News & issues

YLKI blasts government's failure to disburse subsidy funds

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2005

Jakarta -- As malnutrition cases across the country hit the headlines, the Indonesian Consumers Foundation (YLKI) has drawn attention to the government's failure to disburse the fund for the poor generated by slashing the fuel subsidy.

"For the last three months the people have had to live with the fuel price increase, which has caused the prices of basic necessities to increase, but people in hardship have been offered no financial help.

"Malnutrition occurs because people can no longer afford to buy healthy food," YLKI chairwoman Indah Suksmaningsih said on Friday.

The consumer watchdog presented the results of its research together with the Public Health School of the University of Indonesia on the state's health program since the fuel price increase in March, as well as the YLKI's analysis of the impact of the fuel price raise enforced almost every year since 2001.

The YLKI's researcher in the health sector, Ilyani Andang, explained that malnutrition is a short-term phenomena that occurs if a child's diet is deficient in carbohydrates and proteins over a three to six month period.

"What has happened over the last three to six months? The price of fuel went up," Ilyani said.

Of the Rp 20 trillion (US$2.08 billion) saved from the slashed subsidy this year, Rp 2.1 trillion has been allocated for health care, specifically to set up health insurance for 36 million impoverished people.

The YLKI said the insurance scheme would not be effective in preventing malnutrition cases because the scheme was a curative action. "To stop this problem, the government has to set up preventive actions, not curative ones," said Ilyani.

The YLKI said the state budget allocation for the health sector was too small at 2.5 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP), or US$2 per person per year. "It is even lower compared to Vietnam's health budget, which is around 4 percent," said Indah.

The foundation said that health services at regional level were worst, as provincial administrations allocated only around 0.56 percent to 5 percent of their provincial budget. "Several administrations have even treated puskesmas (community health centers) and the posyandu (integrated health service posts) as their cash cow," said Ilyani.

Indah said the government had been slow in disbursing the fund for the underprivileged, but acted with great speed when it came to raising tariffs for public services.

At the press conference, the YLKI rejected the plan to raise tap water and electricity tariffs as this would not guarantee the quality of services provided by PT PLN and city water companies would improve.

"The electrical power shortage was caused by the fuel price increase, which meant PLN could not afford to buy more fuel to run its plants. Moreover, increasing the tap water tariff would only cause people to turn to well water, which is often polluted," Indah said.

Indonesia faces new mega-tsunami

The Guardian (UK) - June 9, 2005

David Adam -- Another catastrophic giant earthquake similar to the one that caused carnage across the Indian Ocean on Boxing Day last year is lurking off Indonesia, say scientists.

Recent seismic activity in the region has piled dangerous levels of stress onto a section of the Sunda trench fault zone west of Sumatra. This makes a large earthquake there far more likely and could trigger another devastating tsunami.

The warning comes from a team of seismologists at the University of Ulster in Coleraine. Professor John McCloskey, who led the research, said: "This is a very scary event we're concerned about. The potential for a devastating tsunami from it is significant and real. I hope it doesn't happen, but the indications are really strong that it will, maybe even soon."

Giant earthquakes can raise stress in surrounding rocks, making other seismic slips more likely. In March the Ulster group looked at the effects of the Boxing Day event and predicted another giant earthquake would strike the region.

Less than two weeks later, on March 28, an adjacent region of the fault gave way. The magnitude 8.7 earthquake killed an estimated 2,000 people, mainly on the island of Nias.

The Ulster team has now used the same technique to assess the aftermath of that second quake. Their analysis shows stress in the region to the south of the March 28 rupture has increased by up to 8 bar, priming it for a massive megathrust quake where one tectonic plate slips beneath another.

The scientists cannot predict exactly when the next earthquake might strike, but say local people ought to be prepared. There are plans to deploy sensors to detect tsunamis throughout the Indian Ocean, but no system is yet in place.

The Mentawai islands face the greatest threat. Although stress increases are higher near the Batu islands, an earthquake last struck there in 1935. The Mentawai section of the fault has not slipped since 1833, when records show the resulting giant earthquake caused a large tsunami.

Prof McCloskey said his calculations suggest the risk of another massive earthquake is now greater than it was before March 28. "There are several indications that this one looks like a stronger interaction than the last. The actual stresses we measure are more or less the same but the ripeness of the fault now is of real concern."

The recent increase in the number of small and medium earthquakes in the area is also ringing alarm bells. A magnitude 6.3 earthquake struck off the Indonesian coast yesterday but there were no reports of damage or casualties. It sparked panic in Sinabang, the main town of Simeulue off Sumatra, but did not trigger a tsunami.

Indonesia has been rocked by repeated tremors since the Boxing Day event that killed more than 176,000 people in 11 countries, and left about 50,000 missing and hundreds of thousands homeless.

Tony Blair is to push for an international network of scientists to watch the world for potential natural disasters. It would also identify the gaps in the understanding of the natural world and look at new ways to help protect the most vulnerable populations.

"The events of Boxing Day 2004 have demonstrated that we ignore extreme natural hazards at our peril," said Sir David King, chief scientific adviser to the cabinet, who set up the working group.

"We must take up the challenge of identifying such threats, understanding the processes and mechanisms that underpin them, and developing effective systems to mitigate their impact."

Aceh

Jakarta pressures Acehnese rebels over peace deal

World Socialist Web Site - June 15, 2005

John Roberts -- Talks in the Finnish capital Helsinki between the Indonesian government and the exiled leadership of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) ended on May 31. The outcome of the meeting, the fourth since the devastating Boxing Day tsunami, has been praised by spokesmen from both sides and the Finnish mediators as a major step forward. A final deal by August is mooted. The Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) organisation, headed by former Finnish President Martii Ahtisaari, has been charged with drawing up documents for a fifth round to begin on July 12. These are to serve as the basis for an agreement to end the 30-year conflict that has cost at least 12,000 lives. European Union (EU) observers, who attended the May talks, have offered to mediate in the implementation of any settlement.

It is clear that any agreement will involve major concessions from GAM. Its participation in the talks was on the basis that it would temporarily give up its demands for full independence in return for political concessions in the form of increased autonomy and a measure of "self government".

At present, however, it is not even certain that GAM will be permitted to take part in local elections. Indonesian negotiators, headed by Justice Minister Hamid Awaluddin, ruled out any change to constitutional and electoral law prohibitions on locally-based political parties and on the advocacy of separatism. Indonesian law requires all political parties to be nationally based and have extensive organisation in at least half of the nation's 33 provinces.

These anti-democratic laws effectively prevent GAM from participating in the first-ever direct provincial regency elections due to take place by October. Even if it were to end any agitation for secession, GAM, which is based solely in Aceh, would not be able to meet the legal requirements to be registered as a political party.

Another significant stumbling block remains GAM's demand for the demilitarisation of the province. Over the past two years, the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) have waged a ruthless counter- insurgency operation against GAM, involving 56,000 heavily-armed troops and police. Until recently, the province was under emergency rule, providing the military with sweeping powers and resulting in widespread abuses, including torture and extra- judicial killings.

The points of agreement at the talks were limited to disbursement of royalties from the oil and gas enterprises operating in Aceh and a number of administrative measures. Despite his publicly expressed optimism over the result of the latest talks, CMI head Ahtisaari admitted to the AKI news service that GAM's participation in politics remained "problematic".

If a final agreement is in sight, it indicates that the TNI offensive, combined with the impact of the December 26 tsunami, has seriously weakened GAM. The tsunami killed about 160,000 people, rendered another 500,000 homeless and wrecked about one third of the province. All foreign relief aid is being channelled through Jakarta and much of the reconstruction is premised on a political settlement of the separatist conflict. Moreover, the military is involved in supervising refugee camps as a means for cutting GAM off from sections of its social base.

Sidney Jones, an analyst with the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG), commented to Radio Singapore International on May 11: "[After] more than 20 months of martial law or emergency period, GAM has been fairly severely damaged. That is, while most of the leadership is intact, a lot of the fighters and soldiers at a lower level have either been captured or killed or made to surrender, or have voluntarily surrendered.

"GAM has been pushed out of the villages in much of Aceh. And we're talking about an area where in 2001 there was an official estimate that GAM was in control of 80 percent of the villages in Aceh. Now, for the most part, they are out of the settlement areas and have been pushed back to camps in the hills, and many GAM field commanders and fighters are looking for an exit strategy."

On May 18, in the lead up to the latest talks, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a decree ending the "civil emergency" status in Aceh. However, no troops have been withdrawn from the province, operations against GAM continue and the media remains under tight control. Sofyan Dawood, GAM's military spokesman in Aceh, described the lifting of the emergency as a "cruel joke" while the government's negotiators in Helsinki "serve up warm words across the table".

GAM negotiators, who are mostly in exile in Europe, have talked up the results of the Helsinki meeting. Senior official Bakhtiar Abdullah told the media: "The spirit of cooperation is there and both sides have made significant compromises and concessions. This has brought us closer towards a final settlement." Another GAM spokesman Mohammad Nur Djuli echoed sentiments expressed by Ahtisaari, saying he hoped for a final agreement in August.

Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla was also upbeat, claiming that 90 percent of issues had been resolved. "We are right on track... [the talks] have been very positive and progressive," he said, adding that all points on the question of an amnesty and the province's economic and political system had been agreed upon. Kalla said any monitoring would be conducted by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), with the EU having only observer status. Jakarta has ruled out any role for the UN.

The character of any final agreement was made clear during a session of Indonesia's House of Representatives (DPR) national defence committee, prior to the latest negotiations. The committee declared that a deadline had to be set if the government failed to "make the rebels agree" to accept a deal based on a 2001 law providing for special autonomy for Aceh. In other words, GAM would have to agree to the proposals that it rejected prior to the TNI counter-insurgency operations launched in May 2003.

According to the Jakarta Post, opposition parties strongly criticised the negotiations. Committee member Effendi Simbolon, from former President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), declared that the previous rounds had been "fruitless" and more talks would only allow GAM time to consolidate. Muhammad Hikam, from of the National Awakening Party (PKB), said the talks had no real status and there had been no meeting of the minds on Aceh's administrative status.

Chief negotiator Awaluddin reassured the parliamentary committee that the government would convince GAM to agree to the 2001 autonomy deal. "We managed to reduce GAM's demands since the first talks from independence to self government," he said. Security Minister Widodo Adi Sucipto stated that no deal would be reached outside the government's special autonomy offer.

Following the talks, President Yudhoyono reaffirmed that the "best solution is helping Aceh with the special autonomy status".

It remains to be seen if GAM will agree to completely abandon the basis on which it has fought for nearly three decades. The negotiations are clearly producing tensions in the organisation- the most visible being between military leaders in Aceh and the exiled political leadership.

One thing is certain, however. There is no likelihood of any significant TNI withdrawal from the province. Jakarta obviously feels it has gained the upper hand as a result of the two-year offensive and the devastation caused by the tsunami and intends to exploit its advantage to the hilt.

More than 200 ex-rebels freed in Aceh

Deutsche Presse Agentur - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- More than 200 ex-separatist fighters have been freed in the tsunami-wracked province of Aceh after taking an oath of loyalty to a unified Indonesia, a local media report said Monday.

The 214 former rebels were released after pledging their allegiance to the country during an oath-taking ceremony attended by top members of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) and police, the Jakarta Post reported.

Officials said the ex-guerrillas from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which has been fighting for an independent state for nearly three decades, surrendered to the military and police several months ago and were to be given two hectares of land for their new livelihood.

Government officials and Aceh rebel negotiators earlier this year agreed to restart peaceful negotiations in Helsinki, Finland, after the December 26 tsunami that devastated the province. No agreement has yet been reached, but a fifth round of talks is scheduled on July 12.

Indonesian military authorities, however, have said they would continue their armed campaign to crush the insurgency, while the government and aid workers struggle to get reconstruction of the battered province off the ground. More than 164,000 people in Aceh have been listed as dead or missing from the gigantic waves that hit the province on the northern tip of Sumatra island.

Aceh reconstruction drags on

ABC World Today - June 14, 2005

Reporter: Anne Barker

Eleanor Hall: In Indonesia's Aceh Province, bureaucratic delays and concerns about corruption have stymied efforts to rebuild the communities destroyed in last year's tsunami.

It's only in the last week or so that reconstruction has finally begun in a few select areas and there's a growing sense of frustration among survivors who are still homeless and without jobs after six months, and Anne Barker has just been to Aceh and filed this report.

Anne Barker: At a community roll call at Lhoknga village, near Banda Aceh, tsunami refugees receive their daily ration of noodles and rice. For six months they've relied solely on aid to survive, since the tsunami swept away their homes, their jobs and for many, their entire families.

Across Aceh tens of thousands of victims still live in flimsy tents, dotted among a landscape of rubble that was once residential streets. And many, like Umar Ali and his wife Rosna, wonder if they'll ever live in their own house again.

Umar Ali (translated): It is impossible. I cannot imagine I can build my own house from my own money. The only possibility is to get assistance from outside, foreign NGOs for example, to help us build our house again.

Anne Barker: A year ago, Umar and Rosna Ali were middle class, with a comfortable house and well-paying jobs. But the tsunami took everything, including their only children, two daughters aged 17 and 20. Now they spend their days scavenging in the rubble for scrap metal to supplement their meagre ration.

Umar Ali (translated): They sell the scrap iron to a trader here, and they get sometimes, 20,000 sometimes 8,000 a day. Today they get 10,000 a day. That's how they survive.

Anne Barker: There's a mounting sense of frustration in Aceh, even anger, at the grindingly slow pace of reconstruction Six months on, many of the worst hit areas appear unchanged since the tsunami struck.

Bureaucratic delays, the loss of land registers and the fear for many of returning to land so close to the sea, have all hampered efforts to rebuild. And only a fraction of all foreign aid has been handed over, because authorities take painstaking measures to ensure the money is spent wisely.

Even the head of Aceh's rehabilitation agency, Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, shares the community's anger.

Kuntoro Mangkusubroto: The people are really frustrated. They live in a tent, they live in what you call, in the barracks, okay. They are waiting for a signal for them to go back and there's no signal coming. So they are really frustrated.

Anne Barker: This tiny fishing village of Deah Baro is one of the very few places near Banda Aceh where new houses are finally going up.

But it's the survivors themselves who are building their own homes. The aid agency Oxfam has supplied the materials for 40 houses, and the rehabilitation agency is giving residents basic training in bricklaying and concreting. Qxfam's Manasi Rajagopalan says the first houses will be finished in three weeks.

Manasi Rajagopalan: We've given them the materials and they have identified the 40 most vulnerable households here. So that means, you know, people who have lost the head of the household, the women who are widowed, even children. So that's what you're seeing here. These groups of men doing all this work here.

Anne Barker: Of course, new bricks and mortar will never replace those that died. Deah Baro was one of the worst hit areas and lost hundreds of homes and countless lives. But Manasi Rajagopalan says paradoxically, the population here may even have grown.

Manasi Rajagopalan: The children have been orphaned, or people who have lost lot of their family, they're moving in with families who are not related to them, or they are moving in with relatives, which is why we see a lot of movement as well, between you know, people coming in from other places into Deah Baro or people moving out and living with relatives. So are we building houses for just one person -- no.

Eleanor Hall: And that's Manasi Rajagopalan from Oxfam in Aceh, speaking to Anne Barker.

Foreign Minister hits out at criticism of peace talks

Agence France Presse - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- Indonesia's foreign minister Monday defended peace talks between Jakarta and Aceh separatists amid growing criticism from lawmakers and the army, saying that other efforts to deal with the rebels had failed to bring peace to the province.

In an interview in Tempo's weekly magazine, minister Hassan Wirayuda urged patience with the negotiations between the government and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels, who have so far completed four rounds of talks.

"People tend to simplify a process. If they are thinking, how come the Aceh talks have not yet concluded, they have to realize that peace requires a process" to unfold, Wirayuda said.

The peace talks, mediated by the Crisis Management Initiative of former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, have appeared to make progress, raising hopes that a fifth round of dialogue in July will end the fighting that has killed 14,000 people during the past 30 years.

But the peace process has been undermined by a growing chorus of dissent, with Indonesian lawmakers and military officials denouncing efforts to negotiate with the rebels.

Indonesia's senior security minister Widodo Adisucipto said last week that Jakarta would not bow to rebel demands for political representation, a key point in the peace talks.

Following that, the military rejected rebel calls for a post- tsunami ceasefire in the province, which was devastated by the December 26 waves.

Both sides only agreed to go back to the negotiating table after the tsunami, following a massive military offensive begun in 2003 that failed to bring the rebels to heel.

"The need for both sides to negotiate must have been based on an acknowledgement that other means have failed to solve the problems," said Wirayuda, who served as Indonesia's chief negotiator during Jakarta's ceasefire talks with the rebels that broke down in May 2003. "If there is a feeling that weapons could bring success, why bother negotiating?"

Rebel leaders have reacted furiously to Jakarta's refusal to compromise, further endangering peace efforts in Aceh.

The rebel group's military commander, Muzakkir Manaf, has launched a scathing attack on the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, accusing it of bad faith. "It becomes terribly clear that Jakarta has no intention of taking the slightest step forward," a statement from Manaf said.

The rebels have agreed to drop demands for independence or even a plebiscite on sovereignty in favour of a government offer of limited autonomy, provided they are given a political voice in future elections.

Aceh allows caning as punishment for Islamic law violations

Kyodo - June 10, 2005

Jakarta -- Caning was officially allowed Friday in Indonesia's troubled province of Aceh, with 20 law breakers set to be caned in the near future, a local government official said.

Mustafa Gelanggang, regent in the province's Bireuen Regency, told Kyodo News the punishment has become official following the signing of a gubernatorial decree by Acting Gov. Azwar Abubakar in the town of Meulaboh in West Aceh Regency.

Islamic sharia law was imposed in the province in 2002, three years after Jakarta adopted a special autonomy law for Aceh.

In announcing the decree before residents and religious leaders of Meulaboh, Abubakar said it was issued to show the resolve of the local authorities to implement sharia law in the majority Muslim province.

Since the imposition of sharia law, at least 20 people have been found guilty of gambling, extramarital sex and prostitution and sentenced to caning. The punishment, however, has not been carried out as the decree had not been signed until Friday.

"Fourteen people will be caned six times, five, eight times and another one, 10 times," Gelanggang said. The punishment will be carried out in the near future before the public in the yard of a mosque after Friday prayers.

Forestry minister bans imported woods for rehabilitation

Tempo Interactive - June 11, 2005

Jakarta -- The need for wood in Aceh's rehabilitation in Aceh post tsunami waves will be supplied from domestic sources. Therefore, the government will not allow any wood to be purchased from foreign countries.

"Indonesia does not lack wood for Aceh's rehabilitation following the tsunami disaster. If anyone is willing to donate wood, they will be much welcomed," said Indonesian Minister of Forestry M.S. Kaban during a working meeting with House of Representatives (DPR Commission IV) at the legislature complex in Jakarta on Monday (06/06).

Kaban said it was estimated that the wood required for Aceh's rehabilitation over five years will be seven million cubic meters. Currently, the quota of wooden logs every year has reached 5.6 million cubic meters.

"Therefore, to fulfill the need for wood in Aceh, the government needs to increase the lob quota by eight million cubic meters in 2006," Kaban stated.

To increase the supply of logs, Kaban said that it was better to impose a soft-landing policy of speeding planted forest development and making use of wood from natural forests rather to extend logging areas.

"The wood used to rehabilitate Aceh should not just include pine, meranti, teak and merbau but also coconut," said Kaban. (Rini Kustiani - Tempo News Room)

Aceh builds houses but not community

Sydney Morning Herald - June 11, 2005

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- The price of rebuilding houses demolished by the tsunami in Aceh province jumped 40 per cent in three months as labourers insisted they get paid for work traditionally done for free.

A conference has heard that one of the side-effects of the tsunami has been to break down the community spirit in villages where neighbours have always helped each other with major projects like house-building.

Mr Frans van Dijk, the Jakarta-based representative of Dutch aid group Terre Des Hommes, said when his organisation began rebuilding in Aceh in February, an average house cost 20 million rupiah, or about $2900.

"In April, to build the same house costs us Rp28 million. In the first houses, people worked for free; now we have to pay and the price of materials has gone up," he said.

There was a danger of creating a "dependency" culture, he said. because aid organisations had been paying people to do clean-up work and other jobs as a way of getting money into communities so people were not completely dependent on handouts.

When Terre des Hommes began building the first of the 800 houses it plans to construct in five villages, villagers were told they had to help themselves by donating their labour.

"Now they say 'everyone pays us'. That destroys the spirit of the community where people help each other, that's already partially destroyed," Mr van Dijk said Joel Hellman, the World Bank's chief governance adviser in Indonesia, said there was anecdotal evidence of rising labour and material costs but he did not think the data was good enough to say what was happening.

He said families had played a major part in the relief effort, often providing money and other aid to those unrelated to them, and it would be wrong to give the impression the Acehnese were sitting around waiting for relief. But he said some local governments had done very little to restore services in their areas because they had been waiting for a master plan from the central government and the creation of a new reconstruction authority rather than make decisions.

Mr Hellman said the release of the master plan, and the creation of the new authority for Aceh might be "one or two months late" but there was now a good framework for the massive task. The "co-ordination mechanisms now in place are actually quite strong", he said.

NGOs give critical support to dialogue with GAM

Suara Pembaruan - June 11, 2005

Jakarta -- A number of non-government organisations support the government's efforts to resolve the Aceh problem by continuing the dialogue with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

They are even insisting that agreements which are reached in the informal meetings between the Indonesian government and GAM taken to formal negotiations. Nevertheless, they are critical of many issues in the negotiations between the two parties.

This was conveyed to journalists by the chairperson of the Solidarity Movement with the People of Aceh (Segera), Air Ariyanto and the Acehnese Popular Democratic Resistance Front (FPDRA), led by Thamrin Ananda, at the office of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence in Jakarta on Tuesday June 7.

Ariyanto criticised the attitude of the People's Representative Assembly's (DPR) which is asking the government to end the negotiation with GAM. The DPR's attitude indicates that they still want the Aceh question to be solved militarily because GAM are separatists so it is legitimate to annihilate them by military force.

This attitude very regrettable because it is evident that the use of military force to solve the Aceh problem over the last 30 years or more has achieved absolutely nothing except continued human rights violations.

Conversely, the parliament's opposition to the dialogue between the government and GAM is intended only to demonstrate the parliament's vulgar opposition to the government. Meaning, the DPR is opposing the government without considering the real issues.

"Looking at this situation we believe that the road to peace which is being sought through negotiations is facing the risk of failure. So if it the concept and substance of the negotiations are not safeguarded, Aceh will return to the same situation three decade ago where violence, human rights crimes and militarism will continue at a far worse scale", said Ariyanto.

In relation to the involvement of ASEAN and the Europe Union as monitoring teams to supervise the agreement between the Indonesian government and GAM, Ariyanto said this is both very possible and useful. This is because the negotiations will run more smoothly if there is a third party present. And the involvement of both ASEAN and the EU will not internationalise Aceh issue, as the parliament suspects.

In relation to this Ananda said the debate on the internationalisation of the Aceh question is totally unproductive. What is most important at the moment he said, is how to carry out a de-militarisation of Aceh by withdrawing all non-organic troops from the province. (A-21)

[Translated by Risna.]

Rebel fury deals new blow to peace hopes in Aceh

Agence France Presse - June 9, 2005

Barry Neild, Jakarta -- Hopes that talks between Indonesian leaders and separatists from tsunami-hit Aceh would end a long- running war were evaporating Thursday as rebels reacted with anger at Jakarta's refusal to compromise.

Indonesia's senior security minister, Widodo Adisucipto, earlier this week said Jakarta would not bow to rebel demands for political representation, even though these were crucial to peace talks currently underway in Finland.

Adisucipto's comments were followed by a rejection by the Indonesian military of rebel calls for a post-tsunami ceasefire in Aceh, where more than 14,000 people have been killed in three decades of struggle.

In a statement issued Thursday, Muzakkir Manaf, the military commander of the Free Aceh Movement -- also known as GAM -- launched a scathing attack on the government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, accusing it of bad faith.

"It becomes terribly clear that Jakarta has no intention of taking the slightest step forward," the statement said. "By rejecting reasonable political measures to help solve the conflict, the Indonesian government has shown -- despite the tsunami and Yudhoyono's political posturing -- that it has changed not one bit."

Indonesia heightened military operations to crush the rebels in May 2003 following a breakdown in peace talks. After last year's tsunami killed 128,000 people in Aceh, both sides agreed to return to the negotiating table.

Four rounds of peace talks in Helsinki, mediated by the Crisis Management Initiative of Finnish former president Martti Ahtisaari, have appeared to make progress, buoying optimism that a fifth dialogue in July will yield results.

The rebels have agreed to drop demands for independence or even a plebiscite on sovereignty in favour of a government offer of limited autonomy, provided they were given a political voice in future elections.

On Tuesday, Adisucipto rejected the condition point-blank. "There are rules and regulations that will not allow for those demands to be accommodated," he said after an eight-hour cabinet meeting with Yudhoyono.

A day later, Indonesia's armed forces chief General Endriartono Sutarto also scoffed at rebel demands for a ceasefire as he unveiled the latest statistics of guerrilla fatalities to back military claims of crushing the insurgents.

"If GAM indeed has an intention not to continue its activity to separate Aceh, they should surrender their weapons," he said. "In the past they have always used ceasefires to consolidate themselves."

Pouring further cold water on the peace talks, Sutarto said the Finland dialogue was only "one of many means" that could be used by the government to "permanently solve" the Aceh problems.

In his statement, Manaf said the rebels were now resigned to Jakarta's intransigence and the likelihood that the struggle for control of the resource rich province that began in 1976 would continue unabated.

"The announcement by Indonesia's chief security minister Widodo that Jakarta will not allow Aceh to have its own local political parties and hold new local elections confirms an old saying: The more things change, the more they stay the same," he said.

"That painful wisdom continues to fit a half-century of Jakarta's deceitful mistreatment of Aceh."

TNI vows to continue fight in Aceh

Jakarta Post - June 9, 2005

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The Indonesian Military (TNI) rejected a cease-fire demand from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), and said it would continue to crush the rebel group until they fully surrender their arms.

"We (the military) have been asked (by the government) to share ideas about the ongoing peace talks with the GAM leadership. We, indeed, support the peace process, but stress that there will be no cease-fire agreement," TNI chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said on Wednesday.

"If GAM has the intention of discontinuing its secessionist activities, they should surrender their weapons," Endriartono said. "In the past they have always used cease-fires to consolidate themselves," he added.

The four-star general further said that the proposed involvement of a foreign monitoring team in the peace process in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam should be aimed at observing GAM members in surrendering their weapons and ensure that they obtain amnesty from the government.

Endriartono stated his stance during a special hearing at the TNI headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, involving military top brass and lawmakers grouped in a working commission on security and defense.

The lawmakers were, among others, Hepi Bone Zulkarnaen from the Golkar Party, Effendi M.S. Simbolon from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Soeripto, a former intelligence officer and a politician from the Justice and Prosperous Party (PKS).

During the hearing, the TNI displayed GAM's weaponry and attributes including GAM's crescent-and-star flags, uniforms and documents, which had been seized by troops during the two-year military campaign.

Endriartono also said that no less than 3,300 GAM fighters had been killed since the military launched a major campaign to crush the decades-long insurgency in May 2003.

Announcing the figures, Endriartono said the military offensive would continue against the insurgents despite ongoing peace talks because "GAM still exists." "Today their strength is estimated to be between 1,200 and 1,500 people, with 500 firearms," he said.

At the start of the campaign, the military put the number of GAM rebels at around 6,000, a figure that rose to as many as 10,000 equipped with about 3,500 firearms during martial law, Endriartono claimed.

Endriartono's remarks may not help the ongoing peace talks between GAM leaders and government negotiators in Finland. A member of the GAM delegation team, Mohammed Nur Djuli, simply responded by saying, "TNI (are) idiots, they are losing the chance to keep Indonesian intact."

GAM has waged a guerrilla war since 1976, accusing Jakarta of exploiting the impoverished province's rich resources. More than 12,000 people, mostly civilians, have been killed since then.

The exiled GAM leadership has been pushing for the government to reciprocate a cease-fire offer at the current peace talks, which were revived following last year's tsunami disaster, which claimed 128,000 lives in Aceh alone.

The Helsinki talks, set to resume in July, were dealt another blow late on Tuesday when Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Widodo AS said a key demand by the rebels for political representation was unacceptable.

The Indonesian Military launched a major offensive to crush GAM's independence struggle in May 2003 following the collapse of previous peace talks.

TNI chief neglects civilian casualties in report

Fpdra.org - June 9, 2005

Alisa P, Jakarta -- In a report on the results of the military operation over the two years that Aceh was under a state of emergency to members of the People's Representative Assembly's (DPR) Commission I, armed forces (TNI) chief General Endriartono Sutarto failed to mention the number of civilian casualties reporting only on the members of Free Acehnese Movement (GAM) who were killed during the operation.

In his report, the TNI chief said that during the second six months period of the civil emergency (November 19, 2004-May 18, 2005), 660 GAM members were killed, 696 surrendered and 505 were arrested. While on the armed forces' side, 81 personnel were killed and 75 injured. The TNI chief also said that the TNI confiscated 646 weapons from GAM while only four of TNI's rifles were lost. In the report however, the TNI chief did not even once mention the number of civilian casualties during the military operation. Similarly, Commission I also failed to raise any questions about civilian casualties during the operation.

According to data which was published by the non-government organisation Human Rights in Aceh however, there were as many as 248 civilians casualties over the year that the state of emergency was in place. And this does not include casualties during the period of martial law. Similar findings were reported by the National Human Rights Commission in their report on the human rights situation in Aceh.

Furthermore, the members of Commission I failed to raise questions about the operation costs during the period of martial law and the civil emergency which drained tens of trillions of rupiah from the state's coffers. Indeed, during the first six months of martial law, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) issued a statement that they suspect 2.7 trillion rupiah was embezzled from the military's operational costs in Aceh. To date however, the KPK itself has only acted against civil servants and has not had the courage to tackle the military, asserted the chairperson of Student's Solidarity for the People (SMUR), Mahmudal.

[Translated by Risna.]

Human rights/law

Jailing of activist called unfair

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Denpasar -- The jailing of a university student for insulting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is a reflection of the government's reluctance to accept public criticism, an observer says.

Sociologist Ngurah Karyadi said on Tuesday, as a President who was directly elected, Susilo belonged to the people and should scrap all prerogatives that would distance him from the nation.

"In accordance with the electoral process, the President is no longer a state symbol, but a representative of the people who elected him," Karyadi said.

He was responding to the Denpasar District Court's sentencing last Friday of Udayana University student I Wayan Suardana alias Gendo to six months' imprisonment for insulting the President during a rally in January against the fuel price increase.

Karyadi said the conviction proved the government had failed to make a break with the past, when criticism was perceived as an attempt to undermine the government.

People, he said, were far more critical of the government now than in the past, thanks to the reform movement.

The judges convicted Gendo of violating Article 134 of the Criminal Code on insulting government officials by setting fire to Susilo's picture.

Over the past six months, six students have been sentenced to between five months' and three years' imprisonment for insulting the head of state.

Critics have called for the revocation of the controversial article in the Criminal Code, which is a legacy of the Dutch colonial government, saying it has restricted criticism and freedom of expression.

Gendo will only be behind bars for a further 22 days as he has been detained since Jan. 3, but the court accepted on Monday prosecutors' demand for an extension of his detention pending their appeal to a higher court.

A criminologist, however, agreed to the imprisonment of Suardana, saying the student had gone too far. "People must look at the case in proportion. They must differentiate between students who demonstrate and people who insult or denounce others," Gede Made Suardana said.

Suardana said the way Gendo criticized the government had gone against political education for people in a democratic country like Indonesia. "People must uphold ethics when conveying their opinion," he said.

Democracy, he said, should not be at the price of the President's reputation. "Whoever the president is, he or she deserves protection and it is also the responsibility of people to protect their president," Suardana said.

Both Karyadi and Suardana criticized the judges who failed to give the convict the chance to accept or reject the verdict in accordance with the Criminal Code.

Court verdict raises civil rights fears in Indonesia

Financial Times (UK) - June 14, 2005

Tim Johnston -- Indonesia's commitment to free speech and civil rights was questioned yesterday after a Balinese student was sentenced to six months in jail for showing disrespect to the president.

The trial of I Wayan "Gendo" Suardana, accused of burning a photograph of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last year at a rally protesting against fuel price increases, had become a focal point for advocates of free speech, who mounted daily protests the Bali court hearing the charges.

The reading of the verdict had to be curtailed on Friday after Mr Suardana's supporters threatened the judges after hearing the sentence. The judges finished the reading yesterday.

"The conviction of a university student in Bali for insulting the president makes this writer want to hide his head in shame over the state of our befuddled democracy," wrote Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, a local commentator, in the English-language Jakarta Post newspaper yesterday. "It is an indictment that our new democracy remains unable to guarantee the protection of citizens' civil liberties."

Opinion is divided over whether verdicts such as the imprisonment of Mr Suardana and other recent setbacks for free speech, such as the refusal to grant visas to critical foreign analysts, academics and journalists, are a hangover from the authoritarian days of former President Suharto or an emerging dark side of the more tolerant administration of President Yudhoyono.

"Indonesia, as a democracy, values freedom of expression," Andi Mallarangeng, Mr Yudhoyono's spokesman, said yesterday. "(The president) is trying to send a message that he upholds the freedom of speech, but in accordance with our values and ethics. You can say anything you want, but you don't have to burn pictures or anything like that."

Mr Mallarangeng declined to say whether Mr Yudhoyono favoured having the relevant parts of the criminal code repealed. A prominent lawyer, Frans Winarta, said that the same articles were included in a new draft code that is being debated in Indonesia.

The articles of law that criminalise the defamation of the president, the vice-president or the government are a legacy of Dutch rule in Indonesia.

Under Megawati Sukarnoputri, a number of demonstrators were imprisoned for disrespect, and the editor of the daily newspaper, Rakyat Merdeka, was given a suspended six-month sentence after his paper reported on earlier demonstrations against fuel price rises. Under the current administration, at least one other student has been sentenced to prison for defaming the president. He received a five-month term.

Mr Suardana, who has already been in prison for more than five months, is expected to be released in three weeks' time.

Bali student jailed for insulting Susilo

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2005

Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Denpasar -- In what pro-democracy activists are describing as a blow to freedom of expression, a court here jailed a university student on Friday for insulting President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

I Wayan "Gendo" Suardana, a law student at Udayana University in Denpasar, Bali, was sentenced to six months in prison, minus time already served. Wayan will only be behind bars for 22 days because he has been detained since Jan. 3.

The Denpasar District Court found the student guilty of insulting the President by setting fire to a picture of Susilo during a protest late last year against the government's plan to raise fuel prices.

When the verdict was announced, about 70 friends and family of Wayan charged toward the judges' bench, forcing police officers to intervene to calm the courtroom. The panel of judges and prosecutors were escorted out of the courtroom without officially wrapping up the proceedings.

Wayan demanded the judges return and officially close the trial by giving him an opportunity to respond to the verdict. Agus Samijaya, Wayan's lawyer, said his client's failure to be given the opportunity to respond to the verdict meant the trial was legally flawed. He demanded another hearing be held.

Responding to the verdict, Agus said the judges failed to take into consideration his client's plea, as well as the testimony of witnesses and linguistic experts who testified for the defendant.

The judges were also wrong in presenting the President as a victim during the trial, the lawyer said. "Also, many statements from witnesses that were not presented during the trial were used by the court in considering its decision. This is a manipulation of statements," he said.

Agus said he would visit his client on Saturday to discuss what legal action they would take in response to the verdict.

Over the years, numerous people have been jailed for insulting the president, vice president or other high state officials. This was especially common under authoritarian ruler Soeharto and was designed at quieting government critics.

During the Megawati Soekarnoputri administration, several students were jailed for burning pictures of her.

Democracy and human rights activist Ifdhal Kasim said on Friday any articles in the Criminal Code on insulting government officials should be scrapped. He said such articles violated the principle of human rights enshrined in the Constitution.

"Such articles were enacted during the colonial era to put government officials in sacred positions and to keep them from public criticism. These ideas are no longer relevant in the democratic era," he said.

Ifdhal, the director of the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy, said most democratic countries have moved to decriminalize public criticism, including criticism of government officials and state symbols.

"They only criminalize public criticism of or attacks on the state as a state itself, not state officials or state symbols. Their regulations are written to prevent manipulation and multiple interpretations by state officials," said Ifdhal.

The plot thickens: Documents reveal four plans to kill Munir

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Eva C. Komandjaja and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Documents setting out methods and plans to kill human rights activist Munir have been discovered by the government-sanctioned fact finding team investigating his murder, supporting initial speculation that the killing was part of a conspiracy.

Team chairman Brig. Gen. Marsudi Hanafi said on Tuesday that the documents, whose origins he refused to divulge, described four methods that could be employed to murder Munir, who was the cofounder of human rights organizations Kontras and Imparsial.

The first method was to kill Munir while in a car, presumably through a road accident, while the second method was to use black magic.

The third and the fourth methods were similar in that they both involved the poisoning of Munir. The third plan was for Munir's food to be poisoned at his office in Kontras, but this allegedly failed as Munir failed to come to work on the designated day.

"A person working in Munir's office was supposed to add something to Munir's food but the operation was canceled as Munir did not show up," Marsudi told journalists at National Police Headquarters.

However, Marsudi quickly added that the person in question was not aware that he was being used by the conspirators to perpetrate the murder.

Only the fourth method succeeded, which involved the poisoning of Munir with arsenic on board a Garuda Indonesia flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on Sept. 7 last year.

Marsudi added that the team had also identified the shop that sold the arsenic used to kill Munir and would recommend to police investigators that they act on the team's findings.

"It (the murder) is truly a conspiracy, and if you ask me if a group or a person did this, then both answers are correct," Marsudi said.

Many people have linked the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to the murder as Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto, the only suspect to be detained so far, is believed to be a BIN agent.

Marsudi denied suggestions that the murder was decided on and carried out by an institution, but added that there seemed to be abuse of power involved in the case, meaning that particular officers of an institution may have used the institution's facilities to perpetrate the murder.

So far only three people have been declared suspects in the case -- Pollycarpus, Oedi Irianto and Yeti Susmiyarti.

Pollycarpus was an off-duty pilot who exchanged his business class seat with Munir during the first leg of the flight from Jakarta to Singapore, while Yeti and Oedi were flight attendants who served meals during the flight.

Separately, former intelligence chief A.M. Hendropriyono has sent an invitation to members of the fact-finding team to discuss his alleged involvement in the murder of Munir, but the team has rejected the offer.

Speaking during a press conference held at the team's offices on Jl. Latuharhary, Central Jakarta, on Tuesday, the team's deputy chairman and human rights activist Asmara Nababan said "such an invitation is not appropriate." "Pak Hendropriyono faxed us a letter inviting us to come to his office for explanatory purposes next Tuesday. Later on, he sent us a correction -- without an explanation -- informing us that we could come to his office on Wednesday. "The letter also said that all of the team's members would be allowed to attend, except two: Rachland Nashidik and Usman Hamid," Asmara said.

Hendropriyono's invitation came after the team sent a third summons to him seeking explanations over his alleged role in the murder. Hendropriyono rejected the summons, but finally said that he would give his side of the story to the team, but only if it followed what he termed "the rules of the game." Hendropriyono was referring to a protocol signed between the team and current BIN chief Maj. Gen. (ret) Syamsir Siregar that authorizes the team to question BIN officials and to access all relevant documents in the possession of the intelligence service.

BIN director refuses to give TPF access to documents

Detik.com - June 15, 2005

M. Rizal Maslan, Jakarta -- Although the time limit for Fact Finding Team's (TPF) investigation into the Munir case is almost up it seems that it has failed to gain access to documents and information from the National Intelligence Agency (BIN). It has been repeatedly said that BIN's director Syamsir Siregar has forbidden his members from giving access to the TPF.

TPF member Usman Hamid has admitted that he has information that Siregar has forbidden BIN officials from providing them with such access. This is despite the fact that during a meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Siregar guaranteed that BIN would prove access to specific documents.

But the promise however appears to be just that. The TPF's mandate will end on June 23 but it has still not obtained access to BIN's data and documents. BIN officials invariably come up some pretext. "Mr. Syamsir (BIN's director) has only promised to provide access. But the reality is that this access has not been provided. Most recently BIN offices have even said it is the head of BIN who will not allow access to be given. Is this true?", said Hamid at the offices of the Women's Human Rights Commission on Jalan Latuharhari in Jakarta on Wednesday June 15.

TPF didn't exceed its authority

Hamid also rejected Siregar's accusation that the TPF had exceeded its authority in publishing the finding from the investigation. According to Presidential Decree Number 111/2004 on the formation of the TPF there is no prohibition on the TPF publishing its findings.

Hamid said he suspects that what Siregar meant was violating the protocol agreement between the TPF and BIN which says that the TPF may not publicise information which is obtain from within BIN. If that is what Siregar means Hamid explained, the TPF has not violated the agreement. "[The findings that] the TPF publicised were not something which was obtained form within BIN", he asserted.

Hamid also denied that the TPF's actions in publicising the findings could be categorised as revealing state secrets. There is still no definition on what a state secret is. According to Hamid, if there has been an abuse of power in an institution is should be revealed and not covered up on the grounds of protecting state secrets.

"If we are not allowed access because of the law on archives as was suggested by BIN, that it was obtained by breaking the law, but we did not break the law, there is a presidential decree and legal basis for it", said Hamid. (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

TPF finds documents detailing four plots to kill Munir

Media Indonesia - June 14, 2005

Jakarta -- The Fact Finding Team (TPF) investigating the death of Munir has found documents containing four plots to kill the human rights activist.

"It would be a great pity if these documents had been thrown away", TPF chairperson Police Brigadier General Marsudhi Hanafi told journalists at police headquarters in Jakarta on Tuesday June 14.

In the first plot, Munir was to be killed by black magic. In the second, he would be killed while in his car. In the third Munir was to be murdered by putting poison in his food at the Kontras (Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence) or Imparsial (Indonesian Human Rights Watch) offices. The fourth was to murder him aboard an aircraft.

Hanafi said the first three plots failed but the fourth was able to be carried out. Munir died aboard a Garuda Indonesia Airlines flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on September 7 last year.

While relating the third plot, Hanafi said when he was to be killed at the Kontras or Imparsial offices, the perpetrator planned to make use an inside person who would put poison in Munir's food.

"The Kontras staff member was not aware they were being used", said Hanafi without mentioning their name. The operation failed because Munir didn't come into the office that day and it was called off.

According to Hanafi, this new information strengthens the suspicion that there was a conspiracy to murder Munir and that it was premeditated. The murder he said did not involve any specific institution but was committed by a 'rogue' individual utilising the resources of their institution.

The TPF has also discovered where the arsenic that was used to murder Munir was sold. "We have checked, in fact Lie Kian Gie is not a pharmacist, but an analyst or chemistry expert. We will be looking into Gie's relationship with the place that sold the arsenic", he said.

Lie Kian Gie sat next to Munir on the flight to Amsterdam. The findings will be handed over to police investigators to follow up. (Ant/OL-02)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Four attempts on Munir's life, including black magic

Detik.com - June 14, 2005

Ahmad Dani, Jakarta -- Slightly built human rights activist Munir appears to have been the target of a huge conspiracy by a 'rogue' group. The evidence, four attempts were planned against his life. And one of the methods was certainly not 'intellectual': using black magic.

These new findings were revealed by the Munir Fact Finding Team's (TPF) chairperson Police Brigadier General Marsudhi Hanafi when stopped by journalists at police headquarters in South Jakarta on Tuesday June 14.

The first murder attempt was to be carried out when Munir was in a car as if it was an accident. But the plot failed. "The second, by using witchcraft or black magic", said Hanafi. Unfortunately Hanafi did not elaborate on whether the haram (forbidden under Islamic law) practice was actually carried out or not.

Third, by putting poison in food at Munir's office, that is the Kontras (Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence) or Imparsial (Indonesian Human Rights Watch) offices. This plan was not carried thorough. The forth was to be carried out aboard an aircraft. "It was this [plot] which then succeeded", said Hanafi.

The four murder plots was revealed in documents found by the TPF. When pushed to reveal where the TPF found the documents, Hanafi was reluctant to say. "Sorry, that's a secret", said the one-star general.

The findings will now be handed over to the investigating team. "I hope that these new facts can be built on for a follow up investigation", said Hanafi.

Munir died aboard an aircraft during a journey from Jakarta to Amsterdam via Singapore on September 7 last year. It is strongly suspected that he died as a result of being poisoned by arsenic.

The TPF's was formed based on a presidential decree and its mandate will end on July 23. The police have named three suspects in the case, Pollycarpus, a senior Garuda Airlines Pilot and flight attendants Yeti Susmiati and Oedi.

The TPF has found evidence that on dozens of occasions Pollycarpus was in contact with Muchdi Purwopranjono, the deputy five director of BIN when AM Hendropriyono headed the counter- intelligence agency. (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

SBY told to empower Munir probe team

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- With its June 23 deadline looming, the Munir murder fact-finding team has yet to complete its task of identifying the killers of the noted human rights campaigner, and the government is being urged to extend the team's term and empower it so it can finish its job.

The team, assigned to assist the National Police in investigating the murder, has found it hard to conclude the probe because several top officials of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), including its former chief A.M. Hendropriyono, have refused to cooperate with the team.

"I propose that the President extend the team's working term and grant it extraordinary powers equivalent to the police's authority. With such power, all persons and institutions can be forced to cooperate with the team," Lukman Hakim Saifuddin, a legislator with the United Development Party (PPP), told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

Lukman, a member of a special team formed by the House of Representatives to monitor the Munir murder probe, said the extension of the government-sanctioned team's term was needed to help it collect more evidence, which he believed the National Police would have difficulty in investigating.

"During its six-month working term, the team has achieved significant progress including uncovering possible links between several BIN agents and the murder," Lukman said. "The other progress that the team has made is uncovering the involvement of several Garuda crew members in the matter."

"Therefore, the President should consider giving more time and opportunity for the team because this case is a test case for him (the President) and the nation in resolving problems of human rights abuse," Lukman said, warning that the public and international community were closely monitoring the case.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono set up the fact-finding team on Dec. 23 to help police investigate the poisoning death of Munir. The rights campaigner died while aboard a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on Sept. 7 last year. An autopsy by Dutch authorities discovered excessive levels of arsenic in his body.

Because sources and documents from BIN required further clarification, Susilo extended the team's working term by another three months until June 23, 2005.

Meanwhile, the team's secretary general, Usman Hamid, said legal arrangements between Indonesia and the Netherlands authorities were also required to enable the team to question a Garuda passenger with Dutch citizenship, Lie Khie Ngian, who sat beside Munir during the same flight to Amsterdam.

"The Netherlands has scrapped the death penalty from its legal system and it has a commitment not to provide legal assistance to countries, including Indonesia, which maintain this most severe sentence. In the case of Munir, such a condition has also been set out by the Netherlands (for the team to question Dutch witnesses), unless our government can be more cooperative by promising not to impose the death penalty on Munir's killers," Usman told the Post.

Lie is known as a chemistry expert. In the middle of the investigation into Munir's death, Lie and his wife visited the East Java capital of Surabaya for "personal reasons", a source said.

During his brief visit to Surabaya, the National Police had time to question Lie but found no strong indication that he played any role in the murder. He was believed to have given a bottle of mineral water to Munir when the arsenic began to take effect, added the source.

Hendropriyono challenges TPF to public debate

Tempo Interactive - June 13, 2005

Erwin Dariyanto, Jakarta -- On Thursday June 16 the Fact Finding Team (TPF) in the death of human rights activist Munir will again invite Abdullah Mahkmud Hendropriyono in for questioning. The former National Intelligence Agency (BIN) director's lawyer however has responded by challenging the team to a public debate.

Syamsu Djalal, Hendropriyono's lawyer, said that he couldn't understand the team's motivation in insisting on questioning his client. "If the team want's to find facts, yeah fell free to come [to us] (proactive). Don't just play around sending endless invitations", said Djalal on Sunday June 12.

Djalal claims there is a hidden agenda behind the summons and said therefore that Hendropriyono will challenge the team that was formed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to a public debate. The condition being however that two team members, Usman Hamid and Rachland Nashidik, do not attend the debate. "We are in the process of reporting the pair of them to the police", said Djalal.

Hamid who was contacted separately said he had yet to receive the challenge for a public debate from Hendropriyono. The team he said would not be paying any heed to these maneuvers by the former Jakarta military commander. "Who does he think he is anyway?", he said.

Hamid suspects that Hendropriyono is intentionally playing for time in order to avoid being questioned by the team as its duties will end on June 23. The team has already summoned Hendropriyono twice on June 6 and June 9.

This week the team will again question a number of former and active high-ranking officials from BIN. A number of Garuda Indonesia Airlines crewmembers will also be questioned. On Monday June 13, the team is scheduled to question Nurhadi Djazuli (BIN's former general secretary) along with two other BIN staff members Sumarno and Sofy.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Reconciliation & justice

Ikohi: 'Wiranto lied and must be held accountable'

Suara Pembaruan - June 15, 2005

Jakarta -- The chairperson of the Association of Families of Missing Persons (Ikohi), Mugiyanto, says the 14 activists who disappeared between 1997-98 are dead. This was confirmed by the former minister of defense/armed forces chief retired General Wiranto during a secret meeting with a team investigating the disappearance of activists in 1997-98.

"We obtained information that the secret meeting was held at a coffee shop at the Lippo Building on Jalan Jenderal Sudirman on June 10. At that time Wiranto said that the 14 activists who are still missing are dead", Mugiyanto told journalists in Jakarta on Tuesday June 14.

According to Mugiyanto, during the meeting with the chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) team, Ruswiati Suryasaputra, Wiranto was asked about the whereabouts of the 14 activists. Wiranto responded only by saying, "They are no more".

For Ikohi, which has been assisting the families of the missing activists, Wiranto's answer is extremely surprising because since the case of the abducted of activists between 1997-98 was uncovered, the TNI (armed forces) has only admitted to abducting nine activists, all of whom were released.

"Wiranto's statement represents new evidence which can renew hopes to uncover the mystery of the disappearance of the activists. The statement must be responded to and acted upon by the Komnas HAM team", he said.

He added that the families of the abducted activists urgently need to know the whereabouts of their family members as well as who the perpetrators of the abductions are. And if indeed they are dead, were the activists are buried.

Opportunity to communicate

Based on the testimonies of a number of victims who were abducted and then freed, they were held at the army's elite special forces (Kopassus) headquarters Group IV/Sandi Yudha in Cijantung, East Jakarta. While they were locked up, they were able to communication with several of the 14 activists who have not returned including Yani Afri (alias Rian), Sonny, Deddy Hamdun, Noval Alkatiri, Ismail, Herman Hendrawan and Suyat.

"As the commander of ABRI [Indonesian armed forces, now called TNI], retired General Wiranto has concealed important information from the families of the victims of these abductions. He has lied to the public and for seven years Wiranto has systematically and closely guarded the information", said Mugiyanto. Based on Wiranto's confession, Ikohi is urging the Komnas HAM team to immediately summon and question Wiranto over the matter.

They also believe that meeting at the coffee shop was part of a conspiracy between investigators and the suspected perpetrators and not an investigation in the framework of Law Number 39/1999 on Human Rights.

Wiranto's summons must focus on his capacity as ABRI commander who received written orders from former President Suharto to "investigate the names of 28 activists through a military operation". As ABRI commander, Wiranto must be held accountable for the actions of his subordinates. (O-1)

Translators notes:

Wiranto has since denied making the statement and has accused Ikohi of slander and of violating his human rights. According to a report in Detik.com on June 16, Wiranto said that he gave no information whatsoever to Komnas HAM during the meeting "because it was not a fact finding" investigation.

Translated by James Balowski.]

Komnas HAM fails to question policemen

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Jakarta -- A team set up by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to investigate the abduction of prodemocracy activists between 1997 and 1998 failed to question four middle- ranking police officers on Monday.

Team member Koesparmono Irsan said the four officers, identified as Aris Munandar, Hadimulya, Tobing and Aneke, did not appear for questioning even after being ordered to by National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar.

According to Koesparmono, National Police Headquarters did not known the whereabouts of the officers because they rotated between different posts, but promised to locate them and order them to appear for questioning.

He said the four officers may have transported some of the abduction victims after they were released by military officers.

The team was also scheduled to question on Monday Col. Chairawan, who currently heads the Lilawangsa Military Command overseeing northern and eastern Aceh, but the former antiterror commander of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) also failed to appear.

The Komnas HAS team also will resummon Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto, a former Kopassus commander, and Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, the current Ministry of Defense secretary-general, on Wednesday, despite orders from the Indonesian Military that officers not cooperate with the team.

Wiranto urged to clarify statement that activists are dead

Sinar Harapan - June 14, 2005

Jakarta -- The Indonesian Association of Families of Missing Persons (Ikohi) is urging retired General Wiranto to clarify his statement that 14 activists who were disappeared between 1997- 1998 and who's whereabouts are still unknown are in fact dead.

The call was made by Ikohi chairperson Mugiyanto in Jakarta on Tuesday June 14 in relation to a secret meeting at a coffee shop at the Lippo Building on Jalan Jenderal Sudirman in Jakarta on Friday June 10 between Wiranto and the National Human Rights Commission's (Komnas HAM) investigative team for missing persons 1997-1998.

According to information obtained by Ikohi, Wiranto revealed that the 14 activists who disappeared over a period of two years are dead. Ikohi is therefore urging Wiranto to explain who the perpetrator of the murders is, where the victims are buried and when they were killed.

"Wiranto's admission is the first [of its kind], because for seven years there has never been a clarification as to weather these activists are still alive or not. Wiranto must therefore clarify his statement", asserted Mugiyanto.

Mugiyanto was accompanied by Nurhiansyah, the father of Yadin Muhidin (a victim of the 1998 abductions) and Tuti Kotto, the mother of Yani Arfi (a victim of the 1997 abductions).

Major-General Yohanes Sukiman, the head of the Legal Development Agency, who is believed to be Wiranto's legal attorney, said that he is unable to respond to the revelation because he has yet to meet with Wiranto. "I have been out of town and I haven't met with Mr. Wiranto yet", he told Sinar Harapan.

The TNI (armed forces) has already admitted that that Lieutenant-General Prabowo, Major-General Muchdi PR, Colonel Khairawan and 11 members of the elite special forces Kopassus Group IV/ Sandi Yudha abducted nine activists.

The whereabouts of the 14 activists which Wiranto said are dead however, has never been admitted to. So Wiranto's admission at the meeting with four members of the Komnas HAM investigating team is something of a surprise. Komnas HAM must therefore immediacy summon and question Wiranto on the grounds that the secret meeting at the Lippo Building was not part of the investigation within the framework of Law Number 39/1999 on Human Rights.

Komnas HAM must therefore ask Wiranto how he knows about the fate of the 14 missing people and who killed them. Wiranto questioning must focus on his capacity as the Minister of Defense/Armed Forces Chief who was given written order by former President Suharto to investigate 28 activist through an intelligence operation. (ino/edl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Rights body, police sign agreement

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and the National Police signed an agreement on Friday on cooperation in handling human rights abuse cases.

National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said the agreement would keep police officers from committing abuse when undertaking their duties. "Komnas HAM has also provided training for the police to help them deal with human rights cases," Da'i said.

Commission chairman Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara added that the agreement would include routine discussions between the police and Komnas HAM in cases that might need the rights body's advice.

"We hope to improve the police's credibility and reputation in the future and provide better human rights protection for the people," Abdul Hakim said.

Wiranto meets in secret with rights body, dismisses summons

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2005

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Two members of the National Commission on Human Rights held an unannounced meeting with former Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. (ret) Wiranto on Friday.

During the meeting at an undisclosed coffee shop, Wiranto outlined the institutional obstacles that would prevent the rights body from questioning him and other active and retired military officers over a series of abductions of prodemocracy activists between 1997 and 1998.

"Wiranto said he and other officers could not answer our summons because that was the military's policy," said Sjamsoeddin, one of the rights body members who met with Wiranto.

The meeting took place after Wiranto called the head of the team investigating the abductions cases, Ruswiati Suryasaputra, who agreed to Wiranto's request for a meeting outside of the commission's office.

Another rights body member, Koesparmono Irsan, was supposed to join Ruswiati and Sjamsoeddin at the meeting, but he had urgent business in Surabaya.

Sjamsoeddin, a retired Army major general, said that during the three-hour meeting Wiranto refused to talk about the abductions, and asserted that his inability to reply to the summons from the rights body was the result of the "position of the current military leadership".

The meeting disappointed dozens of family members of the abduction victims, who went to the commission's office to demand that Wiranto reveal the fate of their loved ones.

The rights commission has set up a team to investigate what is believed to have been a military operation to kidnap dozens of government critics in the final years of the Soeharto regime. Some of the abductees were eventually released, while others are still missing.

The team sent a first summons to Wiranto, former Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) chief Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto and the current secretary-general of the Ministry of Defense, Lt. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, for questioning on June 3. None of the three appeared. A second summons was sent and the team hoped to question the three on Friday.

TNI chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto has said active and retired officers would not comply with the summons unless the House of Representatives issued a political recommendation that the abductions constituted a gross human rights violation.

Ruswiati said the rights body had asked for a hearing with lawmakers, while also sending a third summons to the generals.

"We are referring to Law No. 39/1999 on human rights, which authorizes the commission to summon alleged perpetrators of crimes against humanity without a political recommendation from lawmakers," Ruswiati said.

The team plans to summon nine other active and retired military officers, including Lt. Col. Chairawan, who currently heads the Lilawangsa Military Command overseeing northern and eastern Aceh.

The team is one of seven teams set up by the rights body to investigate forced disappearances, including two cases in the troubled provinces of Papua and Aceh.

Labour issues

Poverty blamed for child labor

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- The twin problems of school dropouts and child labor in the country have been blamed on widespread poverty. The director in charge of monitoring child labor at the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration, Sudaryanto, said the government could not stop the problem of child labor without first dealing with two other problems: poverty and a lack of education among some parents.

"Despite some progress, the issue of child labor will continue as long as the problems of poverty and poor quality of human resources linger," he told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

A recent joint survey by the International Labor Organization (ILO) and a leading market research company, Taylor Nelson Soffres (TNS), found that 19 percent of school-age children in Indonesia could not afford to attend school. This was cited as the main factor behind the high number of child laborers in the country.

The manpower minister has said that the number of child laborers has increased to almost three million this year from 1.56 million in 2003.

Sudaryanto said that according to a survey conducted by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) in 2003, about 37 million members of the country's approximately 100 million-strong workforce were living below the poverty line.

He said that from the members of the workforce between the ages of 18 and 55, almost 70 percent were elementary school dropouts or elementary school graduates, and that only less than 3 percent had graduated from university.

"About 30 percent, or 30.6 million, of the workforce is employed in the formal sector, mostly being paid less than minimum wage. More than 60 million people are employed in the informal sector and have no legal protection or insurance," he said.

He said the open unemployment figure had reached 11 million people, while the disguised unemployment figure, or those working less than 35 hours a week, had reached more than 40 million.

"Given these conditions, the government and other stakeholders should first of all work hard to eliminate poverty and to provide training for unskilled workers to make them creative and productive," he said.

The director general for labor inspection at the ministry, Maruddin Simanihuruk, said the government had established the National Committee for Action Plans for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor, which was chaired by the manpower and transmigration minister.

"The national program for eliminating the worst forms of child labor is underway in 20 provinces and there have been successes in North Sumatra and East Java," he said.

The national committee was set up soon after the issuance of Presidential Decree No. 59/2002, which followed Indonesia's ratification of ILO Convention No. 182 on the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labor.

Simanihuruk said child workers had been removed from offshore fish traps along North Sumatra's eastern coast and were now employed at plantations and in local development projects through a voluntary child labor program (regulated by the government with limited working hours).

The children employed under this program are given training aimed at improving their skills. Their parents also receive training and Rp 1.5 million each to help them set up their own small business.

Simanihuruk said the manpower and transmigration ministry was cooperating with regions to eliminate the worst forms of child labor.

He also said that under regional autonomy, a number of regions in Papua, Bali, East Kalimantan, Riau and Aceh had fully implemented a compulsory nine-year education program aimed at eliminating illiteracy and improving the quality of human resources.

He added that the ILO office in Jakarta was also helping to finance an education program for child laborers in West Java and East Kalimantan, with the program to be extended to North Sumatra, East Java and South Sulawesi.

Land/rural issues

Government defends new land decree amid strong protests

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- The government has defended the controversial presidential decree that allows the government to forcibly take over privately owned land that has been earmarked for development purposes, even when owners fail to agree on compensation offered to them.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla said that despite recent protests by many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) against Presidential Decree No. 36/2005, it should not be assumed that all people are opposed to it. "Because it (the decree) is intended for the public interest. Do not forget that this decree is different from the previous one, under which past authorities were able to acquire land arbitrarily," Kalla said late last week.

He explained that in order to take over land for development projects under the new decree, a number of steps had to be followed, including obtaining approval from more than 50 percent of local residents. "So, if all the residents disapprove of the land acquisition, then the takeover cannot proceed," Kalla added.

Critics have claimed that the decree could be abused to favor business interests above public interests. A number of NGOs are currently seeking public support to file a request for a judicial review of the decree, which they said could cause human rights problems in the future with forced evictions and intimidation.

Walhi and a number of other NGOs plan to submit the request to the Supreme Court on July 29.

Meanwhile, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Aburizal Bakrie dismissed on Sunday concerns raised by the NGOs, saying that in addition to ensuring certainty for public development purposes, the land decree also guarantees transparency in the acquisition of land for development projects, and recognizes people's ownership of their land and property.

Aburizal said in a press statement that the decree provided certainty for the development process because it stipulates that the process of negotiation with land owners must not exceed 90 days from the time the first invitation to negotiate is made.

On the matter of transparency, he explained that a plot of land to be acquired by the government must already be included in the government's regional spatial planning, and that the land allocation must also be approved by regional administrations such as governors, regents or mayors.

Both the central government and local administration must conduct public consultations with lawmakers in designing the spatial development plans and in allocating land resources for development.

"The public consultation process will provide transparency both for the wider public and the people whose land would be taken for public development purposes," Aburizal said.

He also said the decree rules that the size of compensation for people whose land and property would be affected must be decided by a professional appraiser to be appointed by local governments.

NGOs seek support for review of land decree

Jakarta Post - June 9, 2005

Jakarta -- Non-governmental organizations are seeking public support to file a request for a judicial review of a new presidential decree on land which has widely been deemed as authoritarian.

Presidential Decree No. 36/2005 on the procurement of land for public development purposes authorizes the government to take over private property, should the owners fail to agree on compensation offered to them.

"We will request a judicial review of the decree because it can cause gross human rights problems in the future by forced evictions, intimidation and even physical threats," said leading environmental group Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) executive director Chalid Muhammad.

"We are not against development, but we are against it if the land is used for business purposes," he said.

Chalid said the request will be submitted to the Supreme Court on July 29 by Walhi and many other NGOs grouped in the Coalition of Mutual Cooperation for Citizens, with the support of the public.

The NGOs include the Indonesian Center for Environmental Law (ICEL), the Consortium for Agrarian Reform (KPA), the Foundation of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI), and the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy.

To seek public support for the planned judicial review, they will open command posts in at least 24 provinces across Indonesia, through which some 10,000 residents are expected to give their signatures to back the move.

"Fifty fellow lawyers all over the country are ready to serve as legal advisors for local communities and non-governmental organizations," said Chairil Syah of the YLBHI.

Around 100 residents of Bojong in Bogor, West Java, came to the Walhi office in Jakarta on Tuesday to give support for the move to oppose the presidential decree, while providing copies of their identity cards to the environmental group.

They were among thousands of Bojong people who had protested against the establishment of a garbage dump in their area for Jakarta residents. Their protests often turned violent and they were threatened by hired thugs.

Muslim cleric Mizar, representing the Bojong residents, said their presence here was to lend support for the plan to file a judicial review of the much-criticized decree.

He also said he hoped other communities would not suffer the violence and intimidation that they had experienced.

"We have experienced the bitterness of being forced to let people dump waste in the name of public use in our area. But it was actually for business purposes," said Mizar.

Pak Oman, who was born and raised in Bojong, admitted that he saw his neighbors beaten up and forced to sign a letter of agreement for the building of a waste treatment plant in the village.

"Some villagers were forced to sign an agreement and were enticed with payments of between Rp 50,000 and Rp 100,000 per family to sign," Oman told The Jakarta Post.

War on terror

Bomb material found at Jakarta train station

Reuters - June 15, 2005

Jakarta -- Indonesian police found a partly assembled explosive device at a south Jakarta train station on Wednesday and a bomb squad was called in to dismantle it, a spokesman said.

Police were also seen stopping and searching vehicles outside another train station in the central part of the city early on Wednesday.

The discovery of the materials at the Tanjung Barat station came after reports last week that Indonesian troops were hunting for five cars believed to be carrying bombs made by al Qaeda-linked militants.

"We found 300 grams of potassium along with light bulbs, batteries, switches and nails which were assembled into a device, but it required more ingredients before we even can call it a firecracker," said Jakarta police spokesman Tjiptono.

Indonesia has blamed al-Qaeda linked Jemaah Islamiah militant network for a series of blasts in recent years, including the 2002 Bali blasts that killed 202 people, the 2003 JW Marriott hotel bombing in Jakarta and last year's blast outside the Australian embassy.

Police have said that Malaysians Azahari bin Husin and Noordin M. Top, believed to be key Jemaah Islamiah members, are recruiting and planning another attack.

Australia and the United States recently issued warnings to their citizens in Indonesia, saying intelligence suggested plans by terrorists to carry out attacks in the country were in their advanced stages.

Terror fight revives Suharto-era might

Asia Times - June 15, 2005

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono last week ordered the country's governors to revive the Regional Intelligence Coordinating Body (Bakorinda), a network of intelligence offices last used to quell dissent in the Suharto era, amid criticism that Indonesia's intelligence bodies had failed to anticipate terrorist attacks in the country.

Under the plan, a new anti-terror agency will also be set up to coordinate all agencies currently involved in the national "war against terrorism", namely the police, the military (TNI) and the National Intelligence Agency. Bakorinda will thus synchronize the anti-terror drive by the military, police and judiciary across Indonesia.

Cynics might argue that the latest moves were prompted by the president's embarrassment that his meeting with US leader George W Bush in Washington last month almost coincided with the temporary closure of the US Embassy in Jakarta, in response to "specific information" of terrorist threats. But the real catalyst for the new push on the home front is likely to have been the May 28 market bombing in the mainly Christian town of Tentena, near Poso, Central Sulawesi.

Twenty-two people died and dozens of others were injured in that blast, making it the deadliest bombing in Indonesia since the Bali bombings killed 202 people in 2002. Local officials have hinted that the Tentena bombing could have been politically motivated to justify a strong military presence in the area. The police, however, say it may have been the work of Islamic militants hoping to revive religious tensions in Central Sulawesi.

Shortly after the anti-terror plan was announced, TNI chief General Endriartono Sutarto, unsurprisingly, gave his blessing to the proposed resurrection of Bakorinda. Asked about fears the new plans would bring back repressive government, Sutarto said: "Which do you prefer, having such fears or losing lives."

State Secretary Sudi Silalahi deemed the reinstatement of Bakorinda necessary and said it "is not aimed at frightening people, but rather to improve the coordination among our security authorities".

Threat to the region

Australia has long been wary of its neighbor -- the world's most populous Muslim country and the setting for Australia's own September 11, the Bali bombings, in which 80 Australians were killed. The Australian Department of Foreign Trade last week cited "credible reports" suggesting that plans by terrorists to carry out attacks in Indonesia were in advanced stages. The warning noted that the bomb attack outside the Australian Embassy on September 9, 2004, "underscores that the threat to Australians in Indonesia is real".

Police say Malaysians Noordin Mohammed Top and Azahari bin Husin, alleged key members of the al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah (JI) Southeast Asian terrorism network, both of whom top Indonesia's most-wanted list, are currently recruiting people and planning another attack. Just last week Top's wife was sentenced to three years in jail for hiding him.

Noordin and Top are believed to be among the perpetrators of a series of blasts in Indonesia, including those in Bali, the 2003 JW Marriott Hotel bombing in Jakarta that claimed 12 lives, and the blast near the Australian Embassy in September that killed 10.

The usual suspects

Lieutenant General Zen Maulani, head of the Coordinating Agency for National Intelligence (Bakin) from 1998-2000, has said on record that organizations such as Laskar Jihad, Front Pembela Islam, Laskar Jundullah and Laskar Hisbullah were not terrorist or extremist groups in the real sense; they were formed in response to the repression of Suharto's New Order regime and unfair and unjust treatment by the government. They have nothing to do with al-Qaeda or the US "war on terrorism", claimed the general.

This is the same man who preached to around 6,000 chanting followers crowded in and around a Solo (Surakarta) mosque to show their support for militant cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir prior to his arrest less than a week after the Bali bombings. Maulani disputed the allegations against Ba'asyir and told the gathered masses, "This war against international terrorism is merely a tool to dominate the world oil sources."

Ba'asyir, accused by the major powers of leading the JI, designated a terrorist organization by the United Nations Security Council, is presently serving a 30-month jail sentence for involvement in the conspiracy behind the Bali bombings. Washington and Canberra have accused Jakarta of letting the courts get in the way of fighting terrorism and lacking "political will".

Yudhoyono, for his part, has said Indonesia would outlaw the JI if its existence could be "legally proven" and if its members were involved in terrorist acts. Under current anti-terrorism regulations, suspicions of terrorism are based on individual actions and not as a consequence of group membership.

Criticism of the police

The national police are coming under increasing fire for a perceived view of terrorism as a routine matter, instead of a real threat to public security. The military and the police were integrated under the aegis of the Indonesian Armed Forces, until being separated in 1999. Currently, the two forces are under the direct supervision of the president.

Rights groups say the police and military should remain separate, as they fear any form of reunification will encourage the military to resume its socio-political role, in which the rights of ordinary Indonesians were often pushed aside to succor and defend the business and political interests of the ruling elite.

Two leading legislators -- Permadi, from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle who is a member of a commission on defense, foreign affairs and information; and Golkar legislator Akil Mochtar, deputy chairman of a commission on law, legislation, human rights and security -- have called for the dismissal of national police chief General Dai Bachtiar.

Their outspoken demands came after radical Muslim cleric Abu Jibril, a Ba'asyir associate and member of the Ba'asyir-led Indonesian Mujahideen Council, claimed a bomb blast a week ago outside his house may have been masterminded by the US to intimidate him into stopping his campaign for an Islamic state.

Jibril, described by the US State Department as JI's primary recruiter and second in command, was arrested in Malaysia in June 2001, during a crackdown on the JI and local militant organization Kumpulan Mujahideen Malaysia, a militant group that like JI seeks to set up an Islamic state. Jibri was detained for two years on suspicion of links to terrorism, but was later deported to Indonesia.

Mochtar was quoted as saying he thought the bombing outside Jibril's home could have been conducted by terrorists as a warning that they had approached Jakarta and might also have been perpetrated by Australians opposed to the recent conviction of Schapelle Corby for drug smuggling.

Permadi, though conceding that police have caught several perpetrators after bombings, claimed they had failed to take adequate steps to prevent terrorism. He cited the fact that Azahari, stopped by traffic police after last year's bombing at the Australian Embassy, simply paid a small bribe to avoid a traffic fine. "We should not expect the security situation to improve much if police are still like that," Permadi said.

An unseen enemy

The most potent weapon against terrorism remains effective intelligence, but pinpointing the enemy in the vast Indonesian archipelago will be no easy task. Australian Federal Police Commissioner Mick Keelty has warned the effort needed to eradicate terrorism in Indonesia was "not a sprint, it's a marathon".

Speaking just after the attack on the Marriott Hotel in 2003, Keelty noted that in Indonesia there was an "almost endless supply of people who are willing to take up the radical and fundamentalist cause".

The JI claims to aspire to an Islamic state, a concept historically rejected by most of Indonesia's Muslim majority. But its ability to recruit feeds on powerlessness, poverty and injustice. The government has, for some time been working with the two large mainstream religious organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, through the Ministry of Religious Affairs, to seek their help in educating the masses away from the influence of radical groups in the national interest.

Public attitudes toward radical Islam have already hardened considerably, particularly since the Marriott bombing that struck at the very heart of the capital, and in doing so, threatened the rich and powerful. Despite some 190 arrests throughout the region, the bombing proved that the JI had clearly retained the capacity and the will to launch such devastating attacks. Now up to two-thirds of Jakarta's 26,000 policemen are deployed daily to maintain security.

Indonesians now have little doubt that their country has all the ingredients needed to nurture and sustain terrorist "sleepers" who are ready to act given the green light from the paymaster. Thus, high-profile leaders of local radical groups are likely hard pressed to whip up anti-authority sentiment on the basis that Muslims are the object of observation and surveillance under the newly stepped up intelligence gathering network.

Trade-off

The US-led "war on terror" has been extremely damaging for human rights, and has been used as an excuse by totalitarian regimes to impose oppressive laws, according to a report from the International Institute for Strategic Studies. The report, "Human Rights and Counter-terrorism in America's Asia Policy", says certain countries have brought in so-called anti-terrorist laws insisting they are not much different from the Patriot Act enacted by the Bush administration. The emotional passage of the Patriot Act only weeks after the September 11 terror attacks allowed little time for scrutiny of its measures. The act's many critics point out that although it was passed hastily without any debate or hearings and under a cloak of fear, its provisions were obviously very carefully thought out and crafted to take power out of the hands of the courts and ensure absolute lack of oversight of law enforcement and intelligence gathering.

During the New Order era in Indonesia, the country's security institutions had similar and absolute authority to act against those found or suspected of disturbing security and order. Non- governmental organizations in Indonesia argue that terrorism allegations derived from US sources could be used by the military for its own benefit to either smooth the path to a better relationship with the US, or to reinforce its political role.

Though the government has promised it would not resurrect draconian internal security laws like those used with impunity under Suharto, and scrapped after his downfall in 1998, Indonesian society could be forced to come to terms with a forced trade-off between human-rights expectations and the sweeping powers expected to be granted to security authorities. These are contained in a proposed revision of the existing Anti-terrorism Law No 15/2003, which Inspector General Ansjaad Mbai of the anti-terror desk at the chief security minister's office has described as the world's "softest" law against terrorism.

The draft law, which has been ready for debate in the House since February 2004, states that suspected terrorists can be detained by the police for up to seven days on the basis of very little preliminary evidence and then for a further six months for questioning and prosecution. It would also allow intelligence reports to be admitted as prima facie evidence in order to detain suspects. Investigators would also have the authority to go through personal mail and parcels and to tap telephone conversations or other forms of communication.

Crucially, the draft law provides for the arrest of suspects by the military, which would thus give the military direct involvement in policing and criminal investigations, the very powers that were so widely abused in the Suharto era.

This may already be underway. On taking office last October, the president ordered the police to capture Noordin and Azahari during the first 100 days of his term. Significantly, at the beginning of this week, troops were brought in to hunt down five vehicles suspected of carrying bombs made by Noordin's recruits.

[Bill Guerin, a Jakarta correspondent for Asia Times Online since 2000, has worked in Indonesia for 19 years in journalism and editorial positions. He has been published by the BBC on East Timor and specializes in business/economic and political analysis in Indonesia.]

Lawmakers object to revival of old intelligence network

Deutsche Presse Agentur - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- Indonesian lawmakers have objected to a controversial government anti-terror plan to revive a far-reaching intelligence network used to quell dissent during the dictatorial government of ex-President Suharto, a local newspaper said Monday.

The Indonesian military last week threw its backing behind the government's plan to revive the intelligence network across the country to allegedly improve the nation's ability to combat terrorism.

"I'm suspicious of the initiator of such a plan because he is trying to revive the past repressive and anti-democratic government by using the issue of terrorism," Djoko Susilo, a lawmaker from the National Mandate Party (PAN), was quoted as saying by the local daily Bisnis Indonesia.

Home Affairs Minister and retired general Muhammad Ma'ruf proposed recently a plan to revive the network used by Suharto before massive pro-democracy protests, combined with an economic downturn, forced him to step down in May 1998 after 32 years in office.

Ma'ruf said the regional intelligence coordinating bodies, known by its Indonesian acronym Bakorinda, would synchronize the anti- terror efforts of the military, police and judiciary in all regions across the country.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is also a former army general, said last week the plan to revive Bakorinda was part of the government's effort to maintain security, as well as to prevent terrorist acts in the country.

But lawmaker Muhaimin Iskandar expressed opposition, arguing that the move was not urgent and would only end in bringing back an authoritarian regime to the country.

"The acts of terrorism only happen in certain regions. They don't take place throughout the country, so the plan to revive Bakorinda and link it to the issue of terrorism is not relevant," said Iskandar, a lawmaker from the National Mandate Party (PKB).

Instead, he urged the government to improve the professionalism and capability of its intelligence, rather than revive the Bakorinda offices.

Suripto, another lawmaker from the Justice and Welfare Party (PKS), called on the country's intelligence agencies to first improve their professionalism.

The plan to revive the network, first raised after the 2002 Bali nightclub bombings that killed 202 people and thrust Indonesia onto the front lines in the fight against terrorism, is strongly opposed by several legislators and human rights groups.

Authorities have blamed the al Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah (JI) regional militant network for the October 2002 Bali blasts and several other attacks in Indonesia, including the 2003 bombing of Jakarta's J.W. Marriott Hotel and last year's explosion outside the Australian embassy in Jakarta.

Indonesia's military backs anti-terror spy plan

Reuters - June 10, 2005

Jakarta -- Indonesia's military threw its backing on Friday behind a controversial government anti-terror plan to revive a far-reaching intelligence network used to quell dissent during the country's authoritarian past.

Military chief General Endriartono Sutarto told reporters at the presidential palace the plan was needed to prevent terrorist cells operating in the vast archipelago.

The plan to resurrect the network of multi-agency intelligence offices, a design used by ousted autocrat Suharto during his 32- year rule that ended in 1998, was proposed by home affairs minister Muhammad Ma'ruf on Thursday.

Ma'ruf had said the regional intelligence coordinating bodies, known by the Indonesian acronym Bakorinda, would synchronise the anti-terror efforts of the military, police and judiciary in all regions of Indonesia.

"If the system in the centre works but the regions don't, prevention will not be at the maximum. Intelligence bodies have to cooperate at the lowest level," Sutarto said after a meeting with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"We know terror can be foiled if we tackle it from the lowest level." Security officials are still formulating how the network can be revived and which institution will ultimately be in charge of it, he said.

The plan, first mooted after the 2002 Bali nightclub bombings that killed 202 people and thrust Indonesia onto the front lines in the fight against terrorism, is strongly opposed by several legislators and human rights groups.

Asked about fears the plan would only revive repressive government, the country's top soldier said: "Which do you prefer, having such fears or losing lives." "Should we allow another 200 people to become victims? The government has the duty to provide security," he said, referring to the Bali bombings.

Authorities have blamed the al Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah militant network for the Bali blasts and for other recent attacks in Indonesia.

Police have received praise for bringing dozens of terror perpetrators to justice, but they have also reaped criticism for failing to prevent terror at the planning level.

Rights campaigners warn of abuses by domestic spy agency

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2005

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- The government's plan to revive its domestic spy agency, which former dictator Soeharto used to watch critics and stifle dissent, drew fire on Friday from human rights activists.

The rights campaigners expressed fear the agency would be misused by security forces, which they said enjoyed impunity despite their alleged rights abuses.

"It sounds scary," Agung Yudhawiranata of the rights group Elsam told The Associated Press. "We worry that the Soeharto era has returned and that the agency will use the pretext of fighting terrorism to violate individuals' rights. It's a step backward in our efforts to limit the powers of the police and military."

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono asked for the revival of the Regional Intelligence Coordinating Agency to help track down terrorist suspects by improving cooperation among the police, military and State Intelligence Agency.

Rights activist Hendardi acknowledged that the government's ability to fight terrorism was weak. "But we don't want any government to use this agency to detain people who have different political opinions," he said.

Former Army general Soeharto used the notorious internal spy network -- known by its Indonesian acronym as Bakorinda -- to watch his opponents down to the village level.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla asserted on Friday the need for a regional intelligence body, due to the fact that terror suspects had been roaming free.

"Dr. Azahari (a Malaysian fugitive wanted for his alleged involvement in a series of deadly bombings in the country) turns out to have frequently lived in residential areas. If he lives next door and one of his bombs explodes... you will be the victim," he told a media conference.

Police have been searching for Azahari bin Husin and Noordin M. Top, two Malaysian citizens believed to have masterminded three major bombings in the country, including the Bali blasts in 2002.

The Vice President said that it was time for the government to involve the public through the optimal delivery of information about terror suspects. Regulations requiring all guests to report to their neighborhood unit chiefs have to be revived and fully implemented, he added.

Kalla said the government needed to revive a regional intelligence agency as the country was still prone to terrorist attacks while the capability of intelligence was limited.

He said the policy instead demonstrated the government's seriousness in fighting terrorism. "We should be realistic in facing such threats. One small bomb in Jakarta can play havoc to 10 million people in the capital. This is a serious problem with wide-ranging implications," said Kalla.

Presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng also called on the public not to be afraid of the plan, since it would be different from the policy adopted during the authoritarian rule of former president Soeharto.

"The possibility is slim for the antiterror agency to abuse its authorities because we are now a democratic country under a civilian leadership. We are not taking the negative side of the past," said Andi.

Separately, Indonesian Military chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said the military was ready to help the regional spy agency, but would refrain from taking a pole position.

"I don't know whether the intelligence body or police will coordinate the agency, but I don't want the military to take the lead because terrorism is not our domain. We just provide a backing," Endriartono said after accompanying his Malaysian counterpart Adm. Tan Sri Dato' Sri Mohd. Anwar bin Hj. Noor to a meeting with the President.

Government plans to revive notorious agency

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2005

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- In a bid to prevent future terrorist attacks, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ordered the country's governors on Thursday to revive a regional intelligence agency that once helped Soeharto's New Order regime silence opposition voices.

Through the revived Regional Intelligence Coordinating Agency (Bakorinda), the governors will have access to intelligence reports from the police, the military and the National Intelligence Agency (BIN).

The governors will be responsible for coordinating the security authorities in preventing terrorist attacks, and will report directly report to the President any suspicious activity.

Susilo issued the order during a meeting with governors from around the country at the State Palace in Jakarta.

"President Susilo stressed the importance of preventing terrorist attacks at the provincial level... All governors should revive the Bakorinda to improve coordination between security authorities and local leaders," Minister of Home Affairs M. Ma'ruf said during a press briefing.

Before being scrapped following the fall of Soeharto in 1998, the agency monitored public activities, particularly any activity seen as having the potential to undermine the government.

Susilo was the TNI chief of sociopolitical affairs when Soeharto resigned in the face of widespread demonstrations against his rule.

"The agency was dissolved because it was closely related to the military. Its reinstatement is not aimed at frightening people, but rather to improve the coordination among our security authorities. We cannot just rely on the police and BIN," said Cabinet Secretary Sudi Silalahi.

Indonesia has suffered numerous bombings since 2000, with the most recent in the Central Sulawesi town of Tentena killing 21 people. Intelligence bodies have come under criticism for failing to anticipate and prevent the string of attacks.

The government is still working out the details on the future structure of Bakorinda and its supporting arms. Sudi said there was no reason this step should cause suspicion among the public, describing the agency as more of a coordinating body.

Gorontalo Governor Fadel Muhammad said the President also asked the governors to set up "terror desks" that would form the regional branches of the National Unity Agency.

"Most of the governors, however, objected to the request for fear of overlapping duties with Bakorinda. We suggested the terror desks be merged with Bakorinda, and the President seemed to agree," said Fadel.

Ma'ruf earlier announced plans to add counterterrorism duties to the National Unity Agency in each regional administration, in order to improve coordination in the fight against terrorism.

In other matters, President Susilo instructed the governors to simplify their bureaucracies in order to attract more investment, and to scrap regional regulations seen as unfavorable to business.

Indonesia jails wife of fugitive militant

Reuters - June 9, 2005

Bangil (East Java) -- An Indonesian court on Thursday jailed for three years the wife of a top Malaysian terrorism suspect, wanted in connection with a string of deadly bombings, for hiding her husband.

The district court in Bangil in East Java, 700km east of the capital, Jakarta, also ruled Munfiatun guilty of submitting false information for her marriage certificate when she wed fugitive Noordin M. Top. Top used a fake name and claimed he was an Indonesian in the July 2004 nuptial document, the court said.

"The decision that we have imposed matches her actions in hiding the whereabouts of Noordin M. Top, a terrorism perpetrator," said presiding judge Amriyat.

Lawyers for Munfiatun, who wore a flowing black robe that only showed her eyes, have argued the 29-year old never knew her husband was sought by police because she knew him as Abdurrachman Aufi, the name used on their marriage certificate.

Police have said Top and fellow Malaysian Azahari bin Husin are among the masterminds behind a series of bombings in Indonesia, including the 2002 Bali blasts that killed 202 people, the 2003 JW Marriott hotel bombing in Jakarta which claimed 12 lives, and last year's blast outside the Australian embassy that killed 10 people.

Antiterror agency to have regency offices

Jakarta Post - June 9, 2005

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- A planned new antiterror agency is expected to have branches in regencies throughout the country gathering crucial information for the agency's counterterrorism work.

Minister of Home Affairs M. Ma'ruf said the antiterror agency would be supported by so-called "terror desks," which would be integrated into regional administration units called National Unity agencies. These agencies normally deal with political affairs at the regional level.

"The desk will be incorporated into the National Unity agencies. We hope these agencies will play a key role in the prevention of terror attacks. But the desk will definitely have no authority in detaining or probing terrorist suspects," Ma'ruf said at the State Palace on Wednesday.

Ma'ruf said the regional agencies would supply information to security authorities and to the national antiterror agency for further action.

"Our country is so vast. It requires close cooperation with provincial administrations to coordinate efforts to combat terrorism in their respective areas," said the retired three-star Army general.

The government announced on Tuesday it would form a special antiterror agency aimed at overcoming the lack of coordination between authorities and different agencies in trying to prevent future terrorist attacks.

The agency, which will be an expansion of the current antiterror desk managed by the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Security and Political Affairs, will be supported by "terror desks" set up at the provincial level.

The planned agency will coordinate all of the agencies related with the fight against terrorism, including the National Police, the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Intelligence Agency (BIN).

This new plan comes after the recent bombing in a market in Tentena, near Poso, Central Sulawesi. Twenty-one people died in the attack and dozens of others were injured, making it the deadliest bombing in the country since the Bali bombings in 2002.

Meanwhile, AFP quoted the police as saying on Wednesday they had arrested a Muslim preacher and a Christian man in connection with the Tentena bombing.

The pair, identified only as Abu Halmas and Andreas, were arrested separately in connection with the May 28 bombing in the mainly Christian town of Tentena, said police spokesman Ariyanto Budiharjo. Detectives found "traces" of explosive material on Halmas' fingers, the spokesman said.

He also said that so far a total of 17 people, including this recent pair, had been taken into custody for questioning. Previously police had detained more than 20 people.

Police have blamed last weekend's attack on Islamic militants with possible links to the Jemaah Islamiyah organization, the alleged Southeast Asian arm of the al-Qaeda network, who they say were hoping to revive religious tensions in the area.

Central Sulawesi has been dogged by violence between Christians and Muslims after a 2001 peace deal ended almost a year of fighting in which more than 1,000 people died.

But local officials have also said the bombing could have been politically motivated to justify a strong military presence in the area or an attempt to divert attention away from a corruption scandal.

Politics/political parties

PKB prepares disciplinary moves against rivals

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Tony Hotland, Jakarta -- After winning recognition from the government, the National Awakening Party (PKB) under Muhaimin Iskandar is mulling action against members of a rival camp.

PKB deputy secretary-general Zannuba Arifah Chafsoh, better known as Yenni Wahid, said on Saturday, however, that doors would stay open for the party's splinter group to rejoin.

"We maintain the spirit of brotherhood. Unless they (splinter group) take actions outside the law, a recall is too dramatic. We're taking things easy," said Yenni, the daughter of former president and PKB chief patron Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

PKB gave eight defying members and House of Representatives members three days on Thursday to declare their allegiance to the party, after the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights officially recognized its new central board lineup as a result of a national congress in Semarang last April.

The government's acceptance followed a Supreme Court edict saying that a new party leadership should be registered despite an ongoing conflict. The ministry, however, said the registration was subject to review and changes should a court verdict not rule in the new leadership's favor.

Yenni said the new PKB leadership had never considered such a government recognition important since a party's establishment was determined by its own internal mechanism.

A party source, however, said some PKB legislators had to pay a visit to justice minister Hamid Awaluddin's house on Monday to make him acknowledge the party's new central board of executives. They met and talked to Hamid, after the latter was unable to avoid them.

The party executives had feared that both Hamid and his office would fool around with the PKB and the Supreme Court's edict, the source told The Jakarta Post.

"It was ridiculous. A copy of the edict was sent to them and later returned to the post office simply because we addressed it to the wrong bureau inside the same building," said the source.

The party split after the national congress in April elected a new leadership. Alwi Shihab, the chief minister for public welfare, said the congress was legally flawed because it did not involve him as the party's chief executive and secretary-general Saifullah Yusuf, now the state minister for disadvantaged regions.

The two were suspended last year after joining the Cabinet of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. They organized a national meeting of politicians and clerics last month in Surabaya, which resulted in a declaration that rejected the legitimacy of the Semarang congress and the leadership of Muhaimin. They are also suing the party over their suspension and have vowed to hold a rival congress if they win the civil suit.

Playing down the threats of recall, legislator Muhammad A.S. Hikam, who supports Alwi's camp, said the Muhaimin's side was too euphoric about the ministry's registration and stressed that the civil suit was still in progress. "I don't even think about it. They shouldn't issue threats like that," he said.

However, Hikam said he personally would bow to any verdict and abide by any decisions issued by the party central board if his camp lost the suit. "I wouldn't set up a new party if we lost because that wouldn't be a good lesson for democracy. But that's hypothetical, let things just flow," he asserted.

Megawati inaugurates new PDI-P volunteer wing Repdem

Koran Tempo - June 10, 2005

Jakarta -- Yesterday, Megawati Sukarnoputri inaugurated the Volunteers for Democratic Struggle (Relawan Perjuangan Demokrasi, Repdem), a social organisation affiliated with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). At the same time, the general chairperson of PDI-P also inaugurated Repdem members as members of her party.

Megawati called on Repdem to be consistent with its name as a voluntary organisation, that is one with an independent character. She then went on to related her experience when she first joined the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) which later went on to become the PDI-P.

"I was ordered this way and that, I never asked for money, like a volunteer", she said prior to the inauguration which was held at the party's headquarters on Jalan Lenteng Agung. "So before any Repdem [members] even think of asking for money, [you] should leave okay".

Megawati said she was happy with the statement by Repdem's secretary general, Budiman Sudjatmiko, who said he would do whatever he was asked. "I'm just one small part of a wave building this country", he said.

During the inauguration, Megawati symbolically handed over PDI-P jackets to Repdem's chairperson, secretary general and other regional and city level leaders. The event, which began at 3pm, proceeded for around an hour, starting two hours later than scheduled. A number of PDI-P's central leadership members attended.

Sudjatmiko said that the inauguration was the second happiest day of his life after the day the PDI-P declared itself as an opposition party. In a speech the former general chairperson of the People's Democratic Party said that Repdem couldn't become a party within a party. "Because that will cause anarchy within the organisation".

Earlier, Repdem's general chairperson, Beathor Suryadi, said the organisation will not undermine the authority of the party. "It won't become a parasite within the party", he said in a speech. He said he hoped Megawati's spirit of populism would spread to Repdem.

Repdem was launched on November 3, 2004. At the PDI-P's Second Congress in Bali at the end of March this year, Repdem supported Megawati's reelection as party chairperson. Former activist Pius Lustrilanang, a leader of the PDI-P's Red Alert Brigade (Brigass) on the other, hand opposed her. Lustrilanang was dismissed from the PDI-P last May along with 11 other activists from the PDI-P Reform Movement.

The chairperson of Indonesian Young Bulls (BMI), Roy B.B. Janis, said that the PDI-P does not have an affiliated organisations like other political parties. A number of social organisations such as BMI and the Democratic Youth have worked with the PDI-P once every five years when they were campaigning in the general elections. "The BMI will not support an authoritarian party", said the PDI-P Reform Movement figure.

Janis admitted they are still garnering regional support to address the errors of the PDI-P leadership board elected at the May congress. Today, he was inaugurating the Reform Movement in Central Sulawesi and will then go to the West Java city of Bogor on Sunday for a similar event. "On Monday next week I'll be going to East Nusa Tenggara", he said. (Harun Mahbub Billah/Jobpie S.)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Megawati inaugurates former activists as PDI-P members

Suara Pembaruan - June 9, 2005

Jakarta -- A number of former activist who were part of the popular struggle against the New Order regime have formally joined the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

The former activists are part of the Volunteers for Democratic Struggle (Repdem) which was officially inaugurated at the office of the central executive board of the PDI-P in Lenteng Agung, Jakarta, on Thursday June 9.

They were formally accepted into the PDI-P and at the same time inaugurated as members of Repdem by the PDI-P chairperson former President Megawati Sukarnoputri. The former activists will join the ranks of the PDI-P which has declared itself as an opposition party against the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The activists include Budiman Sudjatmiko (former chairperson of the People's Democratic Party), Bambang Bitor Surjadi, Mashinton Pasaribu (former Pamred presidium member), Afnan Malai (Yogyakarta), Soewignyo (a researcher at Island Nation Solidarity), Jhon Soni (Pekan Baru, Riau), Erong Pata (Jakarta), Hamzah Ohaiwa (Underground Student Commission), Muhammad Thoha (a former member of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, Kontras), Achik, Marlin Dinamikanto (Information Centre for Action and Reformation Network, Pijar), Wanto Sugito (City Network, Jarkot) and Akuat Supriyanto. (M-15)

[Translated by Risna.]

Regional elections

Political machine key to Golkar success in polls

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Despite its strong association with the New Order regime of former president Soeharto, the Golkar Party managed to dominate not only the last legislative election, but also direct regional elections held in several regencies. The Jakarta Post's Slamet Susanto discussed this with Riswandha Imawan, a political analyst at Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta.

Question: What has allowed Golkar Party to win the majority of votes in direct elections in several regions?

Answer: To make the answer short, it is because Golkar is the political party that is most prepared to face the unprecedented direct regional elections.

This is evident from Golkar's political machine, which has worked effectively since the legislative and presidential elections last year in terms of successfully building its image. Other political parties have been trapped in infighting over power and have not turned their attention to recruiting new members, so they are not ready for the regional elections.

What are the indications that other parties are not well prepared and have failed to develop their human resources?

The most obvious one would be the performances of their candidates, which generally have not been good, with the exception of a couple of quality candidates. The candidates are not qualified to serve as the people's representatives. This proves that the parties are not ready to compete, as they only think about how to get a share of the power pie.

Do you think the incumbent local leaders from the Golkar Party have had something to do with the failure of other parties to prepare for regional elections?

The situation now is unpredictable. The fact is that severe malnutrition has become rife, and both the economy and security are getting worse.

Will people vote for candidates whose track records are unclear?

Theoretically, they won't. Instead, people will vote for familiar faces, or in this case those who are already in power. Unless they have committed some unacceptable ethical or moral violation, the incumbents stand a great chance for reelection. In this situation, people would rather vote for candidates who are familiar rather than for total strangers.

Then why has Golkar done better in elections than, for example, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which also has lots of members running local administrations?

Both Golkar and the PDI-P are powerful in the regions. But Golkar is dominating the regional elections because, unlike the PDI-P, it has successfully projected a good image.

There are several regional leaders who compensate for the PDI-P's lack of a good image, such as Regent Rustriningsih in Kebumen and Regent Idham Samawi in Bantul. An example of this was the reelection of Syaukani H.R. in Kutai Kartanegara regency in East Kalimantan, which was achieved through the mobilization of Golkar supporters.

What are the other signs that the Golkar political machinery is running smoothly?

In corruption cases, for instance. It is easy for people to link (former Golkar leader) Akbar Tandjung to corruption cases, but the mechanisms inside the party are able to suppress this. This is also seen in the regions, where Golkar always manages to protect members allegedly involved in corruption cases. PDI-P cannot do the same thing.

Given all this, how many regency posts do you think Golkar will win in the regional elections?

I think the target set by Golkar leader (and Vice President) Jusuf Kalla to win 60 percent of the top posts in the regencies and provinces can be surpassed. It is already 60 percent and with all the factors I have mentioned, I am sure they will win over 60 percent of the posts up for grabs in the regional elections.

Which regions in particular will be Golkar strongholds?

The eastern areas of Indonesia are easy targets because Golkar already has traditional strongholds there. In Java, however, with more well-informed voters, the competition will be more wide open. Parties like the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) will also dominate certain regions.

If Golkar dominates the elections for regents, mayors and governors, will the party cooperate with other parties? And what about the process of regional development?

Party consolidation and regional development are inseparable. Coalitions will be necessary to face the 2009 general election. Parties must also heed the demands of grassroots supporters, whether or not they like it.

I think Golkar supporters will fight it out to dominate the regional elections to prepare for the 2009 elections, where the party will be able to boast about its achievements in the regions.

Acehnese women demand equal opportunities in elections

Kompas - June 11, 2005

Banda Aceh -- At least 35 women academics, legal practitioners, activists and students visited the Aceh Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD) at midday on Friday June 10. They were asking for revisions to be made to the government regulation (Pilkada) or Qanun on the election of regional government heads before it comes into law on Saturday because the law eliminates the chance for Acehnese women to be candidates.

"We want the Qanun on the election of regional heads not to eliminate women's right to be candidates for regional heads. There are at least three articles that must be amended", said Suraiya, an activist with Indonesian Flower in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh.

The concern is over Article 41, Paragraph 1, which reads "In order to be able to be elected in an election, each person had the right to vote, nominate themselves as an independent candidate, a candidate for a political party, to be nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties". Women are demanding that the DPRD add the words women and men into the article.

Then Article 41, Paragraph 2, which reads "[Candidates must be] able to administer Islamic law, able to read the holy Quran and able to become a leader of communal prayer and preacher at a mosque". They oppose this article because under Islamic Law women are not allowed to become leaders of communal prayer or preachers. "We are demanding that the DPRD insert a sentence for men and women after the word Al Quran and a sentence for men after leader of communal prayers", said another activist, Annisa.

Activists during a dialogue raised this issue with Deputy Speaker of the Aceh DPRD, Waisul Qarany Aly, Mukhlis Mukhtar from Reform Star Party fraction, Jamaluddin T Muku from the Democratic Party fraction and Gade Salam fraction of the United Development Party fraction. Aly explained however, that in discussions over revisions to the Qanun on regional elections changes had been made to articles that are bias against women.

"We have already simplified the contents of Article 41 Paragraph 1 so it is able to accommodate Islamic law. So, anyone can participant in the regional elections", said Aly. (ham/anv)

[Translated by Risna.]

Indonesia jumps last democratic hurdle

Asia Times - June 9, 2005

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Colonized by the Dutch, occupied by the Japanese and led by authoritarian leaders for several decades, Indonesia has entered the final phase of its transition into the world's third-largest democracy in a series of direct local elections or pilkada that will see authority finally devolved from the central government in Jakarta.

While some volatile areas such as Aceh and Papua have postponed the devolution of power, leaders in a third of the country's 33 provinces and half of its 400 regencies or districts are scheduled to be elected in 226 local elections this year. Some 186 local administrations, including seven provinces, will hold elections this month, with another 40 regions scheduled to hold polls between July and December, and the remainder some time, as yet to be determined, during 2006.

The landmark elections started last week in East Kalimantan, where voters went to the polls in the country's first direct local leadership election to choose the regent (bupati) and deputy regent of one of the country's richest regencies, Kutai Kartanegara. Previously regents were appointed by local councils -- a process known to be open to corruption and vote buying.

About 376,000 voters were eligible to vote in Kutai Kartanegara. With a 73% turnout, incumbent regent Syaukani and his running mate, Samsuri Aspar, won 61% of the vote. Syaukani, who heads the nationwide association of bupatis, has used the regency's wealth for the benefit of the local community -- improving the infrastructure, delivering free education and providing small interest-free loans to help locals start small businesses.

In light of the elections, Ishack Iskandar, head of the Local General Elections Commission (KPUD) in the province, said, "We now can act without being hassled any more by the central government."

Local leaders seized the momentum after Suharto's downfall in 1998 and pressed for more authority and a share of income from natural resources that had previously gone to Jakarta. The central government then drew up the 1999 Regional Autonomy Law that transferred a greater share of revenue to local governments and allowed them to make many of their own laws and control their budgets. The law put local elections under the jurisdiction of local governments and the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Problem issues

One concern is that several issues not present in the 2004 general elections could adversely affect the long, drawn-out series of local elections. Current local election laws, for instance, could encourage fraud and election violations.

International observers commented on the efficiency and integrity of the country's first-ever direct presidential poll in 2004 and attributed this to the determination of the government and the people to hold fair and peaceful elections. Unfortunately, by April this year much of the confidence and optimism gained from those elections, by the government and voters alike, had evaporated with the exposure of a high-profile corruption case involving allegations of kickbacks from companies that won contracts to provide materials for the elections, despite the fact that everything had gone through a tender system.

The arrest of General Elections Commission (KPU) member Mulyana W Kusamah by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) set off claims of widespread, systemic corruption and fiscal abuse from top to bottom within the echelons of the KPU. Mulyana was allegedly caught trying to bribe the Supreme Audit Agency into turning a blind eye on graft. KPU chairman Nazaruddin Syamsuddin was later declared a suspect and three other senior KPU members were arrested over the scandal.

Notwithstanding the shock and shame generated by this graft scandal, the 2004 elections benefited greatly from strategic planning and implementation by the KPU and the government, assisted by donor countries, non-governmental organizations, international agencies such as the United Nations and the European Union, as well as independent monitoring agencies. For local elections, however, the key institutions are only the KPUD and the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The KPUD is in charge of the overall strategic planning of election activities and takes up the role of the KPU. The Ministry of Home Affairs provides only technical guidance and logistical support for the KPUD. Pre-election activities, such as information dissemination and voter registration, candidate registration and verification, the printing and distribution of ballots, organizing of campaign schedules, and monitoring of the elections for violations is all the responsibility of the KPUD, which is accountable to the local legislative body (DPRD).

The Ministry of Home Affairs has removed the requirement for the printing of ballots through a tender system. This increases the opportunity for corrupt practices in the printing of ballots and ballot boxes, just as happened in the general elections.

A local election supervisory commission (PANWASDA) was established by the DPRD and is accountable to the KPUD. The commission will receive and investigate complaints of election violations or fraud, seek to resolve disputes, and pass on credible allegations of criminal violations of the law to the police. As PANWASDA members are appointed by the DPRD, reported violations and cases of fraud could be suppressed or manipulated in the interests of particular political parties.

The low electoral threshold could also encourage fraud. Local election laws presently allow candidates to be declared winners if they receive at least 25% of the vote, unlike in the presidential election, where the candidates needed to win at least 50% of the vote.

Delayed devolution

Devolution of power, which is expected to help dampen separatist tensions, will be delayed for the resource-rich provinces of Aceh and Papua, but not for Central Sulawesi, where the marginalization of Christians in Poso, particularly the local administration, in which Muslims control the strategic posts, has given rise to increasing Christian resentment.

The Ministry of Home Affairs has granted postponements for areas that have suffered as a result of the tsunami of late last year and recent earthquakes. Elections in Aceh and Nias have been postponed until the early rehabilitation and reconstruction phase of the relief operations are completed, thus allowing election activities such as voter information and registration to begin. Aceh was scheduled to have 14 elections, including one for a new governor to replace Abdullah Puteh, who has been sentenced to 10 years in prison for corruption.

The elections have also been postponed in Papua, where Jakarta is striving to limit the authority of the Papuan People's Assembly (Majelis Rakyat Papua, or MRP). The Special Autonomy Law for Papua No 21/2001 stipulates that the Papua Legislative Council (DPRD) needs the approval of the MRP before inaugurating elected officials. However, Article 139 of that law states that consideration and approval from the MRP must be sought only on one issue: that candidates for election are native Papuans. The government is proposing that the DPRD go ahead and inaugurate elected officials, particularly the governor, should the MRP fail to give its consideration and approval within seven days.

In Poso, where blasts blamed on Islamic militants killed 22 people in a local market recently, the five pairs of candidates lining up for the job of regent and deputy regent are a Muslim and a Christian, in each case. Campaigning there will begin within two weeks and the polls will be held on June 30.

Problem provinces

The government has identified 23 regions that face obstacles in holding local elections, ranging from disputed candidacies to internal rifts in political parties. The duplication of several party executive boards has led rival camps to nominate their own candidates. Split tickets based on agreements by the central boards of political parties in the capital will perpetuate Jakarta's political influence in many local polls.

Challenges to the screening of candidates approved by the KPUD has already sparked violence in several local jurisdictions, including Banyuwangi (East Java); Rejang Lebong (West Java); South Tapanuli, Asahan and Indragiri Hulu (South Sumatra); Solok (West Sumatra); West Halmahera (North Maluku); Eastern Seram (Maluku); and Gowa (South Sulawesi). Disputes over the eligibility of candidates have taken place in Tanah Toraja (South Sulawesi), Sula (North Maluku), Bima (West Nusa Tenggara) and Kebumen (Central Java).

Independent candidates have been barred from the polls after a last-minute ruling by the Constitutional Court on June 2 that unanimously agreed that Law No 32/2004 on regional administrations was consistent with the constitution in requiring candidates to win support from parties in order to run for top executive posts in regencies, municipalities and provinces. The court judges said that allowing independent candidates to contest regional elections would discourage efforts to help political parties mature.

In addition, the exercise in democracy may be grossly underfunded. The Minister of Home Affairs, Mohammad Ma'ruf, has estimated that funding for local elections requires Rp1.25 trillion (US$130.6 million). The regional budget will bear 50% of the cost, while the other half will come from the state budget.

The Ministry of Finance has so far approved from the state budget an allocation of only Rp344.3 billion for regions that will hold local elections. Similarly, from the Rp142 billion in operational funds requested by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Finance has provided only about Rp20 billion, leaving many provinces, regents and cities financially unprepared for the elections.

Despite a lack of funding for their organizations and their activities, several independent election monitoring organizations, such as the Indonesian People's Network for Voter Education, the Indonesian Committee for Independent Monitoring and the Independent Election Monitoring Network, that actively monitored the 2004 general elections, have pledged to monitor the local elections to the end.

Elections give political legitimacy to the people's representatives. Whether or not the officials and councilors voted in this year will be truly accountable to those who elect them is another question, but the legitimacy of the local elections will depend largely on how the KPUD carries out its duties.

Any repeat of the KPU members' crimes by members of the KPUD, or widespread abuse of funds intended for the democratic process, as seen in the general elections, will not only shatter Indonesians' confidence in their dreams of a legitimate democracy but also further damage the image of the country.

[Bill Guerin, a Jakarta correspondent for Asia Times Online since 2000, has worked in Indonesia for 19 years in journalism and editorial positions. He has been published by the BBC on East Timor and specializes in business/economic and political analysis in Indonesia.]

Government/civil service

Indonesian president's phone plan backfires

The Guardian (UK) - June 13, 2005

John Aglionby, Jakarta -- If the Indonesian president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, thought he could get closer to his people by giving out his mobile phone number and inviting complaints, then he seriously miscalculated the scale of the nation's discontent.

"If you think [we] don't care, never come to you and your problems are left unsettled, my cellular phone is active 24 hours a day," he was quoted yesterday as saying at a small gathering of farmers on Saturday afternoon.

But as soon as Mr Yudhoyono gave out his number -- +62 811 109 949 for those outside Indonesia -- the media started broadcasting it nationwide. Within minutes the presidential mobile was inundated with calls and text messages, and by yesterday morning the flood of complaints had become so great that the service was overwhelmed.

"We're now looking at a system which can accommodate more messages," said a presidential spokesman. "If we change the number of course we will announce it."

Callers to one radio chat show welcomed the president's initiative but suggested it might be easier if he had an email address as well.

Callers find it hard to reach President Susilo

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Hera Diani, Jakarta -- It is not exactly like a subtle rejection by a fellow who dutifully gives his number and asks you to call him but never picks up the phone.

Nevertheless those who phoned or sent text messages to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's private number on Sunday, were disappointed by the "busy" tone or undelivered messages.

Pri, 31, for instance, dialed 0811109949 on Saturday evening, soon after Susilo said he was willing to listen to people's complaints through his cellular phone. "I couldn't get through and had no luck sending text messages either," Pri said on Sunday.

A journalist said the number Susilo gave was an old one that he used in the late 1990s, when he was the military chief of social and political affair. "Even then, the cell phone with that number was kept by his adjutant. So, it is highly possible that it's not Susilo's direct cell phone," she told The Jakarta Post.

According to presidential spokesperson Andi Mallarangeng, the system crashed not long after the President announced his number on Saturday because thousands of text messages were sent to it.

"We would like to apologize to everyone because of this incident. We're trying to find a system that can accommodate that many messages, maybe through a computerized system," Andi said on Sunday as quoted by detik.com news portal.

He said the President had been informed about the system crashing but the latter only smiled. "The President did not expect such an incredible response and interest from the public," he said.

Andi said the contents of the messages were varied, ranging from simple questions, such as asking the President how he is doing, to giving sympathetic support or information about the situation in regions.

The majority of the received messages, however, were trivial, from people who were just curious about the hotline service.

"We urge people to sort through their messages. Irrelevant information, or problems that are more suitable for the ears of community leaders, village chiefs, or local administrations should not be delivered. Please send messages only about cases that require presidential intervention, when local administrations are unable to solve them," Andi said.

The presidential spokesman issued a press statement on Sunday, saying that Susilo would soon provide five additional phone numbers that the public could contact him through.

Meanwhile, Gunawan Wibisono, a resident of South Jakarta suggested in his e-mail to detik.com that an e-mail account with a large capacity would be more effective than a private cell phone to receive public input.

"Internet access is available throughout the country. Besides, information sent via e-mail could be more complete, with an attachment et al., and it could keep the identity of the sender anonymous," he wrote.

The hotline service looks like just another public relations strategy to boost Susilo's image as the people's President, a persona he has made every effort to project.

Public relations consultant Miranti Abidin said President Susilo was a very image-conscious leader, but had no clear, substantial and continuous public relations strategy.

"The hotline service is actually a breakthrough and a good start. It can serve as a tip for local leaders to follow in Susilo's footstep in communicating directly with the people, and to pay more attention to them," Miranti told the Post.

She said if the direct communications strategy was not handled well, the President's good will would result in an adverse reaction from the public.

"It needs substantial, guided and sustainable public relations approaches, which unfortunately have not been seen from the President to date," said Miranti.

Call 0811109949, Susilo will answer

Jakarta Post - June 12, 2005

Rendi Witular, PurwakartaWest Java -- For those of you who find the notoriously inept bureaucracy is posing a stumbling block in seeking a solution to your problems, add 0811109949 to your phonebook and the President will lend a helping hand.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Saturday he was prepared to listen to people's complaints through his cellular phone if they found that government officials failed to heed them.

"If you think (government officials) don't care, never come to you and your problems are left unsettled, my cellular phone is active 24 hours a day," Susilo told farmers and fishermen attending a ceremony to mark the launch of the Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry Revitalization Program at Jatiluhur dam here.

The last four digits of the President's cellular phone number denote his date of birth. Susilo said people could talk to him or just text him via short messaging service (SMS).

Has anybody managed to reach the President or had his or her complaint been heeded? A teacher in the Central Java town of Pati has proven that the President listens. Susilo said the teacher told him through SMS recently that his salary had been withheld for four months.

The President said he verified the complaint with Minister of National Education Bambang Sudibyo, who found that the teacher's December 2004 salary had been transferred but he had not received his payment for three months because the money had not been disbursed by the central government for an unspecified reason.

Upon receiving the President's response, the teacher suggested that the government pay the arrears all at once.

The teacher sent another message to Susilo when he discovered his request was not fulfilled. "You told me I would get my salary," Susilo quoted the teacher as saying in his message, to the laughter of the audience.

The President said the calls or messages would serve as his "eyes and ears" to know what problems the people are facing. However, he warned people against telling him slanderous or inaccurate information.

The President also stressed that government officials had to go to the field to see the real situation and troubles their people were facing.

"Keep going to the field, meet people, and spend a night there if necessary," Susilo said.

"I don't like to hear of officials going abroad instead of visiting their people. Overseas trips are sometimes needed to lure investment, make a comparative study or enhance skills. Government officials should not distance themselves from the people, Susilo added. "Never act only to make the president happy, the governor happy. It's the people who should be happy," he asserted.

Susilo recently gathered all governors and rapped them over the knuckles for neglecting health problems among the poor. The gathering followed media reports of malnutrition affected children in some provinces. At least 11 children below five years of age have died of severe malnutrition in West Nusa Tenggara and East Nusa Tenggara provinces.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Graft tops list of SMS's for Susilo

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Jakarta -- Reports on corruption and offerings of lucky charms were among the text messages received by the President via his cellular phone not long after he publicly disclosed its number.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was sent over 2,000 messages on Saturday, with some of them being read out to him by his assistant, before the system crashed.

"Most people sent the President reports on corruption, their hardships and even on lucky charms, such as keris and stones. The public response has been most encouraging," said presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng on Monday.

Susilo announced his private number -- 0811109949 -- to the public on Saturday to allow for direct communications with the public. The opportunity was provided due to widespread complaints of red tape and officials' unresponsiveness to the people's problems.

Andi said the President had called together a number of information technology experts not long after the system crashed and ordered them to seek the best available means for the public to reach him via his cell phone.

Several systems were suggested by the experts, including the allocation of five numbers to accommodate the massive response, or connecting the President's cell phone to computers and servers, which would allow the President to read his messages in the form of a print-out.

"We are currently seeking the best solution. We apologize for any inconvenience caused, but we can ensure you that the system will work soon." Andi said.

Not all of the messages and calls made to the President would receive a supply due to his hectic schedule, Andi said. Only a reliable message that would have a significant impact on the people would be answered.

At present, Susilo's cell phone is being carried by his adjutant at all times. A selection of worthy unedited messages will be submitted to the President, Andi said.

Andi said the presidential service had been initiated so the President could listen to the true voice of his people as government officials often tried to hide bad findings from Susilo to make him happy.

Susilo was reportedly angry about local administration heads' denials of widespread malnutrition in a number of provinces. At least 15 children below five years of age have died this year from chronic undernourishment in West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara and Aceh.

The malnutrition reports have surfaced as Susilo's government intensifies its fight against corruption, which is now targeting public officials, prominent businesspeople and bankers.

Padang councillors jailed for corruption

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Syofiardi Bachyul Jb, Padang -- Thirteen out of 45 Padang councillors were sentenced to four years in jail each on Tuesday following their convictions on graft charges.

In a precedent-setting case, the councillors were also ordered to return the money they had misappropriated to the tune of between Rp 207 million and Rp 324 million each. The jail sentences were lighter than had been sought by the prosecution, which had recommended six years in jail for each of the councillors.

The 13 councillors were tried for misappropriating Rp 8.4 billion (US$893,700) from the 2001 and 2002 Padang municipal budgets.

Of the 13 councillors, all of whom served on the Padang city council between 1999 and 2004, three were former council leaders, namely, Maigus Nasie, the former council speaker, and deputy speakers Muhidi and Chairul Indra.

The court, which was presided over by Judge Busra, said in its verdict that the councillors were guilty of misappropriating state funds for their personal enrichment. They had passed the budget for the municipal council, but the budget had violated the relevant legislation on local government budgeting.

Busra said that if the councillors had adhered to the legislation, they would have only awarded themselves allowances amounting to Rp 3 million per month for the council speaker, Rp 2.6 million for each deputy speaker and Rp 2 million for each council member. "But, the defendants obtained much more than that through financial engineering involving the council budget," said Busra.

Busra did not give any details on how much money had illegally accrued to each councillor, saying only that under the 2001 budget, the 45 councillors had profited to the tune of Rp 2.35 billion in monthly allowances, while in 2002 the equivalent figure had been Rp 2.98 billion per month.

The case surfaced last year when 40 out of a total of 45 councillors were named suspects in the case. The remaining five councillors were not charged as suspects by the civilian prosecutors as four of them were Indonesian military (TNI) officers and the other had died.

The 40 councillors went on trial in March of last year.

The thirteen councilors were sentenced on Tuesday, while the remaining 27 are still on trial in the same district court. Two weeks ago, Padang prosecutors urged the court to sentence the 27 councillors to six years in jail.

The prosecution of the 40 councillors was among the first such cases in the country. Since then, similar prosecutions have been brought in many other areas.

Focus on Jakarta

All play and no work gets Sutiyoso hot under collar

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- In an attempt to finish a major backlog of big city projects, Governor Sutiyoso has set a deadline of six months for senior officials to shape up or ship out.

"I have told them to do their utmost to properly do their jobs. Otherwise, they will face severe sanctions," Sutiyoso told reporters at City Hall on Monday. The sanctions would include replacement and demotion.

Expressing dissatisfaction to his subordinates with the large number of city projects that had been halted or delayed, he pinned the blame squarely on their poor performance.

"The land acquisition program for the East Flood Canal project, the development of waste treatment facilities in the capital, transportation and park projects are among those that have been proceeding at a snail's pace," city spokesman Catur Laswanto quoted Sutiyoso as saying.

The construction of the East Flood Canal, which has been on the drawing board since the time of governor Ali Sadikin in 1973 and which is intended to help prevent annual flooding in the capital, has been proceeding extremely slowly. The 23.6 kilometer canal worth Rp 5 trillion is strongly opposed by residents whose properties will be affected by the project. These landowners are demanding higher compensation from the administration.

The administration has also found it difficult to reduce its dependence on the Bantar Gebang dump in Bekasi, where it has been disposing of a massive 6,000 tons of garbage every day for more than 15 years. The city's only waste treatment plant, built by the private sector and located in Bojong, Bogor, West Java, has not been able to operate to date following objections from local people.

Critics have also lambasted the slow progress made by the administration in improving transportation in the city, including the construction of a monorail system, additional busways and a proposed subway.

The Jakarta Parks Agency has been criticized for its failure to increase the percentage of green spaces in the capital in line with the city's target of 13.9 percent out of the capital's total area of 650 square kilometers by 2010. Currently, green spaces in Jakarta only account for 9 percent of the city's area.

Sutiyoso plans to summon the relevant officials one by one in the near future to seek their explanations over the delays and lack of progress.

Catur said Sutiyoso had given his officials six months to make acceptable progress with the stalled projects. After the six month period is up, Sutiyoso will have only one year left of his second term as Jakarta governor to convince the public that he is deserving of their support.

Sutiyoso also said that he would not tolerate any corruption involving his officials. "I will not accept such practices in my administration. There will be no such abuses in my office," he is reported to have said.

A number of top officials in the administration told The Jakarta Post that several recent graft cases that had implicated city officials had made senior city executives fearful of making decisions, even in small projects.

The latest alleged graft case involves the forgery of operating licenses for taxis, and is now under police investigation. Three senior officials are reportedly implicated in the case.

Environment

Government seeks out-of-court settlement with Newmont

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2005

Jakarta -- The government will soon negotiate an out-of-court settlement with PT Newmont Minahasa Raya (NMR), a local unit of a US-based gold mining company, which non-governmental organizations have accused of polluting Buyat Bay in North Sulawesi, State Minister of the Environment Rachmat Witoelar said on Thursday.

The decision was taken after the South Jakarta District Court on Tuesday advised both parties to find an amicable settlement to the dispute.

"Negotiations are expected to reach an outcome faster than court sessions and this is not just an effort to come to peaceful terms," the state minister told reporters on the sidelines of the inauguration of his seven deputy ministers in Jakarta.

He expected that through negotiations the case would come to an end within months and the government could then take resolute steps to solve related problems, such as repairing the damage and giving compensation to local residents who have suffered from the alleged contamination in the Buyat area.

The government has filed a US$117.68 million civil lawsuit at the South Jakarta District Court against NMR, which has been accused of polluting Buyat Bay.

The two sides initially agreed to settle the dispute via a court mediation process. However, the parties failed to reach an agreement and, instead, the case stirred up considerable controversy in the media, said the minister.

Rachmat said that throughout the mediation process NMR had not presented before the mediation judge, I Wayan Rena.

The minister denied that an out-of-court negotiation process would reflect weak enforcement of environmental laws since the government would not abandon its criminal case against NMR and its six executives. "We are waiting for the trial to begin at the Manado District Court in North Sulawesi," Rachmat said.

Aside from the civil lawsuit, the government has also filed a criminal lawsuit against NMR and its senior executives.

According to presiding judge Soedarto, the date for an out-of- court settlement had been set for July 7. Soedarto expected that before that date, both sides should be able to report the outcome, or the case would be tried in court.

Newmont has denied allegations that its mining operations near Buyat Bay resulted in pollution that caused villagers to develop skin diseases and tumors.

NMR has admitted it released 17 tons of waste mercury into the air and 16 tons into the sea over a five-year period, but maintained that these amounts were far below Indonesian emission standards.

Recently, Newmont co-financed an international seminar in which speakers concluded that the bay had not been polluted.

Health & education

Government 'fails' to prioritize health

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Jakarta -- If a province is wealthy enough to allocate Rp 12 billion (US$1.26 billion) for the renovation of its governor's residence, why do its children continue to suffer from malnutrition? The Indonesian Consumers Foundation (YLKI) highlighted recently the failure of both the central government and local administrations to prioritize health development in their budgetary policies.

"East Nusa Tenggara provincial administration has allocated only Rp 755 million for health yet set aside Rp 12 billion to renovate a gubernatorial facility," YLKI expert on health Ilyani Andang said recently.

She said local budgetary priorities were like an inverted pyramid, where a large sum went on expenses related to higher administration officials, leaving the public with a small amount. "There should be a standard on how much can be spent on government officials," she added.

East Nusa Tenggara is among several provinces where malnutrition cases have recently been reported. The latest data shows that eight children have died from chronic undernourishment and 141 people have been identified as suffering from malnutrition in the province.

In Indonesia, the YLKI has reported that there are more than 5 million children under the age of five who suffer from malnutrition, an illness that hampers the development of the brain.

Worsening the situation is the government's demand that community health centers contribute to the state coffer, which has lessened their effectiveness to educate communities, prevent disease and reach out to people in remote areas. "Instead of subsidizing the health centers, local administrations treat them as a source of funding", Ilyani said.

The state government has not placed health development among its top priorities either, allocating 2.5 percent of the nation's gross domestic product this year, or an average of US$2 per person. The figure is lower than that of Vietnam, Myanmar and Sri Lanka.

Local budgeting has not helped conditions, as with regional autonomy, local administrations have set aside only 0.5 percent to 4 percent of the local budget for health, or less than $1 per person.

"Treatment costs far outweigh the costs of prevention," she said, pointing out that according to a study by the United Nations Children's Fund the inadequate nutrition of pregnant women and children causes an annual loss to the state of more than Rp 40 trillion.

Malnutrition affects thousands in Cirebon

Jakarta Post - June 15, 2005

Cirebon, West Java -- Some 4,000 children in Cirebon regency are suffering from malnutrition, a senior government official said on Tuesday.

Poverty has left many parents unable to provide their children with nutritious food, leading to rampant malnutrition, said Retina Sri Sedjati, the chief of the Cirebon Health Agency.

In addition to poverty, a lack of knowledge about the importance of providing nutritious food to children is also to be blamed for malnutrition in the regency, the health agency head said.

Of the 2.35 million residents in Cirebon regency, some 25 percent, or 580,000, are officially classified as poor, said Retina. There are 236,000 children below the age of five in Cirebon.

The government is encouraging Cirebon residents to take their children in for medical checkups at hospitals, community health centers and integrated health service posts in the regency. The medical checkups are free of charge, said Retina. The government has earmarked Rp 1.1 billion (US$117,021) for the program.

Almost 200 schools without desks, chairs

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- With the sixth graders facing final exams and the new academic year about to start in July, officials at a state elementary school in Sepatan district, Tangerang regency, were wondering what to do about the classrooms.

"We do not have enough desks and chairs... the teachers and the students have to sit on the floor in the classrooms," principal Rostiwie told The Jakarta Post on Monday. Only three of the six classrooms at the school were furnished with chairs and desks, the Post observed.

Rostiwie said she had most of the desks and chairs removed because they were so old and rickety, they posed a danger to the children. "We have asked the education agency to send us new furniture. The administration promised to deliver new desks last year, but we have yet to see them," she said.

Each classroom in the school should have 20 desks and 40 chairs for 40 students, plus one desk and one chair for the teacher.

Rostiwie's school is not the only one where students are forced to sit on the floor. As many as 195 state elementary schools, or 20 percent of the 975 elementary schools in the 26 districts in the regency, have for years been requesting new furniture.

Yuyus Rusniardi, who is in charge of logistics at the local administration, acknowledged that the administration did not have the money to purchase all of the furniture needed by a total of 300 classrooms, each of which accommodates at least 40 students.

"The administration was only able to allocate Rp 1.7 billion from this year's budget to refurbish 176 classrooms. The remaining 124 classrooms have to wait until next year," she said.

Most of the furniture in the regency's schools is old as the buildings themselves, which were built between 1979 and 1984. Many of the buildings are also in dire need of renovation.

Regent Ismet Iskandar said the administration needed help to renovate school buildings and buy new chairs and desks. "Tangerang is home to more than 2,000 industrial firms, but it seems they do not care about the poor educational facilities all around their firms," he said.

Ismet encouraged businesspeople to get involved in empowering residents living near their factories. "We call on all businesspeople in Tangerang to pay attention to education by donating a little of their profit to renovate schools," he said.

One in five children not in school: Survey

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- A new survey by the International Labor Organization (ILO) has revealed that 19 percent of Indonesia's school-aged children could not afford to attend school, the main factor contributing to the high number of child laborers in the country.

The study, conducted jointly with a leading market research company, Taylor Nelson Soffres (TNS), took place from January to March 2005, and involved over 1,200 households across five provinces: West and East Java, North Sumatra, East Kalimantan and South Sulawesi.

The respondents were all from poor households with children of elementary and junior high school age.

ILO chief technical adviser Patrick Quinn, who presented the survey's findings here on Monday, said the average cost of keeping one child in elementary school and another in junior high school for one year, including transportation and uniform expenses, could reach more than two months gross salary for family wage-earners -- measured by the level of the provincial minimum wage.

He said that 71 percent of the respondents, whose children had dropped out of school or never entered, cited the high cost of education as the main factor.

"Only 50 percent of the respondents know about the government's policy for all children to complete at least nine years of schooling, up to age 15, and 39 percent thought it was just six years (for the completion of elementary education)," he said.

Quinn, however, said that despite the cost factor, the respondents overwhelmingly supported the idea of education, and most households whose children were out of school -- either in the labor force or helping at home -- were not strongly committed to this behavior. "This implies that if cost issues could be addressed, then educational participation would increase," he added.

When asked about the number of hours that might be acceptable for a child below 15 to work, 64 percent of the respondents cited between three hours and four hours a day, but 34 percent said up to six hours or more per day was acceptable. The findings are important because other research suggests that when children work longer hours (more than three hours) per day, their attendance at school decreases.

Quinn also said that while the vast majority agreed that children below 18 should not be allowed to work in illicit sectors such as prostitution and drugs, the number of respondents was much smaller when it came to labor sectors regarded by the law as hazardous.

"Only 16 percent said children should not be allowed to work with chemical substances, 23 percent said children should not be allowed to work in off-shore fishing, and only 27 percent said children should not be involved in heavy lifting work."

The survey, which was conducted to mark the World Day Against Child Labor, was aimed at finding out the problem and highlighting the global movement to eliminate child labor, especially in its worst forms.

The ILO revealed that as of March 2005, Indonesia had at least 1.5 million child laborers, but Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Fahmi Idris said recently that the figure had soared to some three million.

According to the ILO survey, an immediate decision and education policy was urgently required to reduce the direct and indirect costs of education for poor families, saying that if this was done, the number of school dropouts could be reduced.

Quinn said the education campaign should also be intensified to ensure that people know about the government's policy of nine- year compulsory basic education.

"The fact that almost 40 percent think that only six years education is required, suggests that in many areas the message of nine-year basic education is not getting across to the public," he said.

He said the ILO would use the findings to help design its awareness-raising programs in provinces, where the world labor organization has been working with the government and other partners in efforts to support the National Action Plan on the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor.

'Posyandu' lacks volunteers, fails to enhance health services

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Jakarta -- It was a Tuesday morning when a group of women gathered to chat on a narrow veranda of the house of a subdistrict head in Pangkalan Jati Baru, Depok. One might think that they were there for an arisan (monthly social gathering) to catch up with the local gossip.

The topic of discussion was a little more weighty than that. The housewives were discussing efforts to make sure that around 200 children under five years of age in the area received the polio vaccination scheduled for later that day.

These volunteers, with the help of a worker from a nearby community health center, are running community health activities at an integrated health service post known as Posyandu.

Such a program was part of a community-based health concept developed in 1975, three years ahead of its international declaration.

Sadly, little is heard about it nowadays, which may be the reason for the emergence of acute and chronic community health problems such as polio and malnutrition, even in financially stable areas like Jakarta and West Nusa Tenggara.

Posyandu, which was made a national health program in 1984, aimed to promote maternal and child health through the monitoring of children's growth, breast-feeding, immunization, women's education, family planning and provision of food supplements.

The posts multiplied from only 25,000 in 1986 to over 230,000 in 2003. However, a growth in number does not necessarily mean an improvement in quality.

According to a 2003 survey, only 4.82 percent of Posyandu were fully operational, while 37.7 percent still lacked human resources and had no regular activities.

Following the outbreak of polio in West Java and malnutrition cases in some provinces, the government is pushing for the revival of Posyandu.

"It is very hard to find new volunteers to take care of the Posyandu," 37-year old Martati who succeeded her mother as head of the Pangkalan Jati Baru Posyandu. "I was reluctant when people asked me to replace my late mother." Middle-aged Evi Arifin, a fellow volunteer who headed a post for 10 years before finally finding a replacement, admitted that if it were not for the national vaccination campaign, not many people would like to participate in the community service.

"Mothers have been busy trying to find additional income since the (monetary) crisis that they do not have time to volunteer for such things," she said.

"Regeneration is a serious problem. These (women) have been working for the last eight years," Evi said. A new volunteer, a nursing academy graduate who is in early 20s, has been assisting them for quite some time.

Martati said the monthly activities focused more on providing food supplements for toddlers and assisting in immunization.

"With less than five people active and with a stipend of only Rp 25,000 (US$2.6) per month, this is all that we can do," she said.

She added that there were fewer and fewer mothers taking their children to the post. "Except for mass vaccinations like today, we see up to 50 visitors every month," she said, while in fact a Posyandu is expected to serve between 100 and 150 mothers and children per month.

A study conducted recently by Padang-based Andalas University, Makassar-based Hasanuddin University and Surabaya-based Food and Nutrition Institute revealed that the lack of (trained) human resources prompted Posyandu volunteers to rely on local community health center officers.

At the same time, community health centers could not perform well due to insufficient funding and attention from local authorities.

The study also showed that more than 50 percent of the Posyandu surveyed occupied any vacant shelter available, including house verandas, garages or lofts, lacked the required equipment and did not set targets.

"Creating more innovative programs such as adding a simple children's playground or opening an exercise class for pregnant women could help revive the role of Posyandu," Ministry of Health's director general of community health Azrul Azwar told The Jakarta Post recently.

He mulled offering incentives to attract new young volunteers who could come up with ideas for interesting activities while carrying out the main duties.

Azrul highlighted the need for communities to form a health council in every district consisting of local leaders to motivate and supervise the role of the community-based health posts.

Reviving the old concept of community health, Azrul added, needs attention from both the central government and local administrations. "These concepts may be old, but they are not passe," he said.

Thousands of Jakarta tots malnourished

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2005

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- At least 8,455 children under five in Jakarta are suffering from malnutrition, the City Health Agency reported on Friday.

The high number of cases, for what is one of the wealthiest regions in the country, represents almost 1 percent of the total number of children under five years old estimated to live in the municipality, which the agency puts at 923,000.

Observers said the malnutrition cases were a slap in the face to the city administration, which has a mammoth budget of Rp 14.01 trillion (US$1.45 billion) this year for the provision of local services, including health.

"Out of the malnourished toddlers, seven are in dire need of intensive treatment... (and) three of them must be hospitalized for at least 90 days," agency head Abdul Chalik Masulili said at City Hall.

Two of the sickest children were now being treated at the Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital in Central Jakarta, while the other was receiving care at the Fatmawati Hospital in South Jakarta, Masulili said. The remaining four infants could be treated at home since no complications were involved, he added.

Agency spokeswoman Zelvyno said the malnourished children were mostly from slum areas. According to the Jakarta office of the Central Statistics Agency (BPS Jakarta), some 680 community units out of a total of 2,657 are categorized as slum areas. In its 2002 report, the agency counted 291,324 poor families in the capital.

Zelvyno said the agency would intensify its activities to give nutritious food to children on a monthly basis at 3,941 integrated community health posts (Posyandu) across the city. Each post usually serves between 100 and 150 babies.

The agency has allocated Rp 10,000 per child per month for nutritious snacks. The administration has also allocated monthly payments of Rp 25,000 for meals and Rp 35,000 for hospital treatment for malnourished children, who needed intensive care.

Some residents have complained that the implementation of the program was poorly monitored by the administration and said many of the funds did not go to the people who needed it most.

"Some posts have apparently failed to carry out the program, as the implementation of the program depends on how active the neighborhood unit heads were," said Ony, 35, a resident of Cempaka Putih, Central Jakarta.

The father of a five-year-old girl said his neighborhood unit head had never informed him about the program. Another resident, Linda, 30, complained that her health post in Pasar Rebo, East Jakarta, only provided a cup of mung bean porridge for each infant.

"I heard that in some other places, a baby could enjoy much more, like a glass of milk and a bowl of spinach soup plus fried chicken as a side dish," she said.

Governor Sutiyoso emphasized his administration would improve the distribution of nutritious food to all children in need. "I am sure that we can handle this, thanks to the massive budget we have," Sutiyoso said.

Malnutrition rampant in East Kalimantan

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2005

Rusman and Blontank Poer, Samarinda/Surakarta -- Although East Kalimantan is popularly known as natural resource-rich province, malnutrition is still rampant in the area. Government data reveals that 174 infants, out of total 360,298 infants in the province, are currently suffering from malnutrition.

Most of families whose infants are suffering from malnutrition are poor, according to chief of East Kalimantan's provincial health office Andi Madjid on Thursday.

In order to address the problem, the provincial government was planning to reactivate neighborhood health service posts, said Andi. Through the posts, the government would also distribute supplementary meals to poor families.

The government will also intensify surveillance of children or infants at risk from malnutrition, and once identified, they will then be taken to hospitals for intensive treatment.

The government will pay all hospital fees, said Andi. "Some poor families are unable to provide nutritious food for their children, while others can afford the food, but they don't understand the importance of giving nutritious food to children," said Andi.

Meanwhile, infants suffering from malnutrition have also found in Sragen, Central Java. Nova Maulana (2), has been admitted to the Sragen Hospital were he is being fed intravenously. His legs are thin, and his stomach bloated. His mouth continuously discharges saliva. His mother, Sulami, 30, cries continuously while sitting next to him.

Widi Atmodjo, the hospital's doctor, said that Nova's health had been improving after being treated at the hospital for three days. He has gained weight during his stay at the hospital, said Widi.

Islam/religion

Islamic philantrophy fails to help the poor: Research

Jakarta Post - June 9, 2005

Hera Diani, Jakarta -- Indonesian Muslims donate about Rp 19.3 trillion (about US$2 billion) annually, but poor management prevents much of this money from really helping the poor, according to a researcher.

Chaider S. Bamualim, a lecturer and researcher at Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic State University (UIN), said that while the Koran talked about social justice, this ideal was not always reflected in Muslim society.

"The religious principle of making donations is strong, but poor human resources make the donations ineffective. Also, the motivation for making donations is to be closer to God. It has to be focused on empowering the poor instead of mere charity," he said while reporting the results of a study he led on Islamic philanthropy during a seminar on Wednesday.

The study found that Islamic philanthropy in Indonesia is poorly organized and lacks public accountability and clear regulations.

While there are several Islamic organizations, including Bazis and Lazis, that have adopted modern philanthropy management techniques, they still lack consolidation and attention to human resources, Chaider said.

Most of the money donated by Muslims, however, is channeled through mosques, which do not have the management skills for dealing with such large amounts of money. "The donations are given to the poor all at once. None of the money is held back and used to truly empower the poor," Chaider said.

Following the Islamic teaching that "the left hand must not know what the right hand gives", most people are secretive about their donations. The study also found that Muslims tend to donate money only to fellow Muslims.

According to the study, another problem in the practice of Islamic philanthropy in the country is a lack of clear regulations, despite laws on wakaf and zakat (obligatory donations).

UIN Rector Azyumardi Azra said Islamic organizations here had an advantage over organizations in other countries in that they were more independent. "In Malaysia and Middle Eastern countries, for example, organizations are nationalized and controlled by the government. Here, the Muslim community is free to manage and collect donations," Azyumardi said at the seminar.

Local Islamic philanthropic organizations, however, must do more to advance the interests of the people and to increase social justice. For example, donations could be managed to pay street cleaners a regular salary.

"Philanthropic organizations should bridge the gap between the state and the grassroots. But they need to consolidate...," Azyumardi said. He said these organizations could also help teach people about their rights and duties in a democracy.

Armed forces/defense

More soldiers fired for drugs

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Medan -- Two soldiers and a staff official with the province's Bukit Barisan Military Command were dishonorably discharged from the military on Monday for their involvement in drug trafficking. Bukit Barisan military commander Maj. Gen. Tri Tamtomo presided over a special ceremony at the headquarters' compound in Medan to mark the dismissal of the three officers, none of whom will be reported to the police.

The two discharged soldiers were Chief Pvt. Julham Riadi and First Pvt. Irvan Meiwan, while the dismissed civil servant was Lamrita Ginting, an official at the command's secretariat.

Tri Tamtomo said the three were fired because of their roles in illegal drug peddling -- believed to be cannabis.

"Despite whatever economic reasons they had, they have misused their positions to commit a crime. Any military officer or civil servant from the Bukit Barisan Cilitary Command involved in drug cases will face similar punishment," Tri warned.

He added that at least 70 other soldiers from the regional command have in the past year been dismissed for drug trafficking. It is not clear if the law enforcement authorities have charged any of them with a criminal drug offense.

Foreign affairs

Jakarta's man in Australia called home early

Sydney Morning Herald - June 15, 2005

Matthew Moore Herald, Jakarta -- Imron Cotan has been told he will be returning to a new position, having barely completed half of his three-year term that began in November 2003.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's decision to bring him home in favour of his own candidate is a sign of the President's determination to strengthen ties with Australia.

Dr Yudhoyono's spokesman, Dino Patti Jalal, would not say who would be taking over, but made clear it would be a person with a different style to the abrasive Mr Cotan, who is known to be disliked by the Department of Foreign Affairs.

"Whoever replaces him will definitely have to fit the new relationship and the new style of relations that have evolved between Indonesia and Australia and particularly the warm relations between President Yudhoyono and John Howard," Mr Jalal said.

In visiting Australia this year, Dr Yudhoyono showed his determination to improve relations between the countries, which have been tested since by the outcry in Australia over the drugs conviction of Schapelle Corby.

"Australian-Indonesian relations have changed quite substantially recently and whoever succeeds Ambassador Cotan will have to fit into that new mould," Mr Jalal said.

Mr Cotan was a "very good diplomat" who had a reputation for being "active and vocal" but Mr Jalal was not aware of any complaints about him.

Before his appointment, Mr Cotan was acting ambassador for more than a year while the Indonesian Parliament blocked the choice of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, on the grounds that her candidate, Susanto Pudjamartono, was too soft on Australia.

A group of MPs in the Parliament's foreign affairs committee, including Djoko Susilo, successfully lobbied for Mr Cotan to get the job instead, arguing he would be a tougher critic of Australia. However, Mr Susilo said yesterday he no longer thought Mr Cotan was the best person to handle the tricky relationship with Australia.

He regretted Mr Imron would be the third successive ambassador to leave Australia early. "We found Imron is a tough guy ... he's done a good job but his replacement must be someone who is more flexible," Mr Susilo said.

Indonesia displays maturity in Australia drugs case

Reuters - June 12, 2005

Dan EatonSat -- Fury in Australia over the jailing of a young woman in Bali for drugs smuggling has puzzled ordinary Indonesians, and given the world's most populous Muslim nation a chance to display a new maturity, analysts say.

But a series of threats to Indonesian diplomats and missions in Australia following the 20-year sentence given to trainee beautician Schapelle Corby on May 27 could play into the hands of Indonesia's radical, anti-Western Muslim fringe, they said.

"Radical Muslims could use that to focus on Australian bullying... But most Indonesian people are moderate," said Arbi Sanit, a political analyst from University of Indonesia.

In Indonesia, where bombs, corruption and the simply bizarre are daily fodder for headlines, editors reserved little space for Corby, 27, when she was caught entering Bali last year with a stash of marijuana.

While Australian media descended on the resort island, turning the attractive young Queenslander into a cause celebre whom many of her compatriots believe is innocent, Indonesians have been preoccupied with other things.

That includes high-profile corruption arrests and a bombing that killed 22 people last month, the bloodiest since the 2002 Bali nightclub blasts that killed 202 people.

But the delivery of suspicious packages containing white powder to Jakarta's diplomatic missions in Australia in recent weeks has suddenly put the Corby case firmly on the front pages in Indonesia.

"What we have failed to understand is how Australians are thinking about this case in the last three or four months and the general belief there that Corby is innocent," said Daniel Sparingga, a sociologist from Airlangga University in the East Java city of Surabaya.

There are dozens of foreigners serving time for drugs offences in Indonesian jails, including some Australians, and most Indonesians see Corby as nothing new.

"The gap between how Indonesians perceive things and Australians perceive things is very wide... So it is very easily manipulated politically and even culturally."

Moral high ground

Showing what some observers see as political maturity, Jakarta has worked hard to control fallout from the Corby affair on often rocky relations with its southern neighbor.

"We don't want to reduce and lower our dignity as a nation by parroting what the Australian public has been doing through their emotional reaction," said foreign ministry spokesman Marty Natalegawa at a news conference on Friday.

He said Jakarta would not issue a travel warning for its citizens in Australia following the Corby verdict, despite a string of such warnings from its neighbor following the 2002 Bali blasts that killed 88 Australians, and a bombing outside Canberra's embassy in Jakarta last year that killed 10 people. Gloating was left to the Indonesian media.

"It has brought home to us that some Australians are now beginning to emulate the actions of a few of our more deranged members of society, namely acts of terrorism," Desi Anwar, a prominent TV anchor, wrote in an article in the Jakarta Post in response to the threats to Indonesian diplomats after the Corby verdict.

Public reaction has been muted, with only a few efforts at anti- Australian protests which largely fizzled out.

"What I believe is that (bad) sentiment toward Westerners has for the past few years been associated with Muslim radicals, so people are reluctant to be associated with protests like that," said Sparingga.

Masduki Baidlawi, deputy secretary-general of the moderate Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia's largest Muslim group, said Indonesia's reaction could be put down to a growing maturity.

"I think its the same question we asked when we held the presidential election last year... There were fears of violence and all that, but nothing really happened. I guess we need to acknowledge that there is public wisdom."

[Additional reporting by Telly Nathalia and Achamd Sukarsono.]

Opinion & analysis

Prioritizing poverty

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 15, 2005

The babies could not wait -- they died before our honorable legislators were able to complete their ongoing revision of the state budget, which would then determine the figures of "compensation funds" to the poor, derived from funds earlier used to subsidize motorists.

Many more are dying, and neither will they be able to wait for the government's other plan -- to help poor regions diversify their crops -- a way to increase farming family incomes. Alwi Shihab, the Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare, mentioned the plan late last month following the reports of hundreds of severely malnourished children in East Nusa Tenggara and other areas.

Alwi assured us that the government took the reports seriously. He spoke of "accidents" occurring in a few cases like the deaths of a number of infants in West Nusa Tenggara. "It wasn't because of neglect," he said, explaining that the infants who still needed hospital treatment were brought home by their parents who could no longer afford the hospital costs.

The bizarre remarks of our minister (who also said he was the only hungry person he met when he visited tsunami-struck Aceh) we hope do not reflect the views of the rest of Cabinet. But his solution -- the government's farm diversity plan -- poses serious questions about the government's strategy to prevent more deaths from malnutrition and, more generally, to overcome poverty.

The faces of poverty -- the starving babies, the infants struck down by polio, and according to Monday's report on child labor, the millions missing school -- are dawning upon us as we watch the gradual progress of the new government's policies.

Reducing poverty was one of these policies, and the mantra hammered into us has been in the form of a trickle-down theory -- raising economic growth by luring investment so as to be able to create more jobs and benefit the poor and downtrodden.

Which sounds fine, at least in theory, except that it does not detail what policies are addressing the millions of desperately poor families whose children are hungry, sick and illiterate right now; before they can rely on all that promising new investment and those new jobs. Cabinet ministers have pointed to the compensation funds earmarked to the poor; the profits from the elimination of the fuel subsidies. These funds, they acknowledge, will only go to the poorest of Indonesians -- not to those living above the poverty line on insecure incomes -- but even they admit that the most at-risk groups are unlikely to receive such packages any time soon.

The health experts tell us what we have missed and what we need to do. Others remind us of the "good-old days" when president Soeharto ensured the existence of the nationwide integrated health service posts.

Most are in agreement of the urgent need to place poverty eradication at the center of policies at both the national and regional levels.

Emaciation and conditions like marasmus and polio do not happen overnight. Whatever the regional leaders' and local bodies responses were to official reports (if there were any), they were clearly inadequate. Like those in Jakarta, important government officials were probably busy trying to lure investment into their areas, not to mention tending to their own "investments".

Making poverty central to a government program should never mean leaving the issue to just one or two ministers, a habit that has continued from the past. The wise men and women working with President Susilo Bambang Yudhyono would also do well to take a serious look at the United Nations guidelines on addressing poverty, part of the Millennium Development Goals to which Indonesia is a signatory.

This year's report -- The State of the World's Children -- reminds us that it is not merely family income that needs to be addressed when it comes to eradicating extreme poverty and hunger. Understanding "how children experience poverty" and how this continued poverty helps rob a country of an important resource -- an educated workforce -- is one basis for necessary action, along with "pursuing labor market and fiscal policies that address economic insecurity among women".

Finally, there are the important short-term measures that are often overlooked by seemingly far-sighted government officials -- ensuring systems are in place that protect the most at-risk groups, so that their children do not die because their parents have no money to save them.

If our leaders understood this, they would know there was no way that the deaths of little Yosli Amanunut and all the others were "accidents."

Privatization or theft

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 14, 2005

It is easy to become increasingly pessimistic about the ability of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's economic team to continue economic reforms -- especially when new evidence emerges indicating how incoherent the policy stance of his economics ministers is.

The latest worrisome news was last week's admission by Minister for State Enterprises Sugiharto that it was virtually impossible to resume the privatization program this year as the time was not right and the market conditions were unfavorable.

He suggested instead that dividend payouts from state companies, which were envisaged at Rp 9.5 trillion in the current budget, could be increased to Rp 13.50 trillion to offset the shortfall from privatization.

Last month, chief economics minister Aburizal Bakrie reminded Sugiharto of the privatization drive that was supposed to bring in Rp 3.5 trillion in revenues to the state budget. Aburizal's instruction followed up a memo from the finance minister earlier in April about the same subject.

But Sugiharto's response seemed misguided as he saw privatization only from the aspect of fiscal need, not from the broader perspective of reforming state companies to improve macroeconomic efficiency. Right from the outset, even during Soeharto's authoritarian rule, the privatization policy has always been designed mainly to improve macroeconomic efficiency, besides helping fiscal sustainability.

His suggestion that the shortfall in state revenues from privatization be plugged by additional dividend payouts from state companies -- though fiscally possible -- is inimical to the future growth of state companies. Such a move would likely retard their capacity to expand as the portion of their retained earnings for investment would be very small.

Certainly, privatization, especially in such a fragile democracy as Indonesia, is not an easy process and is always politically sensitive and often triggers narrow-minded nationalist sentiments. No wonder, because the program is virtually a political transformation, which exacts a major change in the government's role in the economy.

However, given the strong political mandate of the current government and because privatization now has a strong legal foundation -- the Law on State Companies -- and has clearly been stipulated in the 2005 State Budget Law, Sugiharto should have acted firmly and continued the privatization program.

It is now also the right time to resume the program, given the bullish sentiment on the Jakarta Stock Exchange, and what the government claims as the return of investor confidence in the country's economy.

As a former businessman, Sugiharto must be fully aware of how inefficient most state companies are; how they have been plundered by corrupt senior officials and politicians, how lax their internal controls and accounting standards are and how arbitrary government interference has been into their day-to-day operations. The sorry state enterprises are in has been confirmed by several recent findings of the Supreme Audit Agency.

Moreover, the state seems to be directly involved in too many sectors of the economy, as can be seen in the large number of state companies (more than 165, not including their subsidiaries). Analyst Umar Juoro observed at a seminar last week that his assessment of 158 state companies with a combined total of Rp 1,313 trillion in assets last year concluded that 31 of them lost Rp 4.5 trillion while the other 127 earned only Rp 29.6 trillion. This meant that their average return on assets was only 2.49 percent.

As the experiences of many other developing countries have shown, privatization that is well-managed with high standards of transparency and accountability is greatly effective in improving macroeconomic efficiency through the promotion of a more competitive market and more efficient and consequently more profitable enterprises, bringing in larger tax revenues for the state. Yet more importantly, since many state companies operate in upstream industries to produce basic materials, their higher efficiency will also contribute to the competitiveness of thousands of downstream industrial firms.

What Sugiharto needs to do to smoothen the privatization process is to improve the standard operational procedures, the step-by- step process for public share offerings or strategic sales of state companies, to secure transparency and accountability and to close any loopholes that may still be exploited by extremely corrupt officials.

It is better for the interests of the people to put state companies under private investors who can turn the assets into highly profitable businesses that create more jobs and pay more taxes to the state, rather than maintain them as state assets which are sucked dry by crooked government officials.

Peace, justice, stability must go hand in hand

Jakarta Post - June 14, 2005

Paul Dalton and Fergus Kerrigan, Jakarta -- Since 1998, foreign observers have followed with hope and concern the progress of Indonesia on its uneven path towards democracy, the rule of law and accountability in government. While the challenges are many, there have been impressive achievements, including significant reforms of the legal system.

Article 1 (3) of the revised Constitution of Indonesia now affirms that Indonesia is a state ruled by law (negara hukum). Article 4 (1) states that the President of the Republic -- and hence the executive power in general -- holds the power of government "in accordance with the Constitution".

Meanwhile, Article 28 D of the Constitution guarantees legal protection to everybody and equality before the law. One result of these provisions is that the executive power is bound to obey the law and constitution like everybody else, and its representatives should be held accountable for violating it, like other citizens.

This is easier said than done. In every country, ensuring accountability in government is a never-ending struggle demanding vigilance and courage.

Indonesia has had limited prior experience of state officers and institutions being held accountable, either politically in parliament or judicially through the court system. Too often, there has been impunity for theft and corruption, or for serious violations of human rights committed by members of the security forces.

Impunity damages the reputation of Indonesia abroad, but this is nothing compared to the damage at home. People evade taxes with a cynical shrug if they know their money is misused.

Honest police officers find it harder to protect the public if their reputation is damaged by the corruption or brutality of a colleague.

The armed forces cannot count on the loyalty of the population if their proud reputation is tarnished by incidents of murder, rape and violence against innocent civilians.

Human rights violations, besides being morally repugnant, damage the legitimacy of the state and its institutions. They make it much harder to peacefully end conflicts and ensure the trust and loyalty needed to hold this great and diverse country together.

Accountability does not come of itself. It has to be systematized and understood, laid down in legal rules, public institutions and cultural behavior.

Through a series of seminars over the past eighteen months, we have had the privilege to discuss accountability for human rights violations with men and women of the law -- judges, prosecutors and police investigators from across Indonesia.

The starting point for these discussions was Law 26/2000 -- the legislation adopted to create the so-called "Human Rights Courts". We can summarize here a few of the conclusions we have drawn from the process.

First, while there are important issues arising from the East Timor cases that need to be addressed, it is also necessary to look to the future.

The history and politics of the East Timor issue made it exceptionally difficult for Indonesia (and Timor Leste too) to treat them on strictly legal criteria. For this reason, the process surrounding them and the judgments issued are of limited value for the future.

Second, the jurisdiction of the Human Rights Courts is far too limited to make them an effective vehicle against impunity. Human Rights Courts can only try crimes classified as crimes against humanity or genocide. Often acts of torture, murder, rape, or enforced disappearance can not be classified as crimes against humanity, because there is no proof of an official policy to commit attacks against civilians.

Serious violations of human rights should be punished, also where they are isolated acts without official approval. One solution would be to allow the Human Rights Courts to apply the ordinary Penal Code and parts of the Military Penal Code as well as the special provisions of Law 26/2000.

The second possibility is to recognize the role of the ordinary courts and penal law in punishing violations of human rights. Serious violations of human rights are also crimes according to the Penal Code. It is simply a question of enforcing the law equally and impartially.

One obstacle is that there is no independent body that oversees the police or which can undertake investigations of police who commit crimes. In some countries, this is the function of the prosecution. Currently in Indonesia, the prosecution cannot bring a case, including one against the police, unless the police themselves investigate it first.

There must be some system to ensure the fair and independent investigation of allegations of serious criminal misconduct made against police officers, either by the prosecution or by some other body. Those against whom there is reasonable suspicion should be removed from any position from where they can influence the investigation until it has been completed and the findings made public.

The third observation relates to the military justice system. At present, military personnel can only be tried in civilian courts in two circumstances. The first is in Law 26/2000 cases, the second is where koneksitas courts try military personnel and civilians accused together. Military courts, in Indonesia and elsewhere, are rarely trusted by the public.

There is a strong perception that they protect their own. While it can be argued that only members of the military are qualified to judge conduct in combat situations, this should not be used to cover up or condone serious crimes against civilians. Some countries undergoing reforms have limited the jurisdiction of military courts to service related acts, which by definition cannot include acts such as murder of civilians, rape, torture or abduction.

Others take measures to try to ensure an effective and impartial system of military justice, including the removal of military police, prosecutors and judges from the line of command, ensuring ongoing education of military justice officials in human rights in the administration of justice, and nurturing a culture within the armed forces that firmly rejects methods that are unworthy of military honor. Other possible measures include (as practiced in the Philippines) making military promotions subject to a clean record certified by the National Human Rights Commission.

Measures to prevent impunity are not only in the interest of ordinary Indonesians. They exist also to protect the legitimacy of the state and its institutions, as well as the honest and upright citizens who serve them.

[The writers work for the Danish Institute for Human Rights (DIHR). Since late 2003, DIHR has, in cooperation with the Supreme Court of Indonesia, run a program of educational seminars mainly for judges and prosecutors associated with the Human Rights Courts established under Law 26/2000. The program was financed by the Danish Government. The views expressed here are entirely the authors' own.]

Commentary: Accounting for past human rights abuses

Straits Times - June 14, 2005

John McBeth, Jakarta -- Indonesia's elite have always preferred to bury unsavoury events, such as those from the bloody upheavals of the mid-1960s. But as much as the Indonesian Armed Forces and other government agencies want to forget the past, human rights campaigners -- urged on by the families of victims -- continue to demand accountability for dark deeds in the country's not so distant past.

If the signals coming from President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's inner circle are any indication, those who have grieved for so long may finally be seeing a glimmer of hope that justice will be served after all.

'This is a new government, this is a new President,' presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng told The Straits Times. 'The President is adamant and sincere in wanting to solve these cases.'

Last year's general and presidential elections showed the world that Indonesia is making rapid strides towards a functioning democracy.

But while the military has been edged out of an active role in national politics, some senior retired and active duty officers still feel they are above the law -- a special class of people who do not have to answer to anyone because they feel that their actions at the time were in the national interest.

Back during the days of president Suharto's 32-year rule, no one in power ever envisaged the time would come when they would have to turn up and answer questions about their actions.

Now, in a decidedly different era, they are surprised and very much annoyed that civilian investigators are raking over everything -- from the 1984 Tanjung Priok shootings to the kidnapping and torture of pro-democracy activists during the dying days of Mr Suharto's rule.

Still, it is an uphill struggle that may eventually require President Yudhoyono's personal intervention. The failure of Indonesian courts to convict a single military officer for the deaths and destruction in then-East Timor in 1999 has set the standard for other human rights cases.

Thanks to a lack of cooperation on the part of the military, the police and even the legislature, the government has made little progress in resolving the matter of the May 1998 sniper killing of four students at Trisakti University as well as the shooting deaths later that year of nine demonstrators in central Jakarta.

It is also no closer to the truth about the riots in 1998 which left hundreds dead and led ultimately to the collapse of the Suharto regime.

Of the 48 government officials called for questioning by the Indonesian Commission on Human Rights in 2003, only three complied. Among those who did not were former armed forces chief Wiranto, current Defence Ministry secretary-general and one-time Jakarta regional commander Lieutenant-General Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, and the ex-head of the Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad), Lt-Gen Prabowo Subianto. They are among the handful who know the story behind the violence.

The commission prepared a 1,500-page report on the riots and, in September 2003, forwarded the document to the Attorney-General's Office, with the expectation that it would conduct an investigation of its own. Six months later, however, prosecutors returned the report to the commission, reportedly because it lacked testimony from key members of the military and police -- some of the same people who have consistently refused to answer questions about events leading up to the riots.

The commission is now running into similar problems in its efforts to re-open the case of 21 pro-democracy activists who were kidnapped and tortured in a secret south Jakarta detention centre in 1997-1998. Twelve of those abducted are missing and presumed dead, their bodies rumoured to have been buried at sea in concrete-filled drums.

Messrs Wiranto, Prabowo and Sjafrie have all failed to appear to answer questions. Nine other witnesses to be called include Colonel Chairawan, the former commander of Group Four, the clandestine arm of the special forces. Col Chairawan saw his career languish until late last year, when he was controversially appointed to head Aceh's Lhokseumawe district command -- the scene of intense operations against separatist Free Aceh Movement guerillas.

Meanwhile, armed forces chief General Endriartono Sutarto had insisted that a recommendation was required from the House of Representatives to give the commission a legal basis for questioning retired and serving military officers because of the non-retroactivity principle inherent in the 1999 Human Rights Law.

But during a recent hearing, the parliamentary commission on legal affairs ordered Gen Endriartono to provide complete access to any information the human rights organisation requires.

In a statement that would have been unheard of a few years ago, the parliamentary commission's deputy chairman, Mr Akil Mochtar, described Gen Endriartono's demand as groundless and accused him of attempting to hinder the investigation.

Mr Akil and civil society groups have all pointed to a number of articles in the 1999 legislation and a subsequent 2000 law establishing Indonesia's first human rights court as giving the human rights commission the authority to question victims, witnesses and other related parties.

Similar obstacles have been thrown up by the National Intelligence Agency, or BIN, in the investigation into last September's bizarre poisoning death of human rights campaigner Munir Said Thalib.

Ex-BIN chief Hendropriyono twice refused a summons from a government-appointed fact-finding team, which was formed in the first place because President Yudhoyono was persuaded that the police could not be relied on to do any heavy lifting if the case lurched into sensitive territory.

Clearly, it now has. A string of phone calls made by an alleged leading suspect to BIN headquarters soon after Mr Munir's death aboard an Amsterdam-bound jetliner raises the possibility of perhaps a link to the agency. The fact-finders, reasonably enough, want to know the nature of those calls. Mr Hendropriyono, who was head of BIN at the time of the murder, and other senior active and retired intelligence officials have been apparently reluctant to enter an environment over which they have little influence or control.

Mr Munir had made some powerful enemies with his vocal criticism of the Indonesian military's human rights record in Aceh and Papua provinces and its involvement in illegal logging and drug smuggling.

Mr Hendropriyono's lawyer, Mr Syamsu Djalal, a former military police commander, underlined that hostility when he told reporters: 'I'm sorry to say this, but who is this Munir anyway that a presidential regulation had to be issued? A lot of people die, but no regulations are ever made (for them).'

That snipe is unlikely to have gone down well at the presidential palace, given Mr Hendropriyono's long history of loyalty to former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, leader of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle.

'No one is above the law,' said the President's spokesman, Mr Mallarangeng. 'If they think that way, they're going to get a surprise. The fact-finding team has been told it will get all the assistance it can get. Anyone who doesn't want to cooperate will have to answer to the President -- it's as simple as that.'

Mr Hendropriyono had insisted that Mr Munir was never a target of BIN. But the longer his resistance to the investigation, the more suspicion has focused on the agency. And it appears to be taking its toll.

Asked by Tempo news weekly recently how the public scrutiny had affected him, the retired three-star general replied: 'In a very big way. For instance, here I am hosting a visit by some overseas colleagues. When it came time to drink refreshments, they asked me: 'No arsenic, right?' Of course they were joking, but nevertheless it hurt.'

When free speech becomes an act of sedition

Jakarta Post - June 13, 2005

Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta -- We frequently shake our heads in frustration at the misconduct and profiteering of public officials. But the conviction of a university student in Bali for insulting the president -- burning a picture of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to protest the planned fuel price hikes -- makes this writer want to hide his head in shame over the state of our befuddled democracy.

It is an indictment that our new democracy remains unable to guarantee the protection of citizens' civil liberties.

Incarceration for political dissent was ridiculously common in the New Order era. Initially one would have thought it ludicrous for such practices to persist under Megawati Soekarnoputri -- the fallen lady saint of democratic struggle -- and Susilo -- Indonesia's first directly elected president.

But Friday's six-month sentencing of I Wayan "Gendo" Suardana was consistent with a worrying trend of arrests or convictions against presidents, even during a legitimate political rally.

The now infamous articles 134, 136, 137 and 154 of the Criminal Code, which criminalize expressions of disrespect to the government, have been used to detain protesters almost as frequently in the first seven years of reformasi as they were to incarcerate dissidents in the last seven years of Soeharto's rule.

In March, three students were arrested for allegedly defacing photos of the President in another fuel price hike protest in Jakarta. During Megawati's presidency numerous students were also detained for tarnishing her image in protest rallies.

To his credit, President Susilo has expressed openness to criticism and public protests. Unfortunately, in no way has he discouraged the overzealous enforcement of these archaic provisions. The President should not intervene in the judiciary's conduct, but a simple call for prudence to police and prosecutors would go a long way to instilling respect for one of the primary human rights: Freedom of expression.

Individuals should not be allowed to run amok insulting and using abusive language against one another. That is libel.

But men of rank in public office are held to higher scrutiny. The courts refused to consider that expressions of discontent against public officials, no matter how rude, are not personal attacks in nature and hence cannot be considered libel, except when it relates to physical vulgarity in public.

The attack by the students are not directed at the individual per se -- Megawati or Susilo -- but the policy and institution the person represents which is wholly accountable to the public.

The lingering danger is that present laws also criminalize the dissemination of any material considered insulting to the President.

Hence a latitude of legally condoned oppressive measures is available for exploitation should a regime turn more repressive. While the letter of the law was faithfully carried out, it is questionable whether the intent of the law was to simply jail a few rude protesters.

It is more likely that the articles embodied the intent of serving as parameters against seditious speech aimed at inciting action to illegally overthrow a government.

The United States Supreme Court in its history of deliberations on First Amendment issues often wrestled with the boundaries of political free speech. One noteworthy principle it adopted in its consideration of such issues is whether the words used bring about substantive danger to the government or society.

Applied here, all charges of insulting the President brought to court in recent years clearly posed no threat to the survival of the government. The burning of a presidential effigy does not equate to intent for insurrection.

The claim that police, prosecutors and judges are simply applying the letter of the law shows a lack of appreciation of civil liberties and the preponderance of a New Order repressive mindset.

We are learning an important lesson in this case: Not to equate democratic procedures with freedom.

Democracy provides for the peaceful change of a regime through elections. But voting is just one aspect of liberty. In due course, what matters most is not how the ruler is selected, but the extent of powers he/she has once in office.

The gauge of Indonesia's democracy is the level of respect and freedom it ultimately provides its society. One of those freedoms is to dissent and air opinions without fear. Opinions which are respected, approved, popular or contemptible.

To quote Charles P. Flynn's in his book Insults and Society: "Insults provide a check to those in power who may be tempted to think of themselves in grandiose terms, above the rest of humanity and hence not subject to insults".

Culture of terror

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 13, 2005

On Thursday, US President George W. Bush announced that Congress would extend the government's surveillance and law enforcement powers to track down potential terrorists.

The Friday report from The Washington Post was accompanied by graphics of polls done by the paper with ABC News -- two graphics showed overwhelming opposition to suggestions to expand powers for the Federal Bureau of Investigation; but another poll showed that 59 percent agreed that the additional authority granted to the FBI since the terror attacks of 2001, should be continued. The additional power given to the bureau were in areas like "surveillance, wiretaps and obtaining records in terrorism investigations."

The latter poll reflects a relatively high level of trust among the American public toward its government and law enforcers. A poll among Indonesians on similar issues has not been done regarding recent developments in antiterrorism policies, but we can sense the cringing and skepticism greeting Thursday's report that the regional offices of the former intelligence body be revived -- in addition to the earlier frowns on the announcement that a new antiterror agency, supported by "terror desks", would be set up, apart from the existing National Intelligence Agency (BIN).

Apparently, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sensed this anxiety too -- his Cabinet Secretary Sudi Silalahi said the reinstatement of the Regional Intelligence Coordinating Agency (Bakorinda) "is not aimed at frightening people, but rather to improve the coordination among our security authorities."

But frightened and concerned we are; given the track record of our intelligence authorities who have proved their skill in capturing suspected political dissidents, all while the masterminds of the bombing of Bali, the Marriott, the Australian Embassy, etc, ad nauseum, remain at large and continue to pose a fatal threat. The deadliest attack since Bali occurred just a couple of weeks ago in Tentena, Central Sulawesi, where at least 20 were killed in a crowded market. All these crimes occurred on the watch of current National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar, who has not shown any intention of stepping aside for someone else we might be safer with.

Improving coordination among intelligence authorities is indeed urgent, for it was likely the main factor leading to the total failure to combat terrorism -- judging from the ever-growing body count, not merely these nice new policies. Unwillingness to share information among related authorities is an appalling legacy among the officials, in whom we must entrust our very lives. Therefore, we lend our total support to measures that will increase cooperation amongst them.

The government has also noticed how quiet the protests have been against the antiterror law, which increased the power of law enforcers to act against potential terrorists. For the sake of our security, we also succumb to regular checks of our handbags and cars, no longer thinking it an outlandish practice peculiar to places like Manila.

Public trust thus remains high; what else can we do, given the increasingly clear message from the terrorists: They do not care if victims and targets are young or old, foreign or local.

Therefore, we understand the government's efforts to change the intelligence system because the enemies of the state are no longer what they used to be. However, the government must also listen to the various voices in society, which have raised their concerns about the government's recent counter-terror move, by reminding them that they could undermine our newly found civil liberties, which we have fought hard for over the last decade.

Beyond all the talk of reforming BIN, installing "terror desks" and reviving the village spy network, people find it hard to believe that the culture of our intelligence agents, or intel as they are referred to with repugnance, can change. Call it paranoia, but it is hard to forget, for one, the testimony of the young activists who were kidnapped and tortured in the late 1990s just because they were "suspected" threats to the regime.

In the fight against terrorism, law enforcers can complain all they want about their lack of power compared to their counterparts in Malaysia or Singapore. But until there are much better checks and balances, we would like to see their improved record in this war before giving them a blank check and a potential return to the days when intelligence authorities professed ignorance about civil liberties and thought their job was to serve whoever had the power to define a "state enemy."

The question today is whether an overhaul in our intelligence system would include a total change in the culture; from a sinister tool of oppression and intimidation to one of intelligent fact-gathering, involving law enforcers who actually respect the law, as part of a system accountable to its citizens. It is not too much to ask from a president that we directly elected: That intelligence authorities end their own brand of terror.

Indonesia's hot spots heat up

Asia Times - June 11, 2005

Fabio Scarpello, Jakarta -- While negotiations between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and Indonesian government officials in Helsinki, Finland, have given rise to a moderate optimism, fighting continues unabated in Aceh. At the same time, two bombs exploded in Central Sulawesi killing 22 people and threatening the fragile peace between Christians and Muslims in the province. Across the sea, in the Maluku Islands, the killing of eight people by radical Islamists and unruly police officers has brought back memories of sectarian violence. Meanwhile, news filtering out of far-flung Papua province paints a dramatic picture of continuous violence and rising tension.

Aceh

The fourth round of peace negotiations between GAM separatists and a delegation of Indonesian government officials ended in Finland on Tuesday. Both sides said discussions went well and agreed to meet again in Helsinki on July 12. Yet on the same day, three alleged GAM rebels were killed when their boat was blown up by the Indonesian military (TNI) off the coast of Aceh's northern district of Pidie. The dead are among the more than 260 alleged rebels killed by the TNI since peace talks began in January.

While negotiations have brought positive results, doubts remain about the likelihood of reaching a final settlement for the 30- year-long conflict. Neither GAM nor Jakarta seem to have full control over troops on the ground in Aceh, and it is feared that an eventual peace agreement would not be respected by some factions of the warring parties.

The Indonesian government has shown little will to compromise during the negotiations. Latest indications have revealed that GAM will not be allowed to organize itself into a political force and contest regional elections soon after an eventual peace agreement is signed. Such demands, considered a "must" by the rebel group, require a constitutional change that Jakarta seems unwilling to make.

In the meantime, the political mood in the capital is shifting toward an even more uncompromising position. The House of Representatives, dissatisfied with the "insignificant" results of the latest peace talks, demanded an end to the negotiations, and the House Defense Commission is said to be against the possible involvement of the European Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in monitoring the implementation of an eventual peace deal -- as vented in Helsinki.

Jakarta's offer is still a hazy "special autonomy", which reads as "status quo" in Banda Aceh. In the past months, between negotiation rounds, GAM has dropped its claim to independence while Jakarta has lifted the civil emergency status weighing on the province for the past year. The latter move, however, was not followed by a partial withdrawal of troops -- as demanded by GAM -- and has not led to any significant change on the ground.

Central/West Sulawesi

The specter of international terrorism and sectarian violence returned to Central Sulawesi after two bombs exploded in a crowded market in Tentena on May 28. The blasts' 22 victims marked the highest bomb death toll in Indonesia after Bali, where 202 people were killed nearly three years ago.

Although police have been active in pursuing several leads, it remains unclear who was behind the bombing. It is generally assumed that the perpetrators' aim was to reinitiate the sectarian violence that led to the deaths of more than 2,000 people in the area during 1999-2001.

Tentena is a predominantly Christian town in a region equally split between Muslims and Christians. The religious divide makes Central Sulawesi particularly susceptible to provocations. Still, the only retaliation recorded to date is the stoning of Tentena's mosque by a group of angry Christians, shortly after the bombing.

Yet tension remains high. After all, Central Sulawesi, and Poso in particular, is thought to be a fertile ground for radical Islamic groups. Among the bombing suspects is a group headed by a man called Yani, who is accused of leading recent attacks on a Christian village in Western Sulawesi. In a recent report, the International Crisis Group highlighted the risk of Poso-based radical Islamic groups moving to Mamasa, West Sulawesi, to stir sectarian violence.

Tentena's remoteness and the virtual absence of Westerners seems to exclude the direct involvement of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), a Southeast Asian regional terrorist group known to have run a training and recruitment camp in the Poso district a few years ago. Hours after the May 28 bombing, Vice President Jusuf Kalla said the attack could have been perpetrated by fugitive Malaysian JI members Azahari Husin and Noordin Mohammad. The two bomb- makers are wanted in connection with several attacks in Indonesia.

A particularly disturbing scenario that has emerged in the last few days points to a group of local politicians who might have masterminded the attack to divert attention from their case. The politicians, all former Poso government officials, are currently in jail for having siphoned billions of rupiah destined to those internally displaced during the regional unrest.

Maluku Islands

Violence escalated on this eastern island chain after radical Islamists and unruly members of the police led a punitive expedition against a police barrack on Seram Island on May 16. The attack, which left eight people dead, was meant to punish officers perceived to be protecting a Christian village. It also brought back memories of the 1999-2001 Muslim-Christian battles that killed up to 9,000 people on these shores.

The Malukus, or Spice Islands, are split along religious and ethnic lines. The latter is partly due to former president Suharto's transmigrasi (relocation) project that moved thousands of Muslim Javanese to -- among others -- the predominantly Christian Maluku Islands. Those Muslims quickly climbed the social ladder, fueling discontent. The added spice was provided by a moribund secessionist movement supported by Christians but opposed by most Muslims. When fighting broke out, some soldiers sided with the Muslims while some elements of the police sided with the Christians. Laskar Jihad, apparently now a disbanded paramilitary Islamic group, sailed from Java to fight alongside the local Muslims with the tacit -- and not so tacit -- support of the TNI. Some of Laskar Jihad's former affiliates are believed to have joined JI.

The attack in Seram is the first major attack in the region since a grenade was thrown by two unidentified motorcyclists into the predominantly Muslim neighborhood of Batumerah, in the Maluku capital, Ambon, on March 22. The explosion injured five people and was soon followed by a reprisal in which Muslims destroyed the back of a minivan carrying Christians in nearby Kapaha and clubbed its passengers, including a mother and her child.

Violence was also recorded in February. Two people were gunned down at a beachside karaoke club in Ambon and two more were injured in a separate attack, when a ship sailing off Buru Island came under fire by gunmen traveling in a speedboat.

The Malukus' latest major unrest began just more than one year ago, when 41 people were killed during last April's sectarian clashes sparkled by the 54th anniversary of the outlawed South Maluku Republic. During that celebration Christian separatists rallied and came into contact with Muslim nationalists. In the several days of violence that followed, hundreds of buildings were torched and bombs were detonated, while unidentified snipers -- believed to be rogue members of the TNI -- shot civilians and police officers.

West Papua

On May 26, a Papua district court sentenced separatist leaders Philep Karma and Yusak Pakage to 15 and 10 years, respectively, in jail for treason. Their crime consisted of holding a separatist meeting last year. Their trial sparked violent clashes between locals and police.

The disturbance was just the latest in the endless series of reports trickling out of Papua, where international observers, journalists and aid workers are forbidden to enter.

The region seems on the verge of exploding. Church groups and local media report that the TNI is preparing to intensify its ongoing crackdown against the Free Papua Movement (OPM), a political organization with a military wing fighting for independence.

On March 10, the houses and the livestock in Nggweyage village were entirely plundered and burned down by the TNI. The attack was part of the ongoing offensive in West Papua's central highlands, where 6,000 people have been forced to flee into the mountains. Such TNI tactics have led to a shortage of food and -- according to local reports -- some displaced people have died of starvation.

To heighten the tension, news has surfaced of the "presumed- disbanded" Laskar Jihad Islamic group setting up training camps in the area. And reports continue to emerge of human-rights violations by Indonesian security officials, accused of torture, rape and illegal detention. Unofficial figures say 800,000 people have been killed in Papua since the region was incorporated by Indonesia on May 1, 1963.

Papuans' 40-year-long fight for self-determination is compounded by ethnic tension with Muslim (mainly) Javanese relocated in the area in the transmigrasi program. Muslims now account for 770,000 of Papua's 1.8 million inhabitants. In Papua, ethnic Javanese are virtually in control of the local administration, and many Papuans, who are predominantly Melanesian Christians and Animists, feel they have been reduced to second-class citizens on their own land.

The Indonesian government has said recently it intends to divide Papua into five provinces by 2009. Locals argue that the move violates the 2001 Special Autonomy Law designed to give Papuans full democratic rights and a larger share of the province's vast natural resource wealth. Yet some of its crucial points are yet to be implemented.

[Fabio Scarpello is AKI-ADN Kronos International Southeast Asia correspondent.]

Coolie nation and the feminisation of poverty

Media Indonesia - June 9, 2005

"I did this so that we would not be a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations" - Indonesia's founding President Sukarno

Dita Indah Sari, Jakarta -- For some time new, the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America have been experiencing what is referred to as the feminisation of poverty. For centuries, colonialism encouraged backwardness in technological and human resources, inequality and a poor quality of life. Capitalism, which on the one hand opened the door to liberation and cultural enlightenment for women, at the same time, obviously exploits them. In the past and now, women are the social group which is most impoverished; the most oppressed of the oppressed.

The feminisation of poverty means that the majority of those who are poor are women. It remains difficult for women to obtain equality with men and find opportunities to achieve a decent quality of life and their social and economic rights continue to be marginalised. Data from the United Nations shows that of the 1.3 billion citizens in the world who are characterised as poor, 70 per cent are women. How can't the world be full of poor women when women's average wage is only 75 per cent of men?

The feminisation of migration

This is the reason why the number of women who are working overseas is greater than the number of men (the feminisation of migration). According to Department of Women's Affairs, the total number of women migrant workers between 2001-04 was 1,047,130 (77 per cent from a total of 1,357,703 people). The destruction of Indonesia's national economy as a result of neoliberal policies which are characterised by mass dismissals, unemployment and rural poverty, force women to migrate, primarily to Malaysia, Singapore, Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong and Taiwan to seek employment.

In its 2003 report, the Solidarity Centre, a US labour non- government organisation said that employers in Malaysia and Hong Kong prefer to employ Indonesian women workers in the domestic sector. Our women workers are the preferred choice not because of their professionalism, but because in general they know little about their rights, are not fluent in English and are less lightly to report violence or abuse. Indeed, the high demand for Indonesian women workers is also taken advantage of by the government to disguise its failure to solve the problem of unemployment instead of trying to strengthen migrant workers' bargaining position and protecting their rights through bilateral diplomacy.

With only 6.5 per cent of the state budget being allocated to the education sector, it is not surprising that the literacy levels among women is 80.5 per cent compared to 90.9 per cent for men (United Nations Development Program/Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001). This is disgraceful in comparison with the literacy levels for women in Vietnam, which on average is 94 per cent, even though the Vietnam War only ended in 1975 leaving behind it unimaginable levels of destruction.

Political factors

In reality however, political factors are the key to the welfare of our migrant workers. The low quality of education and the poor understanding of their rights would not be a reason for employers not to pay wages or commit acts of violence as long as there was diplomatic pressure and tight supervision by the Indonesian government.

The attitude of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government, which gave in to Malaysia's decision to criminalise migrant workers without proper documentation is evidence that the government is failing to protect its people. In reality, many migrant workers loose their documentation when they change jobs because previous employers hold the documents. It is this acquiescence by the government which legitimises Malaysia's rulers to conduct raids and punish migrant workers with caning and jail sentences. In March this year alone, 16 Indonesian migrant workers were punished by caning as a result of immigration offences.

Yudhoyono's meeting with Malaysian Prime Minister Ahmad Badawi was not to strengthen efforts to take legal action against Malaysian employers who do not pay their workers' wages. Indeed this was abandoned before the meeting even ended. The welfare of women workers, who have been abused, raped and who face the death penalty didn't change the weak and cowardly character of "coolie" diplomacy by our government.

The bureaucracy at home worsens this shameful foreign diplomacy, which directly and indirectly plays a role in exploiting workers. The police, immigration and customs officials, the department of labour, embassy and consular staff along with local bureaucrats, are collectively responsible for the violation of workers' rights during recruitment, the falsification of documents and facilitating the use of illegal labour and exploitative activities by transportation and recruitment services.

Solutions

The term migrant workers appears to have become a euphemism for the trafficking of women, even though their decision to work overseas is generally their own and made without coercion. However there are many cases where the employment of women overseas is exploitative, demeaning and characterised by physical, psychological and sexual violence. Of course these jobs are far different from the ones they are promised when they leave home. As a result the dispatch of migrant workers is accompanied with the falsification of documents, deception over their employment status in their destination country and with high costs which traps them in debt and is in fact is a form of trafficking.

Every single Indonesian Embassy or Consulate should provide a place to process workers' documentation quickly, easily and cheaply so that any worker who looses their documentation can get it renewed or replaced without having to be forcibly repatriated to Indonesia.

As long as the Yudhoyono government does not have the courage to deal with the problem though diplomatic efforts and bilateral agreements, the "legal" trafficking of women will continue. Cleaning up the bureaucracy is a priority at home. Political solutions are the number one issue which could temporarily provide protection to migrant workers.

Meanwhile creating employment opportunities at home will remain difficult if the government just relies on foreign investment. The strength and productivity of the national economy, in particular making the rural sector a recruitment field for migrant workers, must be development in order that ordinary people can find productive employment. Subsidies from the state budget are needed to build domestic industries. Creating educated and skilled human capital requires providing a national education system that is cheap or even free at all levels.

The question is, does the government have the political will to seriously adjust its neoliberal economic policies, which are resulting in increasing unemployment and poverty so that we do not become a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations?

[Dita Indah Sari is the general chairperson of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the general secretary of the Indonesian National Labour Front for Struggle (FNPBI). Translated by James Balowski.]