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Indonesia News Digest No 46 - December 1-8, 2005
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Andi Hajramurni, Makassar -- The Wirabuana Military Command is
still questioning 25 soldiers accused of being responsible for
attacking and looting houses in a remote subdistrict in South
Sulawesi at dawn on Tuesday.
"Some ninety of them have been questioned and of the 90, we are
still questioning 25. We believe these 25 were directly involved
in the attack," said Maj. Gen. Arief Budi Sampurno, the chief of
the Wirabuana Military Command, which oversees military affairs
in South Sulawesi province.
The two-star general said that if found guilty, they would face
various punishments, of which the most lenient were
administrative sanctions, such as deferred promotion, while the
harshest punishment was dishonorable discharge. There was also a
possibility that the soldiers involved would face criminal
prosecution in the local district court, he said.
Arief again apologized for the attack, saying it was intolerable.
"Although they had strong reasons, the attack was wrong. They are
trained to attack the enemies of the state and not the people,"
said Arief.
During a media conference, Arief also urged the police to
identify the civilians believed to have attacked First Pvt.
Haerudin after a traffic accident in Banri Manurung subdistrict,
Jeneponto regency, South Sulawesi. It has been reported that it
was this attack that spurred the soldiers to launch an all-out
assault of civilian property.
The general rejected reports that soldiers had gone on an orgy of
looting, including stealing 17 sacks of rice earmarked for the
poor that were stored in a house in the subdistrict. The Army did
not suffer from a shortage of food, he argued. He added that the
Wirabuana Military Command had sent troops into the affected
subdistricts to repair the houses wrecked in the early morning
attack.
According to information supplied by the military, 52 houses were
damaged in the attack. However, the local governments say 82
houses were wrecked in a number of hamlets in Banri Manurung
village, some 80 kilometers south of Makassar city, where the
Wirabuana Military Command is based. Besides damage to property,
five residents and a police officer were injured in the
pandemonium.
The incident has dealt a major blow to the prestige of the
Indonesian Military (TNI), which has been trying hard to restore
its battered image. The military has long been the target of
public criticism for its poor human rights record.
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- More than 300 pedicab drivers staged
a protest on Wednesday outside the Bandung municipal council
building here, demanding that the government revoke a bylaw that
bans pedicab drivers from operating in 15 areas in the city.
As part of the protest, they pedaled their pedicabs together from
downtown Bandung to the Bandung council building. Emotions ran
high and pedicab drivers were soon locked in a quarrel with
security personnel blocking the council building. The drivers
once tried to unsuccessfully break through the cordon of security
personnel. Mae Ara, a pedicab driver, said they had faced
hardships since a bylaw that banned pedicab operations was issued
a month ago. The bylaw prohibits the pedicab drivers from
operating in 15 spots in the city, including several streets near
the center of the city.
After the bylaw was issued, Bandung Public Order officials have
enforced the bylaw and prevented the pedicab drivers from
operating in the designated areas.
As a result, the pedicab drivers lost a good portion of their
income as most of the prohibited streets were lucrative areas,
said Mae, who has been a pedicab driver for the past 20 years.
The bylaw rules that no one is allowed to ride or drive a pedicab
in designated areas in the city and if they violate the bylaw
they shall pay a fine of Rp 250,000 (US$25). If they violate the
bylaw for a second time, they will be sentenced to a maximum of
three years in jail or pay a maximum fine of Rp 50 million. "The
bylaw has not taken the side of the people," said another pedicab
driver Ade Sulaiman.
In the protest, the pedicab drivers gave speeches, mainly
condemning the bylaw and demanded its revocation.
Separately, councillor Ade Koesjanto said the bylaw was final and
could not be revoked. It had been agreed to by the Bandung mayor
and councillors, he said.
The bylaw was issued after growing demands from the public to ban
pedicabs from operating in several streets in the city as they
were considered the culprits behind traffic jams in Bandung. "The
pedicab drivers are undisciplined," said Koesjanto.
However, in view of the strong protests from the pedicab drivers,
Koesjanto promised that he would open negotiations with the
government in order to reduce the areas where the pedicab drivers
were barred from operating.
Aceh
West Papua
Military ties
Human rights/law
War on terror
Politics/political parties
Government/civil service
Corruption/collusion/nepotism
Media/press freedom
Environment
Health & education
Business & investment
Opinion & analysis
News & issues
25 quizzed over attack in South Sulawesi
Pedicab drivers protest against restrictive bylaw
In exhaust-choked Jakarta, maverick cyclists take a stand
Agence France Presse - December 7, 2005
Jakarta -- Every workday morning, a small but expanding community in the traffic-clogged megacity of Jakarta brave fume-belching buses, aggressively driven cars and steamy heat to indulge in an unlikely passion: bike riding.
Indonesia's teeming capital is home to more than 10 million people but with no mass transit system, most get to work or school on packed buses or by motorcycle, with a few enjoying the air-conditioned luxury of their own cars.
Rejecting these options is a 500-strong contingent of cyclists who say they save time by using their bikes, and now with soaring petrol prices -- the government hiked rates by 126 percent in October -- money as well.
Taufik Hidayat, who founded Jakarta's Bike2Work community in February last year, concedes that conditions on the roads of one of the world's most polluted cities "can be very bad".
"Other than erecting billboards promoting clean air, officials in this city pretty much just don't care about the importance of good air quality and they are doing very little to improve it," the 35-year-old complains. A 2004 report from the US-Asia Environmental Partnership program of the US aid agency found that in 2003, there were only seven days when Jakarta's air quality was in the healthy range -- down on 2002 when Jakartans could breathe easy for a full 22 days.
Hidayat, an information technology consultant, began the group with about 150 like-minded souls who wanted to "encourage each other to remain motivated" to keep cycling to work.
Thanks to a strong Internet presence and by taking part in several public gatherings on environmental issues this year, the community has mushroomed to more than 500. Members also make a group ride along one of Jakarta's busiest boulevards once a month.
"We are not asking people to join us. We are simply trying to show them that 'Hey, if you want to save some cash from having no fuel expenses, you should consider this as an alternative'," Hidayat tells AFP.
With biking shoes, a helmet and a face mask always tightly strapped, Hidayat has been zigzagging Jakarta's maddening traffic on his bike three times a week since 2003, traveling about 25 kilometers (15.5 miles) from his house in the Jakarta suburb of Tangerang to his office in South Jakarta.
He saves 90 minutes a day compared to driving his motorcycle or taking the bus, plus up to 600,000 rupiah (59 dollars) a month in fares and fuel.
An average, locally-assembled mountain bike costs around 500,000 to a million rupiah, while Taiwanese-built bikes fully equipped with rear and front suspensions and disc brakes cost a heftier 12 million rupiah.
This compares to around 10 million rupiah for a typical motorcycle -- the wheels of choice for most Indonesians.
Inhaling exhaust fumes from speeding motorcycles, belching cars and oversized buses is "not a fun experience" Hidayat admits, but he says discomfort is reduced by taking short cuts along less congested routes.
Hidayat wants Jakarta city officials to see the wisdom of setting up bike lanes along the city's main streets, which he said would encourage more cyclists to hit the roads, reducing both congestion and pollution.
Jakarta Deputy Governor Fauzi Bowo promised his group several months ago to "look into" their suggestion to set up bike lanes on the city's main streets, he said. With few major parks in the city, venues for cycling are limited.
Captain Yanuar Sofian of the Jakarta police traffic precinct admits cyclists are "not getting their share of the road, but the law is clear", with Jakarta's express lanes off-limits to them.
"Cyclists must know that the risk they are taking is big," he says. Hidayat attributes his own impeccable safety record to his wife's "ritual" prayers -- but three of his colleagues have been injured in minor accidents.
It's this fear that keeps many such as car driver Wisnu Wardhana, 33, firmly behind the wheel, although he supports their cause in theory.
"I don't think I can join them because the risk is too big to take," he said.
Bike2Worker Sinta Listiana, 19, says being a female rider poses its own challenges. "Many men often ride their motorcycles along side my bike, trying to be flirtatious, but I just ignore them," says Listiana, a junior data-entry officer.
She makes a hazardous return trip from her home in southern Jakarta's Cileduk area -- known for constantly being what Jakartans call "macet total" or in a complete traffic jam -- to her office, saving at least an hour a day.
Listiana's colleague and veteran bike-to-work rider Devin Oktavianus, 32, says bad traffic, traffic cops -- who often honk their noisy motorcyce horns behind his back -- and smoggy air mattered little to him.
But finding a shower after a sweaty ride was a challenge.
"It would be nice if the city enforced office buildings to provide clean public showers and safe places for people to store their bikes," he sighs.
Aang, owner of Jakarta's well-known Sinar Bangka bike store, says most of his clients are wealthy and prefer only to ride only on weekends.
"If they were willing to leave their Mercedes Benz and BMWs and persuade their rich friends to join the group, Jakarta would be a lot cleaner and I could make more money," he quips.
Detik.com - December 6, 2005
Intania Nur Kusuma, Jakarta -- The World Trade Organisation (WTO) will hold its 6th ministerial level meeting in Hong Kong on 13-18 December. The meeting will face opposition with around 2,000 farmers planning to hold a demonstration -- including 50 farmers from Indonesia.
This was conveyed by the secretary general of the Indonesian Farmers Federation (FSPI), Henry Saragih, at a press conference at his offices on Jalan Mampang Prapatan XIV in Jakarta on Tuesday December 6.
Saragih explained that the 50 -- who represent all of Indonesia's farmers -- would leave for Hong Kong on December 11. The farmers will join with 2,000 others from all over the world under the banner of the La Via Campesina movement.
The actions will be demanding an end to the liberalisation of trade in the food sector because they believe that the WTO does not have the authority to deal with agricultural issues because agriculture is not a commodity to be traded.
"The farmers' action will be held in a peaceful manner in the form of a long-march or mass gathering", said Saragih adding that he would himself also accompanying the farmers.
Saragih also took the opportunity to say that rice imports have been carried out by the Indonesian government under duress and pressure from the WTO. "This is the insanity of international capitalism. FSPI is struggling for food sovereignty. Because when food sovereignty exists, products that represent the cornerstone in fulfilling [a country's] food requirements, can be protected", he explained. (san)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Detik.com - December 5, 2005
Bagus Kurniawan, Yogyakarta -- An action opposing the arrival of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono that was being organised by the National Students Front (FMN) has ended in a clash. Dozens of students were in the middle of the action when police broke it up. Five students were arrested and police chased scores of others.
Students had been sitting in a group in front of the Beringharjo Market located some 200 metres from the Gedung Agung State Palace in Yogyakarta. The students were opposing fuel price increases, demanding affordable education for the people, calling for workers' wages to be increased and for the government to discontinue its relationship with foreign donor institutions.
Police broke up the demonstration after they had asked demonstrators to disband. Because they refused to leave the location of the action on Jalan Ahmad Yani -- 100 metres from the state palace -- police surrounded them then broke up the demonstration.
The students -- who numbered less than police -- scattered in confusion. Police then chased them as far as the Ramai Mall on Jalan Malioboro around 500 metres from the state palace. Police arrested at least five with one of them shouting "Overthrow SBY!". It is suspected that the student was intoxicated.
Based on information obtained by Detik.com, action coordinators Darda Sjahrizal and Herry were arrested together with three others and are currently being questioned by police. The five demonstrators were taken to the Yogyakarta municipal police headquarters on Jalan Reksobayan.
Police and TNI (Indonesian military) personnel closed off the area in and around the palace. Access from Jalan Malioboro to Jalan Ahmad was closed off and traffic redirected to roads around Malioboro. As of going to print, the opening ceremony of the Second International Junior Science Olympiad (IJSO) was underway at the palace.
[Translation by James Balowski compiled from two separate Detik.com reports.]
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Urip Hudiono, Jakarta -- The October bombings in Bali have proved to be a severe blow to Indonesia's tourism sector, with the number of foreign visitors dropping by nearly 31 percent to 267,800 during the month, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported on Thursday.
According to the agency's latest tourism statistics, the number of overseas tourists to the popular resort island alone nearly halved to 86,800 visitors after rising by 2.79 percent to 168,200 in September.
"The bombing tragedy in Bali has seriously affected the number of foreign tourists coming into the country, apart from the fact that October is usually a low season for the tourism sector as well," BPS chief Choiril Maksum said.
Besides Indonesia's main tourist destination of Bali, all other destination cities in the country also saw declines in overseas travellers, including the capital Jakarta and Batam.
Only North Sulawesi's Manado managed to show a 6.67 percent rise in its foreign tourist arrivals, as 1,743 travellers were still willing to visit the province's popular offshore snorkeling attraction at Bunaken island.
The impacts on Indonesia's tourism sector from the avian flu outbreak here have yet to be seen, said to the report.
The total number of foreign tourists entering through the country's 13 main entry points as of October totaled 3,501,077 -- down by 7.76 percent from 3,795,664 during the same period last year.
The government hoped to attract six million foreign visitors this year, taking in US$6 billion in revenues in the process. Last year, 5.3 million foreign tourists traveled to the archipelago, generating some US$5.3 billion in revenues.
Indonesia's tourism sector has been experiencing hard times since the Bali terrorist bombings of 2002, and similar bombings of the JW Marriott Hotel and the Australian Embassy in Jakarta in the following years, all of which have served to scare of potential visitors.
The outbreaks of SARS and avian flu in the region at the same time, as well as the recent Asian tsunami disaster late last year, have only made things worse. And if all that was not enough, three bombs rocked Bali's two main tourist sites -- Jimbaran and Kuta -- in October, bringing back the horrific memories of the 2002 tragedy.
The latest slump in the number of foreign tourists could spell more bad news for the economy, with chief economics minister Aburizal Bakrie previously saying that Indonesia's gross domestic product (GDP) could drop by between 0.5 percent and 0.6 percent if the October bombings resulted in a 50 percent decrease in tourist arrivals in Bali and other destinations throughout the country up until the end of the year.
Tourism contributes some 6 percent of GDP and employs up to 8 percent of the total workforce, according to BPS data.
In a similar downward trend, the average length of stay of foreign tourists in star-rated hotels in 10 main tourist destinations in the country dropped to 2.03 days in September as compared to 2.15 days the previous month.
Aceh |
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The government and lawmakers are listening to demands for the partition of Aceh into three provinces, even though it may infringe on the peace agreement that has put an end to three decades of armed conflict there.
House of Representatives Speaker Agung Laksono said on Wednesday the government would not prevent people from demanding the establishment of new provinces in Aceh, citing the regional autonomy law which allows such aspirations.
"The government will comply with the existing procedures, and there will be no privileges given to the new provinces such as Aceh is now enjoying," Agung told reporters after a meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Vice President Jusuf Kalla, People's Consultative Assembly Speaker and Regional Representatives Council Speaker Ginandjar Kartasasmita at the State Palace.
Minister of Home Affairs M. Ma'ruf said the government took the demand into consideration, but would not give it a priority.
"We are still devoting our energy to the post-tsunami recovery program and implementation of the MOU," he told reporters, referring to the peace deal signed by the government and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in Helsinki in August.
Ma'ruf said it would require a lengthy and complicated procedure to create a new province, therefore those who support the partition of Aceh would have to think twice whether to go ahead with their proposal.
Calls for the formation of Aceh Leuser Antara (ALA) and Southwest Aceh (ABS) provinces separate from the resource-rich Aceh mounted soon after the signing of the truce. Demands for the establishment of Aceh Leuser Antara, however, started several years ago.
On Tuesday, a group of Aceh figures rallied in Jakarta to push for the establishment of the two new provinces at the House of Representatives building in Central Jakarta.
One of the figures, speaker of the Bener Meriah legislative council Tagore Abubakar, said the partition was necessary to improve people's welfare that the current Aceh administration had failed to do.
If formed, Aceh Leuser Antara would comprise Central Aceh, Southeast Aceh, Aceh Singkil, Gayo Lues and Bener Meriah regencies, while Southwest Aceh would consist of South Aceh, Northwest Aceh, Aceh Jaya, Semeulue and Nagan Raya regencies. Currently Aceh is divided into 20 regencies and mayoralties.
In Banda Aceh, Aceh provincial legislature speaker Sayed Fuad Zakaria supported the partition move, saying it was legitimate. "We councillors welcome it. If it is the people's voice, the central government must consider it wisely," he was quoted by Antara.
Sayed said that the Aceh council would not attempt to prohibit the demands even though it had previously rejected such moves in July. He said the council was focusing on debating the draft bill on Aceh governance in line with the peace agreement.
Under the deal, both the government and GAM recognize Aceh's territory as has been in place since 1956, which is exactly the same as it is now. The province covers 55,390 square kilometers of the northern tip of the island of Sumatra.
Financial Times (UK) - December 7, 2005
Shawn Donnan, Jakarta -- Saturday nights in Banda Aceh for years meant ducking off the streets to avoid curfews, enforced by soldiers and paramilitary police in armoured personnel carriers or trucks wrapped in crude armour plating and bearing sinister insignia.
"No one went out after dark," says Taufik Iskandar, a maths lecturer at the city's Syah Kuala University.
But with the 29-year-old armed struggle of the separatist Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, due effectively to end this month, Saturday nights in the capital of Indonesia's tsunami-racked Aceh province have recently undergone a makeover.
Revving tinny motorcyle engines and throatier cars, young men tracked up and down a boulevard near the city's biggest hospital after midnight last Saturday in a scene that, bar the girls' Muslim headscarves, seemed more suited to suburban New Jersey than a conflict zone.
Nearby, a clutch of twenty-something men sat outside a house rented by aid workers, offering overpriced rides home on the backs of motorcycles to westerners leaving a dinner party, and asking for stray beers when their would-be passengers chose to walk instead.
All over Banda Aceh, in other words, things were peculiarly normal, a normality that, with the exception of a few minor incidents, has become the rule since Indonesia and GAM's exiled leadership signed a peace agreement on August 15. If all goes to plan -- and there are few indications it will not -- by the end of this month GAM will have handed in almost 1,000 weapons and demobilised more than 3,000 guerrillas.
Within weeks Jakarta will withdraw the last of more than 30,000 troops as part of the peace process, and the focus will switch to the implementation of local elections next year in which amnestied GAM members will be allowed to run for office.
The peace has gone so well until now that Dutch diplomat Pieter Feith insists the European Union-led peace monitoring mission he is leading in the province is unlikely to be extended much beyond March, when its six-month mandate runs out.
"By and large we have now reached a point where it [peace] should be self-sustaining," says Mr Feith.
The parties have yet to overcome a final weapons handover and the full withdrawal of Indonesian security forces, and there are still disagreements over the quality and quantity of the arms that have already been handed in.
In the first three disarmament rounds, GAM surrendered 856 weapons, 16 more than the 840 provided for in the August agreement. Of those, a number have been rejected for being too old, dysfunctional or home-made, and Mr Feith says GAM needs to find 143 more weapons to comply.
No one believes that is the end of GAM's armoury, though most analysts believe its 3,000 or so fighters often shared weapons.
But all agree that the more difficult issues that have to be overcome, for a long-term peace to endure, lie ahead, in the economic and political arena beyond disarmament.
Aceh's people have already seen two previous peace attempts fail, although neither had the motivating factor provided by last December's tsunami, which left 160,000 dead or missing in Aceh alone.
A draft law clearing the way for local political parties -- somethingg now against the law in Indonesia but key to the peace agreement -- was sent to Jakarta on December 2. Mr Feith says he has been told it will be passed by parliament by the end of March.
That means local elections scheduled for April will be moved to "May, June, or July", says the Dutch diplomat, although they will probably be monitored by a separate EU-led electoral mission. What will happen if GAM loses those elections is unclear, even if Bakhtiar Abdullah, the rebel spokesman, insists that "when you have fair elections you accept the result, whether it is positive or negative".
But both Mr Abdullah and General Supiadin AS, the commander of Indonesian forces in Aceh, say they are worried about the future livelihood of demobilised fighters, with Jakarta yet to finalise land and work schemes called for in the August agreement.
Also at issue is the pace of reconstruction in areas devastated by the tsunami, with almost 500,000 people displaced and, at the last count, nearly 70,000 living in tents.
But whatever the threats, Mr Feith insists Aceh is a symbol of what the EU can do when it turns to conflicts.
"This is a very useful model for the future," he says. "While in the military field [the EU] may not be the most powerful one, in terms of civil crisis management we have a real competitive advantage." He adds: "These types of civilian missions are more and more on the rise. You don't need soldiers to bring an end to conflicts nowadays."
Tempo Interactive - December 7, 2005
Banda Aceh -- The Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Board (BRR) of Aceh and Nias has received 206 complaints from the public, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the government up until the end of November.
All incoming complaints include charges of corruption, the bid process and work performance or attitude. "There are 206 complaint cases in the BRR," said Kevin Evans, the head of BRR's Anti-Corruption Unit, to TEMPO.
According to Evans, there are 15 cases in which corruption cases have likely taken place. Four of these cases have been sent to the Commission for the Supervision of Business Competition (KPPU) because the BRR was unsure that there was corruption in the cases. Therefore, they need further research from those having expertise and legal authority.
However, Evans declined to mention the specific cases as it has been conveyed to another institution. "It will be unethical if I talk about them," stated Evans.
(Adi Warsidi-Tempo News Room)
Business Times (Singapore) - December 6, 2005
Shoeb Kagda, Jakarta -- Nearly one year after 15-metre-high waves smashed into the Aceh coast, the Indonesian province worst hit by the Dec 26 tsunami is slowly but surely regaining its poise.
On that sunny morning, the tsunami took more than 130,000 Acehnese lives, left more than 500,000 people homeless, and laid large swaths of the region in waste. Much of the infrastructure on Aceh's west coast was completely crippled, with thousands of bridges, 600km of arterial roads and 650km of city roads destroyed.
The physical damage and the loss of economic activity is estimated to exceed US$1 billion, affecting the province's agriculture, fisheries and trading sectors.
Rebuilding Aceh will require, according to some estimates, more than US$5 billion, and five years of continued effort. But reviving communities will take much longer as families rebuild their lives and start afresh.
But signs of economic and community revival are clearly visible 12 months after the disaster struck. Some 16,000 homes have been built, but that is still only a quarter of what's needed. By the end of 2006, the Aceh Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) hopes to complete another 76,000 houses, said its director, Kuntoro Mangkusubroto.
Sixty per cent of padi fields and fishing ponds have been cleaned, thus creating the conditions necessary for replanting and restocking by the second quarter of next year. Since the tsunami, 1,210 fishing boats have been built, with another 7,234 planned.
Work on the 247km Banda Aceh-Meulaboh trunk road, which began in August, will be completed in 2007.
Meulaboh Pier, a key entry point for essential supplies for the west coast, is well on the way to completion with the help of the Singapore government and Red Cross. The pier is scheduled to be completed by the middle of this coming year.
The province's health and educational infrastructure is also being rebuilt at a rapid pace. Two out of nine planned hospitals have been completed while work on 103 private health clinics is in progress.
BRR has plans to build 366 schools over the next five years, with 119 already completed. Primary and secondary schools, and institutions of higher learning will be built, providing Acehnese children with access to education and thus a new beginning.
All of these will require unprecedented international support, and BRR has managed to secure US $4.6 billion of the US$7.1 billion that has been pledged.
It is interesting to note that charities and other non-government organisations have actually committed US$1.403 billion of the US$1.582 billion that was pledged while multilateral donors have so far committed US$932 million of the US$1.414 pledged.
As Mr Kuntoro noted recently, the reconstruction of Aceh presents a unique opportunity to create a more open and progressive society after years of conflict and warfare.
The Acehnese have been fighting one enemy or another for more than 150 years and for the first time in a century-and-a-half, peace is truly within their grasp following the agreement earlier this year between the Free Aceh Movement and Jakarta to cease hostilities.
'We are not just rebuilding Aceh but transforming it into a more open and progressive society,' Mr Kuntoro said. Education, especially of women, will play a vital role in this process, and much effort and resources are being devoted to teaching girls and encouraging them to go as far as possible in their studies.
If BRR's plans are well executed, Aceh could emerge from the worst tragedy in its history to become one of Indonesia's most progressive and modern provinces. That would be a fitting tribute to a people who introduced the concept of money to South-east Asia and thus launched the region's emergence as a major maritime power.
Deutsche Presse Agentur - December 4, 2005
Banda Aceh -- Sympathizers of former rebels in Aceh commemorate the movement's anniversary across the tsunami-ravaged province in a modest way on Sunday, following the rebels' decision to abort the ceremony.
Leaders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) decided last week against celebrating the 29th anniversary of their movement on Sunday to show their commitment to promoting peace in the tsunami-ravaged province.
Witnesses said fewer of the former rebels' sympathizers marked the movement's anniversary in a modest way across the province, with the biggest number of attendants was in eastern Aceh district of Peureulak.
Most of the ceremonies were held ritual gathering at mosques. In some places, the participants were distributing foods to orphans.
"We only mark the anniversary with pray to express our grateful to God. We hope that peace will be forever in this province," Kafrawi, former deputy chief of GAM in Peureulak, told Deutsche Presse-Agentur.
A similar ritual gathering was also held in the tsunami-ravaged village of Lampuuk of Aceh Besar regency, near the provincial capital Banda Aceh, with a group of about 40 former rebel sympathizers, most of them were tsunami survivors.
GAM's spokesman Munawar Lizare said that his movement was against any celebration but stressed that GAM could not stop the people from upholding the ceremony to express their gratitude for the changes brought about by the peace deal.
Lizare warned the people who still want to celebrate "don't raise GAM flags or use GAM's symbols or name," adding that "we wouldn't be responsible should GAM flags or symbols were raised at today's (Sunday's) celebration."
Ex-fighters from GAM initially vowed to celebrate their movement's 29-year anniversary on Dec. 4 in Banda Aceh and elsewhere, despite warnings by national and local military commanders and the ongoing implementation of a peace deal between the two sides.
But after being advised against holding any sort of commemoration ceremonies by both the government and the Aceh Monitoring Mission, the team overseeing the peace agreement signed last August, GAM leaders said they decided to back down.
Government and military leaders, as well as Muslim figures were hailed the GAM's decision to cancel the commemoration, saying that was a "wise" decision from the former rebels' leaders.
Jakarta Post - December 5, 2005
Nani Afrida, Banda Aceh -- The Free Aceh Movement (GAM) marked its 29th anniversary quietly on Sunday by holding prayers at mosques across Aceh province.
"We're just expressing our gratitude that peace is being upheld in Aceh," the GAM commander in Aceh Besar regency, Muharram, told The Jakarta Post.
Prayers in Aceh Besar were held in Lhok Nga district, where former GAM insurgents gathered at the Lampuuk mosque, which escaped the Dec. 26, 2005, tsunami.
Lampisang and other areas of the regency also organized similar events. Besides the former GAM members, Acehnese civilians also gathered to celebrate the anniversary.
The celebrations this year were in marked contrast to previous anniversaries before GAM and the government signed a peace accord on Aug. 15 in the Finnish capital of Helsinki. Past celebrations were always marked by major troop deployments and donations to orphans' charities.
This year GAM scrapped all forms of celebration to avoid any possibility of provocation from those bent on destroying the peace.
The decision was taken during a recent meeting of GAM leaders, including Teungku Muhammad Usman Lampoh Awe and the commander of the group's armed wing, Muzakkir Manaf. Earlier, the government and the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) warned GAM against overtly celebrating its anniversary in order to safeguard the peace.
"I have ordered all GAM members not to hoist the GAM flag or any other attributes as we will only have mass prayers for peace. We will not take any responsibility for flag-hoisting or the display of other GAM attributes," Muharram said.
Aside from Aceh Besar, prayers meetings were also held in North Aceh and Bireuen, as well as Peureulak, where traditional feasts were held for orphans.
The government praised the former separatist group for refraining from overtly celebrating its anniversary.
"I have to extend my full appreciation as they remain committed to their obligations and committed to the peace process itself," Maj. Gen. Bambang Darmono, a government representative on the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), told Jakarta's Elshinta radio.
Bambang added that celebrations celebrating or eulogizing the conflict would run counter to the peace accord.
Local police and military officers said that the province remained calm on Sunday. Aceh Police chief Insp. Gen. Bahrumsyah Kasman told AFP that he had seen no signs of anniversary celebrations by GAM during a helicopter tour around Aceh on Sunday.
"Everything is normal, and, as far as we can see, there are no commemorative events being held to mark the anniversary," said a a military spokesman in Aceh, Eri Sutiko.
In the Aug. 15 peace accord, GAM dropped its demand for independence in return for wide-ranging autonomy in the province, which has a population of four million. The peace accord was prompted by the disastrous tsunami that left over 200,000 Acehnese dead or missing.
Observers said that the peace pact was the best chance yet of ending the 29-year long separatist conflict, which has claimed about 15,000 lives, most of them civilians, since GAM began its struggle for an independent state in 1976.
The Age (Melbourne) - December 4, 2005
Tim Hume -- Teenage tsunami survivors in Indonesia's stricken Aceh province are turning to marijuana to escape the trauma and despair.
"Marijuana use has become much more prevalent since the tsunami," says David Gordon, director of Yakita, Indonesia's largest drug rehabilitation agency. "Kids are starting to use ganja from a younger age and on a more regular basis."
Aceh, where an estimated 170,000 people were killed and 500,000 made homeless by the Boxing Day tsunami, is Indonesia's most religiously conservative state, with alcohol prohibited and social conduct governed by Islam's sharia law.
Despite this, its fertile hills provide most of Indonesia's marijuana, much of it from plantations run by criminal syndicates, reportedly under the protection of the Indonesian military or the rebel Free Aceh Movement.
Mr Gordon, who has just finished an investigation into drug use, estimated use among teenagers had doubled since the tsunami, with about 15 per cent regularly using it.
"Everybody we asked spoke of youth being more out of control now," he said. "They're traumatised, there's not enough jobs, there's nothing for them to do, so they're looking for some kind of escape."
Selling the drug had become extremely profitable, he said. Udin, a former heavy marijuana user, said the drug, known as "bakong" in local slang, had steadily increased in price as demand had grown.
The pre-tsunami price of 700,000 rupiah ($A94) a kilo had risen to 1 million rupiah. "There are more people smoking since the tsunami, you can see them all over the place," he said. "It's easier for kids to get into it when they're mentally unstable. They're trying to run away from their problems."
As well as being smoked, marijuana had traditionally been used as an Acehnese cooking supplement, in curry dishes such as gulai daging and in coffee.
Udin said police generally turned a blind eye to drug dealers in return for a cut of their earnings. In a province where 70,000 people are living in tents pitched in fields of mud, 100,000 in cramped emergency quarters, curbing recreational drug use and addiction is a low priority.
UNICEF's head of psychosocial services, Isaac Jacob, said Aceh's rising drug problem among children as young as 13 had to be viewed as a "risk factor" rather than as a major issue in itself, given the huge problems facing the province.
He said adults and teenagers were using the drug because of boredom, hopelessness, and to escape the tsunami's grim legacy, which left virtually no family unscathed.
To help, UNICEF runs psychosocial "healing sessions", reaching up to 50,000 young people in schools and village "child centres". Most respond well, but about 1000 have required further attention. "Their symptoms are aggression, completely withdrawing from social activities, dropping out of school," he said.
One psychologist, Untung Rifai, is a facilitator for UNICEF's psychosocial program, leading teens through healing sessions where they chant positive affirmations, sing songs and express themselves through poetry and drawing.
"It's providing a window for them to say what they're feeling inside," he said. "The children have this sense of anger, of dissatisfaction."
[Tim Hume went to Indonesia with the assistance of UNICEF New Zealand.]
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Nani Afrida and Tiarma Siboro, Banda Aceh/Jakarta -- Former Aceh rebels have decided against celebrating the 29nd anniversary of their movement on Sunday to show their commitment to promoting peace in the province.
Free Aceh Movement (GAM) leaders came to the decision in Banda Aceh on Friday following recommendations from the government and the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM).
"We decided not to mark GAM's anniversary this year to avoid provocative incidents, which GAM might be blamed for," GAM's spokesman Sofyan Dawood told The Jakarta Post on Friday.
By not celebrating the anniversary, he said, GAM would not be responsible for flag-raising or the display of GAM symbols. "(If such a thing occurs), please take action because the offenders will not be GAM members," Sofyan said.
Such activities, he said, would violate the peace deal signed by the government and GAM on Aug. 18 in Helsinki. The agreement requires GAM, which was founded on Dec. 4, 1976, to drop its demand for an independent state in Aceh.
Earlier, GAM intended to mark its anniversary by holding prayers in mosques, including the Baiturrahman Grand Mosque in Banda Aceh, to show its full acceptance of the agreement.
Sofyan said GAM could not stop people from expressing their gratitude for the changes brought about by the peace deal. "But please do not use GAM symbols or slogans. Don't involve GAM (in celebrations) and don't encourage mass gatherings," he said.
The decision to cancel anniversary celebrations was also influenced by the recommendations of the AMM.
AMM deputy chairman Jaako Oksanen said it would not facilitate GAM's anniversary celebration. "AMM is still concentrating on the decommissioning process as requested in the memorandum of understanding (MOU) in Helsinki," Oksanen said recently in Banda Aceh.
Aceh Police chief Insp. Gen. Bahrumsyah Kasman expected there would be no celebrations this year "to ensure peace, which the Acehnese have just started to enjoy following the signing of the peace deal".
Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said on Friday he had asked AMM and the local police to restrict GAM members from celebrating the anniversary, saying that would not be in the spirit of the peace deal.
"If the Dec. 4 celebration aims at commemorating the signing of the MOU, well that's OK, but if the celebration is aimed at commemorating the anniversary of GAM, which waged armed rebellion for independence, I guess AMM and the police should take certain moves to stop it, because it disregards the presence of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia."
The four-star general also warned the former guerrillas not to hoist GAM's crescent-star flag, saying the flag had yet to be officially recognized in Aceh.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Nani Afrida, Banda Aceh -- Large crowds gathered on Friday in Banda Aceh and Pidie to watch tsunami survivors publicly caned for gambling.
It was the eighth time this year convicted gamblers have been publicly caned in Aceh, under the sharia law implemented in the province two years ago. The first public caning took place in Bireuen regency in June this year.
Six men who have been living in the Lhong Raya center for displaced persons since the Dec. 26 tsunami were caned outside a mosque in Banda Aceh after being arrested for gambling during Ramadhan.
Prosecutor Nilawasi said the six men violated articles 5 and 23 of Bylaw No. 13/2003 on gambling. "They were caught gambling by the Banda Aceh Police. The police confiscated a pack of playing cards and Rp 82,000 (US$8.20) in cash."
M. Zubair Husain, 42, who was convicted of organizing the illegal game, received 12 strokes of the cane. The other five men -- Nasrumubbin, 30; M Ali, 21; Subhan, 20; Darkashi, 25; and Dino, 20 -- each received 10 strokes of the cane.
In Sigli, Pidie regency, four men from the Trieng Gadeng center for displaced persons each received six strokes of the cane for gambling.
Aceh implemented sharia law in 2003, two years after the central government granted the province special autonomy to curb separatist demands.
Before canings were introduced, Aceh regional governments already enforced Muslim dress codes, mandatory prayers five times a day and the giving of alms.
The public canings began after the province introduced bylaws to prohibit gambling, sexual relations outside of marriage and alcohol. Of the bylaws, the one on gambling has been the most frequently violated.
The Guardian (UK) - December 1, 2005
John Aglionby, Nusa -- The community noticeboard in Nusa is conspicuously underemployed. There are no updates on reconstruction programmes and the only bulletin on livelihood is a dog-eared one from June. The only recent notice advertises monthly distribution of rice, cooking oil, noodles and sardines to those who lost their homes in December's tsunami. Nearby, on the wall of a temporary accommodation, are five designs from which the refugees must choose their replacement homes.
But there are no details about when building might start on the 162 planned homes, let alone when Care International, the charity coordinating reconstruction, expects people to move in.
This paucity of progress is typical of the situation across the devastated Indonesian province of Aceh, where 132,000 people died in the Boxing Day tragedy and almost 500,000 are homeless. Reconstruction and recovery programmes have not stopped, but there is an overriding atmosphere that the honeymoon, when aid agencies met almost all needs pretty rapidly, has ended.
For most people the future is at best uncertain and more usually bleak.
"I reckon about 10% [of the men] are in skilled work in town and others might have one or two days' work a week, if they're lucky," said Mohammed Yassin, who runs a village shop. "We're still alive because we're still getting rice. If we weren't getting rice there would be a very serious problem."
Exacerbating matters is the government's failure to pay the refugees their 90,000 rupiah ($8.50) monthly fish allowance. "We've only received three of the eight instalments," said village chief Zainun Saad. "We've been promised the next before Eid al-Fitr [the festival at the end of Ramadan], but nothing is certain."
There are some success stories. Nelly Nurila, whose bakery was wiped out in the tsunami, has just taken delivery of 21m rupiahs' worth of bread-making equipment from Bogasari, one of Indonesia's biggest flour mills. Operating in the three remaining rooms of her house, Ms Nelly and her nine staff make 600 loaves a day. "We're making about 1m rupiah a day in sales, but I haven't calculated yet how much of that is profit," she said. "I'm just so glad to be working again."
The sewing cooperative, set up for 33 women by Mercy Corps, is also thriving, thanks to the tradition of buying new clothes to celebrate Eid al-Fitr.
"We're flat out at the moment," said cooperative leader Muliana Nazruddin. "But I'm sure it will slow down after Eid al-Fitr."
Some farmers are starting to earn money from the chilli shrubs they planted a few months ago, but crops like cassava will not be ready for months.
Most are suffering added stress because they missed the rice- planting season due to a damaged floodgate not having been repaired.
The scene at the floodgate, a mile from the village, is a snapshot of reconstruction across the province. The five rusty, twisted panels that once controlled the water flow stand forlornly at varying angles. Nobody from the public works ministry has come to assess the damage, and nobody in the ministry's Aceh office knew anything about it.
In stark contrast, less than 10 metres away, four men were putting the final touches to a new 4km-long pipe that will deliver fresh water to Nusa.
"This is an international project," said Muhammad, one of the workers. "I think the Swiss, Italians and Germans paid for it." Such government inertia extends to the district administrations. The World Bank recently surveyed 10 of the 12 districts affected by the tsunami and found all but two cut their 2005 capital expenditure budgets and raised spending on items such as wages, buildings and staff cars. Aceh Besar, the district in which Nusa lies, implemented the steepest cut, from 12% to 3% of total expenditure.
Both Care and Mercy Corps have looked at the gate and estimated it would be relatively easy to mend, but have also realised that a quick fix would not necessarily solve the problem. "Repairing the infrastructure is the easy part," said Peter Stevenson, the head of Mercy Corps's Aceh office. "Assessing whether anything is still suitable considering the changing tidal flows [following the tsunami] and other geographical changes is another matter."
This end of the honeymoon atmosphere is partly due to many agencies postponing projects, such as housing, until they have completed the spatial plans for the village demanded by the government's Aceh reconstruction agency (BRR).
Nusa's housing construction is thus likely to be delayed for weeks.
When the Guardian visited the village in August a Care project manager said he thought it would start in September. Johan Kieft, an assistant country director, now says the plots should be staked out by the end of November. "The fact that we've put up pictures shows we're moving forward," he said.
Planning for how to handle the expected scrutiny around the first anniversary is diverting attention from most programmes. Nowhere is this more visible than at the BRR headquarters, where a noticeboard counts down the number of days until December 26. "It is to remind us we still have a lot to do before the anniversary," an official said.
Jakarta Post - December 1, 2005
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- Despite the Aug. 15 peace pact that is helping to restore security in the once-restive Aceh, Acehnese devotion to the unitary state of Indonesia remains low, according to a survey.
The Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) said that the weak sense of patriotism was caused by various factors, such as the lingering weak economic and political condition in the province, old wounds from the 30 years of armed conflict and dissatisfaction at the weak performance of the government and political institutions in resolving various problems in Aceh.
"Public trust in the government is very low," said director of LSI Denny J.A. at a press conference on Wednesday when revealing the result of its latest survey conducted in Aceh on Oct. 24 to Oct. 30.
Of the 440 respondents surveyed, only 33.5 percent have confidence in their regional representatives, 29 percent in provincial and regental legislatures and 24 percent in political parties. According to the survey, 78 percent are disappointed with the lack of job opportunities. Respondents blamed the economic problems such as rising prices and high unemployment on the government's poor economic policies.
The survey also found that only 45 percent of Acehnese people are proud to be Indonesian. It also said that only 35 percent would be willing to go to war for the country.
"The longer the Aceh issue is neglected, the more radical groups will emerge, and the more the province will be alienated from the republic. This is a time bomb that could trigger more bloodshed in the future," said Denny.
The survey comes as the central government strives to keep the resource-rich province within the country's territory after it reached a historic peace accord to end a bloody 30-year independence war launched by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebel group.
Most respondents were grateful that the peace accord had been signed, saying that they now enjoyed a sense of security when conducting their daily activities. Denny, however, said that GAM thought the peace deal still gave a chance for self-rule, a view the central government does not share but insists that Aceh is controlled by Jakarta even though it has been granted special autonomy.
"GAM has accepted the MOU (memorandum of understanding) as self- rule and most Acehnese respect influential GAM leaders such as Hasan Tiro, Bakhtiar Abdullah, Malik Mahmud and Zaini Abdullah and listen to what they say," Denny said.
But Yudi Latif, director of the Reform Institute, said there was still reason for optimism in Aceh, especially since some 45 percent of respondents were proud to be Indonesian and one-third had expressed a willingness to go to war for the country despite the 30 years of armed conflict.
"Full implementation of the peace agreement is a real challenge for the government to restore security and speed up the development program to win the Aceh people's hearts and minds," he said.
Teuku Kemal Fasha, a political analyst at Malikul Saleh University in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, called on all sides, especially GAM and the government, to full-heartedly implement the peace agreement despite the survey's result because the pact was the result of hard work after a series of failed agreements in the past.
"Relevant sides should practice restraint and stop campaigning for self-government. The Acehnese want to live in safety and under better conditions," he said.
West Papua |
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Jayapura -- After a racial dispute delayed the process, the Papua General Election Commission (KPUD) officially named on Tuesday five candidates for Papua Governor.
The five candidates are incumbent Jaap Salossa nominated by the Golkar Party, Constant Karma (current deputy governor), Lucas Enembe, Barnabas Suebu, as well as Dick Henk Wabiser.
The last four candidates were nominated by coalitions of several political parties. The five will compete in gubernatorial elections next year and the winner will serve a term until 2010.
The run-up to the appointments of the candidates was marred by a registration dispute in which two of the candidates' running mates were barred from contesting the election because they are not native Papuans. The supporters of the two candidates took to the streets to protest the KPUD decision, but the issue has fizzled out.
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Breaking a long-held tradition of secrecy, the Indonesian Military disclosed on Tuesday that 48 of its soldiers in Papua had contracted HIV/AIDS since 2000, with 12 of them having died so far.
Besides the 12 soldiers, the deadly virus has also taken the lives of two soldiers' children and a civilian working with the Trikora Military Command, which is responsible for military affairs in Papua, a military spokesman admitted on Tuesday.
"The soldiers should not be having sex with prostitutes. This tragedy should serve as a wakeup call to commanders," said the spokesman, Maj. G.T. Situmorang, in a rare interview on a sensitive TNI internal issue. Some of the soldiers were married while others were still bachelors, said Situmorang.
The remaining 33 soldiers with HIV/AIDS are still in the service and are being provided with antiretroviral drugs to improve their immunity and keep them alive.
In order to prevent the further spread of the lethal virus among soldiers, the military high command has ordered task force commanders to keep their men away from prostitutes, who are at high risk of being infected with HIV.
The Trikora Military Command currently has some 10,000 soldiers, excluding troops from other regions deployed in the resource rich province where a low level insurgency has been taking place since Papua was incorporated into Indonesia in the 1960s.
Located in the eastern part of Indonesia, Papua has a high level of HIV/AIDS infection -- some 19 times higher than the national rate. Experts say the high rate of infection stems from a lack of education and a local culture that permits multiple sexual partners.
Officially, a total of 2,134 people, including the soldiers, had contracted HIV/AIDS in Papua as of September this year, but it is believed that the real figure could be very much higher. Of the 2,134 people who have been infected, 932 have developed AIDS. The majority of HIV/AIDS cases have been found in Merauke, where a total of 769 people have been affected.
The report on soldiers dying of AIDS came only a week after World AIDS Day was marked by a visit from UN AIDS supremo Peter Piot, who warned that Indonesia was on the brink of an AIDS epidemic. The nation had to act quickly to fight the lethal virus, Piot said.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Ridwan Max Sijabat and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Papuans have continued protesting the presence of security forces in villages across their troubled province, which they say has caused them to live in perpetual fear, despite the four-year implementation of the autonomy law.
Two members of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) from Papua, Ferdinanda Ibo and Max Demetow, joined the chorus of protests during an interactive dialog between the government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) here on Friday.
They said the government needed to address Papua's most urgent problem: That the majority of Papuans continue to live in fear due to the mobilization of military and police officers across the province. "The military has even deployed more personnel to Papua," said Ferdinanda.
The two said Papuan people were unable to voice their political aspirations freely and that villagers living in remote areas were restricted in their movements for fear of being branded separatists. "Many people have been shot dead, arrested, or branded separatists after speaking about politics or protesting government policies," Ferdinanda added.
She said the security authorities treated Papua as a military operation zone and the indigenous population was subjected to intimidation. Papuans could no longer be treated as "animals" because their fundamental rights had been guaranteed by the special autonomy law, she said.
"The Papuan people's right to live humanely and freely, free from intimidation and arbitrary actions must be guaranteed and, therefore, security authorities must abide by the special autonomy law in maintaining security and order," she added.
Max said Papuans had accepted the special autonomy status as they believed the government would give them back their rights.
Late last month, villagers living near the provincial capital of Jayapura also opposed the mobilization of hundreds of troops to their areas. Their protest was lodged by the Mamberamo Tami tribal council in a letter through the Democratic Alliance for Papua (ALDP) in Jayapura.
In a recent press conference, the Coalition of Civil Society for Tribal Communities, including a number of social organizations, said the growing opposition against the military's presence was due to local residents' past experience of intimidation by troops.
Local NGOs, including the pro-independence West Papuan front, have reported that the deployment of soldiers to Papua began last year, when the Indonesian Military unveiled a plan to establish battalions in the regencies of Jayawijaya and Merauke. One battalion comprises between 700 and 1,000 soldiers.
In a recent hearing with lawmakers in Jakarta, defense minister Juwono Sudarsono said that up to 2010, some 15,000 troops would be sent to Papua.
Earlier, Army Chief of Staff Gen. Djoko Santoso said he planned to heighten the Army's strength in several areas bordering Indonesia, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea.
However, TNI chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said on Friday his office was yet to approve the plan to establish the third division of the Army's Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad), which would likely be based in Sorong, Papua, as reportedly proposed by the Army.
"Indeed, we are only considering developing the territorial command in that vast territory," he added. Kostrad currently has two divisions -- one in Cilodong, West Java, and the other in Malang, East Java.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Although he spends his days and nights in a cramed prison cell, the spirit to fight for Papua's independence still burns brightly in the heart of convicted rebel, Filep Karma.
Disregarding the severe consequences, Filep proudly hoisted the Morning Star flag on the prison's roof in Jayapura on Thursday as hundreds of Papua independence supporters held street rallies to commemorate the independence of Papua on Dec. 1.
The supporters themselves were prevented from displaying the outlawed flag at Trikora field in town, as their attempts were successfully scuttled by the Indonesian Police.
"I am being kept in jail, but it does not dampen my spirit to fight for Papua's independence," Filep told The Jakarta Post. Filep, who was sentenced to 15 years in prison earlier this year for committing state treason, said he was willing to bear any consequences for his act. He refused, however, to reveal who secreted the flag to him.
Filep climbed a building in the prison compound on Thursday afternoon and waved the Morning Star from the roof while shouting "Papua Freedom!" Chief of security at Abepura prison, Korneles Rumbairusi, said he had no idea how Filep was able to climb the prison building and wave the flag, the symbol of Papuan independence. He had no idea either as to how the flag was smuggled into the prison.
Responding to the incident, chief of Jayapura police Adj. Sr. Comr. Paulus Waterpauw said police were still investigating six security guards and a woman convict who saw Filep waving the flag. "This stunt could very well get him a fat sentence extension," Waterpauw asserted.
Filep was arrested last year for leading a ceremony commemorating Papua independence on Dec. 1. He led a flag-hoisting ceremony in Trikora field in Jayapura town, which ended with a clash between Papuan independence supporters and Indonesian Police. Besides being jailed, Filep was also discharged from his position as a civil servant with the Papua administration.
Dec. 1 was declared Papuan independence day by separatists who proclaimed the state of West Papua on Dec. 1, 1962.
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Nethy Dharma Somba and Andi Hajramurni, Jayapura -- The police have foiled an attempt to raise the outlawed Bintang Kejora (Morning Star) flag, keeping pro-independence action planned for Dec. 1 low-key.
Hundreds of police officers had been deployed since early Thursday morning to Trikora field to prevent pro-independence leaders from raising their flag. The police action on Thursday certainly disappointed pro-independence Papuans who used logs to blockade a street in front of Cendrawasih University near the field. The group of independence supporters also pelted stones at university buildings, shattering windows.
The 700 independence supporters then marched from the university to the nearby campus of a Protestant bible college, unfurling a banner that read "the 44th Anniversary of West Papua Independence." They entered the college's grounds, asking students to participate in the rally. But, as the students refused to join in, they assembled on a street in front of the campus.
Under tight security, they held a rally, speaking on Papua's incorporation into Indonesian territory.
The police detained two protesters for putting the logs on the road, but Jayapura Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Paulus Waterpauw claimed they were not being held as suspects but merely for questioning.
Although the flag-hoisting attempt was prevented, peaceful commemorations of Papua "independence day" were held in Sentani near Jayapura at the house of Theys Hiyo Eluay, who was abducted and killed by security personnel in 2002 in Papua.
A prayer was said at the function and an address was delivered condemning a UN ballot in 1969, which led to Papua's incorporation into Indonesia.
In a separate development, an Indonesian soldier shot dead a Papuan on the same day in Boven Digul regency, some 250 kilometers north of Merauke city, Papua. Military spokesman Lt. Col. Totok Surono said the Papuan, Labarius Oga, 33, an employee with a private company was shot dead for attacking soldier Chief Pvt. Zulkarnaen Lubis. Labarius was reportedly drunk at the time of the incident.
In Makassar, South Sulawesi, over 30 Papuan students held a rally in the city, demanding the Indonesian government grant Papua independence. In Jakarta, Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono said the government would deploy some 15,000 soldiers to Papua within five years in order to prevent conflicts that could lead to an independent Papua.
Dec. 1 was declared Papuan independence day by separatists who proclaimed the state of West Papua on Dec. 1, 1962.
Indonesia took effective control of Papuan territory a year later, after which the separatist movement continued to wage a low-level guerrilla revolt in the province.
Associated Press - December 1, 2005
Jayapura -- Security forces clashed with hundreds of rock- throwing protesters at an independence day rally Thursday in Papua province, police and witnesses said. There were no reports of injuries.
Students, laborers and civil servants yelled "free Papua" as they blocked roads near the state university in the provincial capital, Jayapura, police chief Lt. Col. Paulus Waterpauw said.
Some threw rocks at police and at the university, breaking windows and damaging a police vehicle, he said, adding that several people had been detained..
The demonstrators were marking the anniversary of failed efforts by Papuan tribal chiefs to declare independence from Dutch colonial rule in Dec. 1, 1961.
Two years later Indonesia seized control of Papua, and formalized its sovereignty over the region in 1969 through a stage-managed vote by about 1,000 community leaders, which critics dismissed as a sham.
A small, poorly armed separatist movement has battled Indonesian rule ever since. About 100,000 Papuans -- one-sixth of the population -- are estimated to have died in military operations.
The resource-rich yet desperately poor province, formerly known as Irian Jaya, occupies the western half of New Guinea island.
Jakarta Post - December 1, 2005
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Papua Governor JP Solossa on Wednesday told residents not to celebrate the self-declared independence anniversary of Papua on Dec. 1.
"All residents should go about their day as usual. Do not be provoked by groups that are planning to commemorate Papua's 'independence'," Solossa said.
He was speaking after the West Papua Liberation Front announced plans to mark the 43rd anniversary of Papua's self-declared independence with a prayer service.
Pro-independence Papuans traditionally celebrate Papua's "independence" from Indonesia on Dec. 1. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid allowed Papuans to mark the day with flag- raising ceremonies, but the practice was banned when the nationalistic Megawati Soekarnoputri took office in 2001.
Separatists proclaimed the independent state of West Papua on Dec. 1, 1962. Indonesia took effective control of Papua a year later, and separatists have continued to wage a low-level independence campaign in the province ever since.
Governor Solossa urged all Papuans to maintain security and peace, while working together to develop the province.
"We are all tired of this situation. If we want change, let us work together. Differences are common, but do not allow them to disrupt development plans that aim to improve people's welfare," he said.
Last Dec. 1 there were clashes between pro-independence Papuans and police after the independence supporters raised the Bintang Kejora flag, the symbol of the Papua independence movement. Several people were injured in the clash but there were no deaths.
Papuans, both those who want independence and those who do not, have long complained that the central government has failed to return to the province of fair share of the revenue from its rich natural resources. Past human rights abuses by the military have also fueled separatist sentiment.
In 2001, the central government granted the province special autonomy and a greater share of its mineral wealth. But recent plans to partition Papua into three provinces have sparked discontent and violence.
Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Dody Sumantyawan warned residents any independence celebrations on Dec. 1 would be considered illegal activities.
"There is only one independence day in the country and that is Aug. 17; there is no other," he said, adding that police would break up any illegal gatherings on Thursday. He said that if prayers were planned for Thursday, they should have nothing to do with politics.
West Papua Liberation Front secretary-general Selfius Bobi said the group's anniversary celebration would focus on prayers, and that there would be no raising of the Bintang Kejora flag.
Prayer gatherings are planned for two locations: at the home of murdered pro-independence leader Theys Hiyo Eluay in Sentani, near Jayapura, and at a church in Polimak, Jayapura.
Military ties |
Asia Times - December 2, 2005
Gary LaMoshi, Denpasar -- The Bush administration's decision to drop its arms embargo against Indonesia and resume full military ties fits a pattern of policy failures in East Asia. These failures underscore profound ignorance not only of the region but of where the US's true interests lie.
You'd think it impossible for US policymakers to be so foolish and cavalier about a key region, until you look at the mother of all Bush failures, Iraq, and see that similar ignorance and arrogance created that debacle.
Or maybe apparent mistakes in East Asia -- a nuclear North Korea, ascendant China, remilitarizing Japan -- aren't mistakes at all, but subtle and complex calculations that come easily for people like Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Vice President Dick Cheney, even if they're difficult for us to grasp.
The US made its decision to normalize ties with Indonesia's armed forces last week, citing its own "national security interests". The statement specifically cited Indonesia's self-evident strategic role in Southeast Asia as the region's most populous country astride major shipping lanes, and floated a fantasy that it is "a voice of moderation in the Islamic world".
Moderation is waning in Indonesia and, even within Southeast Asia, Malaysia and tiny Brunei have greater claims to Islamic leadership, except of course in terms of Islamist-inspired terrorism.
You'd think that US national security interest would revolve around strengthening Indonesia's nascent democracy, which could in fact make it a political example for the Islamic world, and helping it fight terrorism internally, since Indonesia has been a terrorist target more often this century than any country that hasn't hosted a US-led invasion. Those could be compelling interests, possibly worth overlooking a few hundred deaths that can't be stopped now. But restoring military aid won't advance those goals; instead, it's more likely to set them back.
'We deserve it'
After meeting with US President George W Bush at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit a couple of weeks back, Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono argued for resumption of military ties saying, "We deserve it because we have undergone a reform in our military, with an emphasis on respecting human rights and democracy."
Seven years after the fall of president Suharto's New Order regime, the reform scorecard is far more complex. Tentara Nasional Indonesia (the armed forces, TNI) has withdrawn from its formal role in politics by giving up its reserved seats in the legislature. TNI also renounced its dwi fungsi (dual function) of preserving internal as well as external security. It offered the flawed but heart-warming declaration that its troops shouldn't vote, to show absolute political neutrality. TNI also even has gone along (so far) with the peace deal in tsunami-ravaged Aceh.
But the armed forces are still the country's most powerful institution -- Suharto's political ruling vehicle, the Golkar party, ranks second -- and remain largely beyond civilian control. TNI still finances much of its budget through business enterprises and is at the root of much of the country's corruption, the industry where Indonesia stands out globally. Suharto-era heavies still dominate the military ranks and politics, right up to former general Yudhoyono.
The US suspended military sales and exchanges with Indonesia in stages during the 1990s after mass killings in East Timor by soldiers and military-sponsored militias. There have been no meaningful convictions of military figures for these or other atrocities linked to TNI. The Bush administration may not mind Indonesia's Abu Ghraib-style justice (Iraqi prison where inmates were abused), where a few low-level scapegoats take the blame. In fact, the US military justice system may have learned from it.
Military personnel have carried on the New Order tradition of political violence, from the murder in 2001 of Papuan separatist leader Theys Eluay to the in-flight poisoning of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib in September 2004. The Munir case is particularly instructive.
Like old times for New Order
Munir was a highly effective opponent of the New Order and its tailings, especially the military. A presidential investigative commission linked his murder to the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), then headed by General Abdullah Makhmud Hendropriyono, a key Suharto henchman.
Investigators found BIN documents proposing to rub out Munir by poisoning him on a flight. Yet prosecutors only brought charges against an off-duty pilot (with links to BIN) and some flight attendants, refusing to take the case beyond the plane's cabin to its masterminds.
You can read this failure to get to the heart of the plot in various ways. At one extreme, you could conclude that Yudhoyono is protecting BIN, truer to his military uniform than democracy or rule of law. The more likely answer is that even a democratically elected president who's a former general doesn't have the power to stand up to this ruthless military cabal that targeted Munir -- not just to eliminate an enemy but to send a message that it still operates with total impunity. If the US wants Indonesia to become a strong democracy, the last thing it should do is strengthen the hand of these dark forces by turning on the arms spigot.
On the terrorism front, the Indonesian police, separated from TNI in one of the few meaningful reforms since Suharto's fall, are the key. With aid from the US (police were already exempt from the embargo), Australia, Japan and others, the police have compiled an impressive arrest record against terrorism suspects. US-trained Detachment 88 carried out the November 9 raid that killed master bomber Azahari bin Husin. Resuming military ties won't help the police and could even hurt by distracting US attention and/or Indonesian funds from the police to TNI.
TNI has been trying to horn in on anti-terrorism activities, hoping to restore its neighborhood and village spy networks that enforced political orthodoxy under the New Order. Additional US funding may make it easier for TNI to reestablish its internal security role in anti-terrorism clothes.
That's not to say that TNI hasn't played a big role in terrorism to date.
Pandora's box
Indonesia's revival of violent Islamic extremism traces directly to New Order loyalists, working through and within TNI, to undermine the reformist regime of Abdurrahman Wahid by stoking sectarian clashes in Central Sulawesi and the Malukus and perpetrating a string of religious and secular bombings.
Some experts dismiss this link between the military and killing in the name of Islam, drawing bright-line distinctions between violent Muslim militias in Ambon or Poso and Jemaah Islamiyah, the al-Qaeda-linked group blamed for attacks on Western targets.
This parsing may have some legitimacy for drawing the family tree of violence or seeking research-grant funding, but it misses two broader points.
TNI's funding and encouragement gave legitimacy and clout to radical Islam that had been fully discredited and driven out under Suharto. That opening made jihad fashionable in Indonesia. Fringe theorists try to connect the Bali attacks to TNI, but it's more likely a case of the monster it created rampaging out of control.
More importantly, TNI clearly and virtually worked openly to destabilize a legitimate president it feared might undermine its power. In the wake of these efforts, Wahid was impeached in 2001, and no subsequent president has challenged TNI's prerogatives or alumni. TNI has not reformed appreciably, and it's not hard to imagine what will happen if another reformer wins the presidency or another courageous soul carries on Munir's advocacy effectively. Does America really want Indonesia to be a nominal democracy with military thugs standing guard?
Wolf prints?
Actually, "nominal democracy with military thugs standing guard" against excessively corrupt and/or sectarian politicians has been the history of America's longstanding Muslim allies, Turkey and Pakistan. US policymakers may well see that model as viable for Indonesia.
Paul Wolfowitz, former Bush administration deputy secretary of defense, was US ambassador to Jakarta during the 1980s. When Wolfowitz wasn't at his wheel spinning questionable intelligence on Iraq into whole cloth about weapons of mass destruction or cheering native-welcoming US liberators and reconstruction paying for itself, he may well have argued that only TNI has the strength to hold together a diverse archipelago of 17,000 islands across 5,000 kilometers.
In any case, Wolfowitz couldn't help wax nostalgic about simpler New Order times of economic growth and political stability, without terrorist attacks, Islamist sentiments and other threats to foreign investors. Wolfowitz's protege, Rice, granted the waiver to resume military ties last week over Congress's objections.
It's easy to understand that the Bush administration, measuring by the standard of US national security, doesn't see much benefit in freedom or democracy for Indonesia and thinks of TNI as its only reliable partner. So what if putting the US squarely back in TNI's corner makes it easier for anti-American forces to flourish? It's not as if the Bush administration is trying to win any popularity contests in Indonesia.
[Gary LaMoshi has worked as a broadcast producer and print writer and editor in the US and Asia. Longtime editor of investor rights advocate eRaider.com, he's also a contributor to Slate and Salon.com.]
Business Times (Singapore) - December 1, 2005
Shoeb Kagda, Jakarta -- The news last week from Washington that the United States would restore full military ties with Indonesia after a 14-year lapse must have been sweet music to the ears of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, himself a retired general.
Already fighting hardline elements within the military, Mr Yudhoyono will find the announcement a major boost as he seeks to reform the TNI (Indonesian armed forces) into a professional fighting force.
Trained in the US, the president has enjoyed close ties with senior American military officers and has looked to the US for financial and technical support, but until now, he has been hampered in his efforts to rebuild the country's military capabilities by the ban imposed by Congress.
Following the announcement, Defence Minister Juwono Sudarsono quickly noted that Indonesia would start sending its ageing fleet of F-16 jet fighters to the US for major overhaul and resume military training for middle and high-level officers. He added that he hopes to restore the F-16 squadron fully by 2009.
Not everyone within Indonesia's political elite or the US Congress is celebrating the restoration of ties between the two military establishments. Human rights groups in Indonesia are, in fact, dismayed by the development as they fear that the military will now stall in pursuing further reforms, especially in bringing to justice officers who were responsible for the carnage in East Timor following the 1999 referendum.
Some Congressional leaders are also uneasy about the lack of convictions against Indonesian military officers implicated in the East Timor atrocities as well as the killing of two Americans in Papua in 2002. The US Congress imposed the ban in 1992 following the Santa Cruz massacre in Dili, East Timor that left more than 200 people dead.
The Bush administration, in fact, used a national security waiver to drop the embargo in the face of opposition from some Congressional leaders. Given the sensitivities in restoring ties with the tainted Indonesian military, the US government is, however, likely to adopt a go-slow approach rather than rush headlong into boosting military-to-military ties to the level of the early Suharto years.
On the surface, the restoration of full military ties is seen as a reward for the Yudhoyono government's efforts in combating terrorism and thus contributing to the US-led global war on terror. It is no coincidence that the resumption of full military ties comes soon after Indonesian security forces shot and killed master bomb-maker Azahari Husin, an Al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiyah operative who was on the most wanted list of several regional countries. But as with any such strategic alliance, there is often more to it than meets the eye.
Washington has, in fact, viewed Indonesia's growing military links with Russia and China with some alarm as the TNI sought alternative sources of military hardware and technical assistance.
Russia has over the past few years developed its avionics capabilities to match the Americans and the country was eagerly looking to add Indonesia to its growing clients list. The Chinese, not wanting to be left out, have been providing firearms and other smaller weaponry to the Indonesian military for some time and there was the possibility of the relationship deepening although most defence experts ruled out any formal military pact between the two countries.
With the restoration of ties, the Bush administration has signalled that it is committed to ensuring that the US remains the pre-eminent military power in the region and that it regards Indonesia as a vital partner and client. More importantly, the lifting of the ban will ensure that TNI officers continue to be trained at US military academies, thus fostering closer bonds between the officers of the two nations.
As President Yudhoyono himself has proven, personal ties forged in the classroom and on training fields can act as a powerful social force in enhancing America's standing in the region.
The officers who attend such training programmes will inevitably emerge as future leaders and decision makers, and the values they imbibe will help protect Indonesia's nascent democracy in the future.
Human rights/law |
Detik.com - December 8, 2005
Machhendra Setyo Atmaja, Jakarta -- A sentence of life imprisonment for Pollycarpus Budihari Prijanto is unsatisfactory as he is only a scapegoat. There is concern that the state is protecting the mastermind behind the Munir murder case.
"I think the president already knows quite a bit about the mastermind. We are concerned there are forces that are being protected by the state. In the case of Munir, there cannot be [parties] that are immune from the law", declared the operational coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Edwin Partogi.
Partogi was acting as the coordinator of an action held by around 1,000 people from the Solidarity Committee for Munir, a forum concerned with developments in the Munir case. They had gathered at the Proclamation Monument in Cikini, Central Jakarta.
They then took 12 large- and medium-sized buses to the State Palace on Jalan Medan Merdeka Utara arriving at around 12.20pm on Thursday December 8.
"We demand that the Munir murder case be solved and the mastermind tried. We are totally dissatisfied with the legal process that is currently underway. Polly[carpus] is only one of the perpetrators. We hope that all of those who are involved, including BIN [the State Intelligence Agency], be declared suspects and tried", said Partogi.
According to Partogi, since the Munir Fact Finding Team was disbanded, the investigation into the Munir case has suffered a setback. He is also asking that in solving the case the government not allow there to be those who are immune from the law.
In resolving the murder of the human rights activist he continued, it is not enough to punish just one person, because Munir's murder was premeditated and carried out by more than one person.
During the action in front of the State Palace, the demonstrators brought banners and posters with demands calling for the Munir case to be solved as well as large photographs of Munir's face.
A happening art action was also held. The demonstrators depicted Pollycarpus as being just a scapegoat while there are still many other perpetrators who are not being tried. Six men whose bodies were smeared with mud danced while repeatedly shouting "democracy" and asking "why".
The action was then followed by speeches. After around 15 minutes they were joined by a group of farmers and workers who had earlier demonstrated in front of the State Palace. They then gave joint speeches from the stage.
After some 30 minutes, at around 1.30 the demonstrators moved of to the national police headquarters to hold a similar action. The plan is for an action to be held by representatives from Kontras, the Legal Aid Foundation, Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), the Bojong Integrated Waste Treatment Facility Society, the Victims of the Kotabumi Land Evictions, the Tanjung Priok Victims and the Batang and Pekalongan Farmers Society which will end at 4pm. (bal)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Detik.com - December 4, 2005
Supriyono Pangribowo, Jakarta -- The offence of insulting the president is being used again. This time an activist from the Indonesian National Student Movement (GMNI), Monang Johanes Tambunan, has been charged for making a rude remark about President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
The charges against Tambunan were read out by the public prosecutors Ledrik VMT and Edi Saputra during a court hearing presided over by Judge Cucut Sutiarso at the Central Jakarta State Court on Jalan Gajah Mada in Jakarta on Thursday December 3.
The prosecution charged the defendant with insulting the president when they were holding a demonstration critical of the first 100 days of the Yudhoyono administration.
During the action in front of the State Palace on January 26, the defendant gave a speech from on top of a pickup truck with gray registration plate B-9740 using a megaphone. In his speech the defendant stated that "SBY is a dog, SBY is a pig" and spat.
According to the prosecution, SBY is nothing less than an abbreviation for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and therefore the actions of the violated Article 134 and 136 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) on insulting the president and vice-president.
Fuel price protests
The court hearing was attended by dozens of Tambunan's colleagues from GMNI who shouted "Freedom" and "Victory to GMNI" during the hearing.
In a statement signed by GMNI's secretary general, Sonny Danaparamita, GMNI said that in the first 100 days of the Yudhoyono administration there have been no significant developments as promised during his election campaign. And that Yudhoyono, without prior approval and without making any changes to Law Number 36/2005 on the State Budget, made a policy decision to increase the price of fuel.
GMNI believes that the government intentionally committed actions that violate the law and are against the Constitution, in particular Article 9 of the Constitution regarding oath and vows of the president. It is because of this GMNI is demanding that all of the charges against Tambunan be dropped and that Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla be relieved of their duties. (gtp)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Detik.com - December 5, 2005
Gede Suardana, Denpasar -- A sentence of five months jail and 10 months probation is being sought by the prosecution for 12 Udayana University students from the People's Struggle Front for Democracy (Front Perjuangan Rakyat untuk Demokrasi, Frontier). They were brought to trial in the aftermath of a demonstration in which they allegedly insulted President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
The charges were read out by public prosecutor Anak Agung alit Swastika in a court hearing at the Denpasar State Court on Jalan Sudirman on Monday December 5. The hearing was presided over by Judge Putu Widnya.
The students who are being tried jointly, are being charged under Article 55 Section 1 of Part I of the Criminal Code on entering a given location without paying heed to the owner.
The defendants, Muamar Kadafi and his fiends, are being tried because they allegedly disrupted and obstructed officers of the Denpasar High Court in carrying out their duties. They held a demonstration and spent three nights in the grounds of the high court between June 15-16 (sic), 2005.
The demonstration was protesting a verdict against one of their colleagues, Gendo Suardana, who the judge found guilty of insulting Yudhoyono. Suardana had set fire to posters of Yudhoyono during a demonstration against fuel price increases at the end of December 2004.
During their action at the Denpasar High Court, the 12 students scribbled on the walls and sealed of the court's doors. As a result, court officials were unable to work normally. (nrl)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Prosecutors have recommended a life sentence for Garuda pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto for the murder of the country's top human rights campaigner Munir.
The case is being closely watched by human rights groups both at home and overseas to see whether the government will bring the powerful masterminds behind the murder to court.
"We ask the panel of judges to declare that the defendant, Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, has been proven beyond reasonable doubt to have committed premeditated murder and falsified documents," prosecutor Domu P. Sihite told the Central Jakarta District Court on Thursday.
The life sentence demand was greeted by applause from Munir's widow, and dozens of his supporters inside the courtroom. The trial will resume on Dec. 12 to hear the defense counsel's arguments.
Munir, who had been a strong critic of human rights abuses in the country including those committed by rogue elements in the military, died aboard a Sept. 7, 2004 Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam. A Dutch autopsy found a lethal dose of arsenic in his body.
Pollycarpus, who joined the same flight as an aviation security officer, was accused by prosecutors of ordering two flight attendants (already named as suspects but who have yet to be put on trial) to put arsenic into a glass of orange juice to be served to Munir during the flight. The 38-year-old rights campaigner became violently ill and died two hours before landing.
"As the plane began to fly from Jakarta to Singapore and the cabin crew started to prepare the welcome drinks, some witnesses have said that the defendant was seen walking to the pantry. The defendant put poison into glasses of orange juice with the help of the two cabin crew," Domu told the court as he read out the charges.
Pollycarpus was also accused of falsifying airline documents to enable him to joint the Sept. 7 flight.
Munir's wife Suciwati had earlier testified before the court that days before Munir left for the Netherlands to continue his study, a Garuda pilot named Pollycarpus had repeatedly called her husband's cellular phone to ensure that the rights activist did not cancel his plan to fly on that day.
Pollycarpus is the only key suspect so far to be put on trial for the murder. Usman Hamid, former secretary of the now-defunct government-sanctioned fact finding team assigned to help the police in investigating the case, said that the government should arrest and put behind bars the people behind the murder.
"Munir was killed amid his fight for democratization, law enforcement, and protection of human rights. The question is why did he have to die? To stop his struggle? This is the motive, and the President (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) shouldn't need to be reluctant to follow up our (the team's) recommendation, unless of course the President is trying to protect other murderers in this case," Usman said.
The team had also raised this question when it began to link the murder with certain former officials of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) during the investigation. Pollycarpus is believed to be a BIN agent, although BIN has denied this.
Detik.com - December 1, 2005
Nurvita Indarini, Jakarta -- Although the sentence being sought by the public prosecutor for Pollycarpus is considered just, the former secretary of the Munir Fact Finding Team (TPF), Usman Hamid, has urged that the investigation in to the Munir murder case not end with Pollycarpus.
Hamid is urging police to follow through with the recommendations of the TPF, which were presented to the president because it was very clear from the report that the TPF concluded that the premeditated murder of Munir involved a criminal conspiracy.
"It involved certain people from Garuda (PT Garuda Indonesia) and BIN (the National Intelligence Agency)", asserted Hamid after a hearing of the Munir case at the Central Jakarta State Court on Jalan Gajah Mada on Thursday December 1.
The activist from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) said that Kontras will continue to urge President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the national police to pursue the case until it is completely solved.
"If the related parties are not prosecuted it will later become our (Kontras) demand. We are truly asking the national police and the prosecution to take steps to follow it up", he said.
During the Central Jakarta State Court hearing, the prosecution demanded that Pollycarpus be jailed for life. Pollycarpus has been found guilty of and determined to have committed premeditated murder. He has also been found guilty of using false documents to obtain facilities and flight accommodation between Jakarta and Singapore on September 6, 2004. (umi)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
War on terror |
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The government defended its plan to fingerprint all students of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) as part of the antiterrorism drive despite opposition from some lawmakers and religious leaders, whom he asked not to display an "allergic reaction" to the proposal.
Addressing an international seminar on radical Islam organized by the State Islamic University (UIN), Vice President Jusuf Kalla explained that the proposal had been made in good faith.
"This is our war against the people who fight us, Indonesia, without any reason. This is total war," he told the seminar, which was attended by a number of ambassadors.
The government is aware that the fingerprinting proposal is a sensitive issue in the world's most populous Muslim nation. However, the government will proceed with the plan as it was aimed at protecting the country, Kalla said. "There is no need for an allergic reaction. Look at it in a positive way," the Vice President urged his listeners.
Kalla had previously been successful in persuading Muslim leaders to pledge help to the government's efforts to curb the spread of militant ideas spread by terrorists, who in the past had recruited young men, including some from Islamic boarding schools, by manipulating the teaching of Islam.
The latest move, however, has drawn opposition from many quarters. Ali Maschan Moesa, the leader of the East Java chapter of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organization in the country, said he was irritated by the plan as it placed the students of Islamic schools under suspicion, and presumed they posed a danger to national security.
In what may be effort to ease the situation, Minister of Religious Affairs Maftuh Basyuni denied the government would fingerprint the students of religious schools as part of the antiterror drive.
"It's excessive," Maftuh said when asked by reporters. However, he said the fingerprints of students could be taken if necessary to anticipate "something like a traffic accident".
Meanwhile, National Police chief Gen. Sutanto said the fingerprint plan was still only a proposal within the police, and denied rumors that the police had already started taking the fingerprints of religious school students.
"That's not correct. We have not taken any fingerprints. We have only taken copies of their ID cards," he said, adding that the police wanted to help religious schools to avoid "bad influence from external sources".
Meanwhile, Sidney Jones, the director of the International Crisis Group (ICG) in Jakarta, asked the government not to generalize radical Islam and terrorism as it could divert the government's antiterror efforts. "Only half of the captured terrorists studied in pesantren, the others half studied in secular schools," said Jones, a terrorism expert.
Neither could the government blame poverty as the main cause of terrorism here as nearly all of the captured terrorists came from middle-class families, she added.
"The authorities could map it out by observing the backgrounds of the captured terrorists or interviewing the captured terrorists about their new recruits," Jones suggested, adding that the government could not win the battle of minds against terrorism simply by banning books published by the terrorists.
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Yuli Tri Suwarni and Eva C. Komandjaja, Bandung/Jakarta -- The crackdown on terrorism conducted by an elite police unit has resulted in numerous instances of rights violations as most of the arrests made were illegal, rights campaigners allege.
But the police insisted that the operation would continue, saying they are authorized to arrest and question anyone suspected of involvement in terrorism.
"It's just a matter of the legal procedures. The Antiterrorism Law allows us to detain suspects for seven days for questioning. But if we don't come up with any evidence, we let them go," the National Police's spokesman, Brig. Gen. Soenarko Danu Ardanto, said on Wednesday.
He denied allegations that the antiterror unit, Detachment 88, had violated human rights and legal procedures while making arrests. "The police are doing their best to uphold the law and the public should trust us," he said.
National Commission on Human Rights chairman Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara urged the police to respect the basic human rights recognized by the Criminal Law Procedures Code, Human Rights Law and the Constitution when arresting, questioning and interrogating people suspected of involvement in acts of terrorism.
"We may be protected from terror but we don't want to come under another threat," Abdul Hakim told reporters after a seminar on the war on terror from the human rights perspective hosted by Padjadjaran University's School of Law.
In its latest report, the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), a human rights watchdog, revealed that over 200 people had been arrested by Detachment 88 since the Oct. 1 Bali blasts, which claimed 23 lives. Only four people have been arrested and charged as suspects, while four other terrorists on the wanted list are now dead, including Malaysian master bomb maker Azahari bin Husin.
ELSAM also revealed the detention of 64 civilians between April and June of this year in six provinces in connection with terrorism, with at least 10 of them arrested by means of what ELSAM described as "abduction". The rights group used this term as those apprehended were allegedly forced to sign their arrest warrants.
"Some families can't even meet their sons or husbands, or even find out where they are after they're arrested," Atnike Nova Sigiro of ELSAM told the seminar. She added that the Antiterrorism Law (No. 15/2003) could not be used to justify arbitrary arrests or other human rights violations.
More problems awaited those who were released due to lack of evidence as in most cases the community was already convinced they were terrorists. "We don't want the stigma against communists that prevailed in the past to recur. There are other ways to combat terrorism without inflicting that kind of stigma on people," she said.
She said that Indonesia had in 1998 ratified the UN Anti-Torture Convention, which protects the non-derogable rights of people. Although the convention does not spell out any punishments for failure to comply with it, Indonesia would lose credibility on the world stage if it turned a blind eye to the violations, Atnike said.
"I suspect the Antiterror Law is being misused to oppress certain groups, ideas, movements and aspirations, such as peasant movements against the gathering of rights over natural resources into the hands of a few," she said.
Tempo Interactive - December 8, 2005
Serang -- High Commissioner Badrodin Haiti, the Banten Chief of Police, regrets the lack of participation by members of the general public as regards pursuing terrorists.
According to Haiti, members of the public do not immediately report those suspected of being terrorists. "Even when the police distribute photos of terrorists, public participation as regards reporting is still weak," said Haiti in Banten on Wednesday (07/12).
Despite this, the Banten Chief of Police said that the police were yet to find any Islamic boarding schools teaching terrorism. "We also apologize if our search of the schools caused any inconvenience amongst Islamic scholars," stated Haiti.
KH Aminudin, the leader of an Islamic boarding school, has requested that officers not rush into hurry in accusing Islamic boarding schools of being sources of terrorists. "I hope police do not pursue Muslim boarding schools just because of the existence of acts of terrorism," stated KH Aminudin.
Meanwhile, according to Military Resort Chief Infantry Colonel Amir Hamka, security personnel have never said that terrorists originate from Islamic boarding schools. However, Hamka said that some people with interests in acts of terrorism could make use of these schools.
(Faidil Akbar-Tempo News Room)
Jakarta Post - December 6, 2005
ID Nugroho, Surabaya -- A National Police plan to fingerprint all students of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) across the country as well as their alumni has irritated the head of a major Muslim organization.
Nadhlatul Ulama (NU)'s East Java chapter head Ali Maschan Moesa said that he was annoyed with the plan as it put Islamic students under suspicion, and presumed they posed a danger to state security.
"To tell you the truth, I feel very insulted since all NU members fully support the country's sovereignty," Ali told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
The plan to collect fingerprints from Islamic students was one a police strategy to anticipate terrorist acts in the nation, which has seen a series of deadly bomb attacks over the past several years committed by militants, some of whom studied in Islamic boarding schools.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla has approved the plan saying that the police would merely be collecting data for future use, although there has been speculation that the country's most wanted man, Noordin M. Top, might be hiding in one of the boarding schools.
Noordin and his Malaysian compatriot Azahari bin Husin have been accused of masterminding several bomb attacks across the country. Azahari was killed during a Nov. 9 police raid, while Noordin managed to escape.
But many have criticized the fingerprinting plan, saying it was tantamount to stigmatizing Islamic boarding schools as a source of terrorism in the country.
NU feels insulted in this case since it is the country's biggest Muslim organization, and its members operate the majority of the boarding schools.
Ali argued that the police should explain where they would be carrying out their plans and what their motives would be in taking fingerprints, since there are many boarding schools with different congregations.
"Some boarding schools, which have NU ideology and use the organization's yellow book, are against terrorism. Therefore, it is not fair if all boarding schools are viewed as one because NU's schools are against terrorism," he said.
Ali said that the police should scrutinize each boarding school's ideology to find out whether they were hard-liners or not. "The police should only watch over those (schools) who teach violence to their students," Ali said.
Separately, National Police chief Gen. Sutanto said that the fingerprint collections were only one part of police efforts to preempt people who try to influence students with terrorist ideology.
"The basic idea is to preempt people, including Muslim students and other communities, so as not to be influenced by terrorist groups," Sutanto said on the sidelines of the Indonesian Navy anniversary ceremony in Surabaya, East Java.
He regretted that the plan had been misinterpreted as a form of police suspicion of Islamic boarding schools. "That's not true," Sutanto said.
Sutanto also urged the community, including Muslim students as well as other groups, to work together with the police in preempting the spread of militant ideas by terrorists.
Politics/political parties |
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- Vice President Jusuf Kalla was not feeling well, according to his aides, but his face was wreathed in smiles as he boarded the Fokker F-28 presidential plane that would take him back to Jakarta on Monday night.
"I am relieved as you guys won't chase me anymore," Kalla quipped, as some journalists who were traveling back to Jakarta on the plane sought his response to the minor Cabinet reshuffle announced by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono one hour earlier.
"Your predictions were all wrong, weren't they?" This time around, Kalla did not put his hands in his pockets as he normally does when feeling good.
Monday's announcement at the Yogyakarta presidential palace ended month-long speculation about who would join and who would be ejected from the one-year-old Cabinet, which Susilo was clearly unhappy with.
Kalla's Golkar Party lost the chief economics minister post previously held by Aburizal Bakrie, who had become the central focus of the reshuffle talks for his controversial statements and policies.
Susilo picked Boediono, his colleague when he, as well as Kalla, served in the previous Cabinet under President Megawati Soekarnoputri, to fill the powerful post.
Golkar had insisted that Susilo retain Aburizal, who formerly ran his Bakrie Group holding company. "Ical represents Golkar, Pak Kalla did not want the President to replace him," said a Golkar member, referring to Aburizal by his nickname.
Aburizal was shifted to the coordinating minister for people's welfare post, but Golkar won another consolation prize as the President gave seasoned Golkar politician Paskah Suzetta the National Planning Board chairmanship.
With Fahmi Idris kept on his new portfolio as industry minister, Golkar now has three representatives in the Cabinet.
Golkar is the main bedrock of political support for Susilo, who was nominated by minor parties in last year's election. Kalla took over the party's helm only after he won the election as Susilo's running mate.
Concluding its executive meeting late in October, Golkar confirmed its status as a pro-government party.
The Cabinet reshuffle could have seen one more ministerial post go to Golkar, but Susilo instead granted it to the National Awakening Party (PKB) faction loyal to former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid in an apparent bid to further increase his majority support in the House of Representatives.
The PKB's swing to the government side will make Susilo's job easier after the first year that saw political contention and a series of natural disasters.
In his speech announcing the reshuffle, Susilo said the changes to his Cabinet were aimed at improving the coordination and effectiveness of his government, which in turn would boost his administration's performance.
Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political expert from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said the minor reshuffle was "the minimum effort" Susilo could make to placate Golkar. "He could appease Golkar by giving it one more seat in the Cabinet. But he did not give a pivotal position to the party," Ikrar said.
Meanwhile, Maswadi Rauf of the University of Indonesia said the public considered the reshuffle "strange" as the President had failed to put the right man in the right job as he had promised previously.
"If the President considers Ical's record to be poor, why didn't he dismiss him? There is no relation between (the work) of the chief economics minister and the coordinating minister for people's welfare. It seems that Ical must be in the Cabinet at all costs," he said.
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Jakarta -- The limited Cabinet shakeup announced by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Monday night appears to be a blessing in disguise for the fractured National Awakening Party (PKB).
The reshuffle, which included two PKB figures from the two rival factions, is expected to help end the bitter conflict within the party founded by former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.
The two ministers from PKB are Gus Dur's defiant nephew, Saifullah Yusuf, and Erman Suparno. They were both nominated for their current posts by the Gus Dur camp, which is led by his loyalist nephew Muhaimin Iskandar.
Its splinter faction is backed by Alwi Shihab who was axed from Susilo's Cabinet, with his position as the chief welfare minister being taken over by former chief economics minister Aburizal Bakrie, a senior member of the Golkar Party.
Erman is meanwhile the treasurer of Muhaimin's PKB faction and was appointed as the new manpower and transmigration minister, replacing Fahmi Idris.
Muhaimin, also a House of Representatives deputy speaker, confirmed that his faction had proposed to Susilo that Saifullah be retained in the Cabinet and Erman Suparno be named a new Cabinet member.
"We forget the conflict and we hope all of this will be part of efforts toward togetherness," Muhaimin was quoted by Antara as saying in response to Saifullah being maintained as the state minister for the development of disadvantaged regions. Saifullah is also a key leader of Alwi's PKB camp.
A source close to the PKB said Saifullah had pledged to reunite with the Muhaimin faction provided that the party supported his bid to stay in the Cabinet.
"Saifullah has signed a deal with Muhaimin to recognize the latter's leadership of the PKB," the source said, adding that Alwi had done the same, although he had to leave the Cabinet to pave the way for Aburizal to occupy his ministerial post.
In reshuffling the Cabinet, analysts said one of the major sticking points faced by Susilo concerned what to do with Aburizal, who was strongly backed by Vice President Jusuf Kalla who also leads Golkar.
A source close to the reshuffle plan said Alwi agreed to leave the Cabinet as Kalla promised to help facilitate reconciliations among the PKB rival factions.
When announcing the Cabinet shakeup, Susilo publicly said he would assign Alwi, a former foreign minister in the administration of Gus Dur, as his special envoy for Middle East cooperation.
Choirul Anam, who recently replaced Alwi as his PKB faction leader, said on Tuesday he could understand the removal of Alwi from the Cabinet.
"I am sure that in reshuffling the Cabinet, the President has acted wisely in line with his prerogative," Anam told Antara in Surabaya, East Java. "Once again I say that there is no problem with the replacement of Alwi. Nor do I see any particular motive behind his removal from the Cabinet."
The PKB has been split into two factions since a plenary meeting of the party decided to dismiss Alwi and Saifullah as its leader and secretary-general respectively. The dismissals followed moves in October last year by the two former loyalists of Gus Dur to join the United Indonesia Cabinet of Susilo, whose presidential candidacy was not supported by the PKB.
The Supreme Court recently ruled that Alwi's dismissal was invalid. However, the rival camp said the verdict did not change Muhaimin's PKB leadership since the court did not allow Alwi to use the party's symbols and flag.
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Ridwan Max Sijabat and Tony Hotland, Jakarta -- A political grouping, officially launched here on Thursday by dissatisfied elements of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri's party, is deemed a serious threat to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-Perjuangan).
The newly established Democratic Renewal Party (PDP) could pose a heavy challenge for PDI-P and Megawati's "authoritarian" leadership, said J. Kristiadi, a political analyst with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
"PDP is a real challenge for PDI-P to reform itself and could turn into a serious threat in the long run if Megawati fails to make a significant change in her leadership style in the party," he said.
He said the new party may not be able to defeat PDI-P in the 2009 general elections as its loyal supporters still trusted Megawati to carry on in Sukarno's footsteps. "But, if Megawati maintains her authoritarian leadership, her image will be tarnished and PDI-P supporters will switch allegiance to PDP in the next 10 or 15 years," Kristiadi warned.
He said the PDP's establishment shows that there were still politicians wanting to promote and apply Sukarno's ideas on democracy consistently. The founders, all former Megawati loyalists and close aides, abandoned PDI-P because they thought she had betrayed Sukarno's teachings, the analyst added.
With PDP's establishment, PDI-P lost its good cadres and significant donors who contributed greatly to the party's strong performance in the 1999 and 2004 general elections.
The PDP cofounders included oil businessman Arifin Panigoro, former investment minister Laksamana Sukardi, Roy B.B. Janis, Didi Supriyanto, Sukowaluyo Mintohardjo and Postdam Hutasoit. Noted education expert Muchtar Buchori is also on the central board of the party.
"Our main goal is to consistently promote and implement democracy as taught by Sukarno," said Sukowaluyo who read out a statement in a ceremony to declare PDP's establishment.
Sukowaluyo and other disgruntled PDI-P politicians had formed a reform movement after they failed to push a reform agenda, including replacing Megawati during the party's national congress in Bali in March 2005.
The demand surfaced following Megawati's defeat in the 2004 direct presidential election. However, she was reelected as the PDI-P leader and thus recalled all of her opponents from the House of Representatives.
Abdul Madjid, who chairs PDP's advisory council, said his party had approached other "Sukarnoist"-oriented parties such as PNBK, Pioneer Party and Indonesian Marhaenist Party to join forces for the 2009 elections.
Senior PDI-P figure Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno, one of Megawati's loyalists, admitted that PDP may cost his party its appeal and support from constituents.
"I think Megawati still has the support of the grassroots, but other classes may give their backing to Roy (B.B Janis). It's something to worry about, thus I call on PDI-P to immediately make approaches to our constituents to remain loyal," he said.
Soetardjo said that the formation of the new party should not be played down. "I hope the PDI-P central board can re-establish dialog with them to prevent the fall of PDI-P. We should put our focus back on the fight for the people," he added.
Maruara Sirait, deputy chairman of PDI-P said Megawati's opponents had the political right to form a new party. "Let's see what happens in the next general elections," he said.
Like PDI-P and other pro-Sukarno political parties, PDP took Pancasila and the amended 1945 Constitution as its ideology, with a strong emphasis on its pluralist and inclusive characteristics.
Government/civil service |
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Muninggar Sri Saraswati and Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono swore in six economic ministers on Wednesday, emphasizing the importance of improving the country's macroeconomic condition currently in a meltdown due to higher inflation.
"The new economic team should immediately rehabilitate the macroeconomic condition by prioritizing efforts to curb inflationary pressure in its fiscal and monetary policies to be discussed in consultation with the central bank," he said.
Susilo also urged the ministers to closely monitor and improve the distribution chain of goods as part of a move to help ease inflation.
The new ministers are Coordinating Minister for the Economy Boediono, Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Aburizal Bakrie, Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Erman Suparno, Minister of Industry Fahmi Idris, Minister of Finance Sri Mulyani Indrawati and State Minister for National Development Planning/National Development Planning Board chairman Paskah Suzetta.
The swearing in took place two days after Susilo announced the "limited reshuffle" in Yogyakarta in a bid to boost his Cabinet's economic team performance.
Inflation accelerated to 18.4 percent between January and November, the highest in six years, after the government more than doubled fuel prices on Oct. 1 due to rising global oil prices and a plunge in the rupiah against the US dollar.
To ease the problem, Bank Indonesia has aggressively raised its benchmark interest rate six times in the last six months. The central bank raised on Tuesday its rate by another 50 basis points (bps) to 12.75 percent.
Higher inflation and interest rates have contributed to a slowdown in economic growth, from 6.2 percent in this year's first quarter to 5.3 percent in the third. Higher interest rates are also likely to put a brake on the country's consumption- driven economy, as both consumer loans and credit for business expansion become more expensive.
Boediono, a former finance minister under president Megawati Soekarnoputri, will work closely with Bank Indonesia to boost efforts in stabilizing the rupiah to curb inflation.
"Part of our move to curb inflation is to maintain a stable rupiah. The strengthening of the rupiah will help reduce the cost of producing or importing goods," he said after the ceremony.
The rupiah has been hovering at over Rp 10,000 against the greenback since August before climbing back at Rp 9,825 on Wednesday over optimism that the new economic team will bring crucial changes in economic policies.
Sri Mulyani said other efforts to rectify the economic woes would include a plan to increase government spending for labor- intensive infrastructure projects.
"Infrastructure spending is expected to boost productivity in the manufacturing and agriculture sectors. However, we should also maintain the spending balance to avoid higher demand for goods that could eventually trigger inflation," she said.
Susilo's short-term instructions for the new ministers:
1. Create job opportunities.
2. Boost government spending for infrastructure projects that could help drive economic growth.
3. Reactivate the real sector through the agriculture sector.
4. Improve economic growth through investments and exports.
5. Reduce poverty level and protect the economically disadvantaged from inflation by ensuring the effectiveness of the cash assistance program.
6. Bolster efforts to revitalize agriculture, forestry and fishery sectors as well as the small and medium businesses.
7. Improve coordination and cooperation with the central bank in curbing inflation, strengthening the rupiah and lowering interest rates.
8. Urge local administrations to allocate most of their budgets for labor-intensive projects.
9. Accelerate reform in the tax regime, budget system and financial services sector.
10. Intensify efforts to create good governance by eliminating the high-cost economy, illegal fees and corruption.
11. Bolster efforts to combat bird flu and other transmutable diseases.
Radio Australia - December 7, 2005
Indonesia's president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyno has opted for a steady hand on the wheel, with changes to his cabinet. The moves are restricted to key economic posts.
Presenter/Interviewer: Karon Snowdon
Speakers: Ross McLeod, economist, Australian National University; Arief Budiman, professor of Indonesian Studies at Melbourne University
Snowdon: Some analysts see these changes as a power play between the president and his vice-president Jusuf Kalla, but they'd be wrong. Both men are smart enough to know the changes are necessary for the country, and perhaps even for their own political futures.
To coin a phrase, "it' the economy, stupid!" It was the issue at the time of the elections and will be the issue at the next one.
Arief Budiman, Professor of Indonesian Studies at Melbourne University, says that rather than highlighting any rivalry between the two men at the top, the decision would have been made jointly.
Budiman: You must not pay too much attention on the relationship between SBY and Jusuf Kalla. I think they are doing quite well. They respect each other and they have this kind of separation of power basically, in which Jusuf Kalla is dealing with the economic and SBY is trying to get a good image of the government. I think they are working very well and it's not an indicator at all in my opinion.
Snowdon: Abdurazal Bakri as a crony businessman from the Suharto days carries that particular baggage, and the inevitable perception of a conflict of interest in his current job. His choice last year for the important coordinating ministers job was controversial. His large group of companies left huge unpaid debts from the Asian financial crisis. He stays in the cabinet, but is moving sideways to the less powerful post of Minister for People's Welfare. His replacement Boediono was credited with getting Indonesia's economy back on track as Finance Minister for three years until 2004.
As coordinating economics minister he won't have direct control of a portfolio, but overseas, the various economic ministries.
Ross McLeod, editor of the Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies at the Australian National University, says Boediono's interests and experience lie in professionalising their bureaucracy, building business confidence and indirectly reforming the judicial system.
McLeod: SPY wouldn't have brought him in unless he respected his talents and intended to listen to what he was saying and so I think although Boediono won't be in any of the powerful economics ministries, he certainly will be in a good position to influence the directions of economic policy in this government.
Snowdon: So the benefit of his experience in providing something of a guiding hand perhaps is the thought behind this appointment?
McLeod: I think so, I think Boediono is a very clever guy, he is experienced. He's been a planning minister, he's held a very high level position in the Central Bank and he's been the finance minister, so he certainly knows what it's all about it, and he's pretty much on the ball doing the right sorts of things.
Snowdon: The economic team has come in for criticism over slowing investment, rising inflation and the struggling currency. The key post of finance minister manages the budget and macro-economic policy. Sri Mulyani Indrawati was President Yudhoyono's first choice last year, but her previous senior job with the IMF, the organisation whose policies caused so much pain in the 90's, drew criticism. Here's Ross McLeod.
McLeod: I think she's a very highly regarded economist. I think she's widely respected for her capability and for her desire to sort of do the right thing and to reform things and get things moving. I also think she'll work very well with Boediono, and also she has another colleague in the ministry by the name Marie Pangestu who is the minister for trade and although she hasn't been mentioned in this reshuffle, that simply means that she's retained her portfolio and I think she's very widely respected in Indonesia and by the president and I think that those three in particular will make a very formidable team in the cabinet.
Jakarta Post - December 6, 2005
Yogyakarta -- President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono announced a Cabinet reshuffle on Monday aimed at boosting his government's economic performance against a background of high inflation and unemployment.
The changes to the one-year-old Cabinet saw Boediono, a former finance minister in the administration of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, take over the coordinating minister for the economy post, replacing Aburizal Bakrie, who was given a new assignment as the coordinating minister for people's welfare.
As if to make amends for Aburizal's exit from the economics team, the Golkar Party was awarded two ministerial posts in the economics field, with Fahmi Idris being appointed as the new minister of industry replacing Andung Nitimihardja and newcomer Paskah Suzetta being given the chairmanship of the National Development Planning Board replacing Sri Mulyani Indrawati, who has been appointed minister of finance.
Fahmi's former post of minister of manpower and transmigration has been given to Erman Suparno, the treasurer of the National Awakening Party (PKB) loyal to Abdurrahman Wahid in a move seen as facilitating a reconciliation in the party, and also possibly securing the administration the support of the PKB.
Sri Mulyani, a former International Monetary Fund director, moved to the finance ministry at the expense of Jusuf Anwar.
"I want the Cabinet to be more effective and coordinated," Susilo said in a televised speech from the Yogyakarta presidential palace. The new ministers will be sworn in on Wednesday.
However, nobody was to be allowed to leave feeling hard done by, apparently, as Susilo said he would award consolation posts to Alwi and Anwar, respectively as special envoy to the Middle East and as ambassador in "an important country". But the President said he was still looking for a position that suited Andung.
A reshuffle in the government's economics team had been on the cards ever since the President announced a plan to appraise the record of his aides in October.
The government blamed ballooning fuel subsidy spending as a result of skyrocketing world fuel prices for derailing its economic programs. But analysts said it was the Aburizal-led economics team's limp and tardy responses to a number of worrying trends that spooked the markets.
"The government's public relations have also been lousy. Officials often contradict one another, fail to explain themselves, or project an air of confusion," The Economist said in a September edition.
Susilo said he had completed the planning of the reshuffle on Dec. 1 without any interference from either political parties, individuals or international donors.
"There were no such pressures. Instead, I have to thank the political parties for respecting my prerogatives in this matter," Susilo said. "Neither did I bow to IMF pressure. I did not even think about the IMF."
The President blamed the media for circulating sensational reports and comments about the reshuffle, which he said were "baseless" and condemned as "sparking public confusion".
He said he had completed the planning of the reshuffle on Dec. 1, but it took him four more days to announce it as he had to check the candidates' legal records with the police and the Corruption Eradication Commission, and seek approval from their respective political parties.
Commenting on the new economics team, Bank Mandiri chief economist Martin Panggabean said the President's limited reshuffle was in line with public expectations and his promise to place the right men in the right jobs.
"There is actually nothing unexpected in the reshuffle," he said. "My biggest fear was that the President would split the office of the coordinating economics minister into one for the economy, and one for industry and trade, which would not be good for the economy."
Another economist said he had expected Boediono to also be given the chairmanship of the National Development Planning Board. But he hailed Susilo's decision to unite Boediono, Sri Mulyani and Mari Pangestu in the same team as, he said, all shared "the same ideas on the market economy."
Changes to economics team:
Corruption/collusion/nepotism |
Jakarta Post - December 8, 2005
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- An alliance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) launched on Wednesday a national movement to fight corruption in the country's judiciary system, which they said had reached an alarming level.
The NGOs will soon set up posts in the capital cities of the country's provinces to compile complaints and reports on corrupt practices in the judiciary system as well as provide legal assistance for justice seekers and witnesses in corruption cases.
"This movement will also cooperate with the Judicial Commission and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to follow up reports on corruption in the judiciary system and provide protection for those filing reports on corruption cases," said Firmansyah Arifin, coordinator of the National Consortium for Legal Reform (KRHN), during a ceremony.
KRHN and several other leading NGOs such as the Indonesian Corruption Watchdog (ICW), Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, Society for Monitoring of the Indonesian Judiciary (Mapi), Indonesian Transparency Society (MTI) and Transparency International (TI) initiated the antigraft movement.
Firmansyah said that corruption in the judiciary system had reached an alarming level as it was systemic and involved not only judges and clerks in district courts but also senior judges in the higher courts and the Supreme Court. "The malpractice in the judiciary system is prevalent, both in terms of level and quantity," he said, pointing out the bribery case implicating Supreme Court Chief Justice Bagir Manan and other judges as one example of how corruption was deeply entrenched in the judiciary system.
Firmansyah said that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono must continue the antigraft campaign as corruption in the court system had damaged public confidence and scared investors away.
Judicial Commission Chairman Busyro Muqoddas expressed appreciation for the anticorruption movement, saying it would encourage the public to file reports on corruption cases in state institutions, the bureaucracy and the judiciary system.
"The Judicial Commission needs to have good cooperation with all elements in the society, including the mass media, to file reports on corruption cases and to eliminate the corruption among law enforcers," he said.
ICW coordinator Teten Masduki called on the government and the House of Representatives to speed up the deliberation of the draft law on protection of witnesses to ensure protection for those reporting incidents of corruption. He said that the law was a crucial element of the intensified drive against the rampant corruption in the country.
Radio Australia - December 7, 2005
A new survey of foreign executives has ranked Indonesia the most corrupt country in the Asia Pacific region.
Presenter/Interviewer: Emily Bourke
Speakers: Robert Broadfoot, managing director of Political and Economic Risk Consultancy, Hong Kong
Broadfoot: It was pretty poor throughout the range of variables, the worst grade however was for the police -- when you get the police and the legal system which get a poor grade for corruption -- it's awfully hard to fight the problem when you encounter it because the institutions responsible for fighting corruption are in fact a central part of the problem. In the private sector and this was really throughout the Asian region, but in Indonesia, the customers were the biggest problem that companies were having problems with corruption. It wasn't with suppliers or competitors or internal staff, it was with customers, -- what we see is major buyers and individuals within companies that are purchasing something and those individuals say "if I am going to give you business, what are you going to give me in return?".
Bourke: Compared with other countries what is Indonesia doing, or not doing that could bring itself into a better rating?
Broadfoot: In terms of the trend of corruption -- the trend in Indonesia is improving. I think one of the more encouraging signs is that people are very impressed with President Susilo. He seems to be quite committed to fighting the problem. He has set up his own independent anti-corruption force and for the first time in modern history they have had senior officials who have actually been prosecuted for corruption so we are seeing some cases being dealt with. But he is dealing in a very weak institutional structure and at the same time you've got a de-centralisation of political and economic power in Indonesia so that you have a whole new level of corruption at the local level which possibly wasn't as apparent during the more authoritarian days of President Suharto when everything was very bubbled near the top.
Bourke: Can you put a dollar figure of how much revenue, or how much growth is being lost as a result of the corruption?
Broadfoot: It's very very difficult to do. We try to measure the perceptions of people working in the system. We don't try to quantify the dollar value. Our own personal view is that although countries like Indonesia get a bad grade for corruption, actually countries like the United States, Italy and France -- in dollar values, have a bigger problem with corruption than countries in Asia. Asia doesn't have many examples of an Enron, or a WorldCom you can really point to some multi, multi-billion dollar examples of losses in countries like the US and I'd arguable say that problem of corruption -- in dollar terms -- is just as bad but I think what you can say in the Indonesian case, in the Philippines case is that corruption has interfered with these economies' abilities to develop. It's scared away foreign investors, it's intimidated them, it's added to costs for people and because they haven't grown as rapidly as countries as they should the real cost of corruption is the lack of opportunity cost of the lack of development.
Bourke: What about the future? Where do countries like Indonesia go from here to improve their business opportunities?
Broadfoot: In those countries where you have the biggest problems it really is the political will to change the system -- There may an assumption that more democratic countries are less corrupt but when we looked at India and the Philippines which have democracies, the problem of corruption is just as bad as Vietnam and China which don't have those systems. whereas if you look at Singapore and Hong Kong -- neither of which as great democracies -- they have the least perceived corruption in the region so I think there are some assumption to be revisited, as to what contributes to a clean system.
Media/press freedom |
Jakarta Post - December 6, 2005
Tony Hotland, Jakarta -- In a decision eliciting jeers and cheers from the gallery, the government and the House of Representatives agreed on Monday to postpone the implementation of the much- criticized government regulations on broadcasting.
They settled on a timetable -- over the next two months -- to amend some articles in Law No. 32/2002 on Broadcasting, the ambiguity of which have been blamed for the controversy.
The postponement came after staunch criticism over four regulations, issued on Nov. 16, which media analysts and lawmakers have criticized as a return to the suppression of press freedom and a violation of the broadcasting law.
Press activists and members of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), who observed intently during the hearing between information minister Sofyan Djalil and House Commission I on information and defense, immediately welcomed the decision.
House members had taken turns lambasting the minister and the President for issuing the regulations, with some calling for a flat revocation of all the regulations.
The regulations are No. 49/2005 on foreign broadcasters, No. 50/2005 on private broadcasters, No. 51/2005 on community broadcasters and No. 52/2005 on foreign broadcasters.
Seemingly cornered, minister Sofyan said the regulations were drafted by his predecessor Syamsul Ma'arif and he only complied with a Constitutional Court verdict over a contentious article in the broadcasting law.
Article 33 of the broadcasting law says that licensing-related issues are determined by the "state" through the KPI. The word "state" had been self-claimed by both the information ministry and the KPI, delaying the issuance of government regulations to implement the law for almost a year.
The Constitutional Court, claimed Sofyan, had ruled in favor of the government by stating that it does have the power to regulate broadcasting issues.
House members, some of whom were directly involved in the deliberation and the enactment of the historic law, disputed the verdict.
They said it was the government that would set the rules, but that did not mean that it could take over the power that the broadcasting law had constitutionally embedded in the KPI. All in all, the lawmakers admitted the broadcasting law was prone to multiple interpretations due to the fact that, coupled with political compromises, it was deliberated in haste.
Revising the law, House members agreed on Monday, should be conducted with democracy in mind, where information affairs should be left to the public -- in this case by a quasi-state institution such as the KPI.
The revision process is expected to include the government, the House, the KPI, press experts as well as several former lawmakers who deliberated on the bill.
In the hearing's conclusion, the House told the government to completely lift the current night time ban, which applies to all local broadcasters. That contentious ministerial decision was made several months ago, ostensibly to comply with the so-called campaign to conserve energy.
The House also called on the government to submit by the end of next month, at the latest, a list of questions for the free access to public information bill to start the deliberation process.
Jakarta Post - December 5, 2005
Jakarta -- One may have seen it coming. Perhaps not glaringly conspicuous, but the signs where there for a return to the situation where information would be controlled and restricted by the government.
The first sign was the return of the information ministry as a portfolio ministry early this year, which was met with concern that it would operate like the information ministry during the authoritarian regime of former president Soeharto, who was ousted in 1998.
The Information Ministry during the New Order regime practically controlled all the country's media, and it had sole power to grant and revoke licenses and was thus able to meddle in editorial processes.
The second sign was the ministry's ban on all broadcasters from going to air from midnight to dawn, using the excuse of conserving energy amid ballooning global oil prices. Criticism of this move was quick, including from the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI). However, the protests quickly dissipated.
The third sign was the controversial four sets of government regulations issued recently by the ministry to provide technical implementation of Law No. 32/2002 on broadcasting. The four are government regulations No. 49/2005 on foreign broadcasters, No. 50/2005 on private broadcasters, No. 51/2005 on community broadcasters and No. 52/2005 on subscription-based broadcasters.
Not only did the ministry grace itself with the final say on licensing issues, but it also put boundaries on content -- a clear violation of the broadcasting law, according to experts. Among them is the prohibition on private broadcasters to relay regular news programs from foreign broadcasters, thus limiting sources of information to the public.
Old habits die hard, media analyst Hinca Panjaitan said, referring to the irresistible desire by those in power to control the information received by the public. "All the fears about the ministry are turning into reality. The media is supposed to control the government, but how is it supposed to do so when its life lies in a minister's hands?" he said.
Hinca said the four regulations constituted clear evidence of tight restrictions that were not supposed to be applied in a democracy, where freedom of information is constitutionally guaranteed.
Asked if the government seemed to be wayward on this issue, Hinca said the government was hiding behind the judicial review process. "I suppose they knew criticism would come, but they just want to control. They knew a judicial review would be filed, but they knew it would take years for a verdict to be handed down," he said.
Information minister Sofyan Djalil had said, "Let (critics) file a judicial review, but these regulations will remain in force until there is a verdict".
Unlike a judicial review at the Constitutional Court, a review by the Supreme Court has no maximum period before a verdict has to be handed down. "We'll probably be having another general election, but the judicial review will still be undecided," said Hinca.
Nonetheless, Hinca said a group of media observers were now drafting documents to file a judicial review against the "repressive regulations".
The KPI filed a judicial review on the previous regulations to the Supreme Court in July, but it remains unclear when a verdict would be delivered.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Jakarta -- What you can and cannot see on TV is now practically in the hands of the government, and so is what you can or cannot hear on the radio, say some communications experts.
They were commenting on four recently-issued government regulations on foreign, private, community and subscription-based broadcasters.
With the power to issue and revoke licenses in the hands of the government, there was significant potential for abuses of power to occur so as to ensure the broadcasting of biased information.
Minister of Communications and Information Sofyan Djalil has, however, ruled out such a likelihood, saying that all decisions would be taken on a collective basis.
The government regulations, issued on Nov. 16, require the information minister to invite the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) and other relevant institutions to participate in a forum tasked with deciding on licensing issues based on collective agreement.
However, critics say that "other relevant institutions" is nowhere defined in the regulations and neither is it specified how decisions will be arrived at. They also point to the fact that the minister will have the final say.
This, they say, makes broadcasters vulnerable to government pressure as the government is now in a stronger position than the KPI. "Essentially, this could hamper the (unrestricted) flow of information to the public, and affect matters that might be of interest to the public," said KPI member Ade Armando.
Broadcasters appear to be virtually free now to air programs that contravene the broadcasting standards set by the KPI as, unlike in the Broadcasting Law, no legal penalties are stipulated in the new regulations.
Article 48 of Government Regulation No. 50/2005 on private sector broadcasters says that the KPI can only order that such shows be taken off the air temporarily. "The public is being prejudiced in that they are being exposed to such shows without any possibility of serious action being taken by us, or even by the government," Ade said.
News packages from foreign broadcasters, such as the Voice of America (VoA) and the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), will no longer be allowed. The same applies to music shows featuring "indecent performances" and sports shows featuring "sadistic scenes" from foreign broadcasters. However, no definitions have been included in the regulations.
For viewers of pay-TV, who hand over their money to be able to watch programs uninterrupted by repetitious local advertisements, be prepared for changes. Pay-TV will also now be required to broadcast public service advertisements, and foreign ads will have to be replaced with local ones.
This policy clearly violates the broadcasting law, which prohibits commercial advertising on pay-TV. Community broadcasters will only be allowed to broadcast state events and educational shows, with limited access to shows broadcast by other stations.
Environment |
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Nani Afrida, Banda Aceh -- A leading non-governmental organization (NGO) has opposed a plan by the government to grant forest concessions to 11 businessmen intended to secure a supply of timber for reconstruction work in Aceh.
If the plan materializes, the 11 businessmen will be permitted to cut some 500,000 cubic meters next year in designated forest areas. The forested area in Aceh currently covers 3.265 million hectares.
If the concessions are granted, flooding in the tsunami-wrecked province will increase, says Dewa Gumai, the chief of the advocacy and campaign division of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) Aceh chapter.
The government's argument that the forest concessions are badly needed to assure a supply of logs for Aceh's reconstruction is not right, said Dewa. In order to meet the demand for logs, the government could obtain logs from various sources such as illegal loggers throughout the country or the use of other materials could be encouraged, said Dewa.
Reconstruction work has taken place since the tsunami swept away houses in Aceh's coastal cities in December last year. The government, backed by international donors, has promised to build thousands of houses for tsunami victims and rebuild public facilities, thus raising the demand for wood and other building materials.
Meanwhile, strong opposition to the government plan was also voiced by deputy speaker of the Aceh Legislative Council, Raihan Iskandar. "The government already has a plan to turn Aceh into a green province, but suddenly it is going ahead with another plan to grant businessmen forest concessions," said Raihan.
Separately, chief of the Forestry Office with the Aceh provincial administration Mustafa Hasbullah confirmed the plan, saying he had already received a letter from the Minister of Forestry M.S. Ka'ban that the central government would proceed with the plan.
The plan is not new in Aceh. The central government had also granted forest concessions in Aceh for businessmen several years ago but the grants were all revoked in 2001 after prolonged armed conflict in the province.
Responding to the new plan by the government, the office has asked the minister to conduct a feasibility study before going ahead with the plan. "Since the mounting armed conflict in 1998, the government has not informed us of the forest situation. We need to map out which areas would be suited for forest concessions," said Mustafa.
Forest concessions have been granted nationwide since the Soeharto government. Under the program, the firms granted forest concessions would fell trees in designated areas normally on jungle-clad islands such as Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi and are obliged to replant the area.
The program has drawn criticism from many NGOs as it is prone to irregularities. In some cases, the firms have cut trees beyond the designated areas thus deceiving the state, and in other cases, the firms have not replanted the trees as stipulated in the contracts, thus destroying the forest.
Irregularities continue to occur unchecked as government monitoring is a difficult task in view of the sheer size of the forest.
Agence France Presse - December 4, 2005
Jakarta -- Authorities are preparing to charge 10 senior local officials from the Indonesian part of Borneo with involvement in illegal logging and embezzlement of state reforestation funds.
The district leaders "all come from the regencies in Kalimantan. Legal proceedings against them are still ongoing," Forestry Minister Malam Sambat Kaban was quoted as saying in the English- language Jakarta Post.
Kalimantan is the Indonesian part of the jungle-clad island of Borneo.
Kaban mentioned no names but the prosecutions would be the first clear legal moves taken against senior local officials under the current government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who came to power in October 2004. Yudhoyono declared war against illegal logging in March.
The minister said combating illegal logging was an uphill battle because it involved corrupt officials in at least 16 state institutions, including the police, military, the customs and excise office and his own ministry.
"Many officials are involved in the crime and I admit that the ministry of forestry cannot overcome the complexity of the illegal logging problem alone," Kaban reportedly said.
Indonesian police said separately Saturday they had arrested five state forestry officials and two other men for alleged involvement in the illegal felling of forests on Borneo.
Kaban said that almost half of the country's some 120 million hectares (293 million acres) of natural forest has been logged out over the past 30 years.
Officials have said that illegal logging was costing the country more than three billion dollars in lost revenue annually.
About 74 other forestry ministry officials have been detained since January for backing illegal logging operations in Indonesia -- ranked as one of the world's most graft-prone countries by watchdog Transparency International.
Rapid deforestation has had devastating environmental consequences for both Indonesia and the Southeast Asian region, causing floods and landslides and shrouding nearby countries with haze from illegal fires set to clear land.
Jakarta Post - December 5, 2005
Tb. Arie Rukmantara, Jakarta -- Alleged pollution in Buyat Bay has not been settled yet, but North Sulawesi has yet again become embroiled in an environmental dispute with a mining company.
A group Rinondoran Bay residents are holding a week-long "road show" in Jakarta to protest the operation of British gold mining firm PT Meares Soputan Mining (MSM) on fears that it would pollute waters in the province.
"The company will dispose of their waste into the water. We're afraid it will threaten our health and our lives," said Hitsel Kasamu, one of the residents. Hitsel is the coordinator of the People's Alliance against Mining Waste.
About 10 Rinondoran Bay residents relayed their concerns to the National Commission on Human Rights, the House of Representatives, the Regional Representative Council, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, the Office of State Minister of Environment, the Ministry of Maritime and Fisheries and the British Embassy.
They claim to have received support from 10,000 residents who oppose the planned disposal method.
Hitsel said the residents have learned from the Buyat Bay case, which implicates US-owned PT Newmont Minahasa Raya.
"The Newmont case shows that submarine tailing disposal (STD) will endanger our waters. Buyat people suffered illnesses that we are not familiar with. We don't want to follow suit," Hitsel said.
Rinondoran Bay is divided between North Minahasa regency and Bitung municipality. It is located some 200 kilometers from Buyat Bay.
The Anti-Mining Network (Jatam) estimated that MSM would dump 1.2 million to 1.7 million tons of waste onto the Rinondoran seabed.
"It would pile up six million to eight million tons of waste at the end of their five-year operation," Jatam coordinator Siti Maimunah said recently.
Ros Masedung, a resident of Batu Putih village in Bitung, said that most of some 36,000 people living around the bay were fishermen, who produced 4,000 to 5,000 tons of fish per month.
"If the waste pollutes the sea, I'm sure our catch will decrease and fishermen will lose their jobs," she said.
She also warned that mining waste would harm the rich biodiversity of Lembeh Strait, which has 25 diving sites.
A diving website says that the collection of fish at the strait include Ambon scorpion fish (Pteroidichthys amboinensis), stonefish, sea robins, stargazers, devil fish and even the weedy scorpionfish (Rhinopias frondosa), as well as at least seven different species of seahorses, pegasus, ghost pipefish and the endemic Banggai cardinalfish.
State Minister of Environment Rachmat Witoelar cautiously responded to the case. "We will carefully study the case. We'll find out whether there are alternatives for tailings disposal other than STD," he said.
At present, only PT Newmont Minahasa Raya and PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara have obtained permits to apply STD.
MSM director Peter Brown dismissed residents' fear, saying STD was the best solution his company could find to dispose of its cyanide waste.
"We have studied other options such as land tailings, but geographically it doesn't suit Rinondoran soil. Moreover, it will be more costly because we have to prepare enough land area to bury the waste," he said.
Brown said the waste would be dumped at 150 meters below the surface and would settle at 800 to 1,200 meters. He said before the government decided anything, MSM would go on with the project.
"We have the contract that allows us to extract the site. So, in the meantime we don't see any reason why we have to stop doing what we are doing now," he said, adding that currently MSM was constructing the mining sites.
MSM is owned by British-based Archipelago Resources and Ausindo, and have invested about US$300 million in the country. The firm controls over 741,000 hectares of mining concessions in North Minahasa and Bitung that is estimated to produce 162,000 ounces of gold every year.
Jakarta Post - December 5, 2005
Rusman, Samarinda -- After illegal logging, coal mining is now the biggest danger to the environment of East Kalimantan. Many coal mines -- especially those run by local cooperatives -- have abandoned prudent principles in running their mines, leading to environmental destruction in the respective areas.
In Sangasanga, Kutai Kartanegara regency, for instance, a coal mine managed by such a cooperative has simply been abandoned without any attempt at restoration, and leaving the surrounding environment in a critical state. A local resident, Nurdin, 36, expressed concern that irresponsible actions have damaged the environment. "The quality of ground water was good before and could be used for people's daily needs. But not now. It has been polluted. It's smelly and isn't clear any more," he said.
Legal cases involving the coal mining industry in East Kalimantan are becoming more prevalent. Police in Kutai Kartanegara regency are probing 26 cases involving the issuance of forged mining permits. So far, four people have been named as suspects for forging mining permits issued by the local regency government.
Data from the East Kalimantan Statistics Agency reveals that the production capacity of coal in 2004 was estimated at 50 million tons annually.
The figure has declined compared to the previous year's total of 55 million tons. In 2003, non-oil and gas natural resources contributed as much as 21 percent to the Gross Regional Product of East Kalimantan, or Rp 88 trillion (US$8.8 billion) annually.
Meanwhile, uncontrolled coal mines run by cooperatives have caused the public to become concerned, with the managing director of the East Kalimantan Chamber of Commerce, Ruben Tumade, deploring the unrestrained issuance of mining permits by local officials without going through a selection process or environmental supervision. "Just imagine, the environment that has been destroyed by illegal logging will get even worse with rampant illegal mining," said Ruben.
According to Ruben, mining permits should be issued by the provincial administration because local (regental) officials often invoke regional autonomy as an excuse to issue as many permits as possible, without concern for the environmental impacts. "The government must be stern in resolving the problem before the number of illegal coal mines swells further, because investors will not have faith in the government and this will create a bad image for the regional economy," he said.
Head of the East Kalimantan Mining and Mineral Resources Office, Syaiful Bahri, acknowledged that illegal coal mining was widespread at the moment and that most of the illegal miners only used simple tools. Most of the illegal mines are found in Kutai Kartanegara, West Kutai and East Kutai regencies, and Samarinda municipality.
He said that the problem was within the authority of the regental and municipal administrations and thus the provincial administration could not take action against environmental violations.
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Tb. Arie Rukmantara, Jakarta -- The government has decided not to appeal against a recent court ruling in favor of PT Newmont Minahasa Raya (NMR) arising out of a pollution case in North Sulawesi, saying the two sides were currently working on an amicable settlement.
State Minister for the Environment Rachmat Witoelar announced the government's decision here on Thursday when he met people from North Minahasa and NGO activists at his office.
"The government has decided not to appeal. We initially chose to go to international arbitration as urged by the court. But, since negotiations between the government and Newmont have almost reached a successful conclusion, it looks likely that there will be an out-of-court settlement," the minister said.
In the middle of last month, the South Jakarta District Court rejected the government's US$133 million civil suit against NMR, whose operations are located at Buyat Bay in South Minahasa regency, North Sulawesi.
The civil action was taken after the government accused NMR, a local subsidiary of the world's largest gold producer, Newmont Mining Corp., of polluting Buyat Bay through its waste disposal processes, which environmentalists claimed had released mercury and arsenic into the waters of the bay, which had affected the health of local villagers.
A criminal case against the company is being heard separately in Manado District Court.
Rachmat said the decision had been made in order to immediately help the villagers of Buyat Bay and rehabilitate the area.
"If we appeal, it could take months or even years for a verdict to be handed down. By negotiating, we are seeking an agreement so that we will be able to quickly compensate the people and rehabilitate the mining area," he said.
The government negotiating team is led by chief economics minister Aburizal Bakrie.
His deputy Mahendra Siregar told The Jakarta Post that all the basic principles of the deal had been agreed and currently both sides were discussing how to put it into effect.
"We are working very hard to close the deal soon. The deal includes a community development program in the mining area," Mahendra said.
A source closed to the negotiations said the two sides would almost certainly agree on a US$30 million community development fund to help the Buyat villagers.
NMR lawyer Luhut M. Pangaribuan welcomed the decision, saying it proved that the government was sincere in honoring the sanctity of contract.
"The contract states that should there be a dispute between the government and the company, it should be settled through international arbitration or negotiations. I'm glad that the government has chosen the latter," he told the Post.
Health & education |
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Jakarta -- With little fanfare, the House of Representatives unanimously agreed on Tuesday to pass the bill on teachers and lecturers, which aims to improve the educators' welfare.
Reception of the endorsement was generally subdued across the country, in spite of the fact that the bill requires the government to remunerate teachers and lecturers at state schools and universities at a level that is above the minimum cost of living.
Instead of celebrating the bill's approval, hundreds of teachers in East Lombok regency, West Nusa Tenggara went on strike on Tuesday to protest the local administration's policy to cut their monthly salary by 2.5 percent for alms, Antara reported.
The strike took place while students were taking their exams, forcing Governor Lalu Serinata to step in.
"Whatever the reason, the strike is deplorable because it is the students who suffer," Serinata said during his visit to Kupang in the neighboring province of East Nusa Tenggara Serinata also ordered East Lampung Regent Muhammad Ali bin Dachlan to stop the alms collection, which according to the teachers was by force.
Desperately seeking better pay, nearly 800 contractual teachers assembled at the education agency office in Kotabaru, South Kalimantan to register themselves for civil servant recruitment tests next year.
Spokesman for the Kotabaru Education Agency Hartono said the local administration was in need of hundreds of teachers who would be placed in state schools across the regency.
The contractual teachers receive Rp 550,000 (US$55) per month, plus Rp 90,000 in incentives. The government said newly recruited civil servants, including state teachers and lecturers, would receive at least Rp 1 million in take-home pay starting next year.
Under the bill on teachers and lecturers, the government is required to improve conditions for these professionals.
Full-time teachers and lecturers will be entitled to receive a couple of additional monthly allowances, including a professional allowance, as well as educational benefits for their children.
Private education institutes are exempted from the consequences of the bill's passage, but are called to adjust to the legislation once it comes into effect.
"Those who work at private schools and universities are entitled to equal appreciation and rewards received by their counterparts working for the state," Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) lawmaker Dedy Sutomo said after the House plenary session to endorse the bill.
He said the bill, which was initiated by the House, was aimed at restoring the pride of teachers, whether they worked for state or private institutions.
"Recognition of the teaching profession would put an end to the perception of teachers as altruistic heroes," said Dedy, who is an actor.
He said the quality of teachers here lagged behind others in the region, partly because teachers and lecturers did not feel secure in terms of welfare.
Lawmakers agree that efforts to improve the quality and quantity of teachers and lecturers will fail if the government does not allocate 20 percent of the state budget to the education sector in line with the Constitution.
Agence France Presse - December 3, 2005
Jakarta -- Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous nation, is scurrying to ready for a potential bird flu pandemic but health and animal husbandry officials warn they so far lack crucial resources.
The deadly H5N1 strain of avian influenza has claimed the lives of at least eight Indonesians -- possibly many more -- and millions of poultry have died in scattered outbreaks across the archipelago of more than 17,000 islands.
The government has appointed 44 hospitals nationwide to treat bird flu patients and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said last week the government was preparing a national monitoring system involving millions of people at village level.
But officials on the ground complain they have not received funds or equipment from the central government, which oversees a health system that was hard-pressed responding to last year's catastrophic tsunami after enduring years of chronic underfunding.
The General Hospital at Garut in densely-populated West Java, about 200 kilometres (124 miles) southeast of Jakarta, had not received any extra funds or equipment since being named as one of the facilities treating bird flu patients, its head of medical services Wijayanti said.
"We are a government-funded hospital which is not profit- oriented, so we make do with what we have," she told AFP.
"The room we have converted into an isolation room is actually not suitable for isolation because it is not well sealed," she said. The hospital has not received any patients yet.
Halid Saleh, a doctor in charge of bird flu at the main state hospital in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar, the country's sixth largest city, said they had prepared two rooms which could accommodate six patients.
But they are not equipped with emergency equipment such as ventilators, syringe pumps, electrocardiogram monitors and oximeters, which are helpful to treat extremely ill bird flu patients, he said. "We were promised the equipment by Jakarta last month but we haven't received it," he told AFP.
Ilham Patu, spokesman for Sulianti Saroso hospital, which has provided medical care for most bird flu cases in Indonesia, said he was satisfied the facility had enough equipment to cope, with Japan making donations recently.
The hospital has designated 44 beds and four intensive care units available for bird flu patients. Currently there are six suspected cases at the hospital.
Animal husbandry officials meanwhile say they are hard-pressed monitoring poultry in Indonesia, where many people even in urban areas keep chickens at their homes.
It is precisely this close proximity between infected birds and humans that scientists fear may result in the H5N1 virus mutating into a form that could be easily passed on by humans -- sparking a pandemic that could kill millions. Nearly 70 fatalities have been reported since 2003 in Asia.
The animal husbandry office head in South Sulawesi, where about 550,000 fowl have died of bird flu since 2003, said no outbreaks had been reported in the province since September -- but a dearth of funds was hampering surveillance. "To be highly mobile we need motorcycles and cars. We need more funds from Jakarta," he said.
His counterpart in West Jakarta, Riana Faiza, told the Jakarta Post last week that his office had not received any funds from the central government or the local Jakarta administration.
"We have heard the government has been allocating money to local administrations to deal with bird flu for the last several months, but we have not received any money," he said.
Hariyadi Wibisono, director of vector-borne disease control at the health ministry, said officials were taking inventory of the regions' needs.
"We are preparing everything, training people, buying equipment. It's not like if we decide on something today then tomorrow everything will be ready. It doesn't work that way," he told AFP.
He said hospitals were generally well-equipped because they had previously prepared for outbreaks of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome ( SARS), which struck the region without warning in 2003 and claimed almost 800 lives. No cases were however eventually confirmed here.
World Bank country director Andrew Steer told reporters last week that Indonesia was paying serious attention to the disease, but he urged the government to immediately "put together some really detailed plans."
"The worst thing to do obviously is to claim that you've got things under control and I think now Indonesia recognises it doesn't have things under control, because it's so extraordinarily difficult," he warned.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Luh Putu Trisna Wahyuni, Mataram -- Thousands of teachers in East Lombok regency have been on strike since Thursday to protest against the implementation of a bylaw passed two years ago requiring compulsory deductions from their salaries, ostensibly for charitable purposes.
The strike has closed 400 schools ranging from the elementary to high school levels. "We will continue our strike until the bylaw is revoked," said teacher Eni Hasnidawati.
Besides demanding that the East Lombok administration revoke the bylaw that obliges teachers to pay 2.5 percent of their total salaries for charitable purposes each month, the teachers also demanded the administration refund them the deductions that had been made to their salaries over the past two years.
The "alms" bylaw was the brainchild of the Moch. Ali bin Dahlan administration and affects all local government workers in the regency, not just teachers.
The 2.5 percent deduction comes on top of normal tax, and has been particularly keenly felt since the fuel price hikes on Oct. 1.
Protests against the compulsory deduction have been staged by various quarters since the bylaw took effect two years ago, but have so far fallen on deaf ears.
Despite the continuing protests, East Lombok administration spokesman Sahabudin said they only involved a small proportion of East Lombok government workers. He claimed the regency government had conducted a survey that found that 74 percent of civil servants actually agreed with the deductions.
Separately, West Nusa Tenggara provincial administration spokesman Lalu Gita Aryadi admitted on Friday that the bylaw was controversial. While the idea of donating 2.5 percent of income to charity is required by Islam, enforcing this against a backdrop of financial hardship among teachers could be considered unwise.
He said the provincial administration could not intervene in the issue as it came within the purview of the East Lombok regency administration.
In a separate development, a leading educator threw his weight behind the teachers' strike. The bylaw had only worsened the lot of teachers and therefore should be annulled, said the chairman of the Indonesian Teachers Association (PGRI)'s West Nusa Tenggara branch, Lalu Subki.
"It's unfair to force the teachers to pay these alms as they are so badly paid," said Subki as quoted by Antara news agency on Friday.
Islam requires alms-giving as part of the effort to promote equity in society, especially at Idul Fitri. It also encourages the haves to donate 2.5 percent of their income to the poor.
Jakarta Post - December 3, 2005
Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Junior high school No. 56 in Melawai, South Jakarta, was swapped away by the city administration to a private company, and now parents are fighting to save a junior high school in Tanah Abang, Central Jakarta, from sharing the same fate.
Parents of students of junior high school No. 273 arrived at the City Council on Friday to demand the administration cancel a plan to deal the school and the 3,752 square meters of land on which it sits to a private company.
Toro, one of the parents, called on the City Council to stop the deal, saying the 450 students at the school would suffer if they had to move to new, more distant schools.
"The majority of the students live in Tanah Abang and the surrounding areas.... We hope the council will stop the deal," said Toro. He said the parents were concerned by rumors the students would be moved to a school in Cibubur, East Jakarta.
Last year, the land on which junior high school No. 56 in Melawai was sold to developer PT Tata Disantara -- owned by former manpower minister Latief. The property was swapped for two school buildings in Jeruk Purut and Bintaro, far from where the students lived.
Protesting students and teachers continued to meet in the Melawai school, before the administration pressed charges against them for holding illegal educational activities.
Eleven members of City Council's Commission E for education, health and people's welfare drafted a petition on Friday demanding the deal for the Tanah Abang school be canceled.
Deputy Governor Fauzi Bowo said he had asked the City Audit Agency to investigate the matter and gather more information about the land swap.
According to Fauzi, the whole process began when the Ministry of Finance issued an agreement in principle to swap the Tanah Abang school for a parcel of land on July 13, 2000.
Then on Feb. 13, 2001, the National Education Office in Jakarta, in letter No. 112/10.E/LK/2003, named PT Karta Loka Adhi Mandiri as the candidate buyer of the school.
On June 27, 2001, the Ministry of National Education handed over the process to the city administration. "But we have not received any detailed information about the land swap, like who the buyers are or when the execution date is. We want to know more," said Fauzi.
Business & investment |
Jakarta Post - December 2, 2005
Jakarta -- Higher crude palm oil and rubber production contributed to a 19 percent increase in the country's non-oil and gas exports during the first 10 months of the year, the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) has reported.
Non-oil and gas exports during the period increased to US$54.5 billion from $45.9 billion compared to the corresponding period last year.
Exports of rubber and rubber products as of October 2005 experienced the biggest increase at 14 percent to $2.8 billion this year compared to $2.4 billion last year.
The surging global price of rubber and increasing demand, especially from rapidly growing China, contributed to the increase in the value of Indonesia's exports of the commodity.
Meanwhile, exports of vegetable oil products, mainly crude palm oil and its derivatives, were up by 11 percent to $3.9 billion from $3.5 billion last year, also due to higher global demand despite declining world prices.
Supported by stronger global demand for electronic and mechanical goods, January-to-October total exports stood at $6.1 billion, a 9 percent increase over the same period in the previous year.
As of October this year, exports of electronics rose to $6.1 billion from $5.6 billion in the same period last year.
Non-oil and gas exports during the January-October period accounted for almost 78 percent of Indonesia's total income from international trade.
Sales of oil and gas, meanwhile, rose 22.2 percent in the same period to $15.8 billion.
Indonesia's exports hit a record high last year, reaching $69.71 billion, up 11.49 percent from 2003. This was mainly attributable to strong sales of non-oil and gas commodities and manufactured goods, including palm oil, electronic goods, clothing, coal and tin.
However, the Ministry of Trade's research unit warned that the increase would probably be lower this year -- at between 13 percent and 14 percent -- due to a shift to online recording.
The country's trade balance recorded a surplus of $21.6 billion as of October this year, with imports standing at $48.6 billion.
The BPS also reported that January-October imports increased 29.13 percent to $48.63 million from $37.66 million in the same period last year. Of this figure, oil and gas imports rose by 58.59 percent while non-oil and gas imports were up by 19.41 percent.
Opinion & analysis |
Jakarta Post - December 7, 2005
Makmur Keliat, Jakarta -- The Indonesian government has relied on three popular arguments to convince the people that the increases in the fuel prices were the right decision.
First, the price of fuel, domestically, was far below the price of the international market. Second, the price of fuel, it was argued, mainly benefited the rich on the grounds that the largest part of the subsidized prices were consumed by the middle and upper class members of Indonesian society. Third, if price corrections were not made, then there would be a huge deficit in the state budget and a great temptation for fuel to be smuggled out of the country.
Seen from the logic of political economics, the government's decision to increase the price of fuel has symbolized the paradox of the state's autonomy.
On the one hand, it has implied the weak autonomy of state to cope with challenges posed by the dynamics of the global market. In essence the decision has displayed the victory of the market over the state. How the market has overpowered the state can be clearly seen from the alterations of the state budget. The fact that the budget has been frequently revised due to the increase in oil prices on the global market clearly shows that the control over the state budget no longer fully rests in the hands of government.
That is why it is very difficult to accept the view that the state budget is an instrument through which Indonesia exercises its national sovereignty.
On the other hand, the rise of fuel prices has also reflected the strong autonomy of state vis-a-vis domestic pressures. The insistence of government to impose such a massive hike, indeed unprecedented in the history of Indonesia, indicates the strong conviction of policy makers that the public does not have enough political capacity to resist the decision.
The weak resistance of the public can be attributed to the government's acumen by stating that the price of fuel mainly benefits the middle and the upper classes. Such an argument has created mixed feelings and polarized society, particularly between the middle and the lower class.
The government has also systematically polarized the society by launching the direct cash assistance policy (BLT policy) to the poor shortly after government decided to increase gasoline, diesel and kerosene prices.
The policy has shifted the agenda of public discussion from reasons behind the drastic rise of fuel prices to the question of whether the policy has been honestly disbursed to those who can be categorized as poor and the needy.
There has been no serious public discussion on the government's argument about international prices.
Rooted in the neo-liberal perspective, the term international price basically refers to a mechanism for pricing policy fully based on demand and supply on the international market. It is strongly believed that international price is the least distorted and the most efficient mechanism for allocating national resources.
The absence of serious public discussion on international prices has sent alarming signals. The neo-liberal perspective seems to have succeeded in transforming their ideas into hegemonic power in the Gramscian sense, since it has dominated not only the intellectual constructs of policy makers but also the mindset of the public in general.
Indeed, if the government has a strong commitment to upholding the principle of international pricing, then the entire regulation governing all tariffs on imports should be abolished. As the proponents of neo-liberalism always point out, tax collected by government from goods coming into a country will harm consumers because they have to pay more.
But it is most likely that such decisions will never be adopted because the abolition of the import tariffs will reduce substantially the government's revenue. Therefore, it is not an exaggeration to say that government has put forward the argument of international prices mainly to reduce the government's expenditure in the state budget. To put it a different way, it is not intended to reduce the government revenue.
The problem with this policy is that the behavior of the state is almost similar to the behavior of traders whose main concern is how to get more revenue and reduce expenditure. The question then: Is this the state Indonesia is expecting to have in the future? Is this the state that Indonesians are dreaming about? Could we justify the existence of a state whose preoccupation is how to gain "profit" from its activities?
The questions need to be answered because a number of human development activities, particularly in the educational and health sectors, have been driven to get their income via market mechanisms. This, for instance, can be seen from the introduction of State Owned Law Body status for a number of universities in Indonesia.
Similarly, there have been a number of reports showing that public health centers (Puskesmas) at the village level have run their activities like private businesses. For those who support the behavior of state similar with that of free enterprise businesspeople may think that this is the right track to transform Indonesia into a trading nation. But, such activities could also become a perilous road as it could also push the country into a "traded nation".
The reason is that all activities will be judged and evaluated on the basis of profitability through the market mechanisms. If this spirit is used as a yardstick then the state will surely lose its energy to promote justice, particularly for those who have been marginalized and unable to compete in the market.
[The writer is the Executive Director at the Center for East Asian Cooperation Studies and International Relations with the school of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Indonesia.]
Dominion Post Editorial (New Zealand) - December 5, 2005
Britain, a former foreign secretary once declared, had no permanent allies, only permanent interests. Lord Palmerston, a 19th-century political giant, died 140 years ago but his legacy lives on.
Just-released diplomatic papers show the British government lied about Indonesian atrocities in East Timor in 1975, used its position as chair of the United Nations security council to shield Indonesia from criticism over the invasion and helped to cover up its murder of five western newsmen, including New Zealander Gary Cunningham.
The Australian public was outraged by the deaths, but Sir John Ford, Britain's ambassador in Jakarta, asked Australia not to press Indonesia for details. "We have suggested to the Australians that since we, in fact, know what happened to the newsmen, it is pointless to go on demanding information from the Indonesians which they cannot, or are unwilling to, provide," he cabled the Foreign Office eight days after the killings.
A few months later, Sir John advised his masters that Indonesian troops had gone on a murderous rampage in the East Timorese capital of Dili, but recommended the Foreign Office respond to any queries about atrocities by saying it had no information. The affair constitutes a shameful chapter in British history, but Britain was not alone in helping the anti-communist Indonesian dictator Suharto cover up his actions. Official papers released in Australia in September show the Australian government tacitly approved the invasion while publicly siding with the East Timorese.
Neither is New Zealand's record over East Timor stellar. For years, successive governments insisted the Indonesian "intervention" was "irreversible".
Unfortunately, the western perfidy over East Timor is not unique. A document recently uncovered in Paris suggests France knew atmospheric nuclear tests at Mururoa Atoll in 1966 posed a grave risk to the people of nearby Mangareva Island, but chose not to evacuate them for political and psychological reasons. As a result, 570 islanders were exposed to radiation levels 142 times higher than within the restricted zone at Chernobyl.
Other documents issued in London show the French government tried to blame the 1985 sinking of the Rainbow Warrior in Auckland Harbour on Britain's MI6 to deflect attention from then-president Francois Mitterrand.
Add to those cases the manipulation of intelligence by the US and Britain to justify the invasion of Iraq and it is no wonder people are becoming increasingly distrustful of their governments.
It may be that there are occasions when governments and officials are justified in dissembling for the greater good, but in the vast majority of cases, the public interest is best served by transparency and accountability.
Too often, secrecy is used to cloak incompetence, corruption and self-interest. Sunlight is the best disinfectant for all.
If the politicians and officials who succoured Suharto's government really think their actions were justified, they should explain to the families of the 200,000 East Timorese killed during the Indonesian occupation how their relatives' deaths served a higher purpose.
Jakarta Post Editorial - December 5, 2005
This nation is learning -- the tough way -- the hard lessons of democracy. Each new challenge brings forth a new response that either regresses or propels this nascent democracy forward.
One of the most important lessons is the dangers of complacency. That the inherent values that make a true democracy work need continuous cultivation and activism. We are beginning to understand that no matter how benevolent our leaders, it is the innate nature of government to strive to expand its control and assume total domination of the levers of influence. Even if the ultimate result flies in the face of the very principles these leaders initially fought for.
Sometimes a sense of righteousness compels so-called "democratic leaders" to commit the sins of their oppressive predecessors.
Hence, one of the primary components of a democracy is the existence of a system of checks and balances involving the parliament, judiciary, electoral system and the media.
Not surprisingly, the corruption of the legislature, emasculation of the judiciary, manipulation of the electoral system and the cowering of press were all hallmarks of the New Order's Machiavellian nature.
In 1984, the Ministry of Information issued a regulation that would be the bane of the Indonesian press for the next 14 years.
The regulation placed a dark cloud of anxiety over the freedom of expression as the regulation gave the government the absolute right to summarily revoke the publishing licenses of media outlets, which would effectively shut offending publications down. Five years later, similar rules were applied to private TV stations.
It took the fall of the New Order regime and a long overdue wave of political reform to ensure that freedom of expression began to gain respect once again in this country. A month after the resignation of President Soeharto in May 1998, the Ministry of Information regulation was revoked and replaced a year later by a new Press Law that relieved media outlets of the need to seek publishing permits from the government.
In 2002, Law No. 32 was passed removing the government's authority to issue and revoke broadcasting licenses by transferring this power to a new independent body called the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI).
Commission members must not be members of political parties or the government, and are selected by the House of Representatives to serve three-year terms.
In spite of these "milestones", there is ample proof that freedom of expression and freedom of the press remain more in the way of slogans rather than actual convictions.
The criminalization of the press during the Tempo court saga and the conviction of protesters for "slandering" the President are some recent examples of this reality.
The signing by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of four regulations on broadcasting (Government Regulations No. 49- 52/2005) last month is another blatant affront to the basic right of expression over the airwaves.
Without going into the details, the regulations -- particularly Government Regulation No. 50/2005 -- demotes the role of the KPI to that of an administrative body, while the power to censure and shut down broadcasters is given to the government. All of which is in violation of the 2002 Broadcasting Law.
The extent of the government's intrusion is such that even changes in internal rules or appointments to the executive boards of broadcasters must first be reported to the government (the Minister of Communications and Information), before being approved by the company's shareholders.
There is also a clear intent to limit the information received by the public as the regulation forbids the scheduled relay of foreign news programs.
Unfortunately, these tactics and methods are, sadly, all too familiar. Control of the print media and airwaves is always the first pillar of democracy to come under attack.
Like the air we breath, freedom of expression and thought are inalienable God-given rights that no human being has a right to summarily abrogate.
Only those who sup with the devil -- tyrants and despots -- would say otherwise.
We applaud the members of the House who have criticized these misconceived regulations. We roundly condemn the dismissive manner in which Minister of Communications and Information Sofyan Djalil brushed off these criticisms by suggesting that those who object could still challenge the regulations in the Supreme Court.
We -- all people who believe in freedom of expression -- will certainly act on Sofyan's suggestion. And maybe at the same time consider the need for the replacement of a minister who could so blindly defend such blatantly retrograde regulations.
At a time when we thought freedom of expression was finally becoming safely anchored in our nation, we suddenly realize that everything is still up in the air.
We can never afford to be so complacent again.