Pramoedya's works into English and the founder of the Lontar Foundation, said Sunday. "... he saw Indonesia as a nation. He took on the role as an educator, teaching his fellow Indonesians that there is a place called Indonesia."

In public events, Pramoedya, whose father was an ardent nationalist, always reminded the younger generation that the most important event in Indonesian history was Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Oath) in 1928, the foundation of Indonesia from a divided, far- flung archipelago into one nation.

"Pram admired Soekarno, because he saw how Soekarno united 17,000 islands into one nation," leftist author Martin Aleida said. "But what I think was most admirable in Pram's personality was his staunch belief in personal freedom, a conviction frowned upon by his leftist community."

Pramoedya, who is survived by wife Maemunah Thamrin, eight children and several grandchildren, received many international awards, including from France, Japan and Norway. The Indonesian government, wary of a backlash from those who disliked the author, never bestowed any honors on him.

Today, his books are available, although a ban on some has yet to be officially lifted. Still, no imprisonment or official cold shoulder could deny his powerful storytelling.

"I saw at his home today that (Vice President) Jusuf Kalla sent flowers and Minister Jero Wacik came to his house," Budiman Sudjatmiko said. "The funeral was sad, but at the end of the day, I think Pram triumphed in his battles."

Pramoedya Ananta Toer - Voice of the common man

Straits Times - May 1, 2006

Michael Vatikiotis – I first met Pramoedya Ananta Toer when he was still restricted to a small house in a Jakarta suburb in the dying days of the Suharto regime that had first jailed him, then sent him into internal exile, and finally allowed him to live under 'city arrest'. There was an air of disarming humility about the man. He liked to smoke clove cigarettes, as did I. Our first bonding experience was through tobacco; we established a relationship by lighting each other's cigarettes.

Pram had an infectious laugh and a broad grin. His bony hands would grip you and, because he was partially deaf, he communicated with gestures and expressions. His eyes shone brightly. I was luckier than some – the tone of my voice somehow penetrated Pram's damaged eardrums and we had quite long conversations.

The economy with which he navigated the rich Indonesian language encouraged less fluent speakers like myself. Pram was not your typical cultural grand master, or budayawan. He had no airs, made no sweeping generalisations. His observations were couched in pithy epithets and grounded in the gritty perspective of the common man.

For his ability to represent the common Indonesian and give voice to the disappointment and despair of more than a half century of unrealised national aspiration in one of the largest nations on earth, Pram was, for me, one of the great literary figures of our age. Sadly, he died without the world, and too many of his Indonesian compatriots, fully recognising this.

One of my favourite short stories by Pram is titled Gambir. It is a simple story of two coolies living along the railway tracks outside Jakarta's Gambir station. There is nothing too deep here, no great symbolism or larger meaning.

But what Pram does so well is to reveal the seamy underside of a nation that has never managed to uplift the well-being of millions who still live in poverty and despair. His coolies sleep in the open, catching chills and forever dealing with runny noses and stomach ailments. They awake scratching the crust from their eyes, coughing, spewing out the phlegm that had risen in their throats again and from time to time scratching themselves from their asses to their necks.

These Tales From Djakarta were written in the 1950s, but the same people can be seen along the streets of Jakarta today. They suffer the same ailments and have no recourse to modern health facilities. Last year, Jakarta was shocked to hear the story of a street sweeper who was found at Gambir station carrying the corpse of his dead daughter.

Today in Jakarta there are cases of malnutrition among young children. Indeed, it was hard for someone like myself, with great affection for Indonesia, to talk to Pram about this country. For Pram, the history of Indonesia was one of unremitting disappointment. A nation of coolies, he would say, talking about the present day.

First enslaved under the Dutch, and then under the feudal Javanese elite who assumed the reigns of power after independence. Javanism, he insisted, keeps the country enslaved.

And yet for me Pram epitomised the eclectic creativity of the Javanese. He was born in Blora, Central Java, in 1925. His father was a teacher and a nationalist. His mother was a strong Javanese matriarch who imbued in Pram a strong sense of the mystical world and a deep faith in women. He was not sent away to Holland for an education. All his experiences until manhood were indigenous and rooted in Java. Of all the great interpreters of Javanese culture, Pram was the one with his feet planted firmly on the ground.

Like many of the world's greatest writers, Pram was something of an unreconstructed leftist and a closet revolutionary. I remember some three years ago Pram came to Hong Kong for a literary festival. On his arrival, he was besieged by old friends from the communist era in Indonesia – mostly Indonesian Chinese still living in exile.

He addressed a lunch hosted by the Asia Society full of bankers and stockbrokers at a five-star hotel and railed against the sins of capitalism.

There was something rather earthy and anachronistic about Pram's politics. Yet he could point to modern Indonesia and all its ills and ask: Has anything really changed?

The hardest thing of all for an outsider like myself was to deal with Pram's domestic detractors. There was the bitterness of an earlier age. In the 1950s, Pram had been a literary commissar who was said to have lorded it over those deemed ideologically impure. So, there was rancour, and perhaps professional rivalry.

So much of Indonesia's talent is crushed or suppressed by jealous impulses and individual resentment. Even to the point where there are those who turn a blind eye to Pram's long and abusive period of imprisonment that helped rob the country of a talented writer's gifts.

Now the worry I have is about Pram's legacy. For there is not a shadow of doubt in my mind that he is one of the world's greatest modern literary figures. He is up there with Albert Camus, Rabindranath Tagore, Gabriel Garcia Marquez and Gunther Grass as a writer who saw in his art the need to convey political ideas derived from the realities of human existence.

But in a world today where literature is judged by levels of escapism and frivolity, I am not sure Pram's legacy is all that secure. The other day I met an Indonesian writer of some repute. I asked what she felt about Pram and she said: "Oh we have gone past him. We have moved on."

I felt the anger rise in me, but didn't want to seem presumptuous about a culture that isn't my own. But then again, Pram wasn't writing just for Indonesia. His world of despair and disappointment in the back streets of Jakarta, or the small towns of Java, should remind us all of mankind's great folly when it comes to the consideration of fellow man.

[The writer is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South East Asian Studies in Singapore.]

Chain-smoking thorn in the side of the Suharto regime

Financial Times (UK) - May 1, 2006

Shawn Donnan – In recent years, the Indonesian writer Pramoedya Ananta Toer, who died yesterday at age 81, came to be known as a chain-smoking curmudgeon and consistent critic of the corrupt legacies of the Suharto regime and western-style consumerism.

But if anyone ever deserved the right to be the grumpy contrarian – a south-east Asian Gunther Grass, the German author known for his pointed social criticism – then Pramoedya was it.

His leftist politics led to his imprisonment in the weeks after the still-mysterious 1965 coup that ushered in Suharto and led to the slaughter of between 500,000 and 2m alleged communists, and the imprisonment of thousands of intellectuals. For the next 14 years, his home became a succession of prisons, the most famous of which was Buru Island, a notorious prison camp where he spent a decade.

His time on Buru Island yielded his most famous work, the Buru Quartet, four historical novels that highlight the inequities of Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia.

It also prompted part of what became his personal legend. Banned from writing during his imprisonment, the Buru Quartet's books first took form as stories that he narrated to fellow prisoners who eventually agreed to do his chores for him so that he could secretly write the tales down.

Released from Buru Island in 1979, Pramoedya remained under house arrest until the early 1990s and it was not until after the May 1998 fall of Suharto that he was allowed to leave Indonesia.

The combination of his life story and a remarkable body of work led to a flurry of attention and overseas accolades. In recent years he was mentioned regularly as south-east Asia's best candidate for a Nobel Prize.

"Just as [Aleksandr] Solzhenitsyn with Russia, Gunther Grass with Germany and Yukio Mishima with Japan, you get to know Indonesia through him. I put him alongside all of those writers," said John McGlynn, the US editor and translator of Pramoedya's 1999 autobiography, The Mute's Soliloquy.

The impact on his health of his prolonged imprisonment and decades of chain-smoking kreteks – Indonesia's pungent clove cigarettes – left him largely deaf and otherwise weakened, and by 2000 he stopped writing.

But he remained pugnacious to the end. His hospitalisation last Thursday as a result of complications from diabetes and other health problems saw him briefly slip into a coma. Awaking on Saturday afternoon, he requested a cigarette and to go home, where he died yesterday with friends and family in attendance.

"He pulled the tubes out of his body and said 'Now take me home'," Mr McGlynn said. "That says a lot about him. He dealt with life on his own terms. Heaven, or hell, be damned."

Despite not writing in the final years of his life, Pramoedya continued to oppose what he saw as the lingering influence in Indonesia of Suharto, who has never faced trial for his family's alleged embezzlement of up to $35 billion during his rrule.

The writer joined other former political prisoners in a failed effort last year to sue Suharto and other Indonesian presidents for compensation.

In an interview with the FT last year, Pramoedya also called his writing on Buru Island a challenge to Suharto's "New Order" and gloated that he had already outlasted the regime.

"Let us see whether it is the New Order or me who will be the loser before Indonesian history," he said, sitting before walls covered in memorabilia drawn mostly from his recent trips abroad. "I have won," he declared. "The New Order has fallen and my writings have been translated into 40 languages."