Aceh

Don't betray Aceh - Get coordinated

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2004

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta -- Bodies are still scattered on the streets and under the rubble in Banda Aceh, Meulaboh and many other towns in Aceh. Tens of thousands of survivors are still without food, clean water, medicines or even clothes to change into. Their ordeal and suffering continue.

Such is the scene depicted by Metro TV on Thursday, five days after the deadly combination of a strong earthquake and massive tidal waves devastated Aceh. For the dead and the living, help is still not coming, or it is not coming fast enough.

The situation in Aceh seems to be getting more desperate by the day. And it's not as if help is not forthcoming.

Relief supplies sent from national and foreign organizations and governments are reaching the Banda Aceh airport. In fact, supplies are literally piling up there by the ton. But they are not being distributed quickly to the intended targets. Metro TV's Najwa Shihab, who has kept the nation abreast of developments -- or in this case lack of developments -- in Aceh these past few days, could not hide her frustration as she reported on camera live on Thursday.

"There is no coordination," she said as her voice faded and replaced by sobs. "I have seen little change from yesterday." Indonesia faces a Herculean task. The country has never experienced a calamity of this magnitude before -- over 45,000 dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.

Still, a little more coordination could ease the pain and suffering of the people in Aceh.

Take the issue of burying tens of thousands of dead as an example. There aren't enough workers left in these areas to bury the dead. Many Acehnese are either too stricken by grief to do anything because they have lost loved ones, or simply too weak as they have been without food, clean water and medicines.

The job is left to volunteers brought in from the outside. But there is only so much they can do. The task of moving badly mangled and putrefying bodies from under the rubble and burying them inevitably takes much of their time.

Bringing in volunteers from outside requires good coordination. They have to bring their own tents to sleep in, and their own food. They cannot eat rations intended for victims or use the limited number of tents available in the area. And they need heavy equipment, like cranes, to bury the dead en mass.

Then, there is the question of the lack of trucks to take relief supplies from the airport to the people. And even if there were enough trucks available, there is not enough fuel to run them. And then there is the question of clearing roads of debris before they become passable.

The Metro TV reporter hit the nail on the head when she hammered at the lack of coordination on the ground in bringing help to the people of Aceh. Coordinating the relief operation is now the biggest challenge.

The outside world is ready to help the people of Aceh. Massive fund raising campaigns are underway throughout Indonesia and the rest of the world. But it is frustrating to see that the relief operation has been hampered by poor, in fact almost non-existent, coordination.

Whose job is it then to coordinate the relief operation? The Aceh provincial administration and its structure were decimated. It is estimated that only half of the administration's employees in Banda Aceh survived the tragedy. And most government offices in Banda Aceh were destroyed.

Without a government structure in place, coordination becomes almost non-existent.

The central government had to step in. There is nobody else around to do the job.

Vice President Jusuf Kalla only announced this decision on Wednesday when it could have been taken on Day 1 or Day 2 of the calamity. And even after the announcement was made, someone down the bureaucratic line insisted that the Civil Emergency government in Aceh was still in control.

Another sign of poor coordination was the question of permits for foreign relief agencies to operate in Aceh. By invoking national disaster status, the government effectively opens the way for these groups to send aid directly to Aceh. Jusuf Kalla reaffirmed this, but yet another lower ranking official insisted that they must all obtain permits from the government, which can take two weeks or more to issue.

We can understand why it took two days for the government to restore power and telecommunication facilities in Aceh: many of the power and telecommunication workers in the area were also killed in the tragedy.

But five days after the disaster struck, surely the relief supplies should start reaching the victims.

Where is the coordination? The presence of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla in Aceh earlier this week brought a lot of hope and comfort to the people there that help was on its way.

Their presence also led to the impression that they were there to supervise hands-on the rescue and relief operations.

But the reality on the ground on Day 5 has been very disappointing to say the least.

Unless help gets underway soon, the goodwill created by those presidential visits will quickly dissipate. And frustration, as expressed by the Metro TV reporter, will start to set in. Her frustration is a reflection of the frustration of the people of Aceh, and of people in the rest of the country.

Unless help gets underway soon, we will be confronting yet another horrific calamity: The number of deaths will soar, and not because of the discovery of more bodies in some remote villages. This time, the fatalities will increase because of our own neglect and our failure to help them on time.

This republic has done its utmost over these past few years to defuse separatist sentiments among Aceh people. At times, the military acted over-zealously at the expense of people's human rights as it fought the separatist rebels.

If this nation, and particularly this government, still believes in the "territorial integrity" of Indonesia that includes Aceh, then we must show it, with the same zealous determination that we have shown to keep Aceh a part of the Indonesian state.

Save our Aceh. Save our Souls.

[The writer is editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post.]

New Year parties become charity events

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2004

Jakarta -- Many of the planned New Year's celebrations will become charity events in the wake of Sunday's 9.0-magnitude earthquake and deadly tidal waves in Aceh and other nations on Indian Ocean that killed at least 80,000 in Aceh alone as of Thursday night.

A day after announcing the cancellation of a fireworks display that would have cost Rp 500 million (US$53,763.44) in National Monument (Monas) Park, Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso decided on Thursday that the Rp 1 billion fireworks show at Ancol Dreamland Park would also be canceled and replaced with a mass prayer session. The Rp 500 million for the Monas fireworks, he said, would be channeled to aid organizers to help survivors of the worst natural disaster in Indonesia since 1883.

Sutiyoso's call for New Year's party organizers to scale down their celebrations and to instead raise money for the Acehnese was warmly received.

The Hotel Mulia in Senayan, Central Jakarta, will still go on with its concert featuring US singer Peabo Bryson and Filipino Kuh Ledesma.

"Basically, we will modify the program into a kind of charity party," said the hotel's public relations manager Dian. She added that the hotel would send a Rp 500 million donation to Aceh on top of what would be raised in the concert.

PT Unilever Indonesia also canceled its Conello New Year's Chemistry Carnival at Kafe Taman Semanggi.

In Denpasar, hotels, resorts and cafes will also convert their December 31 celebrations into charity events.

"The events should be more modest because we are in deep grief. But the show must go on because money from the programs will be used for Aceh," said the Bali Association of Travel Agencies (Asita) chairman Bagus Sudibya as quoted by Antara.

"We also call on tourists to donate their money in boxes provided in hotels, restaurants or other tourist resorts." Many people have been urging would-be partygoers to cancel their New Year's festivities to express sympathy for the survivors.

Leaders of the country's two largest Muslim organizations, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadyah, called on the public to donate the money they planned to spend on celebrations to the victims instead.

The NU also urged state officials to cancel their year-end trips abroad and donate the money to Aceh.

The Surabaya administration has canceled 38 permits for hotels and cafes to celebrate the New Year. The city tourism agency head Muhtadi said that the cancellation was with the consent of the hotels and cafes.

The general manager of the Hotel Inna Simpang, Waluyo said the management agreed to call off the party, although they would lose out on an expected Rp 25 million.

Governors of West Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara have also decided not to attend celebrations.

West Kalimantan Governor Usman Ja'far ordered the cancellation of a fireworks party in the provincial capital, Pontianak, and changed it into a fund-raising and prayer event.

West Nusa Tenggara Governor H Lalu Serinata will attend mass prayers at mosques in the capital city Mataram. The governor also called on the public to start collecting donations to help the natural disaster victims.

Military continues attacks on GAM despite ceasefire

Agence France Presse - December 31, 2004

The Indonesian military says it is continuing to launch raids against separatist rebels in tsunami-devastated Aceh, despite having earlier called a ceasefire to help aid efforts.

"Our security operations continue, the only difference is that it may be less in scale and intensity," Lieutenant Colonel Nachrowi, of the military headquarters' general information department, told AFP.

"The principle is that all our forces in Aceh are basically continuing their duty under the security operation. But they also have to accord a large portion of their time for the humanitarian relief efforts.

"We continue to launch raids into suspected GAM [Free Aceh Movement] areas and our vigilance remains high." Nachrowi's comments come despite Indonesian military chief General Endriartono Sutarto calling for an unprecedented temporary ceasefire on Monday with the rebels so focus could be shifted onto rebuilding the remote province.

"All my soldiers will be used to help overcome this natural disaster and I hope that GAM will also do the same, not using the opportunity for something else because this is really something to do with humanitarian problems," he said.

Much of the western coast of Aceh, including the capital of Banda Aceh, was demolished in Sunday's massive tsunamis that were triggered by a 9.0-magnitude earthquake in the ocean 150 kilometres from the province.

The Indonesian death toll from the tsunamis is nearly 80,000 people, with most of the fatalities in Aceh, and the figure is expected to climb further as rescue workers reach remote towns and villages.

The inability to quickly rebuild infrastructure in Aceh is being partly attributed to the decades-old insurgency that has claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people and led to less development in the province.

The Free Aceh Movement has been fighting for independence since 1976, and the government stepped up its military suppression efforts with a massive operation that began in May 2003.

Amid the apparent calls for a ceasefire, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono urged GAM rebels on Thursday to lay down their weapons and join efforts to rebuild Aceh.

"I call on those who are still raising arms, to come out... let us use this historic momentum to join and be united again," Yudhoyono told a press conference here. "I call on them all, let us together build an Aceh in line with the special autonomy and according to what we can do together."

The exiled Free Aceh Movement leadership announced on Tuesday that it had imposed its own unilateral ceasefire, but said there had been no evidence of the army having laid down its arms. "We declared a unilateral ceasefire, but some of our people have been killed in ambushes," GAM spokesman Bakhtir Abdullah told AFP in Sweden. "At this crucial time, there is a natural catastrophe and yet the military troops are still hunting GAM people," he said.

People so hungry they're eating leaves

Melbourne Age - December 31, 2004

Lindsay Murdoch, Meulaboh -- The suffering in this once-bustling seaside town of 40,000 on Sumatra's west coast is unimaginable.

Five days after the massive earthquake struck beneath the seabed only 60 kilometres south-west of here, most survivors have received no food, drinking water, medicines or outside help.

"Please, help me. Please," begged Yuda Suria, 37, a father of two. "We have had no rice or water for two days," he said. "How can we live?"

Meulaboh is a wasteland. Up to half the population may be dead. The waves that swept through here on Sunday were eight metres high. The first earthquake collapsed most buildings. Aftershocks have hit every day since. Everywhere you see suffering in Meulaboh.

Sisters Sintra, 15, and Nia, 12, and their brother Ferty, 9, sit in shock on a concrete block, all that is left of their home. Their mother, grandmother and other family members are dead. Asked what their future holds, they can't answer.

Nearby, soldiers are pulling bodies out of the debris. A small rotting foot protrudes from under pieces of iron. The stench of death is everywhere. In 30-degree heat, bodies are falling apart.

Some people in the town are so hungry that they have been eating leaves from trees, soldiers said.

Juffizal, 32, said nobody in town has enough to drink because the tsunami contaminated the town's fresh water wells. "We are thirsty ... the bottled water has run out," he said. "I am eating noodles once a day but soon they will run out also."

The Age arrived in Meulaboh yesterday on the first plane to land on the town's badly damaged airstrip. We brought boxes of food.

An Indonesian navy ship carrying food, medicine and supplies also anchored offshore yesterday. But this is only a fraction of what is desperately needed. "Where is the United Nations?" asked a soldier driving a truck collecting bodies. "Tell the United Nations to come. We need their help."

The Age was among the first small group of journalists to reach the flattened centre of Meulaboh. We were swamped by people begging for help. "Hungry, hungry," people screamed.

Looking at the piles of debris -- some of it two storeys high -- it is difficult to believe that Meulaboh can rebuild.

But life has always been tough for the Achinese who were the last to hold off Dutch colonisation in the early 1900s. Some of them have fought Jakarta's rule for decades.

Here men are picking twisted motorcycles from the debris, here a mother hangs out her washing a few metres from a bloated corpse, here a girl stacks pieces of timber. And here a young mother sits under a tree breastfeeding her baby.

For some, the trauma is too great; they stumble along, rambling incoherently. "I'm a government official. I've lost everything ... where are my wages, help me," a distressed man keeps saying.

Army captain Danding Rachmat Firdaus said most people from nearby villages were sleeping in forests kilometres away from the coast. "The tremors continue, not like Sunday, they are only slight, but they are still very scary for the people," he said.

Meulaboh and other towns along Sumatra's west coast had been cut off until yesterday.

Indonesian company ASI Pudjiastuti started shuttling emergency relief with flights by two Cessnas yesterday after German pilot Christian von Stromberg made a daring landing on the debris- strewn Meulaboh runway. He managed to skirt uprooted coconut palms and cracked bitumen. Late yesterday, soldiers helped clear the runway of debris.

The military has struggled to co-ordinate the distribution of aid that has been pouring into Medan, the capital of North Sumatra, since Monday.

Aceh's struggle for survival

Wall Street Journal - December 31, 2004

Donald Greenlees, Banda Aceh -- The home that Epayani left behind at Meulaboh, on the west coast of Indonesia's Aceh province, now lies under the sea.

Her last memory of the concrete cottage in a military compound is of waves crashing against the roofline before she was thrown into the swirling water.

But the 31-year-old wife of a second sergeant in the Indonesian army is among the lucky. Her husband and three children survived. Her nine-year-old son was rescued after two days floating alone on a mattress without food or water. The family was one of the few in Meulaboh, 250 kilometers south of Banda Aceh on the Indonesian island of Sumatra, to escape the devastation wreaked by Sunday's earthquake and tsunami. Estimated to have had a population of 40,000, the town is now an open-air morgue.

Epayani, her eyes puffy from tears and a lack of sleep, said she had seen thousands of dead in her home town gathered in great piles by local government officials, police and soldiers. "There is no place to bury the bodies," she said Thursday after being airlifted by helicopter to Banda Aceh. "They don't know where they are going to put the bodies because there is so much water around."

As Indonesian and foreign relief teams slowly reach the isolated pockets of refugees along Aceh's western coastline, they are facing an overwhelming humanitarian crisis. The Indonesia head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Michael Elmquist said no part of Indonesia had been worse hit than the town of Meulaboh, which had taken "the full brunt" of the earthquake and tsunami. "From what people have seen from the air it looks like the town of Meulaboh is 90% destroyed. There might not be many survivors," he said.

For the living, the conditions are dire. Some fled into the mountains; others to camps set up around government offices and military bases. Survivors say there are shortages of almost all basic necessities: clean water, food and medical supplies.

Even before the misery brought on by last Sunday's tsunami, Aceh was one of Indonesia's most troubled provinces. Fertile and heavily forested, devoutly Muslim Aceh has clashed repeatedly with the central government in Jakarta since Indonesia's independence in 1945.

Separatist groups, protesting that Jakarta milked the province of timber, natural gas and other valuable resources while oppressing its residents, have waged sporadic armed rebellions dating back to the 1950s. Under former President Suharto, the Indonesian military effectively ruled the province for much of the 1990s with an iron fist. Human-rights groups blame the military for the killings, torture and disappearance of thousands of Acehnese during that period that left a legacy of deep bitterness and resentment toward Jakarta.

More recent attempts at reconciliation in the post-Suharto era have largely failed and the tense armed confrontation between rebels and Jakarta has continued to keep Aceh isolated from Indonesia's political mainstream and economically backward despite its natural wealth.

It's not clear what impact the quake disaster might have on the warring parties, who are adhering to a de facto ceasefire since the catastrophe struck. In a sign of official concern about the conditions in Meulaboh, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is expected to spend New Year's on a boat offshore and visit the town.

Some analysts say now may be a unique chance for reconciliation and opening of the province to the rest of Indonesia -- provided Mr. Yudhoyono can engineer an effective rescue and rehabilitation plan. That would be a political triumph torn from tragedy. But many also fear that misadministration, corruption and lack of political will on Jakarta's part could drag the battered province back into the violence and political chaos it has suffered for almost 60 years.

The extent of Aceh's suffering is growing clearer as aerial surveys of the coast have forced government officials to sharply lift the Indonesian death toll. On Thursday, it was put at almost 80,000. It is certain to go higher.

In Banda Aceh alone, where five days after the disaster bloated corpses still lie in the open, there are an estimated 26,000 dead. Officials fear that the toll will be much heavier on the coast. "From Trumon to Greater Aceh along the coast, all is gone," said former Human Rights Minister Hasballah Saad, a respected Acehnese leader. "The character of the area is that the population was concentrated on the coast."

Survivors and local government officials who have trickled into Banda Aceh report as much as three-quarters of the populations of coastal settlements were killed. Asri Achmad, an irrigation official in the local government of Lhoong district, said only four of 28 villages in his district escaped total destruction. The local government had its own grim head count: of the 12,322 people who lived in the district, 9,230 died.

Traveling into Banda Aceh by helicopter -- roads from the capital are impassible, broken by the force of the quake or littered with debris from the sudden catastrophic rise of the sea -- he could see neighboring districts had suffered a similar fate. "The water has gone black in many areas," he said. "I assume this is because these ponds were full of bodies."

Amid the tragedy there were stories of survival. After the torrent of sea water hit Meulaboh, Epayani was at home with her husband and three young children. As the water quickly rose, they climbed into a tree and then onto the roof of their house.

A rapid succession of waves broke across the roof, throwing them into the turbulent waters. They were all separated, though miraculously they survived. Her son Wira Dwilesmana, nine years old, survived by clambering onto a mattress, where he remained, alone, for two days before he was beached.

The family was reunited on Tuesday at a military base at Meulaboh. But the struggle for survival is continuing in the camps. Little aid has arrived from outside. The over-stretched Indonesia air force has managed small aid drops to Meulaboh, but many communities have had to do without.

Epayani said the first supplies of food, water and medicine only came in Thursday. "The children were crying for three days, asking for food," she said of conditions in the camp. Supplies of food stuffs, water purification and sanitation equipment has started to build up at Banda Aceh airport, coming in on Australian, Singaporean and Malaysian heavy-lift aircraft and helicopters.

The lack of infrastructure at the airport has made unloading painfully slow. Moreover, it has not been easy to ensure distribution to isolated communities.

Indonesia's military Thursday reached agreement with the Australian Defence Force to allow a significant upgrade of terminal services at Banda Aceh. Australian personnel are expected to be deployed in the coming days, bringing equipment and helicopters to allow distribution of supplies to remote areas.

City torn apart in 25 savage minutes

Melbourne Age - December 29, 2004

Lindsay Murdoch, Banda Aceh -- They have blank stares and don't speak. We walked together, among black and bloated bodies still lying in the streets of Banda Aceh three days after 25 minutes of terror tore apart a sunny holiday morning.

"We thought it was the end of the world," said Sofyan Halim, 37, who has lost 15 members of his family.

Banda Aceh's 40,000 people have suffered greatly over decades as rebels fought for independence from Jakarta and the Indonesian military brutally hit back. But nothing like this; never before such death and utter devastation. Nobody's talking here about recovery, just survival.

Shocked men and boys pick through the rubble of what was the city's thriving downtown market, ignoring dozens, perhaps hundreds of rotting bodies.

When the stink is too bad, they just cover their faces and keep looking for anything that will keep their families alive. Food is desperately scarce throughout the city. People are standing for hours in the sun in the hope that the few undamaged shops will open and sell them food.

Banda Aceh is the capital of the province of Aceh at the northern tip of the Indonesian island of Sumatra, just 250 kilometres from the epicentre of the worst earthquake in 40 years.

Taufiq Urahman, head of Banda Aceh's military hospital, said yesterday there were grave fears of outbreak of diseases such as cholera and typhoid. "Banda Aceh is paralysed," he said. "This is a very grim situation."

Scores of badly injured people are lying in the corridors and on verandas at the hospital, the only one of six of Banda Aceh's hospitals still operating. Patients have no water and have only dry packed noodles to eat.

Saripah, 60, who couldn't hang onto her six-year-old granddaughter in the tsunami, came to the hospital yesterday for medicine because she was unwell. She was turned away. Sitting outside was a 16-year-old girl who has lost her entire family of five. She has a bad leg wound but nowhere to go to be treated. Nurses said there were thousands like her.

Survivors tell how the city was hit by two earthquakes, five minutes apart, then the first of three tsunamis hit 25 minutes later.

"The water was as high as a coconut palm," said Mr Halim, an artist. "All the debris came with it. People were screaming. Some got away, many didn't. The water went 15 kilometres inland in some places." Mr Halim said the water was dirty black. "It was all over in 25 minutes," he said. "That's all."

A fishing boat, the Flying Fish, sits in the street outside the abandoned multi-storey Medan Hotel, bodies strewn under it.

It's difficult to imagine how Banda Aceh can rebuild. Trees were uprooted and dumped kilometres away. Cars have been twisted like toys. The symbol of Aceh, the Baiturrahman Mosque, has been badly damaged.

Stinking mud covers everything. Several of the city's biggest shopping centres have collapsed. The three-storey Doctor Zainal Abidin Hospital is destroyed and empty.

Nurse Citra Nurhayati said many of the hundreds of patients were killed when the water hit. "Children in emergency wards were killed," she said.

Families sit in shock in the street or in the grounds of mosques. Only the children seem to cry; the parents seem numb with disbelief.

Bodies are taken to Lambaro, a village a few kilometres outside the city, and laid under plastic sheets near a roundabout in the hope that relatives will come and identify them. But the threat of disease from rapidly decomposing bodies and Muslim tradition that the dead be buried within 24 hours have prompted mass burials.

About 1500 victims, many of them children, were buried after a funeral on Monday night.

There are so many bodies that an excavator is digging graves on a two-hectare plot near the village. Indonesian officials fear that communities and islands off the west coast of Sumatra may have been even harder hit.

Djoko Sumaryono, a government official in Medan, the capital of Sumatra, said yesterday that no contact had yet been made in Simeuluie, one of the islands closest to the earthquake's epicentre.

About 100,000 villagers live there. "We just don't know about them," he said. "No contact makes us fearful."

Officials in Medan now fear Indonesia's death toll from Sunday's catastrophe could be as high as 20,000.

After visiting Banda Aceh, Indonesian Vice-President Jusuf Kalla described what had happened as the country's worst natural disaster since the country won independence 50 years ago.

In Banda Aceh, shortages of food, water and medicines are already causing some anger among Acehnese.

Indra Utama, a community leader in the city, told The Age that the military must provide more urgent aid. "Where is the military? They're just taking care of their families. There is no war in Aceh now; why don't they help pick up the bodies in the street?"

However, the Indonesian military has started flying medical crews and badly needed emergency supplies in Hercules and any other available aircraft from Medan.

In Aceh, 'devastation and death beyond belief'

New York Times - December 28, 2004

Wayne Arnold and Eric Lichtblau, Lhokseumawe -- Mulyana, a 24- year-old housewife, had just sat down to a wedding party on Sunday morning when the tsunami struck. She ran and held on to a coconut tree. But the water pulled her away anyway, far out to sea.

"I was alone in the middle of the ocean," she said from her hospital bed in this town on the northeastern coast of Aceh Province, the area of Indonesia hit hardest by the disaster. "I was afraid of being pulled all the way to India."

Mulyana, who cannot swim, grabbed to a coconut tree floating nearby and clung to it. With the weight of her clothes pulling her down, she ripped off everything but her bra and prayed to God to help her. Four hours later, a group of fishermen found her as they were pulling bodies from the water.

Each morning's tide brings with it the bodies of more victims who, like Mulyana, were washed out to sea but who were not so lucky. Others are being found caught in branches of trees where the waters hurled them.

Mulyana is one of more than 200 survivors who have filled the hospitals here, many with similarly harrowing tales of how they survived a tempest that Indonesian and international relief officials fear may have killed more than 27,000 people in this country alone.

"We're seeing devastation and death beyond belief," Michael Elmquist, who leads the United Nations assistance office in Indonesia, said in an interview in his office in Jakarta. "I've been through many disasters around the world, but I've never seen anything like this. There's really nothing to compare it to."

While relief workers rushed today to get food and medical supplies to the survivors to stave off starvation and disease, Indonesian officials said 4,775 people had been confirmed dead in North Sumatra, where Aceh sits, near the epicenter of the quake. Local officials were preparing makeshift graves even as unclaimed bodies remained on streets and shorelines.

The United Nations office in Jakarta received an unconfirmed report late today that as many as 40,000 people had perished in the town of Meulaboh, on Sumatra's western shore. "If that is true," Mr. Elmquist said, "that's going way beyond any of our initial estimates."

Officials fear that many more people may have drowned in a remote set of smaller Indonesian islands off Sumatra, including the island of Nias. But officials emphasized that for now it was difficult to assess the full extent of the devastation.

"Those islands are really the dark side of the moon in terms of communications, and we really have no idea what's going on there," Herbie Smith, who is heading the disaster response team for the American Embassy in Jakarta, said in an interview. "The devastation may be even worse than we know, and that's the tragedy here."

Aceh Province stands out amid the disaster's deepening toll, not only because it was closest to the earthquake's epicenter, but because the disaster has intruded on a region in the grip of a civil war. Aceh has been under martial law since May of last year, when five months of peace talks between separatist rebels and the government broke down.

The president at the time, Megawati Sukarnoputri, dispatched 40,000 troops to secure the province, whose oil and gas resources are vital to government revenue. The government declared a cease-fire after the earthquake, and observers said the truce appeared to be holding, allowing relief workers to tend to survivors.

In Banda Aceh, the provincial capital, reports are filtering in of thousands of bodies, some lined up outside a city mosque. Others are being carried away in army trucks. The American Consulate in Medan, more than 200 miles down the eastern coast, received reports that the waters around Banda Aceh had swirled as far as 10 miles inland. The waves were reported to have inundated one city hospital, drowning patients inside.

Local television stations broadcast images from Banda Aceh that showed a city drenched with mud and debris, with bodies lying in the street or wedged among the flotsam and jetsam. Where the bodies have been lined up, anxious survivors peer under makeshift shrouds in search of loved ones.

With phone lines down, relatives of Banda Aceh's residents are still waiting for news. At the airport in Medan, worried Acehnese crowded ticket booths, trying to squeeze onto flights to the ruined city. Employees at Indonesia's national airline, Garuda Indonesia, said they were trying to obtain larger aircraft to accommodate them.

Lhokseumawe, about midway between the Medan and Banda Aceh, looks like a city under siege. Soldiers with assault rifles patrol the streets on foot and in trucks and armored vehicles.

Across Aceh, because of the civil unrest, army outposts dot the roads, and soldiers with automatic rifles periodically stop travelers. In one place, soldiers were seen patrolling in a tank. Residents say sections of the main highway remain under the control of the rebel Free Aceh Movement.

As long as the cease-fire holds, the prevalence of military units here is coincidentally helping in relief efforts. Army trucks are helping to clear thousands of bodies that have piled up on the coast, and soldiers are directing efforts to remove wreckage and search for survivors.

It was soldiers, for instance, who found 45-year-old Kamaryah Hasan stuck atop a coconut tree on Sunday afternoon in Banda Aceh, her leg broken.

Earlier, Ms. Kamaryah had traveled from her home in Lhokseumawe to Banda Aceh on her way to make the hajj, the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca. She was preparing to fly to Saudi Arabia later that day when the tsunami struck.

"It sounded like a jet plane," she said from her hospital bed here. When she found herself perched at the top of the tree, she said, she used one hand to hang on and the other to wave to rescuers.

In the bed next to hers lay Khariyah Jamil, 25, who had been brought in from a village outside Lhokseumawe. Ms. Khariyah tried to run from the waves while clutching her two children, one 3 years old, the other just over 1. But the waters ripped them from her arms. Her husband has returned to their village to search for their bodies.

Relief workers say the next few days will be crucial in determining whether there is a second wave of deaths among survivors who have been left stranded in the open. Many huddled under makeshift housing and rationed food and gas to brace for the days ahead. Officials worried that an outbreak of disease could spread quickly.

"The situation is really critical right now, because the distribution system here for food and medicine has just really collapsed," Mr. Elmquist said. "The logistics and communications problems are just overwhelming for us, and if we don't quickly establish food and water supply systems, people will be in extreme danger."

With three of its own workers in the region still missing, the United Nations planned on Wednesday to send a relief plane with 12 tons of food and medical supplies to Sumatra. American officials, meanwhile, were also preparing planeloads of supplies, including plastic sheeting for temporary housing, and body bags.

Traditionally, Indonesia, with a proud nationalist streak, has not sought international aid for disasters and has accepted it only when offered.

But this week Indonesian leaders requested aid on their own for the first time in years, Mr. Elmquist said. "This time they're the ones requesting assistance," he said. "No one's fighting it. It shows the magnitude of the devastation."

The disaster has presented an unusual set of problems for search-and-rescue teams and relief workers. Relief crews have had to battle on two fronts, seeking survivors from the rubble of collapsed buildings and from flooded towns and coastal areas.

In the center of Lhokseumawe, the local Red Cross has erected tents to shelter roughly 2,100 refugees from coastal villages and is providing them food, clothing and medicine. They chose a site next to an Islamic center so the people could run up into the building if another tsunami came.

On Monday, President Yudhoyono visited here and promised residents that the government would rebuild their homes. But for now few of the villagers had plans to leave the relief site.

Muktarudin Daud, a fisherman from the village of Pusong Lama, had just returned with his morning's catch when the first of the two giant waves struck. When the waters rushed out after the first wave, many of the village children walked out to collect the fish left on the exposed land, only to be caught by the second, much larger wave.

He managed to escape with his wife and three children, running for an hour ahead of the rising water, but everything they owned was washed away. "We are traumatized," he said. "We are afraid it will happen again."

[Wayne Arnold reported from Lhokseumawe, Indonesia, for this article, and Eric Lichtblau from Jakarta.]

Public eagerly give donations for tsunami victims

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Jakarta -- Shocked and grieved by the massive devastation and loss of life wrought by the earthquake and tsunamis that hit Aceh and North Sumatra, Indonesians have turned out in droves to donate money to aid agencies.

Several relief organizations in the capital said on Tuesday a surge of individual and corporate donors had contributed cash or goods to survivors of the disaster.

"My cell phone has kept on ringing since early in the morning with calls from people asking about how they can contribute to the relief efforts," Eddy Kuncoro of a charity organization, owned by the Republika newspaper Dompet Dhuafa, told The Jakarta Post.

He said that as a result of the public's enthusiasm, the organization had collected Rp 450 million (around US$50,000) on Tuesday, Rp 200 million on Monday, a day after the tidal waves swept over the northeastern parts of Sumatra. "We have transferred the money to our account in a North Sumatra bank, so that our volunteers there can withdraw it for the relief effort," he said.

Other media that have also opened bank accounts to raise relief funds from the public include the Kompas daily, Metro TV and Indosiar.

South Korean-based electronic company PT Samsung Electronics Indonesia channeled Rp 1 billion in donations through Metro TV, while US-run mining company Newmont Mining Corporation said in a statement it would donate Rp 5 billion to the relief effort.

A Jakarta-based cargo company, meanwhile, offered to courier aid for free to the regions hardest hit by the tidal waves. "We will pick up aid for free from donors in greater Jakarta regions and deliver them to Halim Perdanakusumah airport where they will be dispatched to Aceh," an official with PT Wahana Kargo was quoted by Antara as saying.

Wahana Kargo can be contacted on 08121131688 or 0811856900 or at its address on Jl. H. Sidik 88, Rempoa, South Jakarta.

Another humanitarian organization, the Medical Emergency Rescue Committee (Mer-C), said it had sent a aid team to Aceh on Monday and another team was set to leave for the province on Wednesday.

The Jakarta chapter of the Indonesian Red Cross said that it had collected Rp 40 million in a bank account on Tuesday afternoon after it was opened the day before. The Bank Lippo Slipi branch account number is 746-30-05218-4.

The Millennium Hotel Sirih in Jakarta has also opened a collection box until Jan. 15, while other institutions ranging from television and radio stations, magazines and cafes have opened accounts.

In Yogyakarta, the state Gadjah Mada University said that it was ready to send an 18-strong medical team to Aceh to join other humanitarian missions there.

The dean of the university's School of Medicine, Hardiyanto Subono, said doctors would soon left for the province pending a consultation with the Ministry of Health.

Corruption may bleed disaster aid, experts say

Dow Jones - December 29, 2004

Phelim Kyne, Jakarta -- Rampant corruption will take a massive bite out of millions of dollars in aid to Indonesia's earthquake-stricken province of Aceh unless the government tightens control mechanisms, government officials and analysts warned Wednesday.

The northwestern province has a reputation for being the most graft-ridden in a country that ranks high on the watch lists of anti-corruption organizations.

The government has estimated that rebuilding efforts in Aceh will cost IDR10 trillion ($1.07 billion) over the next five years, and has allocated $150 million for emergency relief over the next year, in response to Sunday's earthquake and resulting tsunami. Millions of dollars in funds and material goods are expected to be donated to aid survivors and rebuild shattered infrastructure in the province, where official projections say up to 40,000 may be dead and half a million homeless.

The proportion of such funds vulnerable to corruption could exceed estimates of 30% of Indonesia's total budgetary funds lost to graft annually, said Danang Widoyoko, vice coordinator of independent watchdog Indonesia Corruption Watch.

"Aceh is where the most government money has been lost to corruption in all of Indonesia ... so there's a high risk of corruption in this situation," Danang told Dow Jones Newswires. "In our experience corruption worsens in humanitarian emergencies, like in the refugee situation in East Timor."

Existing official emergency-response bodies are ad hoc and lack audit mechanisms to minimize theft of aid by corrupt officials, said Emmy Hafild, secretary general of the Indonesia chapter of international anti-corruption organization Transparency International.

"Most problematic ... is the [emergency] food, medicine and clothes that may be taken either by private hospitals, military users or by traders who will resell it," Hafild said.

Even Indonesia's Minister of Social Affairs, Bachtiar Chamsyah, Wednesday cautioned against "black-headed rats" in the country's bureaucracy whose corrupt tendencies imperil effective distribution of Aceh aid.

Indonesia ranked as one of the world's 14 most graft-plagued nations by Transparency International's 2004 global Corruption Perceptions Index, and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has bemoaned that corruption is "systemic" to the country. Aceh has long been recognized as its most corrupt region.

Government vigilance unreliable

The government's imposition of martial law on Aceh in May 2003, in response to an escalating pro-independence insurgency, has effectively gutted civil supervisory and monitoring mechanisms there, Danang said.

While rescue workers scrambled Monday to assist survivors in Aceh, the provincial governor went on trial for offenses including theft of state budget funds and padding the purchase price of a Russian-built Mi-2 helicopter, for personal gain which cost the government more than IDR10 billion.

The province accounted for almost half of the estimated IDR2.7 trillion in national revenue lost to corruption by the end of August, Indonesia Corruption Watch's Danang said.

Indonesia's central government recognizes the vulnerability of humanitarian assistance heading to Aceh and is taking measures to protect that aid, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Aburizal Bakrie told reporters Wednesday.

Bakrie said government efforts to reduce graft will include subjecting all reconstruction contracts to the supervision of the state auditing agency.

But emergency and reconstruction funds and materials which end up under control of Aceh's provincial government are likely to go astray, Standard Chartered economist Fauzi Ichsan suggested.

"If aid goes through reputable nongovernment organizations ... the room for corruption would be pretty tight, but if aid distribution is done through local government and bureaucrats, the threat of funds not being accounted for is pretty big," he said.

International nongovernment humanitarian assistance organizations say they're aware of the challenges that corruption poses to getting aid to the people who need it most, and are gearing distribution systems accordingly.

A successful relief operation in Aceh hinges on delivering actual relief goods rather than cash to affected populations and overseeing every step of the distribution chain, said John Budd, Jakarta-based spokesman for the United Nations Children's Fund, or UNICEF. "It's not like we're just taking this money and handing it out and saying 'Here, spend it,'"," he said.

Reconstruction funds particularly vulnerable

Transparency International's Emmy Hafild said the risk of corruption will persist long after the initial humanitarian emergency crisis in Aceh has passed.

Donor funds pegged to rebuild infrastructure including roads, schools and hospitals will come under threat from bureaucrats with long experience in plundering government coffers.

Indonesia's government is counting on the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to provide up to $3 billion in currently "unproductive or undisbursed" country loans to support infrastructure reconstruction, Minister of Finance Jusuf Anwar said Tuesday.

Neither lender has made specific monetary pledges for such projects, but Jakarta-based representatives of the two institutions say they will strive to mitigate the impact of corruption on any loans they may issue to support Aceh reconstruction.

One such strategy might be to directly funnel such lending to community-driven development projects that eliminate the role of bureaucratic middlemen in disbursing funding, said Mohamad Al- Arief, a communications officer in the World Bank's Jakarta office.

"We're aware of the risk of corruption and siphoning-off of funds and we're determined to make arrangements that would minimize this risk," the ADB Resident Mission in Indonesia's governance adviser, Staffan Synnerstrom, said.

"But this is also a new situation with a lot of solidarity for the people there, which may actually decrease corruption."

Indeed, cooperation with the government to date in Aceh suggests that expectations for huge losses to corrupt officials is both unkind and exaggerated, Oxfam Great Britain's Country Programme Manager David Macdonald indicated.

The government has set up an organizational structure designed to quickly and efficiently deliver emergency aid to Aceh's residents, Macdonald said.

"We understand that Indonesia has been flagged as having higher- than-average levels of corruption...but I think the traditional impression of Indonesia really won't apply in this case," he said.

Kalla announces the lifting of the civil emergency

Kompas Cyber Media - December 29, 2004

Erlangga Djumana -- Vice President Jusuf Kalla announced on 29 December that the civil emergency status has been lifted in Aceh, following the virtual breakdown of the local government in the province, as a result of the earthquake and tsunamis that have struck the region since 26 December.

He said: "There's no longer a civil emergency, there's no longer a governor. The governance of the region is now in the hands of the central government," he announced at a press conference in his office in Jakarta on Wednesday.

However, he said, although the civil emergency has been lifted, only those involved in humanitarian programmes and rehabilitation activities will be permitted to enter the region. "Doctors, engineers, operators, technicians and social workers will be allowed to enter. Political activities, No! Social activities, okay", he said.

Indonesia: In the wake of tsunami in Aceh

Stratfor Global Intelligence Analysis - December 29, 2004

A massive earthquake December 26 in the Java Trench off Sumatra spawned tsunamis that have killed tens of thousands in Sri Lanka, Indonesia, India, the Maldives, Thailand and east Africa. The embattled Indonesian province of Aceh, home to a militant separatist movement, was hardest hit. How well the government in Jakarta is able to cope with the disaster will have significant implications for regional security.

Although devastating, the tsunami disaster is not likely to have a catastrophic impact on economies in the region. This is mainly because the areas affected, for the most part, were not industrial centers but poor fishing villages and small coastal towns, places of limited economic value.

Thailand's economy, for one, will not suffer long-term adverse affects. The tourism industry, which makes up 6 percent of the country's gross domestic product, stands to lose a quarter of its projected revenue for 2005, but that is a worst-case scenario. Most of Thailand's tourist facilities were not severely damaged and are expected to be operational again soon.

Overall, tourism industry experts expect the tsunami disaster to have less of an impact on Thailand's tourism industry than the severe acute respiratory syndrome scare in 2003.

The real impact of the tsunami disaster will be felt in Indonesia, where the remote province of Aceh -- on the northern tip of Sumatra -- has been devastated. If conditions in Aceh are allowed to deteriorate -- and if Jakarta cannot deal with the crisis -- resulting instability in the province could give militant separatists the opportunity to expand their operations in the region. This is something that neither Indonesia nor Australia wants to see.

Jakarta is still smarting over Canberra's role in ripping East Timor away from Indonesia in 1999, but relations have been improving since President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's election in October 2004. Although Indonesia does not want to see Australian troops on its territory, logistical support during the current emergency in Aceh is critical and most welcome. Four Royal Australian Air Force C-130 cargo aircraft, carrying water purification equipment and other vital supplies, were among the first to arrive in Sumatra.

Canberra also is providing assistance in the form of relief supplies and money directly to the Indonesian Red Cross.

Already providing more aid to Indonesia than any other country in the region (AU$160 million [$123 million] for 2004-2005), Australia is demonstrating the same largesse in response to the tsunami disaster. Its goal: To ensure its own security by helping Jakarta maintain order in Aceh and throughout the archipelago.

The tsunami disaster could prove to be a boon to Jakarta in its campaign against militant separatists in Aceh. Yudhoyono will send more troops into the province to rebuild and clean up, but the lack of adequate sea- and airlift capability, combined with damaged infrastructure that was inadequate to begin with, will hinder efforts to bring supplies and personnel into the area. The Indonesian military has declared a cease-fire with the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) while it concentrates on recovery operations. Yudhoyono already has expressed a desire to have truce talks with GAM and may use the cease-fire as an opportunity to initiate a dialogue.

If GAM does not agree to settle the problem peacefully, Yudhoyono will have more troops on hand to clean them out.

Unless Yudhoyono offers more autonomy to Aceh, GAM is unlikely to lay down its arms. Yudhoyono is unwilling give the separatists more control of Aceh, since that would set a dangerous precedent for other restive regions in the archipelago.

Indonesia's recovery from the tsunami disaster will be a lengthy one -- and it may push Indonesia closer to the West. If Jakarta cannot adequately provide for the victims in Aceh, Yudhoyono's government will come under fire from opponents at home, which could lead to political instability and civil unrest. To prevent this, Yudhoyono will look to the United States, as well as Australia, for help, since Indonesia lacks the resources to cope with a disaster of this scale. It would be in the best interests of Washington and Canberra to take preventive action in Aceh now by helping Jakarta maintain control of the situation.

Otherwise, a natural disaster and separatist movement could combine to create a level of chaos in Aceh that Washington and Canberra will have to respond to with force.

Will army use tsunami as cover to continue slaughter

Democracy Now - December 29, 2004

Amy Goodman, host

Amy Goodman: The disaster is killing thousands in Aceh but the Indonesian military has been doing that for years. Now activists fear the Indonesian military will use the disaster as a cover to further the killing of the Acehnese and that the Pentagon may use the disaster as an excuse to restore aid to the Indonesian military which was blocked after the military's massacre in East Timor in 1999.

Allan Nairn, journalist and activist, has just recently come from Indonesia and has spent a good deal of time in Aceh. Allan, what are you hearing?

Allan Nairn: The military, until about 24 hours ago was impeding international aid agencies from coming in. There was a team from -- a medical team from Japan that flew in, and turned around in frustration because the military wasn't letting them enter. This is undoubtedly caused thousands of extra deaths. The reason the military won't let them in is that Aceh has been under semi- totalitarian de facto occupation by the Indonesian military.

On TV, people may have seen footage of the Grand Mosque of Banda Aceh, one of the few big structures left standing, and in the yard in front of the mosque, it's litters with bloated bodies and dead animals, and debris and the building itself is cracked. It's now a scene of devastation. But just five years ago, the yard in front of that mosque was filled with anywhere from 400,000 to a million Acehnese who were carrying out a peaceful demonstration calling for referendum. A vote -- a free vote in which they could choose whether they wanted to become independent of Indonesia. In proportional terms, Aceh has a population -- before this disaster, had a population of about four million.

This means that anywhere from 10 percent to 25 percent of the entire population of Aceh, turned up on the lawn of the mosque that day, to call for freedom. It's -- proportionally, it's one of the largest political demonstrations in recent world history. If a similar thing happened in the US, you'd be talking anywhere from 30 to 60 million people here to give an idea of the enormity. Faced with that kind of civilian movement, the Indonesian military moved to crush them, assassinating, disappearing leaders, raping female activists.

Jafar Siddiq Hamsa, who was a leading international spokesman for the Acehnese -- he was becoming to Aceh what Jose Ramos Horta was to East Timor. Jafar lived in the US for a few years. When he went back to Aceh in 2000, he was abducted, his body turned up wrapped in barbed wire, multiple stab wounds in his chest, his face sliced off.

The military wants to crush the civilian movement in Aceh because they know they can't win a political fight. They prefer the military fight. There is an armed rebel group in Aceh, the GAM, the Aceh Independence movement. The military occasionally sells them weapons. They wants this war to continue. It enables them to make a political point. They say to people and the rest of Indonesia, see, there is danger and chaos. You need us, the army, to protect you. Who else can you turn to?

And secondarily, the fighting in Aceh gives the Indonesian military and police a gold mine of corruption. The -- there is a system of police and army extortion of the poor and small businesspeople. Every week, you have to turn over 10,000, 20,000, 30,000 rupiah, the equivalent of a couple of dollars. You cannot drive on the road without being shaken down. And people are not free to move within Aceh. It's one of the worst situations of repression in the world, and the Indonesian military wants it to continue that way.

Amy Goodman: We're talking about ground zero right now, about Aceh, Indonesia, the site of two catastrophes, one the natural calamity, and the other the military occupation that has gone on for years. Allan, as you talk about the political situation in Aceh, the military now looking like the people who will help those in Aceh, whoever has survived.

Allan Nairn: Well, the military just announced they're sending in 15,000 additional troops into Aceh. They undoubtedly will use the new situation where people -- Acehnese will be coming home, many of whom are in exile will try to come home to search for the dead, bury the dead, see what remains of their houses. It's likely that Indonesian military intelligence will be using that to target people. Just two days before the quake, the military announced that they were sending 4-500 additional military intelligence people into Aceh. The Indonesian military intelligence is now funded by the American CIA Under the guise of anti-terrorism, even though by an objective definition of terrorism, killing civilians, more than 95% of the terrorist acts in Indonesia have been carried out by the military.

When the quake hit, buildings collapsed, prisons collapsed. The woman's prison, down near the water in Banda, Aceh collapsed. Many of the victims were political prisoners. People who were in there only for the crime of expressing hatred against the government, which is actually prohibited. They were jailed without evidence. The thousands, many thousands of Aceh, even before the quake and tsunami were driven off the land by the military, and many were put into reeducation camps, where they were indoctrinated and sorted by the military. Now people are being dumped into mass graves. This has actually been going on for years in Aceh, except prior, the mass graves came from military bullets.

Amy Goodman: Now, Aceh, this area, is the largest gas fields run by Exxon Mobile?

Allan Nairn: There's a huge natural gas operation centered near the town of Lhoksumawe. It supplies much of the natural gas for Japan and South Korea. There's no good reason why Aceh should be poor. Even though most of the people living along the coast, who lost their homes and their belongings, and their farm animals, were living a very poor life. This massive natural gas operation, the revenues accrue to Exxon Mobil and the central government in Jakarta, and almost none finds its way back to the people of Aceh.

Amy Goodman: I remember reading several years ago a Business Week expose called, "What Mobil Knew." There was a picture of a man holding a skull. It was about allegations that Mobil had given excavating equipment to the Indonesian military to dig mass graves in Aceh.

I was shocked yesterday hearing a journalist from CNN in Aceh saying, "We are seeing mass graves." I thought he was talking about those uncovered from the occupation. Of course, he was talking about the newly dug graves where thousands of bodies are being piled in, bull-dozed over, piled in because of the natural catastrophe that has taken place.

Allan Nairn, the issue of what this means for the future for Aceh. People now, who run from the military, who are afraid of the military in Aceh, do they turn to the military for support, for finding family members?

Allan Nairn: That's a good question. Lots of people will have to go to the military for food handouts, to get clean water. In some ways, it will be a situation somewhat comparable to Iraq during the sanctions, when Saddam's regime was able to control the welfare food handouts. I mean, there's already a tremendous amount of control, but this can consolidate it even more. On the other hand though, many of the communities are so shattered, the older people, traditional leaders dead, local officials dead, much of the population dead, that to a certain extent, society will have to be rebuilt in many Acehnese towns and that may offer some opportunities. That may offer some opportunities for people to put things back together in a better way than before, but that can only happen if the military pulls back and is not allowed to continue their extortion and their terror.

We should put this in perspective. Now the world is looking at Aceh for the first time ever and will probably never again look at Aceh with this intensity, but as dramatic, as awesome as this act of nature is, let's say it kills 50,000, 60,000 in Aceh, that's still far less than the death toll over just a couple of years due to hunger and poor nutrition, diarrhea, deaths mainly among children who live in poverty in Aceh.

It's also dwarfed by the military massacres carried out by the Indonesian military in various places. They killed 200,000 in Timor. They killed anywhere from 400,000 to a million in Indonesia itself when they consolidated power in 1965 to 1967. So, the concern that the world has now for this disaster is appropriate, but we should have that concern all the time. When people are dying, not just from natural tsunamis, but from military or police bullets, often paid for by the United States, or dying from preventable hunger.

50 million, that's what the US is giving. You compare it to Bush's inauguration, there are also thousands of American individuals who could sit down right now and write a check for $50 million. They could save tens of thousands of lives, but there's no social pressure on them to do that, because we live in a world where it's assumed that it's okay to let people starve while the dollar that can save them sits idly in your pocket.

Amy Goodman: In terms of aid right now, where can people help? How can people help the people of Aceh?

Allan Nairn: There are grassroots groups on the ground in Aceh, and we didn't know until last night that the activists were still alive to carry on, but now we have learned they are, groups like the People's Crisis Center, which for years have been working with refugees driven off the land, people sent into reeducation camps, trying to give some education to the children, trying to feed. They are now accepting relief, donations. So, people can channel them through either ETAN, the East Timor Action Network in the US The website is www.etan.org; or TAPOL, a human rights organization based in Britain. TAPOL -- they're at www.tapol.gn.apc.org. This money will find its way to grassroots Acehnese activists who are also working for human rights, and will try to save people and build something better in the long run for Aceh.

Amy Goodman: We'll put the contact information on our Web site at democracynow.org. Again, one of those contacts, etan.org.

Aceh chief 'used salary funds to buy copter'

Straits Times - December 28, 2004

Salim Osman, Jakarta -- Aceh governor Abdullah Puteh used funds earmarked for salaries of civil servants to buy a Russian-made helicopter two years ago, Indonesia's anti-corruption court was told yesterday.

In the first high-profile case seen as a test of the new government's resolve to combat graft, prosecutor Wisno Baroto said the governor, who was detained earlier this month, also failed to include the purchase of the aircraft in the provincial budget.

The price of the helicopter was marked up and the state incurred losses of 10 billion rupiah (S$1.77 million).

The governor was also accused of depositing some 750 million rupiah into his personal bank account. The money was later used to pay a private company assigned to buy the helicopter.

Abdullah allegedly embezzled between 10.8 billion and 13.6 billion rupiah of state funds in a scam involving the purchase of the helicopter for official use.

He is one of four governors embroiled in corruption cases and the first to have been detained and charged in court.

Several other officials from the regents and districts are also being investigated by the newly-established Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made the battle against corruption a key platform of his administration.

He has also pledged to recover state money lost in graft cases.

Scores of supporters of the Aceh governor gathered outside the court in the Kuningan district, demanding his release from jail.

In court yesterday, Abdullah insisted he did nothing wrong and did not gain anything from the purchase. He said officials needed the helicopter to carry out their duties in a region wracked by separatist violence.

'The purchase of the helicopter was done according to proper procedures,' the governor said.

Another prosecutor, Mr Chaidir Ramli, told reporters: 'If convicted, the governor faces either a minimum of 20 years' imprisonment or a life sentence.' Earlier yesterday, the governor asked his lawyers to press for his release from prison. He wanted to visit his constituents in Aceh after Sunday's devastating tidal waves that killed thousands of people in the province.

But his application was rejected by the panel of five judges led by Chief Justice Krisna Menon.

His wife, Madam Marlinda Purnomo, told reporters the request was backed by Jakarta governor Sutiyoso.

One of Abdullah's lawyers, Mr Juan Felix Tampubolon, said they would argue that the charges against him were improper as they were based on an anti-corruption law enacted in December 2002. The alleged offences were committed in July 2002. 'It is unconstitutional for the prosecution to apply the law retroactively against our client,' he said.

Puteh goes on trial as tsunami devastates Aceh

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- As thousands of Acehnese were killed in the most devastating natural disaster in the country's history, Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh went on trial on Monday on corruption charges in Jakarta.

During his first hearing at the Anticorruption Court, a team of prosecutors charged the 56-year-old governor for his role in a scam involving the purchase of a Russian helicopter that cost the state at least Rp 10.8 billion (US$1.2 million) in 2001.

Chief prosecutor Khaidir Ramli told the court the defendant had ordered the purchase of an Mi-2 helicopter, which was not part of his administration's expenditure and without the consent of Aceh Provincial Legislative Council.

Puteh is also charged with illegally slashing Rp 700 million off the state budget allocated for each of 13 regental and municipal administrations in the province to pay for the helicopter.

According to the charges, Puteh deposited Rp 4 billion of the Aceh provincial budget in his personal bank account.

Puteh illegally diverted Rp 35 billion from routine spending and Rp 9.1 billion from the special funds allocated by the central government for the regional administrations in Aceh, the team of prosecutors said.

"The defendant is charged under Article 2 paragraph 1 of Law No 31/1999 on corruption eradication," Khaidir said. The crime carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison.

Wearing a dark suit and kopiah (Muslim cap), Puteh read a prepared speech outlining his personal objection to the indictment.

During the hearing led by Judge Krishna Menon, dozens of spectators applauded when Puteh said the indictment was obscure.

Outside the courtroom in a hall on the ground floor of Upindo Building on Jl. Rasuna Said in South Jakarta, dozens of people demanded Puteh's release.

"It was my policy that Aceh remain a part of the Unitary State of Indonesia," Puteh said, insisting that no procedures were violated in the purchase of the helicopter.

Puteh also asked the panel of judges to postpone his trial, pending a verdict from the Constitutional Court for a judicial review request against the law on the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) by businessman Bram HD Manoppo.

Bram, whose company brokered the helicopter deal, has also been named a suspect by the KPK in the case. He demanded the judicial review on the grounds that the KPK, which was set up in 2002, had no authority to investigate a case that took place in 2001.

Puteh claimed he did not cut the regental budget in Aceh, saying that the regents had voluntarily allocated Rp 700 million each for the purchase of the helicopter, which was needed to help Puteh move swiftly from one place to another to monitor developments in the restive province.

Puteh's wife Linda Poernomo and father-in-law Bambang Poernomo attended the hearing.

After the hearing Puteh prayed for an end to prolonged armed conflict in the province and his trial.

Linda, Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso as the chair of the Association of Governors, and Puteh's lawyers have offered their personal guarantee that Puteh will not flee, in order that he be released from detention during the trial.

Aceh hit by double calamity

Associated Press - December 28, 2004

The oil-rich Indonesian province of Aceh was one of the few places hit by both southern Asia's massive earthquake and the tsunamis it caused -- a double blow that killed thousands and wreaked so much devastation that separatists fighting a decades- long insurgency called a temporary ceasefire.

Streets in the province's capital, Banda Aceh -- about 240 km from the quake's epicentre -- were filled with bloated corpses, dead cows and animals and overturned cars. The city's only shopping mall was reduced to a pile of rubble, the minaret of the city's 150-year-old mosque leaned precariously, and thousands of homeless families huddled together in mosques and schools.

Remote coastal villages were washed away in the province, the home of 3,000 of Indonesia's 5,000 confirmed dead. Officials feared that once the devastation from Aceh was fully known, the country's death toll could reach 10,000.

It was a stunning tragedy for the territory at the northern tip of Sumatra island that supplies about 30 per cent of Indonesia's oil production and has been torn for years by conflict between separatist rebels and government forces.

The Free Aceh Movement announced on Monday that it would abide by a ceasefire so relief agencies could safely deliver supplies into the province. "We will not be on the offensive, but we will be on the defensive," said Baktiar Abdullah, a guerrilla spokesman.

About half the 10,000 troops deployed in the province to fight the insurgency were shifted to the relief effort, the government said. During a visit to Banda Aceh, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called on both sides in the conflict to unite.

"To my brothers who still hold weapons, please come together and unite to redevelop our beloved Aceh," Yudhoyono told reporters.

The government also eased a ban on foreigners travelling to Aceh, allowing foreign reporters to travel freely through the war-torn province and international relief agencies to fly in medicines, food and other basic necessities.

"The government has requested international assistance which it hasn't done since I've been here," said Michael Elmquist, who has headed the United Nation's Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Jakarta the past four years.

"The indication is that there shouldn't be a problem," he said. "We've been told that the vice-president has instructed the air force to facilitate the arrival of foreign assistance upon arrival. They will allow flights from abroad to land in Banda Aceh without any problems."

Guerrillas have been fighting since 1976 for an independent homeland in Aceh. At least 13,000 people have been killed since then, including 2,300 since Jakarta launched its latest military offensive in early 2003. Since May this year, the government eased up on martial law and Yudhoyono has been calling for peace there -- offering amnesty and promising economic development. But there has been no movement toward new peace negotiations, and several dozen are still killed every week in clashes.

The local subsidiary of US petroleum giant Exxon Mobil suffered a temporary "minor disruption" in its natural gas liquefaction operations from Sunday's disaster, a company spokesman said. Indonesia, the only Asian member of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, is the world's largest liquefied natural gas exporter.

Residents of Aceh province -- where many are deeply conservative Muslims -- were reeling. In Banda Aceh, a city of 400,000, dazed relatives scoured rows of corpses laid out in the afternoon sun for dead loved ones. Mothers -- some holding their dead children -- cried for help.

In the village of Pidie, witnesses said the tsunami tossed boats about like toys and destroyed hundreds of wooden houses.

Abdul Dahlan, a 27-year-old fisherman, said he was waiting on the beach for his brother to return from sea when he noticed a strange silence. The water then rapidly receded and then a 4.5- metre wave came barrelling toward them.

"We yelled out: The sea is drying out! It's drying out," he said. "Ten minutes later the water came back with waves so high, it frightened the life out of me. My house is completely swept away. I have nothing left except the clothes I am wearing now."

Aceh capital ruined by earthquake and tsunami

Ratio Australia - December 27, 2004

In Indonesia's Aceh province the government's figures have passed five thousand but some officials believe that number could well double. The provincial capital, Banda Aceh, has been destroyed.

Presenter/Interviewer: Peter Cave

Speakers: Tim Palmer, Indonesia correspondent

In Indonesia's Aceh province the government's figures have passed 5,000, but some officials believe that number could well double. Our correspondent Tim Palmer has now made his way along the island to the capital Banda Aceh. He's been without sleep for two days now. He describes conditions in the city closest to the source of the disaster.

Palmer: This is an entirely broken city, Peter. Banda Aceh has no electricity except for a few small official centres, no telephones except for local calls from the same government centres, and as of a few hours ago no petrol.

People are looting cars that have been stacked up by the waves, and just smashed into buildings, trying to siphon petrol out, but this city really is logistically completely in a state of collapse.

And possibly that's why the bodies that were dumped in the streets almost two days ago now lie exactly where they were dumped, bloating up in the streets, with thousands of people sleeping a second night in the streets, amongst those bodies.

Cave: Is there any sign that aid is getting in?

Palmer: Not at all. We hear that a plane might be landing in Banda Aceh in the next few hours. The Government says it's coordinating the relief effort from Medan, but we simply aren't seeing any results of that here at all. People seem to be mainly doing the body recovery themselves, but obviously the task has been too much for them.

Communications Minister Sofyan Djalil said just 30 kilometres down the coast from here -- on the west coast road, which is the area that we know virtually nothing about since the quake struck -- in one small beachside area there he believes there are 1,000 bodies yet to be recovered.

Now he will be flying in the next few hours further down the coast to the town of Meulaboh, the largest centre closest to the epicentre of the earthquake, and a place that people have held grave fears about since the quake struck, and yet there's been no information, though he does say, just hours before he was due to step onto that helicopter and go down there, that army sources have now told him that the waves raced two kilometres inland in that town, so the fears could be justified.

Cave: So we've only seen a very small part of the devastation so far.

Palmer: I believe so, and the Vice President, Jusuf Kalla, visited the east coast areas today that were worst struck, and he is already saying that he believes the figures that were around in the past 24 hours of 4,000, possibly 5,000 people could easily double from what he has seen, and in fact another senior minister has said he believes it could be beyond that to maybe 20,000 deaths.

Cave: Tim, with dead bodies on the street, with no water, with no petrol, how real is the fear that disease is going to even outstrip the effects of the earthquake and the tsunamis?

Palmer: It must be real from the contamination of the water supply here and the inability of people to get any sanitary conditions where they're living. There is so many thousands of people without homes now, and they're living, essentially, in a brackish swamp too, and I can tell you that this a perfect breeding ground for the mosquito-borne diseases which are the worst in this area too, so there certainly are real fears about some sort of epidemic breaking out here.

But at this stage, again, there are no real organised steps to tackle this. The city is basically a dump. It is smeared in a grey mud up to shoulder height on walls, up to a foot deep in some streets, with cars, animals, bodies, branches and bits of building just stacked up everywhere you look.

Disaster may help Aceh peace hopes

Associated Press - December 28, 2004 -- 8:49PM

The massive tsunami that hit Aceh province has brought a temporary halt to fighting between rebels and government troops in the region, and could spur efforts to settle the decades-long conflict, analysts say.

The Free Aceh Movement has ordered a ceasefire so that relief agencies can safely deliver supplies to the province, where the government estimates 25,000 may have been killed in Sunday's disaster, though the official toll is one-fifth that.

Military and police say they are concentrating on helping the survivors, not hunting down rebels. The government has eased regulations imposed during the conflict preventing foreign journalists and relief workers from travelling to the province.

"We're holding back," Lieutenant Colonel Ali Tarunajaya, a police chief in the insurgent stronghold of north Aceh. "We're not going to arrest the rebels. They're looking for members of their families, just like many of our police members are looking for theirs. We're all crying together."

Sunday's tsunami was triggered by the most powerful earthquake in 40 years. It measured 9 on the Richter scale and hit off the west coast of the Indonesian island of Sumatra, 1,620 km north-west of Jakarta. It was centred 40 km below the seabed.

The quake, which toppled buildings in Aceh killing nine people, sent a massive tsunami crashing onto the shores and coastlines in Asia and Africa, killing more than 28,000 people.

Relief officials said they did not expect the conflict -- which has killed 13,000 people since 1976 including at least 2,000 in the last year -- to affect rescue efforts.

"The indication is that there shouldn't be a problem," said Michael Elmquist, who heads the United Nation's Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Jakarta.

"We've been told that the vice president has instructed the air force to facilitate the arrival of foreign assistance upon arrival."

Analysts said the military could use the disaster to win the hearts and minds of the province's 4.3 million people by joining in with rebuilding efforts. It has also highlighted the marginal role the rebels, thought to number about 5,000 poorly armed fighters, play in the province, despite their claims that they run an alternative administration.

"It sounds awful, but this disaster is going to give the Indonesian army a good reputation. Since the disaster, all you read about is army, army, army," said Dede Oetomo, a peace activist who has campaigned in Aceh. "I'm actually thinking that the army is using this disaster to win over the hearts and minds of the Aceh people by showing themselves as necessary, that they are the good guys."

Ken Conboy, an Aceh specialist, said the disaster also could provide opportunities for the rebels, known by their Indonesian acronym GAM, and the government to show more flexibility in attaining peace.

"GAM has taken some very serious losses over the past year, and they may be looking for a reprieve," Conboy said. "This also might provide an opportunity for the government to rethink their Aceh policy and come up with something that is a bit more cerebral, rather than continuing the policy of a civil emergency without any game plan."

Weeks to calculate full toll

Melbourne Age - December 28, 2004

Tim Johnston -- For the people of the northern province of Aceh, Sunday's earthquake brought a two-fold disaster. First they were hit by tremors that brought down buildings and damaged roads. Then came the tsunamis.

Rescue teams have been held back by infrastructure in ruins and a telephone system that collapsed. The death toll has grown rapidly, but the full human cost may not be known for weeks.

Tens of thousands of troops, who are in Aceh to quell the long- running separatist rebellion, have joined rescue efforts. They are setting up makeshift morgues and delivering tents and food to the victims. The task takes on added urgency with Indonesia in the middle of the rainy season.

Indonesians are sensitive about foreign interference in Aceh and they have yet to accept offers of international assistance. However, they have relaxed tight rules preventing foreign journalists and aid workers from travelling to the region. This leads some aid workers to believe they will accept the help.

"It smells so bad ... The human bodies are mixed in with dead animals like dogs, fish, cats and goats," said Colonel Buyung Lelana, head of an evacuation team in Lhokseumawe city on the northern coast.

"There are still a lot of bodies under the wreckage of collapsed houses and in rivers and swamps that we have not yet evacuated." Many of the victims were young children too small to climb above the waves and not strong enough to swim or drag themselves to safety.

Hesti, a spokeswoman for the Indonesian Red Cross in Jakarta, said some aid was getting through. "We have done evacuation, search and rescue, first aid and distributed some relief items, such as tarpaulin, mattresses, blankets, medicines and family kits," she said. "For the moment the need is for body bags, medicines, tarpaulins and tents."

West Papua

Papuan assembly also a gift for the President

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Christine Susanna Tjhin, Jakarta -- President Susilo's decision to spend Christmas in Papua (Dec. 26, 2004) may well be a very sympathetic yearly ritual. And the recently signed presidential regulation on the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) has been considered by many as one of the wonderful Christmas gifts all Papuans could get.

Come to think about it, we ought to humbly say, that is a Christmas gift for the President, instead of from the President. To be even more humble, the event is a Christmas gift for Indonesia.

We are tottering at the edge of 2004 black-and-blue, bruised and swollen with violent conflicts, environmental disasters, moral infamy and lopsided welfare. What would we not give to have a blissful development that would make 2005 something we would love to embrace? If the implementation of the Special Autonomy (Otsus) for Papua could really be conducted in a "comprehensive, complete and dignified" manner, as stressed by President Susilo numerous times, then we shall see hope rising for a more democratic multicultural Indonesia as another year passes.

The learning seeds of peace and reconciliation for a country torn with conflicts may well stem from the establishment of the MRP and its relations with the authorities. The MRP manifests the principle of subsidiarity, representativeness, and participation -- the necessary ingredients for a successful decentralization and sustaining factors for peace building. This has been the general consensus amongst most of the intellectual discourses surrounding the implementation of Otsus. Most have also approved that steps must be taken one at a time. There are at least three vital issues that are buzzing.

First is to make the MRP operational. All parties (Governor, DPRP and key representatives of the society) have to work hard to come up with relevant Special Regional Regulations (Perdasus) for matters concerning the MRP's characteristic memberships and the number of members; and Provincial Regulations (Perdasi) for the selection process of the MRP that involves representatives of women, religious and indigenous groups.

The second is the partition arrangements. The Constitutional Court's ambiguous decision particularly regarding West Irian Jaya (Irjabar) is thwarting. Though not regulating Irjabar explicitly, the recent presidential regulation gives space for more sensible solutions to these issues through the constitutional process in the MRP.

If the Papuans have managed to be patient and ensured no conflict after the disappointing announcement of the Constitutional Court, the government should have a big enough heart to give space for the MRP to deal with the partition issues in accordance to Law No. 21/2001 on Otsus.

At this point, each stakeholder could meet the others halfway in the process. Some have suggested that Irjabar could be positioned on a transitional stage until the MRP is established and operational. Then the MRP will assert its local wisdom to re- enforce the necessary partition for effective good governance in Papua -- including Irjabar -- and all its nitty-gritty.

The upcoming regional election in June 2005 is the third critical point upon which all stakeholders have to thread very considerately. The call for direct elections of regional authority (Pilkadal) following the "shinning example" of the 2004 General Elections must be responded judiciously for this fragile region, especially considering whether or not there is ample time for preparations of the electoral process after the MRP is actually operational.

The much hurried Law No. 32/2004 on Regional Authority (Pemda) regulates the implementation of direct elections for regional authorities (Pilkadal). Essentially, regulations on Pilkadal should have been made as another law instead of being stuffed in Law No. 32/2004 in frenzy. But for the sake of current discussion, we shall refer to it as is. The Pilkadal clauses provide that the direct elections rules are applicable to all areas, except for areas with special status, to which other relevant specific laws are applicable (article 226 point 1). For Papua's case, it is Law No. 21/2001.

Based on Law No. 21/2001, MRP is a provincial based body that has the authority to give consideration and consent to the candidates for the governor (and deputy) position, whose names will be provided by the Papua Regional Legislative Body (DPRP). There have been no explicit regulations for regental or mayoral election just yet. Still, to ensure effective conduct of the upcoming regional elections in Papua -- with the inspiration of the "comprehensive, complete and dignified" spirit -- there are alternatives, such as: Perdasus and/or Perdasi to regulate the election. The operational MRP will be involved in this process, as mandated in Law No. 21/2001. There is no contradiction between MRP's function and democratic elections in the region as MRP's main function is to ensure the acknowledgement and respect of indigenous rights in Papua, which has long be stomped upon unfairly.

So long as government authorities (central and/or regional) and the DPRP involves the participation of the local elements (embodied in the MRP) in generating Perdasus and Perdasi, the concept of "comprehensive, complete and dignified" will not be tarnished and conflicts can definitely be prevented.

Some people's paranoia of having the MRP falsely regarded as a "super-body" and a threat to national unity is groundless, if not ridiculous. In Law No. 21/2001 (article 23 point 1 item a), specifically asserts that "the MRP shall have the obligation to maintain the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and to serve the people of the Papua Province".

The fact is that the new Nationalism that we have been craving for is being constructed in the most eastern part of our archipelago. This new Nationalism is not one that callously imposes militaristic, centralized and top-down approach. This new Nationalism is one that gracefully radiates humane, decentralized and bottom-up approach.

The way the authorities acknowledge and respect the colorful nuances embodied in the MRP will inspire the way diversity will be managed in this country. The way in which participation proceeds in this region must resonate to amplify the existing participation nationwide.

This is that gift for the President and for Indonesia.

Merry Christmas Papua, Merry Christmas Indonesia.

[The writer is a researcher at the Department of Politics and Social Change, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. This is her personal view.]

Papua government gears up for people's council election

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Following the issuance of a presidential decree on the Papua People's Council (MRP), the Papua provincial government is now preparing the establishment of a team that will discuss MRP election.

"The team will disseminate any information on MRP to public and prepare the MRP election," said Papua Governor Jaap Salossa on Monday. The governor warned that MRP election could be prone to conflicts and violence as not all people could be members of the council. "The conflicts are imminent as the number of MRP will be limited, only some 40 people, according to the presidential decree. The team shall listen to grass root aspirations and publish any information on MRP as many as it can so that the election of MRP members can be held in fair and transparent manner," said Salossa.

According to MRP decree, the maximum number of MRP members must be up to three-fourth of total number of Papua provincial councillors. Total number of current Papua provincial councillors currently stands at 54 people.

The governor said that the team would consist of intellectuals, religious figures, women figures and other elements of society that represent all aspirations of Papuans.

The team will also prepare for the construction of MRP office and select the office staffers.

The team will work for one year, so that the MRP and its office should be ready to serve public by the end of 2005.

Separately, speaker of Papua provincial council John Ibo said that the provincial council accepted the presidential decree, which many Jakarta officials called it a "Christmas Gift for Papuans." The decree had relieved Papuans, who patiently waited for the issuance of the decree for months, Ibo claimed.

Ibo also ruled out fears that there will be overlapping over tasks between MRP and the provincial council. "The division of labor between MRP and the provincial council will be ruled in a bylaw and we should not be worry on that," he said.

The much awaited decree on MRP was signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Wednesday last week, only two days before he visited Papua town of Nabire to celebrate Christmas with the victims of Nabire earthquake. The decree consists of 16 chapters and 76 articles. MRP jurisdiction is confined to Papua province only, and not included newly established West Irian Jaya.

In the decree, the MRP is described as a cultural representation of Papuans, which has authority to protect the rights of native Papuans. It has authority to provide inputs and approval on governor and deputy governor hopefuls proposed by the Papua provincial council.

The MRP also provides inputs and approvals on the draft of bylaws proposed either by Papua provincial council or the governor and also on the agreement proposal between Papua Governor and the third parties.

The MRP will have headquarters in Papua provincial capital Jayapura and its members consist of one-third custom representations, other one-third religious figures and the last one-third women figures. The MRP members will serve for five years and can be re-elected. The MRP members will all be elected through direct elections.

One of contentious articles in the decree was an article that allows the Minister of Home Affairs to annul the candidacy of an MRP member hopeful. The article will give power to Jakarta to eliminate pro Papua freedom candidates from entering a position at MRP.

'War on terror'

Terrorism bolsters Australia's ties with Indonesia

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta -- Indonesia and Australia, long known for their love-hate relationship, are now again seeing a period of unity -- at least for the time being -- by a common concern: terrorism.

Following the last few years of apparently wavering support on this issue from former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, Australia seems to have set its faith in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The two countries have worked closely to fight terror since the October 12, 2002 bombing in Bali that killed 202 people, including 88 Australians.

Another suicide bombing outside the Australian Embassy in Jakarta on September 9 this year -- just 11 days before the election runoff here and about a month until the Australian election -- stressed that country's vulnerability as the closest, non-Asian neighbor to the world's largest Muslim nation. The bombing killed 11 Indonesians, including the bomber, and injured more than 180.

Susilo's victory and Prime Minister John Howard's reelection has prompted Australia to initiate a new strategy in bilateral relations.

After he was reelected, Howard's first overseas trip was to Jakarta to attend Susilo's inauguration in mid-October, when he told the press that he believed Susilo was someone with whom he could do business.

The two heads of state met again in November, during the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in Chile and then the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in Laos.

Susilo has had much exposure among the Australian public, as he visited that country in his capacity as Megawati's top security minister as part of the Bali bombing investigation.

Perhaps Susilo owes some of his credibility among Australians in the war on terror to another perception: that Megawati had not done enough to bring to justice the masterminds of the Bali bombing. He has also prioritized the arrest of "terror twins" Dr. Azahari and Noordin M. Top in his first 100 days in office.

Meeting on the sidelines of the recent APEC summit, the two leaders agreed to address concerns about defense and security to prevent possible misunderstandings in the future. They also underscored the need for their police, attorney general's offices and intelligence bodies to sustain the bilateral cooperation.

Only two weeks after this Chile meeting, Australia increased its antiterrorism assistance to Indonesia from A$10 million to A$20 million (US$15.4 million) over the next five years, mostly allotted to Jakarta Centre for Law Enforcement Cooperation, an antiterrorist training center in Semarang. Australia sponsored the establishment of the Centre which was inaugurated by Megawati in July.

Canberra, which is often regarded as the deputy sheriff to the United States, also plans to strengthen the capabilities of airports, customs and immigration offices in Indonesia. Australia and Indonesia have had a rocky history, particularly on security and political issues, hitting a record in 1999, when Australia led a multinational peacekeeping force to East Timor following the former Indonesian province's independence referendum.

This year, Canberra drew up aggressive ideas on boosting its defense capabilities in the war on terror. However, this was seen as an offensive stance, with the strongest criticism coming from Malaysia and Indonesia -- that it was a violation of sovereignty.

Australia's plans includes creating what it believes would be the most lethal fleet of fighter jets in Southeast Asia by equipping its aircraft with long-range cruise missiles. The planned missiles would be able to destroy air and sea targets up to 400 kilometers away.

Canberra also warned it would take preemptive strikes against overseas terrorists by deploying two police teams to the source to stop them (terrorists) from reaching Australian soil.

The announcement of the plans came only a day after the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, an independent think-tank set up the government, said in a report that Australians believed Indonesia posed the greatest threat to their national security.

Howard quickly clarified to his neighbors that the plan was a part of its defense policy.

Aside from security issues, however, the two neighbors have a relatively good relationship.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda, who has retained the post under Susilo's government, confirmed that the two countries had signed documents on bilateral cooperation to overcome people smuggling and trafficking, and had cohosting an interreligious dialog.

Meanwhile, in education, a large number of Indonesian students pursue advanced studies in Australia; while many Australian Institutions have provided financial aid to Indonesian students pursuing a postgraduate degree.

Australia is one of Indonesia's largest foreign investors with an approved total investment of about US$798.3 million since 2000, mostly in the mining, financial services and beverages sectors. Dozens of Australian companies operate in Indonesia, and their existence has contributed to the growth and recovery of the national economy.

Last year, Indonesian exports to Australia reached $6.1 billion, and Australian imports $3.25 billion.

Australia and Indonesia organized recently an interfaith dialog bringing together 124 religious leaders from 13 Asia-Pacific countries.

These events may serve as a beginning of a new chapter of the bilateral cooperation. One of the pressing issue these days, as both countries have suggested, is to find the best approach to fight terrorism.

In co-hosting an interfaith dialog with Indonesia, Australia has also shown that it appreciated tolerance and encouraged dialog, preferably in the war against terror. By providing fund for the antiterrorist training center, Australia has indicated that it preferred a legal over a military approach for justice.

Australia is also considering a new security pact with Indonesia to replace a treaty between the two countries that was scrapped when Canberra sent troops into Dili.

At the end of the day, however, only time will tell whether this approach might stave off suspicions and correct the misperceptions of the two countries.

Politics/political parties

Golkar welcomes Akbar's opponent

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Dismissed Golkar politician Marzuki Darusman is heading back to the House of Representatives after the party's new central executive board annulled a previous decision to fire him.

"The punishment has been annulled. The problem has been settled. We will build reconciliation," Golkar deputy leader Agung Laksono told the press on Tuesday after witnessing the inauguration of three legislators who will fill seats left vacant by lawmakers who have been appointed Cabinet ministers.

Golkar under former chairman Akbar Tandjung dismissed Marzuki, Fahmi Idris, Burhanuddin Napitupulu, Juniwati Maschun Sofwan, Abu Hasan Sazili, Abu Hanifah, Yoeslin Nasution, Anton Lesiangi, and Firman Soebagyo for challenging the party's nomination of Megawati Soekarnoputri in the presidential election runoff.

They formed the Golkar Reform Forum (FPPG) that proclaimed support for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and running mate Jusuf Kalla in the presidential election. Megawati lost to Susilo, who later named Fahmi the manpower minister.

Akbar lost to Vice President Jusuf Kalla in the election for the party's leadership at its congress earlier this month.

Although dismissing accusations that Golkar under Kalla is purging the party's House faction of Akbar supporters, Agung said the party would replace the faction leader Mohammad Hatta, who is known as Akbar loyalist.

Marzuki and Fahmi were reelected as House members in the April polls, but the General Elections Commission said they could not be inaugurated pending settlement of the dispute between Golkar and the two politicians.

"The swearing in ceremony for Pak Marzuki is just a matter of time. We have revoked the dismissal and restored his political rights," Agung said.

During the Golkar congress, participants accepted Akbar's accountability speech and gave him a standing ovation. For Akbar supporters, the reception also meant acceptance of the dismissal of the nine party members.

Kalla put some of those dismissed politicians on the party's executive board without annulling their dismissal.

M. Akil Mochtar, a Golkar legislator, questioned this decision. He said that the dismissed politicians should have their names rehabilitated before they can rejoin the party.

"A meeting of Golkar's executive board has no authority to annul the decision. This is a big mistake. Such a decision must be made by an extraordinary meeting of the party," he said.

He said controversial decisions by the party's new executives would affect Golkar's internal consolidation.

The three legislators replaced on Tuesday were Fahmi, Malam Sambat Kaban of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) who has been named as forests minister, and Hatta Radjasa of the National Mandate Party (PAN) who has been appointed as transport minister.

Fahmi is replaced by Watty Amir while Kaban and Hatta are replaced by Anwar Shaleh and Cecep Rukmana respectively.

Akbar loyalist to lose post as faction leader

Straits Times - December 29, 2004

Jakarta -- Golkar, which elected Indonesia's Vice-President Jusuf Kalla as its chairman earlier this month, will replace its faction chief in the House of Representatives.

Mr Mohammad Hatta's replacement will harmonise party policies with those of the legislators in the House, Golkar's deputy leader Agung Laksono said on Monday.

Mr Agung, who is House Speaker, also stressed that the faction leader must be a member of Golkar's central executive board.

This will ensure effective implementation of the policies of Golkar, the nation's largest party, he said.

He did not say who would replace Mr Mohammad, but Golkar executives Andi Mattalata and Paskah Suzetta have been mentioned as possible candidates.

Mr Mohammad, a supporter of former Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung, was excluded from the party's new central executive board.

Under Mr Akbar's leadership, Golkar set up an opposition coalition in the House of Representatives.

The coalition includes the Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle, the Prosperous Peace Party, the Reform Star Party and, later, the National Awakening Party.

It helped Mr Agung secure the post of Speaker of the House.

With his support, the Vice-President convincingly defeated Mr Akbar in the contest for the chairmanship of the party in Bali last week.

Mr Agung denied that Golkar would remove Akbar loyalists as commission leaders in the House.

Such leaders include Mr Ferry Mursyidan Baldan, Mr Akil Mochtar and Mr Ade Komaruddin.

He said any reshuffle of commission leaders would be decided independently by the legislative body in charge of revising the House's standing orders.

Mr Ade said he and his colleagues were not worried about the possible replacement of Golkar commission leaders.

"We will accept whatever decision the party leader makes. We must follow the rules," he said.

Mr Ade, who says he is a close friend of Mr Jusuf, said he was confident that the Vice-President would accommodate the interests of various groups in Golkar.

Golkar legislator Musfihin Dahlan said the party could act as either a supporter or opponent of the government's policies.

A clear position, he argued, would help Golkar legislators work together more effectively.

Fellow Golkar legislator Djoko Purwongemboro said he expected Mr Agung to play a dual role as Speaker and Golkar deputy leader.

Being herself cost Megawati her presidency

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- With a sorrowful and troubled look in her eyes, Megawati Soekarnoputri pleaded for the lives of two Indonesian maids held hostage by militants in Iraq.

Wearing a white head-scarf, the image of the Indonesian president was aired over and over again by the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera television, and apparently contributed to the release of the two women, who arrived home safely just days afterwards.

Just like the hostages-takers, many Indonesians were also moved by the action of Megawati to save the two wong cilik (common people) and they almost changed their minds about voting her out from office at the upcoming election. But a bitter outcome was awaiting Megawati as her apparent show of concern came a little too late.

"She should have done things like that from the time she took office three years ago. These kinds of actions would have let her stay in the Palace," one of her former supporters said.

The idea of putting her plea on tape did not come from Megawati's side; it was the fruit of discussions between the Indonesian foreign affairs ministry and the Qatar-based television.

At the time, Megawati had told her ministers to negotiate with the relevant parties in Iraq to bring the maids home; sources close to her said she was a bit upset as the two maids had gone to Iraq despite the travel advisory warning Indonesians to avoid the war-torn country.

The impression at the time was that she had failed to immediately grasp a golden opportunity just a month before the presidential election to save her political future.

It was never Megawati's style to consider the possible impacts of her actions on her image, her administration and her chances of retaining the presidency. "I am the President, not you," was one of her favorite retorts to members of her inner circle if they tried to persuade her to do things to help boost her public image.

Megawati's last stand came too late

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- In the last 10 months of her presidency, Megawati Soekarnoputri tried to do the impossible: make up for the disappointment of her first 28 months in office.

Megawati went to great lengths to win reelection and retain her presidency with shows of affections toward the wong cilik, or little people, and by pushing for a series of popular policies. In the end, however, she found that 10 months of affection cannot make up for 28 months of disappointment.

She opened 2004 with the breakthrough policy of finalizing the social security law, which provides free health services for poor people across the country. The law itself was stipulated in a decree issued in 2000 by the People's Consultative Assembly, which had been put off by Megawati's administration until elections were at the door.

She also initiated a program to build one million houses for the poor, while asking the people to participate in the country's first direct presidential election.

To win over women voters, a three-year long discussion within the State Secretariat on a domestic violence law finally bore fruit and Megawati submitted a draft law to the House of Representatives. She won praise from women activists who had expressed doubt about her pro-women stance at the beginning of her term.

Megawati also spent time visiting the provinces and cut back on her much-criticized foreign travels.

Now when Megawati visited the provinces much fuss was made about her talking with street children and pedicab drivers and shaking hands with the crowds that came out to see her, activities that she studiously avoided in the beginning of her term.

Megawati also made more public appearances near the end of her term, such as receiving the parents of Nirmala Bonat, an Indonesian maid severely abused by her employee in Malaysia.

But the attention and care she showed for Nirmala and later the Indonesian maids taken hostages in Iraq was in stark contrast to 2002, when tens of thousands of Indonesian workers were stranded in Nunukan, East Kalimantan, after being deported from Malaysia. Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was very active and visible in visiting her country's stranded workers -- while Megawati chose instead to leave the country on a 15-day overseas trip.

Many times during her three years as president, Megawati sent the wrong signal to the public.

One notable example was last year's fuel price hike, which was quickly followed by the dismissal of criminal charges against several business tycoons alleged to have siphoned off funds from the central bank, contributing to the 1997 economic crisis. This contradiction, perceived as punishing the poor while letting the rich walk free, sent a bitter, confusing message.

These may have been the most prudent economic policies at the time, but the manner in which they seemed to be imposed on the public without sufficient consultation or sincere tangible efforts to restore state funds increased the perception that Megawati was on the side of the rich at the expense of the rest of the 220 million Indonesians.

That perception was a difficult one to shake -- the decision to raise fuel prices was announced while she was in Bali for New Year's Eve and celebrating her husband Taufik Kiemas' birthday at a five-star hotel with a one-meter tall cake.

Another significant example of Megawati making a misstep was in the early days of Indonesia's war on terror, soon after the Bali bombings in 2002.

Most public appearances to show the government's determination to arrest the perpetrators were made by then chief security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who stole the spotlight and created for himself an image as a caring leader.

This was evident in his victory in the presidential election, even in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Even if Susilo was among the main officials responsible for allowing the military operation in Aceh to take place, the Acehnese had clearly lost all hope of Megawati being able to make good on her promise that a Cut Nyak, woman leader, "would not let another drop of blood spill in Aceh".

Even after Megawati ended martial law in Aceh and replaced it with a state of civilian emergency, civilians continued to be killed, trapped in a war zone.

Megawati belatedly realized she had wasted the three years of the presidency when her party, the Indonesian Democratic party of Struggle (PDI-P), finished in second place in the April 2004 legislative election.

There were times after the legislative election when she almost gave up on the idea on contesting the presidential election.

"There were a lot of things that I should have done before, but I didn't do," a close aide quoted her as saying after the defeat. A simple visit to Nunukan might have been one of them. All her belated shows of affection should have been part of her presidency from day one.

Her defeat should be a warning to President Susilo. His mandate as the first directly elected Indonesian president is strong; yet he should be mindful of his pledge always to listen to people, especially if he intends to finish his term and seek reelection.

Government/civil service

Susilo told to ban dual positions for officials

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was again urged on Thursday to prohibit government officials from holding double positions in an effort to fight corruption.

Holding double positions can cause conflicts of interest among officials in state agencies, hampering efforts to build good governance, an official from the National Awakening Party (PKB) said.

"President SBY must also retract a statement he made allowing family members of state officials to run businesses," Ali Masykur Musa, who head the PKB faction in the House of Representatives, said at a year-end news conference.

Accompanied by PKB faction secretary Helmy Faishal Zain, Ali said business activities by family members of state officials would affect the transparency of the state's financial management.

He said bureaucrats still generally embraced feudalistic and paternalistic management styles, increasing the possibility of their becoming involved in collusion and corruption.

Though Ali did not name names, there are numerous high-ranking state officials holding more than one position. Vice President Jusuf Kalla was recently elected as the new leader of Golkar Party, the country's largest political party.

State Secretary Yusril Ihza Mahendra is also the chairman of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), while Minister of Forestry M.S. Ka'ban is the party's secretary-general.

The former speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly, Amien Rais, earlier said Kalla's election as Golkar leader could cause problems within the state administration.

Ali did say that Susilo's administration had so far shown its commitment to eradicating corruption, but suggested that law enforcers prioritize large graft cases that caused enormous financial losses to the state.

Many former council members have been jailed, are standing trial or are being investigated for corruption in regencies and provinces across Indonesia, which recently was ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world by Transparency International.

President Susilo has promised quick approval for investigations of high-ranking officials, including governors, mayors and regents, suspected of graft.

Despite the promise, the Attorney General's Office has come under fire from antigraft activists for halting investigations into high-profile corruption cases, including a Rp 331 billion case allegedly involving businessman Prajogo Pangestu.

Other closed cases include a Rp 300 billion graft scandal that allegedly involved businessman Robby Tjahjadi, a US$24.8 million graft case to which Ginandjar Kartasasmita was allegedly linked, a Rp 10 trillion graft case that allegedly involved Syamsul Nursalim and a Rp 12.9 billion case in which Tanri Abeng's name was mentioned.

New Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh has promised to reopen some of these cases.

Addressing the death of human rights campaigner Munir, the PKB faction demanded Susilo make the case a priority.

Susilo recently issued a decree establishing an independent team to investigate Munir's death by arsenic poisoning.

Munir died aboard a Garuda plane while traveling to Amsterdam from Jakarta on Sept. 7.

The PKB faction said it fully supported the establishment of an independent team to investigate the activist's death.

"The case must be thoroughly investigated, otherwise it will deter other human rights campaigners," Helmy Faishal said.

Councillors criticized for protesting 'low' salary

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- Tangerang regency councillors' protest on Monday was condemned by a religious leader and labor activist, who said the councillors had disappointed their constituents.

Chaerudin, a religious leader in the regency, said the councillors had shown that their goal was to enrich themselves.

"Their pledge to represent the people in the development process was not genuine. They are only looking for wealth," he said on Tuesday.

Chaerudin said it was unethical for the councillors to stage a protest. "It's the first time in the country that councillors have staged a protest over low salaries and poor facilities. They should remember those who earn less." Forty-five councillors held a rally in protest over Government Regulation No. 24/2004 on protocol and financial benefits for councillors by forming an ojek (motorcycle taxi) convoy to ride to the office on Monday and vowed not to speak the whole day. Wearing suits and ties, they rode for five kilometers to the regency capital of Tigaraksa.

Ngadinah, a member of the Confederation of Independent Labor Unions (GSBI), said the protest showed that the councillors were greedy and only thought of their own interests.

"This year we only received Rp 695,000 (US$74.73) as a monthly wage, while the councillors take home around Rp 4.6 million each month," she said.

Tonny Wismantoro, director of Tangerang Government Watch, also criticized the protest. "Councillors should not protest about the poor salary and facilities they receive because the regulation affects councillors nationwide." Councillor Almansur of the National Mandate Party (PAN) faction, who organized the rally, said the regulation "had reduced the councillors' right to a better life".

"The silence symbolized our concern over councillors inability to pay off bank loans," he said.

Councillor Dedi M.M. of the Golkar Party faction claimed that his house and private car had been confiscated by a bank as he was unable to pay off an Rp 800 million loan he took to finance his campaign in the legislative election.

"I have to pay Rp 15 million in installments each month," said former Bitung Jaya village head. "I had hoped that I could pay the installments from my monthly salary but the new regulation stipulates that each councillor only earns Rp 4.6 million a month."

Yudhoyono: The master and commander

Reuters - December 27, 2004

Yang Razali Kassim -- Indonesia's new President, Dr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has just demonstrated that while he may be new in his job, he is a political leader not to be trifled with. Under siege from a hostile Parliament controlled by Golkar and its allies since he assumed power in October, Dr Yudhoyono has been facing the prospect of leading a government that has little support from the legislature.

But rather than go through the next five years in weakness and uncertainty, President Yudhoyono and Vice-President Jusuf Kalla hatched a daring plot: They would launch an offensive to break the primary source of opposition to the administration by contesting the chairmanship of Golkar. The strategic goal was to take over the Golkar leadership and turn the party around from an opponent into an ally. This would be done by deploying Mr Jusuf, who remains an influential Golkar member despite having been nominated for the vice-presidency by Dr Yudhoyono's Democrat Party (PD).

At the Golkar party elections in Bali, on Dec 19, the strategy was put to devastating effect. In an early morning vote, incumbent chairman Akbar Tandjung was defeated by Mr Jusuf with a margin that was too wide to be disputed -- 323 votes to 156. A key factor in Mr Jusuf's favour was the feeling of party leaders who were also governors and heads of regencies. Still deeply influenced by the culture of the ruling class, they were averse to voting against the country's vice-president.

With that dramatic victory, the Yudhoyono phase of the post- Suharto era entered a more stable and, perhaps, dynamic period.

One immediate effect of Mr Jusuf's emergence as Golkar leader will be to bring much-needed stability to the new administration. Prior to this, the opposition had been so strong that it virtually brought the Yudhoyono-Jusuf administration's reform agenda to a standstill. Golkar had been instrumental in blocking the new administration's forward march through a formidable coalition with the second largest party, former president Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle (PDI-P), and a handful of smaller parties.

On paper, the Koalisi Kebangsaan, or National Coalition, vowed to play the role of a constructive balancer to the Yudhoyono-Jusuf administration. But in reality, it was also an obstructionist oppositionist bloc. Collectively, it controlled at least 275 of the 550 seats in the House of Representatives (DPR) and had shown its capacity to bring the government to its knees.

To counter this Golkar-led bloc, the Yudhoyono-Jusuf administration formed its own Koalisi Kerakyatan or People's Coalition comprising Dr Yudhoyono's PD, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Peace and Prosperity Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP) and an alliance of smaller parties called the Democratic Pioneer Star faction (BPD). But this coalition could marshall only 233 seats, not enough to outvote the National Coalition.

The Yudhoyono-Jusuf administration had two choices to break out of the worrisome gridlock. It could either accept its fate as a weak government and muddle along until its term is over, risking an erosion in popularity. Or it could swing over members of the National Coalition to its side.

The team chose the more long-term solution: Capturing the Golkar leadership.

Mr Akbar knew he would be a target. He has been blamed for many of Golkar's ills since the party's candidate, retired general Wiranto, failed to win the presidential election. 'SBY does not have enough support in Parliament. He needs another party to strengthen the support for his government. So he needs to topple me and take over the chairmanship,' Mr Akbar said in a telephone interview.

So, the capture of the Golkar chairmanship was as much an act of desperation as it was a brilliant strategy on the part of the administration.

With Golkar in the hands of pro-Yudhoyono leaders, it is only logical to expect Mr Jusuf to pull the party out of the National Coalition, the idea being to weaken, if not dismantle, the opposition.

The balance of power in the DPR will now shift in favour of the People's Coalition, transforming it from a minority alliance into a majority juggernaut supportive of the administration. And with that, Dr Yudhoyono will control both the executive and the legislative arms of government -- a feat which was enjoyed by only former president Suharto.

The Golkar leadership capture is, therefore, one of the most significant developments in Indonesian politics since the fall of Mr Suharto. There was no precedent of a smaller party engineering a leadership coup of a larger party to remove hostility to itself.

The successful takeover of Golkar means that Dr Yudhoyono has also transformed himself from a weak leader into a strong one, with Golkar as one of his new pillars of strength. With that, Golkar will return to its Suharto-era status as a ruling group.

The question is whether the other parties will be happy with a rubber-stamping Parliament, as was the case during Mr Suharto's New Order. This may cause more shifts and realignments in the power configuration in the DPR.

But with the DPR tamed, the Yudhoyono-Jusuf administration will now be able to focus on delivering its electoral promises of fighting corruption, creating jobs and countering terrorism. This more stable phase will be good for Indonesia as it needs a long period of calmness to improve the economy. If this enhances his position and popularity, Dr Yudhoyono will have a better chance of winning a second term in 2009.

In the wake of his victory, some analysts have raised doubts whether Mr Jusuf will stick with Dr Yudhoyono in 2009, or become his new rival for the presidency, given his strong position as chairman of the largest political party.

This issue may have been overblown, as the new Golkar chief is unlikely to have such an ambition, given his Sulawesi background. Although there has been one non-Javanese president before, when Mr B.J Habibie succeeded Mr Suharto in 1998, Mr Jusuf holds the view that the presidency is best left in the hands of a popular Javanese leader like Dr Yudhoyono.

So, unless there is a mindset change among the people, and Mr Jusuf abandons his policy of being a loyal deputy, the Yudhoyono-Jusuf partnership will remain unbeatable come the 2009 presidential election -- when many old players would have gone from the scene.

The writer, a former Business Times correspondent, is with the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. The views expressed here are his own.

DPD's role? Empowering itself ...

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Jakarta -- The dream for better legislative representation appeared to have come true when the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) agreed in 2002 to adopt a bicameral legislative system.

The creation of a new state institution, the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), was seen as a remedy for people's disappointment with politicians who were more concerned with their own short-term interests than with people's aspirations.

Under the system, the DPD, which emulates the US Senate, serves as a kind of Upper House, with the House of Representatives (DPR) as the Lower House. A joint session of both DPD and DPR makes up the MPR, the country's highest legislative body.

The system has been applied in federal states such as the United States and Germany and unitary states like Japan and France.

In the United States, each state is allocated a fixed number of seats in the Senate, regardless the population of that state. This is designed to ensure that smaller states are not overshadowed by more populous ones. Seat allocation in the Congress, on the other hand, is proportional based on population.

The bicameral system, therefore, is a method of combining the principle of democratic equality with the principles of federalism -- all votes are equal in the Lower House, while all states are equal in the Upper House.

In Indonesia, each of the country's 32 provinces has four representatives in the DPD, while seats in the House are allotted proportionately in accordance with the population of each province. Thus, densely populated provinces like East Java and West Java have the most representatives in the House.

All DPD members are directly elected by the people, without any intervention by political parties. The 128 DPD members sworn in last Oct. 1 were directly elected in the April 5 legislative election. As such, it could be said that DPD members have more legitimacy than DPR members, whose election is very much determined by political parties.

Unfortunately, however, the newly-born DPD has fallen short in meeting public expectations. Under existing regulations, the role of the DPD is limited to giving input to the DPR in the deliberation of bills related to regional administration only. In the US by contrast, all bills must pass through both Houses before they become law.

The fact that DPD has only limited power makes it an ineffective body. The DPD has no authority to participate in the law-making process, but it is however allowed to submit bills to the House, especially on issues related to issues of regional autonomy.

In the Constitution and in Law No. 22/2003 concerning the composition of the Assembly, the DPD is reduced to secondary status compared to the House.

DPD members are invited to attend House plenary sessions only to hear the President deliver the draft state budget. The DPD may provide suggestions to the House regarding certain bills relating to the state budget and regional administration. DPD members may submit suggestions, but are not involved in bill deliberations. As such, the DPD appears to be a powerless institution; a "toothless tiger" unable to fight for people's interests.

The public may have had the hope that the DPD, whose members are not connected to any political party, would function as a counter-balance to the House, whose members often fight only for the interests of their parties.

Driven by the fact that the DPD only has limited power, DPD members have started to campaign for the empowerment of their roles and functions.

A number of experts have recommended that the 128-strong DPD campaign for a constitutional amendment and revision to Law No.22/2003 on the composition of legislative bodies, in order to make it equal with the House.

The now-defunct Constitutional Commission also recommended in its final report that the DPD be given power equal to that of the House to make it a "real bicameral system".

Of course, this process alone will take much time and will act as a distraction for DPD members, leading them to neglect their main duties.

Regional autonomy makes little headway

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- Regional autonomy, including special autonomy in the conflict-ridden provinces of Aceh and Papua, has made little headway in the years since its introduction, not only due to the government's apparent reluctance to implement the law, but also local leadership problems.

Five years after its introduction in January 2000, autonomy -- which was initially granted to redeem the central government's sins, particularly during the New Order era -- is yet to make any significant improvements to public services, social welfare or regions' competitiveness, as stipulated in the newly amended 1945 Constitution and the regional autonomy law.

Of course, it is fantastic progress that the nation is entering a new era, a condition far different from that of the New Order era, with its corrupt, centralistic government under Soeharto.

In the current set up, regional autonomy rests on regencies and municipalities. Each regency and municipality annually receives a huge amount of money -- General Allocation Funds (DAU) and Special Allocation Funds (DAK) -- to deal with their "domestic" affairs, including developing their potential to improve annual revenue and to empower their own people.

But so far, autonomy is yet to yield significant changes to social welfare and democracy. Take an extreme instance: Riau is known for its rich natural resources, and has the highest annual per capita income in the country, but the province has not yet been able to provide free medical services for residents suffering from Malaria, or free education under the compulsory nine-year preliminary education program.

Malaria has infected the majority of people living in the province's swampy areas, especially in Indragiri Hilir, Indragiri Hulu and Kerinci regencies.

Besides having no scheme to protect the environment, which has not helped when floods submerge the province almost every year, Riau has failed to attract foreign investors, due to its corrupt bureaucracy and poor infrastructure.

Another extreme example is Alor in East Nusa Tenggara and Nabire in Papua, which were recently hit by strong earthquakes.

Regional autonomy did not quicken the disbursement of emergency aid to disaster victims in the two regencies. Many tremor victims have been suffering from malaria, malnutrition, diarrhea, and respiratory problems due to the absence of medical facilities. The central government's humanitarian aid arrived in Alor several days after the arrival of the Japanese government's aid relief in the regency.

Regional autonomy is no guarantee that regions are better prepared to handle natural disasters and local administrations will supply relief aid faster than under the centralistic administration.

Disaster victims in Nabire will likely face a similar fate, since hundreds of people injured in the tremor have not yet received the necessary medical aid, while thousands of those taking refuge in safe areas and staying in makeshift tents are yet to be supplied with enough food.

Nabire residents also faced such a condition in February, when the lives of seven people were claimed. Humanitarian aid from the central and provincial administrations reached the regency two months after the disaster, with transportation laid to blame.

According to the regional autonomy law, autonomy should improve public services, social welfare and regions' competitiveness.

No region has given top priority to the development of public health, transportation and education, three basic services, which comprise the very least the government could provide in return for taxpayers' money.

However, these three services have almost become luxuries in the regions, particularly in remote areas, where people still lack adequate health care, are poorly educated and find transportation costly. As WHO's 2004 annual report shows, Indonesia is ranked lowest in the human development index (HDI), for the poor condition of its education and health sectors.

Regional autonomy has faltered in the unreadiness of regional administrations, with many regional heads and councilors involved in power abuse. A number of governors, regents, mayors and legislators elected in the 1999 general election are still serving prison terms for their involvement in corruption.

The absence of legal certainty could also be seen both in gubernatorial and regional elections and in the unveiling by regional chiefs of annual progress reports.

In certain regions, gubernatorial and regental elections ran into trouble due to the excessive interference of political parties, and the heavy bearing of Jakarta's "final say". The gubernatorial elections in Lampung, Central Java and North Sumatra, and the regental ones in many regencies over the last two years, verged on farcical, due to the excessive interference of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, who also chairs the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

Several regents and mayors in Riau, Central and West Java were dismissed by the former president for political rather than legal reasons.

The recently concluded review of the regional autonomy law failed to provide a more apt concept of regional autonomy because, besides focusing more on direct regional leadership elections, Law No. 32/2004 regulates not regional autonomy but power-sharing between Jakarta and the regions.

Under Law No. 32/2004, the central government does not only deal with foreign policy, defense, courts, religious and monetary affairs as stipulated in Law No. 25/1999 on regional administration, it has also assumed the authority to plan development, and control and implement general policies in all sectors.

Jakarta has also re-centralized the recruitment of civil servants and the promotion of local echelon officials and reinstated the government's hierarchy, with the President in the top position and village heads ranked lowest.

As during the New Order era, regents and mayors are obliged to uphold the accountability of their administrations, not only to regental or municipal legislatures, but also to governors, while governors are required to maintain the accountability of their administrations, not only to provincial legislatures but also to the President through the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The law was strongly opposed by regents, mayors and their respective associations. Neither did it win the positive response of Jakarta amid the rampant power abuse of regional heads and local politicians.

They have also expressed their skepticism toward Susilo and his new government for his failure to propose changes to the autonomy drive.

The skepticism of regions and analysts emerged when Susilo failed to include an autonomy portfolio in his Cabinet lineup and, instead, appointed M. Ma'ruf, a retired Army lieutenant general, as Minister of Home Affairs overseeing the Directorate General of Public Administration and Regional Autonomy. Public administration expert Ryaas Rasyid has questioned the Army's monopoly in the home affairs ministry, saying the ministry was in urgent need of a professional minister, instead of a retired general, to deal with regional autonomy and to help speed up the development of true democracy in the regions.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Officials asked not to accept gratuities

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Dewi Santoso, Jakarta -- The anticorruption call made by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) ahead of Idul Fitri has proven effective, and the city's parcel business is slowing down, even as New Year nears.

The KPK had called on state officials to refrain from receiving gifts and parcels in an effort to combat bribery.

Sulaeman Tantowi, owner of the Soel One parcel shop on Jl. H. Samali in Kalibata, South Jakarta, said the KPK's call had hurt the business.

He said he usually sold around 1,000 parcels during the Idul Fitri, Christmas and New Year holidays.

"Until today, I've been able to sell only 300 parcels. This year, I'd be lucky if I could sell 500 ... the break-even point," said Sulaeman, who began the parcel business in the mid-1990s.

He said unlike last year, when many government officials placed orders for parcels, this year, orders were mostly coming in from private companies and individuals.

"The best-selling parcels are the ones with Bohemian crystal glasses," said Sulaeman. A parcel could range from Rp 900,000 (US$97.82) to Rp 2.5 million each.

Another parcel shop owner, Pako, said he had only sold about 200 parcels as of Tuesday.

"Normally, a week before New Year, business is crazy with people ordering hundreds of parcels. I usually sell around 500 parcels." Pako sells parcels from Rp 250,000 to Rp 500,000 each, and his customers this year were mostly individuals, not corporations or officials.

Parcel shops in Cikini, Central Jakarta, have also seen a slump in business.

"I'm not expecting huge sales, now. I only hope to sell 100 more parcels -- just so I can break even and my business won't suffer a loss," said Farida, proprietress of the Cahaya parcel shop.

She also said that her parcels, which sell for Rp 350,000 to Rp 750,000 each, were mostly picked up by private companies and individuals.

"Last year around this time, I sold about 700 parcels. But things are getting worse this year. It's only three days until New Year and I've only managed to sell 300 parcels, all because of this letter," she said, showing a KPK circular strongly urging state officials not to send or receive parcels.

Anti-corruption record poor as ever

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- In 2004, almost six years after the dawn of the reform movement, Indonesia's record on corruption remained shabby as ever.

In circumstances that would have raised eyebrows almost anywhere else, a main suspect in a multimillion dollar fraud case at state Bank BNI, Adrian Herling Wawowuruntu, somehow walked out of the police station where he was being held. Rumor has it that Adrian slept in one of the police investigation rooms for one day before fleeing overseas.

Adrian's case is a pretty good example of the level of commitment of law enforcement agencies to the fight against corruption.

In May, all 30 members of the Cirebon municipal legislative council were named suspects for allegedly misusing hundreds of millions of rupiah from the 2001 city budget.

Two months later, a court in Padang, West Sumatra, sentenced the West Sumatra Legislative Council speaker, his two deputies and 40 other councillors to up to two years and three months in prison for embezzling Rp 6.4 billion from the province's 2002 budget.

A report published by Indonesian Corruption Watch offered an insight into the state of corruption at the local level. It said that between January and August alone, 314 cases of corruption were found in various tiers of government, mostly in regency and municipal administrations.

This appeared to confirm post-reform indications that corruption had spread from the central government to regional governments in the wake of regional autonomy.

A report from the Berlin-based Transparency International (TI) confirmed that Indonesia was having little success against corruption.

In its latest report released late in October, the TI said that out of 146 countries surveyed Indonesia was the fifth most corrupt nation after Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast and Georgia. The country was tied with Tajikistan and Turkmenistan on the list.

The country's poor anti-graft record came amid strident calls from candidates contesting the legislative and presidential elections to step up the anti-corruption measures. Corruption eradication has become a catchphrase to attract the widest possible range of support from the electorate. However, the phrase rings hollow given that the country has made no progress in the fight against corruption.

This failure has irked experts and anti-graft activists, some of whom have proposed their own measures for combating corruption.

Legal expert Frans Hendra Winarta suggested that the government could make a breakthrough by shifting the burden of proof to the accused, as stipulated in the anti-graft law.

Others have called for suspected corruptors who have fled the country to be tried in absentia.

Two new Cabinet ministers also have hit upon a new method to deter officials from perpetrating corruption.

Days after being sworn in, State Minister for Administrative Reform Taufik Effendi demanded that all civil servants sign a contract vowing not to become involved in corruption on penalty of serious punishment.

Minister of Justice and Human Rights Hamid Awaluddin has sent a number of convicted corruptors to the notorious Nusakambangan prison island in the hope that this will prove to be a deterrent for would-be corrupters.

A new agency set up to deal with major corruption cases, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), proposed an amendment to anti-graft Law No. 20/2002, saying the law did not give the commission the power to embark on a full-fledged anti-corruption drive.

"We want access to suspected corruptors bank accounts," KPK chairman Taufiqurrachman Ruki said.

However, all of these proposals and actions will make little difference if the country's leaders do not throw their political weight behind the anti-graft drive.

"If the President actively encourages the eradication of corruption, hopefully the drive to eradicate corruption in Indonesia will be more intensive than before. In a patriarchal society, the leaders must provide a good example," anti-graft activist Saldi Isra said.

In a speech delivered hours after his inauguration, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said he would personally lead the fight against corruption.

It just remains to be seen whether his words will translate into action. The public is waiting.

Officers to face the music

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Jakarta -- The National Police investigators are set to hold a disciplinary hearing, which could spell the dismissal of 16 officers alleged to have received bribes during the Bank BNI scandal investigation.

Detective chief Comr. Gen. Suyitno Landung said over the weekend that the hearing was focused on an alleged breach of the police's code of ethics committed by the officers in the form of suspected bribes from one of the primary suspects in the Rp 1.7 (US$188.9 million) scam, Adrian Waworuntu who is now standing trial.

"It will take one day to do the hearing for four officers, so it should be done in four days this week. The hearings will be open to the public," Suyitno said.

If the officers are found guilty at the disciplinary hearing, they could be dismissed and face trial at the district court.

The police earlier interrogated more than 30 officers over the bribery allegation, but later cleared some of them, saying the they only committed administrative violations.

Press reports have stated that all fraud investigators, who handled the BNI case, received between Rp 25 million and Rp 50 million from Adrian according to their rank.

When asked when National Police operations chief Brig. Gen. Samuel Ismoko's hearing would take place, Suyitno said the decision was in the hands of National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar.

"The National Police chief is the one to decide when a hearing of high-ranking officers can be held. However, the decision could be delegated to me," he said.

Ismoko, the former head of the National Police's fraud squad, who led the investigation into the BNI scam, allegedly accepted a bribe worth US$20,000 from Adrian.

Adrian later managed to escape and flee to the United States despite a travel ban. Adrian turned himself in shortly after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono took office on Oct. 20 and is currently on trial for the offense at the South Jakarta District Court.

The escape of the high-profile suspect raised suspicions that he was helped by the investigating police officers.

Anti-graft ruling to shift burden of proof

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The government is making a breakthrough in its anticorruption campaign with the drafting of a regulation that will shift the burden of proof to suspects.

Minister of Justice and Human Rights Hamid Awaluddin said over the weekend that the regulation would consider corruption an extraordinary crime, equivalent to that of terrorism.

While it does not stipulate the death penalty as the maximum sentence, the regulation in lieu of law -- or Perpu -- is intended to act as a deterrent, as it will require graft suspects to be jailed for investigative purposes.

"Currently, a corrupter could evade prison pending a binding verdict from the Supreme Court. We want them to incarcerate them from the start of the investigation," Hamid said.

A number of individuals who were found guilty of embezzling trillions of rupiahs in state money were able to flee the country, as they remained free despite their conviction by a lower court. Endemic corruption within state agencies have also been blamed for their eluding the law.

Hamid said an extraordinary crime required exceptional legal measures: "Corruption, to some extent, is the same as terrorism and gross violation of human rights. That is the philosophy, as corruption in our country is unbearable."

The new Perpu will shift the burden of proof to allow investigators to probe the wealth of state officials suspected of committing graft. The existing Law No. 31/1999 on corruption eradication and the Criminal Code require investigators to prove corruption, which hampered efforts to eliminate corruption, many critics have said.

It will also provide witness protection and freedom of information to provide public access to state financial documents, as part of an effort to be more transparent in the government's fight against corruption.

A witness of an alleged bribery case involving Supreme Court justices was instead sued and convicted of defamation two years ago.

The witness protection and freedom of information draft bills were submitted to the House of Representatives for deliberation two years ago, but the drafts had never been debated by the previous legislature.

The president can issue a Perpu without the House's consent in the case of an emergency, but the House must provide a response within a month of its issuance. Otherwise, the legislature is deemed to have endorsed the regulation by default.

Hamid said the new Perpu would apply only to high-profile corruption cases. Asked whether it would be enacted after the first 100 days of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration, he replied: "Before it is over. The president wills it." A state official said Vice President Jusuf Kalla initiated the draft in a bid to accelerate corruption eradication, as he was dissatisfied with the progress of the anti-graft drive.

Susilo has also recently ordered Attorney General Abdul Rahman Saleh to review his predecessor's decision to suspend investigations into graft cases involving several businessmen, including Syamsul Nursalim.

Media/press freedom

Gloomy year for media as big guns try to sink it

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- A year of living dangerously for the press here was signaled early last year when well-connected businessman Tomy Winata filed a criminal complaint with the police against Tempo magazine over an article published in February 2003.

This was the first of a number of attacks on press freedom during the course of the year.

In January, the South Jakarta District Court ruled against Koran Tempo daily and ordered it to pay US$1 million in damages to well-connected businessman Tomy, who filed a libel suit against the newspaper.

This court decision marked the pinnacle of a bitter and protracted legal battle between PT Tempo Inti Media, the publisher of both Koran Tempo and Tempo weekly, over an article titled "Ada Tomy di Tenabang" (Is Tomy in Tanah Abang), which was published in February 2003 and which insinuated that the businessman had a hand in setting the largest textile market in Southeast Asia on fire.

Days after the article was published, a group of Tomy supporters besieged the Tempo offices on Jl. Proklamasi and assaulted a number of journalists. More than a year after the attack and after going through lengthy court proceedings, a panel of three judges of the Central Jakarta District Court sentenced Tempo weekly's chief editor Bambang Harymurti on September to one year in prison for publishing an "untrue" article and "defaming" Tomy.

The judges acquitted two other Tempo journalists of all charges, reasoning that they were not responsible for the publication of the defamatory material.

Bambang was found guilty of violating Article 14 (1) of the Criminal Code for deliberately disseminating rumors and publishing an erroneous report that could provoke public disorder. He could have faced a maximum sentence of 10 years in prison.

Tempo was not the only media group which has been attacked.

Early in January, then minister of trade and industry, Rini MS Soewandi, filed a criminal complaint with the police against the entire board of 16 editors of national daily Rakyat Merdeka for running a story saying that Rini arranged a counter-trade deal with the Russian government during a striptease show.

Still in January, the then National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief A.M. Hendropriyono filed a similar complaint against the daily's executive director, Teguh Santosa, after it ran an article stating that four big-wig politicians had initiated a protest aimed at toppling the government.

Later in May, the Central Jakarta District Court fined Trust, a financial and law magazine, Rp 1 billion (US$112,360) after it found that the magazine had defamed the director of PT Petindo Perkasa, John Hamenda, who was said by the magazine to have defrauded state-owned Bank Negara Indonesia (BNI) through a bogus loan scheme.

The sad fact about this court decision was that Hamenda had once been arrested by police for his alleged involvement in the Rp 1.7 trillion scandal. He was later released for lack of evidence.

If a publication can be shackled by a former suspect in a criminal case, it will be easier for those with power, be it political or financial, to hinder the press as it tries to uncover and reveal the web of corruption that has tied up Indonesia.

An even sadder fact was that all of the publications, except Koran Tempo were found guilty of violating the provisions of the Criminal Code on libel despite the fact that a special law has been passed to regulate it in the form of the Press Law (No. 40/1999). The Criminal Code contains 35 articles that can be used for the prosecution of journalists in connection with their work.

The existence of these outdated provisions, and the killings of and physical attacks on journalists, pose a serious threat to press freedom in this country, the Reporters sans Frontiers group said in its annual report released last October.

Indonesia was ranked by the organization as 117th out of 167 countries in the third annual worldwide press freedom index, a drop from 57th place the previous year.

Champions of press freedom have lamented this situation, saying that it indicated that most Indonesians were incapable of properly respecting press freedom and took such freedom for granted even after the media was muffled for 30 years under the New Order regime.

"They hate it if the media disturbs their comfortable lives. They are not aware that publishing negative news is also one of the main duties of the media -- part of its social control function," former Press Council chairman Atmakusumah says.

In the face of a lack of concern about press freedom and the Press Law, the present Press Council chairman, political science professor Ichlasul Amal, called on the police and prosecutors to use the Press Law when dealing with media-related cases.

However, the threat against press freedom could also serve as a wake-up call to journalists to embark on a process of soul- searching to ascertain what has gone wrong with journalism in the country.

Journalists here are notorious for taking bribes from their sources, referred to by the euphemism "envelope journalism". Reporters in the field are often lax about checking their facts, which leads to inaccurate and poor quality reporting.

These failings have made the media an easy target for attack Thus, there is no other way for journalists but to abide by the journalistic code of ethics and improve their professionalism.

Local & community issues

Residents protest garbage dump

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Bandarlampung -- Hundreds of residents of West Telukbetung blocked off access to the local dump over the weekend to protest what they said was pollution caused by the dump.

The residents demanded the city administration relocate the dump away from their neighborhood after a meeting with Mayor Achmad Yulizar on Friday ended without resolving the issue.

Residents said they would maintain the roadblocks until an amicable solution was found. Another meeting between residents and officials is scheduled for December 28.

The presence of the dump has angered residents, who say it causes air and water pollution.

Residents staged a week-long protest against the dump in August. That protest ended after the city administration promised to provide free medical care for residents suffering from a variety of illnesses allegedly caused by the presence of the dump.

Human rights/law

Activists protest team for Munir

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Jakarta -- A group of rights activists lamented on Tuesday the government-sanctioned fact-finding team that will probe the death of rights campaigner Munir, which they claim was powerless.

They insisted that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono approve the establishment of a supervisory team under noted lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis, Muhammadyah chairman Ahmad Syafii Maarief and a high ranking police officer, and drop forensic expert Mun'im Idries from the team.

"Presidential Regulation No. 111/2004 limits our role to carrying out an investigation for litigation purposes in the presence of a supervisory team. The decree goes against an initial commitment reached between us and the police," said Asmara Nababan, who was appointed as deputy chairman of the government-sanctioned team.

Present during the press conference were other appointed team members, including Smitha Notosusanto and Usman Hamid.

Team set to probe Munir's death

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Eva C. Komandjaja, Jakarta -- The government-sanctioned fact- finding team formed to assist the police investigation into the death of rights activist Munir is ready to begin work, a police officer said on Monday.

Chief of the 13-strong team, Brig, Gen. Marsudi Hanafi said he and his colleagues would regroup on Tuesday to put together all the information each member possessed and set a timetable.

"We will then exchange our data with the police team's findings," said Marsudi, a senior detective.

Presidential Regulation No. 111/2004 which was signed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on December 23 allows the fact-finding team to convey its views to the police, closely monitor the investigation conducted by the police and summon and question people connected to the case when necessary.

The team has to complete its work within three months of its establishment, but its term could be extended for another three months.

In the regulation, the President appointed Marsudi the team's chairman, with rights activist Asmara Nababan as his deputy.

Members of the team include Bambang Widjojanto of the Foundation of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI), Usman Hamid from the Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), Attorney General's Office pre-trial director I Putu Kusa, human rights campaigners Smita Notosusanto, Kemala Tjandrakirana and Rachland Nashidik.

However, noted lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis, former first lady Sinta Nuriah and Muhammadiyah chairman Syafii Maarif, who were proposed by rights activists and the National Police, were not included in the team.

Munir, the founder of both Imparsial and the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), died of arsenic poisoning aboard a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam on September 7.

Police started their probe into Munir's untimely death after the Netherlands Forensic Institute disclosed the cause of death. The institute said it found excessive levels of arsenic in Munir's stomach, urine and blood.

The police have questioned over 30 people, including Garuda flight attendants who were on duty the day Munir died, but have not named any suspects.

Human rights enforcement remains a far off hope

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The year 2004 was capped by the appointment of Indonesia's senior diplomat, Makarim Wibisono, as head of the United Nation's Human Rights Commission for the next year.

Starting January 17, 2005, Indonesia will officially see its representative at the helm of this prestigious commission.

Hopes that this achievement may bring with it an improvement in human rights protection back home are rather premature, with rights activists considering the appointment an insult due to Indonesia's poor human rights record.

This year did not witness any improvement in human rights protection in this country.

It's not hard to find examples of this: the acquittal of most defendants implicated in East Timor atrocities, and the government's decision to prolong the emergency status in Aceh, which is rife with rights abuses.

The country's poor record in human rights protection this year was topped off, sadly, with the death -- presumed murder -- of prominent rights campaigner Munir in September aboard a Garuda flight from Jakarta to Amsterdam. Arsenic poisoning was the cause of death, according to an autopsy performed by the Netherlands Forensic Institute.

As many activists anticipated, the investigation into the case is running sluggishly. The National Police have questioned a number of Garuda employees and passengers on the flight, but so far has not named anyone as a suspect. Another team of police officers spent over two weeks in the Netherlands to consult with local investigators, but so far this has not born any fruit.

A rights campaigner has observed that the government, as well as the House of Representatives, have deliberately chosen not to enforce the law when it comes to investigating cases of human rights violations.

Instead, the national leadership, including former president Megawati Soekarnoputri and her successor Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, have preferred taking a "softer" approach, such as reconciliation, to iron out human rights wrinkles.

"Taking firm action to resolve human rights violations may backfire on them due to the alleged involvement of government officials and legislators loyal to them," the campaigner said. Human rights violations in the country are commonly linked to the military, police, government officials and politicians, he said.

His accusation may not be 100 percent accurate, but it's probably not that far from the truth either.

A clear example was the refusal of the Attorney General's Office to declare the Trisakti shooting incident and May 1998 riots, as well as other cases known as Semanggi I in October 1998 and Semanggi II in September 1999, as gross violations of human rights, as was recommended by the National Commission on Human Rights.

During the final year of Attorney General M.A. Rachman's tenure, the commission submitted these cases for prosecution. However, the Attorney General's Office turned down the request, citing a "lack of evidence".

After completing its second investigation, the commission handed over the cases, again, to the Attorney General's Office, which is now led by former Supreme Court justice Abdul Rahman Saleh.

To date, the office has yet to decide whether to follow up the commission's findings or drop them.

Hopes to uphold justice look remote as well in human rights violation cases in the Papuan towns of Wamena and Wasior in 2001 and 2003 respectively, which allegedly involved the military and the police. The commission has declared these cases to be gross human rights violations.

Instead of prosecuting suspects in human rights cases, the government has preferred to launch, last July, the second national action plan on human rights to improve the country's record in the field. Under the action plan, stipulated in Presidential Decree No. 40/2004, regional administrations are to set up human rights committees that will disseminate information and educate bureaucrats and professional groups on human rights.

The national action plan for the next five years is expected to improve people's awareness and protection of human rights across the country.

The first national action plan on human rights was launched as part of the 1999 State Policy Guidelines. The action plan clearly failed with human rights abuses continuing unabated.

Both the government and the House have instead pushed for out-of-court settlements for past human rights violations. In September, the House endorsed a bill for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which would seek to resolve all cases of human rights abuses that took place before Law No. 26/2000 on the human rights tribunal came into effect.

Rights activists have warned that the commission would face an uphill climb in its efforts to facilitate reconciliation between the victims and perpetrators of human rights abuses, as the law would benefit human rights perpetrators rather than helping victims seek justice.

The establishment of the commission was mandated by a People's Consultative Assembly Decree issued in 2000, which says the commission will help boost national unity through reconciliation.

Focus on Jakarta

Violence becoming lingua franca of Greater Jakarta

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- Suta Wijaya ended up in the hospital simply because he wanted a quiet night's rest.

Approaching a car parked in front of his house in Pulogadung, East Jakarta, Suta asked the driver to turn down the music that was blasting out of the vehicle.

The driver sped off but shortly returned riding a motorcycle, carrying a knife and looking for Suta, who ended up in the hospital with a nasty cut on his wrist.

On the same day in November, an argument between business rivals at a trade center in Central Jakarta ended with one man being rushed to the hospital with a stab wound.

After a heated argument, Hendra, 42, stabbed a fellow vendor, Roy, 24, in the neck.

Violence also occurs in the home, the one place in the city that should be safe and filled with love. On December 26, Yuda Kusuma, 23, came home from work in the afternoon to find that his wife, Rohayati, 23, was not at home.

The neighbors later took the wife to the hospital with severe bruising on her neck and head, a broken arm and a broken leg.

Violence, it seems, has become the first language of people in the city. The smallest of arguments or the least slip of the tongue can lead to a stabbing or a beating.

According to data from the Jakarta Police, from January to November this year, 2,059 incidents of violence were recorded in Jakarta, Depok, Bekasi and Tangerang, or an average of about 187 incidents a month.

That figure is almost double last year's 94.5 cases a month. The data shows the violence peaked during the general election campaign in August and September, with 303 and 335 cases, respectively.

"During the campaign, the number of conflicts on the street increased. The smallest incidents generated violence," Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Tjiptono said on Monday.

However, violence was also up in moths outside the campaign period. In November, when most residents were observing the fasting month and Idul Fitri, the police recorded 170 incidents of violence.

A sociologist at the University of Indonesia, Ida Ruwaida Noor, said that in large heterogeneous cities, conflicts often occurred due to the lack of solidarity and social cohesiveness.

On top of that, she said, economic factors continued to be a major factor for the violence.

"Living in Jakarta is not easy. People are frustrated and they express their feelings through violence. They do not care about how their behavior will affect others or that it may take lives," she said. "There are no social controls, so when violence happens people just ignore it," she said.

Disorganized waste management takes its toll, again

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Incidents surrounding garbage disposal opened and closed the year 2004.

Residents of Cilincing, North Jakarta, witnessed the death of thousands of fish in their fish ponds following the Jakarta administration's decision to dump its waste in the surrounding area. The decision was made after the Bekasi municipality closed Bantar Gebang, which has served as a sanitary landfill dump for Jakarta's 6,000 tons of daily waste since 1986. Black liquid from untreated waste seeped into the fish farms, killing the fish that were local residents' main source of income.

The administration eventually closed the dump after the Office of the State Minister for the Environment intervened and confirmed that the surrounding areas had been seriously polluted.

The latest incident occurred on November 22 when police officers fired at thousands of protesters in Bojong village in Bogor regency. The bloody clash sent six residents to hospital to be treated for gunshot wounds while 18 were named suspects for allegedly causing civil disturbance in a trial that started on December 13.

Meanwhile, 14 police officers have been found guilty of acting recklessly to restore order during the incident while two others were declared guilty of violating the Criminal Code, for causing serious injury to others. Six of them, however, were only given administrative sanctions.

The incident was sparked by the trial of the waste treatment facility in Bojong, managed by Jakarta's appointed operator PT Wira Guna Sejahtera. Residents feared that the surrounding area would suffer from environmental damage and their health would be at stake as had happened in Bantar Gebang. The plant has the capacity to process 2,000 tons of waste daily from Jakarta with an additional 400 tons coming from Bogor. PT Wira Guna Sejahtera claimed it would take at least a month to repair the damage to the Rp 110 billion (US$12.23 million) facility. The incident has cost the company some Rp 8 billion.

Experts have underlined that the city's unprofessional waste management is the cause of the waste crisis, which has recurred since 2001. "We have only witnessed a minor impact of it [unprofessional management] ... More serious problems will happen if we do not address the problem of managing our waste in a comprehensive way," said Sri Bebassari, a noted solid waste expert with the Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology (BPPT).

Sri has long criticized the administration for its failure to introduce a comprehensive concept in handling garbage although the city has experienced a garbage crisis several times as a consequence of its dependency on Bantar Gebang.

The first crisis was in late 2001, when the Bekasi administration closed the 104-hectare dump due to residents' protests. Garbage piled up on every corner of the city's streets after the closure, inviting platoons of flies and spreading a putrid odor.

The Jakarta and Bekasi administrations then signed a memorandum of understanding in early 2002 to extend the operation of Bantar Gebang. Under its terms, Jakarta was required to pay a Rp 14 billion fee to Bekasi in 2002 and another Rp 8 billion in 2003.

In a bid to reduce its dependency on Bantar Gebang, Sutiyoso's administration assured the public that there would be no more garbage problems this year.

The governor repeatedly expressed optimism that two-thirds of Jakarta's daily waste would be crushed by machines provided by private companies.

He referred to three planned waste treatment plants in Duri Kosambi, West Jakarta; Cilincing, North Jakarta and Bojong. Out of the three, only the plant in Bojong was developed because other investors withdrew their commitment after failing to reach an agreement with the administration.

The withdrawal of investors gave the administration no alternative but to continue using Bantar Gebang. It failed to learn from its past mistakes when it developed the Rp 400 billion incineration plant at Bojong, which finally sparked violent protests from local residents.

Chairman of the City Council Commission D for development affairs, Sayogo Hendrosubroto, argued that incineration plants might not be the right solution.

The commission encouraged the officials to come back with a comprehensive concept on waste management.

"The council considers that a comprehensive solution to the garbage problem must be our priority. Therefore, we will agree to allocate a significant amount of money for waste treatment as long as the City Sanitation Agency can convince us with their next plans," he said.

Sri said there was no immediate solution to the waste problem, but there should be a master plan to start with. Sri outlined five aspects -- legal, institutional, funding, people's participation and technology -- that should be seriously addressed by the administration in creating a master plan.

First, she said, the city should consider a bylaw on waste management. Second, a new approach should be taken where the sanitation agency would not be the sole institution to deal with garbage.

"There should be coordination between various agencies in an integrated concept of garbage management under the city secretary. We can look to the Japanese government for which waste management involves 15 ministries," she said.

Third, the administration and the council, with the help of a team of experts from various disciplines, should start calculating how much money will be needed to develop waste treatment facilities and how long it would take before the city could afford such projects.

Sri added that any system would not work well if the people's participation was ignored.

She suggested the administration develop a garbage sorting mechanism based on the type of garbage. However, this method will not be successful if residents are not aware or do not feel obliged to separate the garbage before disposing of it.

Sri pointed out that technology to treat garbage, which is the last of the five aspects, must be implemented properly while paying attention to the other four. She analogized proper waste treatment development to developing a modern international airport in a city.

"If an airport is the main lobby of a hotel, then a waste treatment facility is the toilet. A grand lobby may attract visitors, but when they see how dirty the toilet is, no one will come back," she said.

The revolution has begun on Jakarta's streets

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- When one looks at the evolution of Jakarta one cannot go past Governor Ali Sadikin who was once dubbed the city's "father of development".

For many, Ali's reign over the city was controversial as it was successful. During his 11-year tenure from 1966-1977, he legalized gambling in a limited way, designating several legal casino areas that were "protected" by officials, who were likely to have benefited financially from the scheme.

However, much of the official revenue earned from gambling taxes was then used to finance development projects in the city. After criticism from ulema and other religious leaders, gambling was later banned in the city but the developments gained from the scheme remain.

During the past few years, the incumbent governor, Sutiyoso, has focused his development projects on transportation. One could, correctly as it turns out, assume he wishes to be lauded as "the father of transportation" of Jakarta. Sources close to the governor confirm this. "He wants to emulate Ali ... but in terms of transport," one said.

But despite all the transport talk, and the creation of the city's new busway link, many Jakartans remain unimpressed. "I can only wonder if he [Sutiyoso] is serious or it is all just rhetoric," Candra Wijaya, a resident of Kebon Jeruk, West Jakarta, who regularly sits in jams to and from his work, said.

Candra, who says he often feels trapped in this city, is not alone. Studies show that the average traveling speed in the city is only 14.75 kilometers an hour. This snail's pace also affects the city's economy -- and the money estimated lost because of inefficiencies from traffic jams reaches Rp 41.05 billion (US$4.56 million) a day.

The jams are exacerbated by the constantly increasing numbers of vehicles in the city, which currently stand at about 4.7 million, some 1.3 million of which are private cars.

Cheap fuel, bank loans and competitive prices for cars and motorcycles have encouraged more people to start buying vehicles. The lack of comfortable or safe public transportation to many parts of the city also encourages this trend.

Sutiyoso's supporters say he has a comprehensive and integrated master-plan of the city's transportation system in hand. The plan controls the operation of private cars and motorcycles in the city, along with public transport: trains, the busway, the planned monorail and river systems but does not deal with the existing bajaj (three-wheeled taxis) and ojek (motorcycle taxis). Nevertheless, they say with this plan Sutiyoso will achieve his dream of a jam-free city.

This macro system is the basis for the development of transportation in the city until 2010. Seemingly designed to please everyone, it includes traditional road infrastructure work along with the development of a mandatory bicycle lane. The plan has been Sutiyoso's mantra during the past two years.

"These projects represent [the administration's] substantial efforts to solve traffic woes in the city. We are on the brink of a revolution in our transportation system and we must be successful. Otherwise, the city will become totally gridlocked by 2014 with at least 138 new cars coming onto city streets every day," the governor has said.

His critics say the busway, stage one of which began operations on January 15, has yet to achieve its aim of encouraging private car owners to use public transport and reduce jams.

However, a survey by the New York-based Institute Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP) has revealed that 14 percent of the busway's daily commuters were private car owners or passengers. The figure is much higher than in the busway's birthplace, the city of Bogota, Columbia, where only 4.7 percent of its users are private car owners.

But its 40,000 daily passengers is still lower than the 51-bus fleet system's total capacity of some 60,000 commuters a day.

The administration has insisted that the busway is only part of the solution to the city's traffic woes -- a feeder system to the proposed mass rapid transit system (MRT). Many transportation and urban planning experts believe the MRT is the best solution to the congestion in Jakarta, which accommodates about 12 million people during the day and 10 million at night.

At the moment, many say the busway is a cause of still more traffic jams. There is no doubt that for those who continue to use the non-busway lanes that congestion is now even worse in the city, particularly during peak hours.

The public have also witnessed some of the technical flaws of the system; most obviously the damaged busway lanes -- the asphalt along Jl. Sudirman and Jl. Thamrin was only of a "driveway standard" meant for private cars and not the regular flow of large buses. The city has spent at least Rp 238 billion on the construction of the corridor and the procurement of the buses, while busway management received Rp 15 billion in public money this year for operational costs.

Next year, Sutiyoso's administration will complete the construction of the Rp 600 billion second busway corridor from the under-construction Pulo Gebang bus terminal in East Jakarta to Kalideres, West Jakarta, via the National Monument (Monas) in Central Jakarta. The administration has extended the three-in-one traffic policy to support the busway. The policy requires a private car to have at least three passengers when passing through the restricted zones; from Jl. Sisingamangaraja, South Jakarta, to Kota in West Jakarta and from the Senayan overpass on Jl. Gatot Subroto to the Kuningan intersection. The restrictions are enforced from 7 a.m. to 10 a.m. in the morning and from 4:30 p.m. to 7 p.m. in the afternoon. Previously, the three-in-one restriction was shorter; from 6:30 a.m. to 10 a.m.

The government's promise to make public an evaluation of the scheme after six months of the busway, unfortunately, has not been kept. The city has yet to reveal its accountability report on the project, which was paid for by taxpayers' money.

The public will know little more until the 15-strong City Transportation Council, which was established under Bylaw No. 12/2003 on transportation, begins work. However, the council can only make recommendations to the governor and does not yet have any defined authority or tasks.

Along with the busway, there is the administration's much-vaunted monorail system. But four months since then president Megawati Soekarnoputri first broke the ground on the project, the US$650 million venture is mired in a public consultation process.

Developer PT Jakarta Monorail has promised that the construction of the monorail lines -- the "green line" that will serve a 14.8-kilometer route in the city's lucrative business districts of Kuningan, Sudirman and Senayan and the "blue line" that will serve a 12.2-kilometer route from Kampung Melayu in East Jakarta to Taman Anggrek in West Jakarta -- would start soon and the lines would be operation by 2006 and early 2007 respectively.

The monorail will be capable of ferrying up to 270,000 passengers per day with fares ranging between Rp 3,500 and Rp 7,500 for a single journey.

The administration is also going ahead with traditional road infrastructure projects and plans to build 17 new under and overpasses from 2002 to 2007. Environmentalists have said these projects would only encourage motorists to keep using their cars.

Despite all the city's plans, there are other suggestions that experts say could and should be taken into account. Vehicle age limitations, road pricing and progressive taxes for those owning more than one car are just some of the options available to the administration to keep traffic in the city down.

And by the end of 2005 the public, currently still trapped in daily gridlock, should know far better if Sutiyoso's "revolution in transport" will materialize. Time will tell.

City urged to revise its miscalculated budget

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- With less than one week before the December 31 budget deadline, the city administration has been told to fix an error in the draft budget that could cause a deficit of about Rp 1.2 trillion (US$133.33 million) next year.

In the draft, the administration calculated a 2005 budget of Rp 13.83 trillion, with Rp 1.9 trillion of that amount coming from the unspent portion of the 2004 budget.

However, according to the latest calculations on December 15, only some Rp 1.1 trillion of the 2004 budget remains unspent, not Rp 1.9 trillion.

And the head of the City Council's Commission C for financial affairs, Daniel Abdullah Sani, estimated that by the end of the year, there would only be about Rp 700 billion unspent from the 2004 budget.

"That means if the draft budget is not revised, the revenue side will have a deficit of Rp 1.2 trillion," Daniel told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

"Revising this incorrect estimation will only prolong the already sluggish deliberation of the budget," he remarked.

Offering two options, Daniel suggested the administration find different revenue sources to make up the difference or cut its proposed spending.

City spokesman Catur Laswanto said the assumption on the unspent 2004 budget was based on previous years' figures.

"We did not expect our performance to be much better this year," he told the Post, adding that the city would make adjustments to several programs proposed in the draft.

Catur said the city would unlikely be able to increase revenue next year due to security problems and a planned fuel price hike that would lower people's purchasing power.

"Security problems will discourage tourists and investors from coming to Jakarta. That means our economy will not be better next year," he said.

Daniel warned the administration to be selective in making adjustments to next year's spending. He stressed that particular programs should not be eliminated.

"The administration should not cut the spending on several priority programs like the constructions of busway corridors, the East Flood Canal, low-cost apartments and school buildings, as well as the improvement of teachers' welfare, reforestation and a microcredit scheme."

Environment

Buyat residents withdraw lawsuit

Jakarta Post - December 29, 2004

Jakarta -- Three Buyat Bay residents have withdrawn a US$543 million civil lawsuit filed against PT Newmont Minahasa Raya for allegedly causing heavy metal poisoning.

"The residents -- Rasit Rahman, Masna Stirman and Juhira Ratubane -- have officially acknowledged and affirmed that there is no evidence that mine tailings from PT Newmont Minahasa Raya's mining activities were the cause of any diseases that they may be suffering from," said Mochamad Kasali, Newmont legal advisor.

At the plaintiffs' request, Newmont also agreed to withdraw a separate defamation suit that it had filed against Iskandar Sitorus, the head of Legal Aid Foundation for Health, said Kasali.

On Sept. 30, Newmont filed a $2 million suit against Sitorus charging him with falsely accusing Newmont's mine operation of causing Minamata disease at Buyat Bay.

Government warns 42 firms

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The government on Monday warned 42 companies, some of them state-owned, to radically improve their protection of the environment within six months, otherwise they would face severe punishment, including a freeze on their operations.

"The 42 companies have violated a series of requirements set by Law No. 23/1997 on the environment," State Ministry of Environment Rachmat Witoelar said.

"We have the right to immediately bring them to court without further investigation, but we will consider educating them by giving them time to improve," he added.

The 42 companies were put in the "Black Category" -- the worst -- for their poor environmental practices and their operations that have caused social problems for local people.

Rachmat said the firms that ignored the warning would be punished, ranging from administrative sanctions and legal suits to the revocation of their operational permits.

"It is regrettable that some of these companies are owned by the state. They should be more embarrassed than the others because their operations have been funded by the public, but in return they cause pollution for the society and environment," he said.

The 42 were part of 251 companies operating in a wide variety of sectors, including energy, mining, textiles, paper, forestry and plantations. Each was scrutinized by the office of the State Ministry of the Environment from January 2003 through September 2004.

At least 77 of the 251 companies are controlled by foreign investors, 98 others are wholly domestic and the remaining 76 are state-owned firms.

The ministry classified these companies into four groups based on their environmental records -- Green Category, Blue Category, Red Category and Black Category.

Some of the more well-known companies in the Black Category include textile firm PT Batamtex in Ungaran, Central Java; paper manufacturer PT Aspex Kumbong in Bogor; PT Sasa Inti seasoning company in Probolinggo, East Java; natural gas company PT DOH NAD in Langkat, North Sumatra; mining firm PT Jorong Barutama Greston in South Kalimantan; state-owned palm oil plantation company PTPN VI PKS Pinang Tinggi in Jambi; and PT Jabar Utama Lumber in Tangerang.

These firms apparently ignored all of the requirements stipulated by the environmental regulations, particularly in waste management systems.

The Green Category was reserved for companies that abided by all the articles in the environment law as well as other related regulations on water management, air pollution control and waste management systems.

The nine companies grouped in the Green Category included PT Unilever Indonesia based in Surabaya, East Java and Cikarang, West Java; construction companies PT Indocement Tunggal Perkasa and PT Semen Cibinong in Bogor, West Java and Cilacap, East Java, respectively; and chemical firm PT Nippon Shokubai Indonesia in Cilegon, Banten.

The Blue Category was for companies failing to fulfill one or two requirements set by the environment regulations. There were 114 companies categorized as Blue.

Meanwhile, 86 companies were grouped in the Red Category for failing to obtain permits for their waste processing management. "Regrettably, none of the 251 examined companies were placed in the Gold Category, which shows their total commitment to the society and environment," Rachmat said.

The country's rich natural resources endangered

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- A high ranking official with the (then) Trade and Industry Ministry was clearly puzzled when a journalist asked for his comment about a number of companies accused of polluting a river in West Java. Seconds later, he laughed and asked the journalist to solicit comments from the State Minister for the Environment instead.

"I work for the Trade and Industry Ministry, not the KLH," he said, referring to the State Ministry of the Environment.

The response clearly reflects the mind-set of most decision makers here -- that environmental issues are exclusive; separate from issues of trade or industry.

The Chairman of the Indonesian Forum for Environment (WALHI), Longgena Ginting, says decision makers are ignorant of the fact that environmental issues always link to other aspects of life.

"Decision makers here always associate environmental issues with floods, droughts, landslides, pollution and waste," says Longgena, complaining that they fail to understand the core of environmentalism -- that nature has its limits.

The nation's economic policies are often considered exploitative from the environmental perspective. This year Indonesia saw two major environmental cases that highlighted this tendency.

The first was the enactment of the water resources law in February, and the second the issuance of a presidential decree on mining, followed by a government regulation in lieu of law that allows 13 mining companies to resume open-pit mining operations in protected forests.

Speculation has been rife among activists and experts that the water resources law was enacted in order to allow privatization of the water sector, as has been sought by certain international water companies.

The regulation on open-pit mining seems to have been issued to avoid possible lawsuits by mining companies in arbitration courts. The 13 mining companies are among 22 mining firms that had sought to resume operations in protected forests. They had previously received contracts from the government years before the Forestry Law was introduced and the government designated concession areas as protected forest.

Environmental activists, however, contend that environmental destruction caused by open-pit mining outweighs any economic gains from mining operations.

The 2003 state of the environment report, which outlines the condition of the country's environment, reveals that supply of water in 2003 reached 483.1 billion cubic meters while demand was 66.4 billion cubic meters during the dry season.

By 2020, it is projected that demand for water will reach 75.5 billion cubic meters while supply will remain static at 483.1 billion cubic meters.

"It appears that Indonesia plenty of water but there is a deficit in Java and Bali, which have only 25.3 billion cubic meters of water to meet a demand of 38.1 billion cubic meters," it says. The combined population of Java and Bali makes up around 60 percent of the country's more than 220 million people.

The reduction of forest area in Java -- currently only 15 percent of the island's 12 million hectares -- has been blamed as the major cause of its water deficit of 32 billion cubic meters a year since 1995. Java will very likely suffer a water deficit of 134 billion cubic meters per year by 2010.

The report also warns that the water resources continue to decline due to excessive water pollution, either by industry, households or agriculture, while population continues to grow.

"People mistakenly consider the amount of water in the world to be constant due to the hydrology cycle. In fact, the quality of water continues to decrease so that an increasing proportion of it cannot be consumed," the report said.

Land is the most important store area for water during the rainy season. "Unfortunately, forests and water catchment areas have been turned into housing estates, or used for industry or agriculture," it says.

The report claims that nearly 7,000 large-scale industries, some 15,000 small to medium enterprises, and about 240,000 household industries are contributing to the pollution of the nation's air and water.

The state of the environment report also reveals that the condition of forests in the country has entered a critical stage due to legal and illegal logging, forest fires, legal and illegal mining in forests, as well as the conversion of forests into housing estates or plantations.

The Ministry of Forestry's MS Kaban expressed hope for a revival of the forestry industry in a bid to turn it into a revenue generator for the nation. His remarks sparked protests from environmental activists.

Data from the report reveals that some 43 million hectares of the nation's 120 million hectares of forests have been damaged. Every year, an additional 2 million hectares of forest are damaged.

The World Bank has predicted that all lowland forests in Sumatra will have disappeared by next year, and in Kalimantan by 2010.

Water and forests are amongst the most important elements of the environment, and this is particularly critical for Indonesia because of its very large population.

The government currently gets US$379.81 million in taxes and non-tax revenues annually from the 13 mining companies, which employ 47,269 workers. They also get millions of dollars more from water and logging business. But, in the words of former environment minister Emil Salim, the government cannot keep implementing "live for today" policies.

Emil is a staunch advocate of sustainable development.

The money the government must spend to deal with problems generated by environment destruction may well exceed the profits of natural resources exploitation.

Severe drought, caused by, among other things, deforestation, causes crop failure to nearly 300,000 hectares of some 10 million hectares of rice fields.

Whilst droughts did not create a domestic rice supply problem -- Indonesia simply imported more rice -- it did impoverish millions of farmers, experts said.

The crop failure of 300,000 hectares could potentially put some 1.2 million families into poverty.

Last year, the government allocated Rp 1.2 trillion for the reforestation of some 3 million hectares of damaged forests throughout the country.

"If we keep up these live for today policies, then the nation's future generations will potentially inherit conflict." Emil warned.

Health & education

Corruption is 'rampant' in schools: ICW

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2004

Eva C. Komandjaja, Jakarta -- The way school textbooks are procured leaves the door open to corruption in elementary and junior high schools, involving not only principals but also teachers and school committees, a survey revealed.

The latest study conducted by the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) in Jakarta, Garut and Surakarta discovered that corruption in book procurement often takes place ahead of a semester, when a school selects books for its students.

"Usually book publishers go to schools and persuade the principal to choose their books by offering a large discount," ICW head researcher Ade Irawan said, while unveiling the result of the study titled "High cost for low-quality education" here on Thursday at a discussion in which the survey results were presented.

The practice occurs since a principal has the authority to determine which books are compulsory for students in line with school autonomy, the report says. "Publishers can offer discounts of up to 40 percent," Ade said.

Before the era of school autonomy, publishers approached officials at local education agencies to recommend preferred books for schools in the region.

Apart from book procurement, the survey, conducted on 1,000 respondents who were mostly parents in the three cities, found 12 other extra fees collected by schools without clear objectives and accountability.

Among the fees deem unnecessary by most parents is money collected in the event of principal replacement, sports fees, graduation ceremony fees and school maintenance fees.

"Based on our research, parents in Jakarta pay Rp 137,579 (US$15.28) each semester in such fees, while parents in Surakarta pay Rp 174,827," Ade said.

The decision to collect such fees rests with the principal and teachers, according to the study. Most parents say they were neither informed by the school about the purpose of the fees nor given access to reports on the use of the money.

Ade said low salaries of teachers were responsible for the rampant corruption in schools. Director General of Elementary and Intermediate Education Indra Djati Sidi, who was present at the discussion, claimed that since institutions of learning had become autonomous corruption at schools was not as prevalent as in the past.

"Now that schools are free to choose their own textbooks, the scale of corruption has decreased. It is still there, but it's less, so I guess it's an improvement," Indra said.

The law on national education, which was enacted last year, says every citizen, starting at the age of six, is entitled to nine years of mandatory education for free.

Indra Djati said the stipulation remained ideal as the current education budget only accounts for up to 5.8 percent of the state budget, or around Rp 21 trillion.

"Ideally it should be 20 percent, most of which would be spent on teachers' salaries like it is in Norway and other Scandinavian countries," Indra said.

Apart from the budget constraints, Indra said it was difficult for the government to supervise schools in the region after the Autonomy Law came into force.

"Schools have the right to manage their money. It's the job of the local education agency and society to monitor the schools," Indra said.

Patients reluctant to report malpractice

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Sari P. Setiogi, Jakarta -- The joy of having a second child proved to be short-lived for Hasan Kesuma, 33, a self-employed resident of Bogor, West Java.

Just days after giving birth to their second child, his wife Agian Isna Naili, 33, slipped into a persistent vegetative state in July and has been on life support equipment for the past five months at the Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital in Central Jakarta.

Agian delivered her second baby at the Islamic Hospital in Bogor without incident and later moved to the Yuliana Maternity Hospital for the convenience. Soon after she was admitted, she developed symptoms of hypertension, prompting family members to take her back to the Islamic Hospital.

The next thing family members knew, was that Dr. Gunawan Muhammad, a doctor who assisted during Agian's delivery, had to perform an operation on her.

What happened during that operation, only Gunawan and his assistants know. On the operating table, Agian fell into a deep comma and has not regained consciousness since.

Hoping against all odds, Hasan brought Agian to the Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital, but doctors there told him his wife stood little chance of surviving the coma.

Claiming that he could no longer bear the suffering his wife was going through, Hasan filed a motion with the Central Jakarta District Court in October seeking to euthanize Agian. The court rejected the petition for administrative reasons. Meanwhile, Gunawan has consistently maintained a silence over what happened in the theater.

Agian's case has renewed the debate about how claims of malpractice by doctors should be dealt with in the country, an issue that has grown in prominence during recent years as patients and their families demand higher standards from medical professionals.

Indonesian Health Consumers Empowerment Foundation chairman Marius Widjajarta says the foundation has received about 30 reports of alleged malpractice from January to August this year.

"In 2003, there were only some 20 reports for the whole year. Most of the reports pointed their fingers at doctors," he told The Jakarta Post.

The Legal Aid for Health institute, meanwhile, says it has received 182 reports of malpractice allegations since 2002, or an average of about 60 cases a year.

Chairman Iskandar Sitorus says the actual extent of malpractice by doctors in this the country is likely to be much higher than reported as most Indonesians either have little knowledge about malpractice, choose not to contest cases or decide to settle them out of court.

Malpractice, according to Marius, mostly takes place because of negligence, carelessness and the incompetence of doctors. In some cases, though, doctors deliberately violate standard operating procedures.

Malpractice was also caused by a lack of laws regulating the performance of doctors in hospitals, he said.

"Doctors can do almost anything they like, as there are no standards about what is wrong and what is right," Marius told the Post.

He stressed Indonesia still had no clear legal definitions of malpractice. "Patients may claim that they have experienced malpractice, while doctors can easily claim what they did was not malpractice at all." The long-awaited law on the medical sector that was endorsed by the House of Representatives in September, has no specific provisions about the punishments for perpetrators of malpractice.

However, patients disappointed with or disadvantaged by the service provided by doctors or other medical professionals can now file lawsuits against them through the courts.

Doctors and dentists can lose their jobs or face stiff fines and even prison terms if they are found to have violated their profession's code of ethics.

The law also says doctors or dentists who provide medical services without valid licenses, or fake licenses, face prison term of up to five years and fines of up to Rp 100 million (US$10,869). The same penalties could be handed down to foreign doctors or dentists who provide medical services without registering themselves with Indonesian authorities.

Anyone who poses as a doctor or dentist and provides medical services faces a maximum prison term of up to five years and a fine of up to Rp 150 million.

However, Marius said the penalties did not protect patients from malpractice as the law only spells out administrative sanctions.

"The law is useless as it does not mention anything about malpractice and its legal consequences. It will protect doctors more than the public," he said.

"Patients here should be more pro-active. They have to learn to educate themselves and be more critical," Marius said.

Pulmonologist Tjandra Yoga Aditama told the Post the education of doctors here would impact on how they treated their patients later.

"Hospitals and nurses here are used to serving doctors, not patients. Doctors become gods who control other people's lives," said the practitioner who is also a member to the Indonesian Hospitals Union (Persi).

"The curriculum must be changed soon -- the students should become interns in hospitals much earlier to make them more familiar with the real world. They should do this in their third year," said Tjandra. In the current system, students do not enter hospital as interns until their fourth year.

He said, a module teaching doctors about how to empathise with their patients had also been introduced in several important medical faculties recently, including at the University of Indonesia (UI).

"Doctors here need to listen more to their patients. They are not robots and patients are human beings as well," said Tjandra, who is a lecturer at UI.

Islam/religion

Ba'asyir group spreads wing

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Apriadi Gunawan, Medan -- An Islamic extremist group led by elderly cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, currently standing trial in Jakarta on terror charges, has established dozens of new branches in at least eight provinces across Indonesia.

The Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI) central executive board said on Saturday it has branched out to at least 53 regencies and mayoralties in eight provinces in a bid to push for its campaign for Islamic sharia law.

More branches of the organization would be set up in all cities and towns throughout the predominantly Muslim country of some 215 million people, senior MMI executive Irfan S. Awas said.

"Our target is that the organization can exist in all corners throughout the country for the sake of sharia's implementation," he said.

Irfan made the announcement in a speech at the inauguration ceremony of the new MMI executive board for Langkat regency, North Sumatra, at Amaliyah Mosque in Stabat town, some 120 kilometers from the provincial capital of Medan on Saturday.

In his 30-minute speech, he encouraged all MMI executives to promote Islamic sharia whatever risks they would face, as experienced by their top leader, Ba'asyir.

The 66-year-old cleric is on trial at the Central Jakarta District Court for his alleged links with Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) blamed for a series of terrorist bombings across Indonesia.

He is specifically charged for inciting followers to perpetrate the October 2002 Bali attacks, in which 202 died, and a deadly blast last year at JW Marriott Hotel in Jakarta that killed 12 people. If convicted Ba'asyir faces a possible death sentence.

Many suspect that MMI was linked to the regional JI terror network, but authorities could not find legal evidence in this case and Ba'asyir has repeatedly and strongly denied all the charges against him and his organization.

Ba'asyir founded MMI in 1999 after returning home from Malaysia, a year after former president Soeharto's downfall. The MMI central headquarters is located in Surakarta, Central Java, which is also home to his Al-Mukmin Islamic boarding school in Ngruki.

Irfan also criticized national leaders, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and top military chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto as well as most Muslims, for having no courage to enforce sharia in the country.

Most Indonesian Muslims have opposed to the campaigned enforcement of sharia in the secular country. Support for the opposition comes from the two nation's largest Islamic organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah.

Present at Saturday's event was MMI central board leader Muhammad Tholib and chairman of the organization's North Sumatra office Heriansyah, as well as their local followers and sympathizers.

Ahead of the inauguration ceremony, MMI Langkat office held a discussion on Ba'asyir's book at the North Sumatra Cultural Park in Medan.

Armed forces/defense

Skepticism of military reform

Jakarta Post - December 27, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- During the initial years of the "reform" euphoria, the streets were abuzz with spirited talk about removing the military from politics.

Approaching the elections this year, much of this hype evaporated -- some suggested this was because most voters had begun to yearn for security and stability, following six years of stagnant reformasi and the lingering socioeconomic crisis.

When it came to choosing a president, however, the choices were few and limited, and boiled down to candidates groomed under the New Order or of the post-New Order elite. Warnings of the background of presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono faded as his popularity grew throughout the campaign period, then was drowned out entirely by the overwhelming support of his constituents in the country's first direct presidential election.

The former chief security minister was a retired general anyway, and the public felt that at least the Indonesian Military (TNI) had shown some goodwill in ending its formal role in national and local politics to concentrate on defense -- or so it appeared on the surface.

The TNI's journey to this point in its institutional evolution has not been straight nor smooth, progressing in fits and starts and at times, doubling back.

Shortly after strongman Soeharto was ousted from power in 1998, then TNI chief Gen. Wiranto announced a "new paradigm" -- the military would eventually withdraw from politics.

In 2000, a formal and drastic step to end the military's traditional role in politics was taken when the functions and jurisdiction of the police and the military were separated. Public order and safety became the sole domain of the police and the military was strictly in charge of national defense.

The new House of Representatives thus saw the end of members appointed from the military and police faction, their justification as lawmakers having outlived their historic role "to guard the unitary republic and Pancasila state ideology".

However, as the nation's most powerful force with about 500,000 personnel spread in every subdistrict and village, the effort to restrict the military's role to defense evidently requires more than three civilian presidents and six years of polemic.

Despite the laws changing the military's political role, a "white paper" issued by the defense ministry last year explained that the TNI's role was primarily to watch over the nation against its main threat -- "armed separatist movements... given that the police are not yet ready". The paper thus virtually contradicted the National Police Law, which declares internal security the responsibility of the police.

In particular, the presence of separatists -- or "rebels" in TNI lingo -- in Aceh and Papua have long justified "military operations" on domestic soil, as well as fueled the self- fulfilling prophecy that the military must forever "guard" the unitary republic at all sociopolitical levels.

Even after the new law on the military was passed this October, stressing the principle of "civilian supremacy," TNI Commander Gen. Endriartono Sutarto continued to quip, as in the past, that the military was wary of being abused by civilian politicians.

"Mutual need" might be a better description. Sensing that the civilian politicians needed the military, yet were nervous of a possible backlash, the TNI has been able to retain much of its power: However radical the Indonesian Military Law seemed, it was silent on the controversial issue of the TNI's territorial authority -- the basis of the TNI's outreach beyond its defense role. This issue was at the core of a heated debate involving politicians, lawmakers, academics and activists over the TNI bill, which was revised several times before it was finally accepted by the House for deliberation. The key argument against maintaining the TNI's territoriality was that it hindered democratic development.

Another key issue was the legal jurisdiction of the military court and tribunals in trying soldiers accused of crimes, and whether soldiers could be indicted by civilian courts also. Meanwhile, the ad hoc rights tribunal was wrapping up the East Timor abuse cases to national and international criticism that it was all a sham.

Still, it was election year, and from the outset, the glut of major, minor and budding political parties had been courting retired and active generals, expecting the officers' influence down to the village level through local military commands would tip the scales when it came to the final vote-count.

Endriartono claimed that at least two presidential candidates and a high-ranking politician -- then president Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Akbar Tandjung of the Golkar Party -- had come and asked him to be their running mate in the presidential race.

He also claimed to have brushed aside their requests in a bid to maintain neutrality among the TNI ranks. The military leadership also barred soldiers from using their constitutional right to vote, but the silence of the local commands made such shows of "neutrality" just that -- a pretense.

Civilian and military intellectuals remind us again and again of civilian incompetence that always brings the military back to the political fore. That may be so, but prolonged communal conflicts resulting in the deaths of thousands of people in recent years have also raised questions as to the military's capabilities, if not unwillingness, to overcome unrest and internal rivalry.

How much President Susilo will try to nudge his former military colleagues and the TNI leadership to acquiesce to a role under a government of "civilian supremacy" remains to be seen.

A TNI man at heart, he had already resisted suggestions during his campaign that the military chief should answer to the defense minister. Further, at the front line of his campaign team were retired generals who had served under Soeharto -- and who have now been awarded Cabinet positions.

Susilo is clearly treading carefully when it comes to the military. His first test will be the ongoing change-of-guard issue, which arose when Endriartono tendered his resignation to Megawati in the last days of her term. She not only accepted it, but also installed army chief of staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu as his successor.

When Susilo took office in October, he recalled Endriartono, saying that the new administration needed time to prepare plans to revitalize the TNI leadership. The House, dominated by legislators from Megawati's PDI-P and Golkar, raised a fuss at this, pointing to an article in the defense law that necessitated House approval for the appointment of the TNI chief. The revitalization of the TNI is still on hold -- as though Susilo is seeking a balance between taking an assertive stance in the face of the formidable military and in seeking allies within the TNI on handling prickly issues, such as separatism.

As the new administration moves well into its 100-day program, perhaps we will see whether Susilo will choose to toe the line with regards the TNI or will pick up the thread of military reform and proceed full force.

International relations

Indonesia regains its lost clout on the international scene

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Veeramalla Anjaiah, Jakarta -- After a turbulent six-year journey from an authoritarian regime to a full-fledged democracy, Indonesia -- which is home to the largest Muslim population in the world -- fully regained in 2004 its clout in international politics. The 1997 Asian financial crisis devastated the country's economy and lacerated its sociopolitical set up.

It pushed Indonesia, the founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Association of Southeast Nations, to the verge of becoming a lawless state for a brief period when Jakarta was hit by violent riots in 1998.

Today, the democratic Indonesia -- which has improved a lot in terms of law and order, and made human rights, regional autonomy, economic and political reforms its main agenda -- is not only proud of its achievements during the last six years but also poised to become, once again, a dynamic economy in the coming years, under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

"We are proud of this democracy of ours. It is the fulfillment of a universal human aspiration, and yet it is unique to us. It sprang from our native soil, a true child of our culture. It was not imposed from outside, at gunpoint.

"Democracy is never a miracle. Never a gift nor something imposed. It is always hard-earned, often the fruit of many sacrifices," Indonesia's Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda said at the 59th session of the United Nations General Assembly on September 27, 2004.

Indonesia -- a multi-racial, multi-religious and multiethnic nation -- has one giant neighbor that has nuclear weapons on its northern coast and another neighbor, Australia, which has close defense ties with the US Yet, Jakarta has no external enemies. There lies the unique nature of Indonesian foreign policy, which propagates the principle of peaceful-coexistence.

"We continue to strengthen our relations with all our neighbors. We have made a fresh start with Timor Leste (East Timor) and we are building a strong relationship. We look forward to a future of bilateral peace, friendship and cooperation," Hassan said.

East Timor, a former province, was separated from Indonesia in 1998 through a UN-administered referendum.

Indonesia has resolved its bilateral problems -- including sensitive border disputes -- with Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines through peaceful negotiations and international arbitration.

While leading ASEAN (2003-2004), Indonesia opened a new chapter in the history of the 37-year-old ASEAN by proposing the establishment of an ASEAN Community with three pillars -- the ASEAN Security Community, ASEAN Economic Community and ASEAN Socio-cultural Community. This proposal was part of the Bali Concord II.

"It's an ambitious and bold program proposed by Indonesia. We Indonesians must support our Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda and his colleagues in this bold step," Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a well- respected foreign policy expert at the Indonesian Institute of Science, said.

The ASEAN Community action plan was subsequently accepted by all the leaders of ASEAN during their recent summit in Laos. It is the biggest success of Indonesia's foreign policy in 2004.

Indonesia successfully hosted the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, ASEAN Regional Forum Meeting and the ASEAN Post Ministerial Conferences in June and July, despite security concerns after terrorist attacks in the country in 2002, 2003 and 2004.

Indonesia has neither economic nor military clout in international politics, but it has special leverage that allows it to facilitate smooth relations with any problematic country.

Thanks to its diplomatic maneuvers, Indonesia was successful in facilitating the meeting between the foreign ministers of North Korean and South Korean here in Jakarta.

No other country in the world, including Pyongyang's close allies China and Russia, can match Indonesia in its ability to bringing foes to the negotiating table. Indonesia maintains close ties with both India and Pakistan, for example.

"Indonesia has made key contributions to the peaceful resolution of conflicts in its region, notably in Cambodia and Southern Philippines," Hassan said.

Indonesia pursues its sovereign foreign policy. Despite its close partnership with the world's only superpower, the US, in the global war against terror, Indonesia has outrightly rejected the US invasion of Iraq, and sending its troops to Iraq.

On another occasion, Indonesia expressed its objection to the idea of placing US Marine forces in the Strait of Malacca to protect ships from terrorist attacks.

"The security of the Strait of Malacca is the responsibility of coastal countries (littoral states), not that of any third country," Hassan said in April 2004.

While addressing the UN General Assembly, Hassan sought a permanent place for Indonesia on the UN Security Council.

"As the world's third largest pluralistic democracy, the fourth most populous country, the world's largest Muslim nation, a country of tremendous cultural diversity and a member with a track record of serving in various peace initiatives of the UN, Indonesia has an important global constituency on the Council, "A developing world striving not only for social and economic progress but also for democratization must have a voice on the Security Council, moderate Islam must have a voice on the Council. Indonesia would be that voice," Hassan said.

Despite successes, Indonesia and its diplomats face a litmus test in the security of thousands of Indonesian workers -- both legal and illegal -- in various countries.

President Susilo has personally urged all Indonesian diplomats to provide maximum security for Indonesian workers abroad.

The new government has expressed its intention to play a key role in the Middle East peace process. Perhaps, Indonesia should begin its initiative by helping Palestinians conduct free and fair elections. The year 2005 will be a big challenge for Indonesian foreign policymakers as the 60-year-old Republic of Indonesia will hold the historic Asian-African Conference in April in Jakarta and Bandung. The success of this conference will not only boost Indonesia's image on the international scene, but also restore its stature of 50 years ago, as the leader of the developing world.

Business & investment

Modest growth continues amid signs of investment recovery

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Jakarta -- Many people in the automotive industry are really happy these days with the handsome bonuses they have received after achieving or even surpassing sales targets and other performance indicators, thanks to cheaper bank loans that fuel demand and help keep the economy humming.

"It's really been a good year for us. Car sales have even surpassed the peak reached before the (late 1990s) economic crisis," said Yulian Warman, a spokesman for the country's largest automotive group, PT Astra International.

Indeed, the advances made by some economic indicators during 2004 should give reason for some people to celebrate.

Improving macroeconomic stability, as reflected in the relatively mild inflationary environment, has allowed the central bank to continue cutting interest rates, which as of the first week of December stood at a record low of 7.41 percent, a situation that in turn has allowed banks to provide cheaper consumer loans, fueling private consumption as households purchase durable goods such as electronic appliances, cell phones, motorcycles, and cars, and spend more money in the ever-increasing number of shopping malls and hypermarkets in major cities.

Car sales, for instance, are expected to set a new record of over 400,000 units, exceeding the industry association's initial projection of 385,000 units, and marking the sector's recovery from the devastating impact of the late 1990s economic crisis, which saw sales plummet to just 68,000 units in 1998.

Private consumption continues to be the main engine of economic growth, accounting for about 65 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), which in the third quarter expanded by a surprising 5.03 percent over the same period last year, beating the consensus among economists of around 4.7 percent. Almost all sectors in the economy registered higher growth, except for the mining and extractive industries sector, which declined by 5.96 percent year-on-year during the quarter due a lack of investment amid various uncertainties in the sector. The strong domestic demand is encouraging companies to increase output, and, coupled with a favorable macroeconomic climate and supportive global economic developments, prompting some to start making new investments.

The World Bank has acknowledged these early signs of increasing investment. "There are already signs of an investment recovery and the external economic environment is supportive," it said in a recent Indonesian economic and social update.

These positive developments have prompted the World Bank to revise upward its growth estimate for this year to 4.9 percent from the initial forecast of 4.5 percent. In comparison, the government forecast the economy to grow by 4.8 percent this year. According to the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), fixed capital formation, or fixed investment, has been growing faster during each of the past three quarters -- from 4.24 percent in the first quarter year-on-year to an annualized rate of 9.25 percent in the second quarter and 13.09 percent in the third quarter. Another indicator of increasing investment is the rise in imports of capital goods, which grew by more than 33 percent in the January-August period.

The encouraging signs in the investment sector seem to be reflected in a better employment picture. According to the World Bank report, unemployment declined from 8.5 percent in August 2003 to 7.4 percent in May 2004 with the labor participation rate increasing from 65.5 percent to 66.2 percent. "This is the first sign of improvement in the labor market, though validation of this trend will require more reliable annual data," the Bank said.

The favorable weather this year has also buoyed up the economy, boosting production in the agriculture sector. It is estimated, for instance, that rice production will reach 34 million tons, compared to domestic consumption of around 31 million tons. This surplus marks a return to self-sufficiency in rice production after more than 20 years. Strong commodity prices, such as for crude palm oil, have also benefited the agribusiness sector, prompting some companies in the industry to revise upward their 2004 earnings estimates.

The improving economic picture, and the relatively smooth and peaceful general and presidential elections, have boosted sentiment on the local stock market, prompting investors to purchase shares in expectation of higher corporate profits. The index during the first week of December surged to a record level of 1,000 points, which translates as a gain of around 44 percent since the beginning of the year. This made the Jakarta stock market the best performer in Asia.

But despite all the progress, there are pressing challenges that must be tackled by the new government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono if the country is to enjoy higher economic growth in the years to come and resolve the chronic unemployment problem.

Chief among these is fixing the still weak domestic investment climate. "Indonesia's investment climate remains uncompetitive in international comparisons," the World Bank said, urging the government to push ahead with key economic reform programs to improve the investment climate and reinforce the improving growth picture.

Attracting new investment is crucial for the country if it is to enjoy economic growth of between 6 percent and 7 percent per year, and provide enough jobs for the millions of unemployed.

Pressing ahead with further economic reform in order to create an efficient economy is also crucial to helping the country's exporters compete on the international market. Although exports in the January-September period grew by more than 10 percent compared to the same period last year, analysts said that there were signs that Indonesia was losing share in the export market to competitors from other countries in the region. Indonesia's export performance still lags behind neighboring countries such as Malaysia and Thailand.

The government and the central bank also need to maintain the sound economic policies that have introduced stability to the macroeconomic indicators and fiscal situation. The soaring fuel prices this year have put pressure on the state budget, with the deficit expected to widen to 1.5 percent of GDP from the initial target of 1.3 percent of GDP because of rising spending on the fuel subsidy. Reducing this subsidy will be an important measure to ensure budget efficiency, and a crucial test of the new government's readiness to take unpopular, but necessary, measures to fix the economy.

In conclusion, 2004 has given rise to new optimism for a better economic picture in the mid term. But to take advantage of this positive momentum and strengthen the improving growth picture, democratically elected President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will need to send a strong signal to investors and the financial markets that he is determined to implement credible economic policies.

Textile sector to struggle after quota termination

Jakarta Post - December 28, 2004

Zakki P. Hakim, Jakarta -- The popular issue blanketing the textile and clothing industry, both at home and overseas, throughout the year 2004 was the termination of the global textile quota system.

Producer countries, including Indonesia, are worried that they will lose significant market share, especially to China's cheaper products, when the Multi Fiber Agreement (MFA) is terminated on January 1 next year.

In a world without MFA all exporters are supposed to enjoy freer market access to the major textile and clothing markets: the United States and European Union (EU).

However, many nations are worried that their economically important textile and clothing manufacturing sectors will become sunset industries, believing the sun will rise in China.

Studies have shown that China will benefit most from the quota system elimination, thanks to cheaper labor, more efficient production and better integrated infrastructure.

A World Trade Organization (WTO) paper shows that after the removal of the quota system, China could gradually expand its share in the US garment market to 50 percent from the current 16 percent.

Meanwhile, Indonesia would have its market share cut to 2 percent from 4 percent. Thus Indonesia could lose 50 percent of its market share in the US.

These numbers illustrate the "catastrophe" that Indonesia's textile industry may face once the quota system is removed, prompting some to suggest that Indonesia should join other countries in lobbying the WTO for an extension of the MFA.

Observers have criticized both the government and industry players for not being better prepared to cope with the imminent MFA termination, as the matter had actually been decided a decade ago.

The WTO paper shows that China would also dominate EU's fabric and yarn market, and also its apparel market.

The WTO forecasts that Indonesia could still enjoy a higher share of the EU's fabric and yarn market, from 4 percent to 5 percent in the post quota system.

Others think that 2005 may turn out to be not all that catastrophic. An industry player said mid-year that the quota system had only hampered his company's plans to expand its exports. The MFA removal would only "kill" unhealthy firms that had become overly dependent upon the quota system, he said.

His company is the publicly listed PT Great River International -- a garment manufacturer, retailer and exporter -- that recently projected a 43 percent increase in output to 20 million units next year, as it received new orders from France, German, Japan and the US

Great River president director Sunjoto Tanudjaja, said that the company planned to recruit an additional 3,000 workers next year to strengthen its current workforce of 11,000 employees.

Nevertheless, he said that to facilitate the company's expansion plans, the government needs to continue improve the domestic investment climate by, among others things, providing political stability, conducive regulations and a business friendly environment.

Industry players have recommended that the government implement a short term plan to overcome various problems such as the volatile currency, high labor costs due to sharp increases in minimum wages and the controversial severance pay ruling, poor tax administration, and poor implementation of regional autonomy.

A government survey, though, showed that what the industry needs is not only a better business climate but also capital to purchase new machinery.

The survey revealed that nearly 20 percent of 4,109 companies surveyed between 2001 and July 2004 needed to replace their old and inefficient machinery, which would cost at least US$505 million.

The need for such restructuring is urgent, as production capacity has declined from 84 percent in 1999 to only 65 percent in 2003.

The government has lobbied bankers to channel more of their funds into the troubled textile sector. The effort seemed to have borne fruit when a dozen private banks eventually approached the textile manufacturers in October to find out how they could assist with financing.

Moreover, the government has also sought the help from overseas financing sources, particularly in China, to help finance the restructuring of the local textile industry.

The industry, which absorbs 1.2 million workers, was the second- largest contributor to foreign exchange earnings among non-oil and gas industries last year, after the electronics industry, with an export value of $7.03 billion, or 16.22 percent of total non-oil and gas exports last year.

Textile and apparel exports to the US, meanwhile, reached $2.5 billion or 33 percent of Indonesian total exports to the US in 2002.

Surely Indonesia does not want to lose share in this lucrative market. So why is Indonesia about to lose 50 percent of its market share in US apparel market in post quota system? The US Agency for International Development (USAID) has the answer. According to their study, Indonesia pays higher duties than any other supplier, thus faces the risk of losing out to competition in the US market.

This is because most of the country's apparel products exported to the US coincidentally fall into categories with high import duties.

The Ministry of Industry acknowledged that Indonesia exported much synthetic fiber-based apparel products that has to pay higher import duties as compared to garments made from natural materials.

The USAID said Indonesia should have pursued a preferential reduction for those groups of goods long before the elimination of quota system.

Meanwhile, officials at the Ministry of Industry said they would encourage manufacturers to use more natural materials such as cotton and flax fiber (serat rami).

The question may well be whether or not it is already too late, and whether the country's textile industry will be "naturally selected" for extinction.

Power sector law a blow for Jakarta

Agence France Presse - December 27, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's economy has been given a real boost by recent promises of financial reform. But a controversial ruling barring foreign investors from the country's struggling power sector could short circuit efforts to pull in vital overseas cash.

The decision by Indonesia's top court to scrap legislation opening up the electricity industry to international investment has alarmed experts who warn that the move will also do little to alleviate chronic power shortages.

Since new President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono took office in October, pledging to stamp out graft and cut red tape to attract the massive capital investment needed to revive his country, the money has started to trickle in.

Then last week, a court ruled that a law passed in 2002 to promote efficiency and full competition in the power sector violates the Constitution because electricity is a public commodity that must remain under state control.

The decision was seen by analysts as a setback, not only for Dr Yudhoyono's grand plan, but also for efforts to drastically crank up power output in Indonesia as rising demand leads to more and more blackouts across the country.

Despite vast resources of oil, natural gas and geo-thermal energy, Indonesia's inefficient and graft-ridden state power company PLN is unable to meet the electricity demands of the huge archipelago's 214 million people.

Earlier this month, PLN president Eddie Widiono said the company needed to raise US$30 billion (S$49 billion) over the next 10 years to increase its generating capacity by a further 20,000 megawatts.

Also, Tempo weekly magazine said that since 1998, there has been no new electricity supply created on the islands of Java and Bali -- home to more than half the country's people -- to add to the current capacity of 18,000 megawatts.

Peak demand already exceeds 14,000 megawatts, with reserves often below 25 per cent, while areas outside Java and Bali have been hit by frequent blackouts.

The court's ruling is 'unfortunate and has potentially important consequences, most immediately for the coming infrastructure summit,' said a former World Bank expert. He was referring to a scheduled January meeting in Jakarta to be attended by business executives seeking investment opportunities in the infrastructure sector.

Under the annulled law, PLN would have lost its power distribution monopoly within five years, after which private companies would be able to sell electricity directly to consumers.

The Constitutional Court ruled that competition was not always efficient and may not benefit the people. "It is not enough for the government to control and supervise, it must also own and manage," the court said, adding that the private sector could still take a supporting role.

Mr Luluk Sumiarso, the secretary-general of Indonesia's energy ministry, said he hoped the ruling, which will prompt the drafting of a new electricity law, would not close the sector entirely to overseas interests.

He said the government was working to allay fears from prospective investors. "Of course there was initial doubt among would-be investors but we will overcome this doubt," Mr Sumiarso said. "We will formulate regulations to allow the private sector to participate and at the same time we are drafting a new law, taking into account the Constitution."

Opinion & analysis

Eradicating corruption - first crush the oligarchy

Jakarta Post - December 31, 2004

Danang Widoyoko -- The new government has vowed to take real action against corrupt officials in its first 100 days as a form of "shock therapy" in an effort to gain public trust. But properly enforcing the law against such a widespread problem, with so many involved, is nothing short of a monumental task.

The previous presidents of Indonesia have failed to eradicate corruption, although a lot of regulations have been reviewed and new laws enacted. However, corruption in this country has not been reduced, but has spread further -- to every level of the government and beyond. Policy and institutional reform The Anticorruption Law (Law No. 31/1999) defines corruption as the abuse of power to enrich oneself, creating state financial losses. By this definition, the corruption eradication strategy should then be started by reforming the (state) power.

One of the first things that needs to be tackled is to establish regulations that limit individual power and reduce the opportunity to abuse that power. Then the strategy can continue by improving the Anticorruption Law, implementing the Anticorruption Commission, reforming the judiciary and requiring good governance programs in every government office. This strategy is known as policy and institutional reform.

It has been successfully implemented in other countries. One such success story was carried out by Roland Abaroa, the mayor of the Bolivian capital of La Paz. Similar successes have also been achieved by the Hong Kong Anticorruption Commission. That commission has since become the standard for all anticorruption commissions elsewhere.

In the Indonesian context, there actually has already been a successful corruption eradication implemented. It was done not by the central government, but by Solok Regent Gamawan Fauzi in the province of West Sumatra. Gamawan has reformed the local government bureaucracy into a more transparent, efficient and accountable entity. All government services in the regency have been made clear and measurable, particularly in terms of time and cost.

The efficiency measures carried out by Gamawan have greatly increased the local officials' welfare and thus reduced corruption in the regency.

But in general, such policy and institutional reforms in Indonesia have never worked successfully. Dozens and dozens of serious corruption scandals have never been investigated, let alone been adjudicated upon in a court of law. The Corruption Perception Index done each year by Transparency International consistently shows Indonesia to be one of the most corrupt countries in the world. So, what is wrong with a policy and institutional reform strategy? First, the initiative to combat corruption has not come from the government. Most of the agendas were driven by international financial institutions, especially from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), through the signing of Letters of Intent as a condition of IMF's support for Indonesia. In this case, the ownership of the strategy is on the IMF, not the government of Indonesia.

Secondly, there is not adequate political will to eradicate corruption. And yet political will is the important factor behind a successful corruption eradication system.

So, the next important question to be raised is what is an alternative strategy to combat corruption if government political is inadequate? To answer this question, we have to look at another definition of corruption to fully understand the situation.

Political economy of corruption Corruption is not only caused by the state's inability to implement tight monitoring systems, but also because there is not an integrated system of internal supervision in the public sector. That is the reason why reforming the bureaucracy and tightening internal supervision will not automatically reduce corruption.

Improving law enforcement by reforming the police, the prosecutors and the courts as is the trend here these days, will not automatically bring immediate results.

Corruption has its roots in politics and grows in a power-related environment. General definitions of corruption -- described as an abuse of power for one's personal interests -- clearly shows that corruption is part of the power itself.

It has become an open secret that corruption and money politics were rife and widespread during the recent general elections. And in such a corrupt political recruitment system, it is nearly impossible to produce credible leaders. In fact, such an election, where candidates essentially "invest" huge sums of money to people that can get them elected, gives birth to corrupt leaders who almost have to be involved in corruption to recoup their "investment".

The systemic corruption here can also be attributed in part to the strong political and economic oligarchy that continues to thrive. Paul Johnson defines oligarchy as a tiny clique of elite leaders that make the public policy to suit their own private interests, through direct subsidies, and provide facilities or protection from other business competitors (Hadiz&Robinson, 2004).

This oligarchy roots corruption in politics and spreads to all of the power dimensions. The oligarchy thus supports the corrupt political culture as well.

The fall of the New Order government was not followed by the fall of the oligarchy. The reform movement has only shifted the top of the oligarchy. Now, the oligarchy has been revived and adapted to democracy and the pro-market economy.

The failure of law enforcers in huge corruption scandals like the Central Bank Liquidity Support (BLBI) case, the release of suspects in big corruption cases and the flourishing corruption in the privatization program are proof of the continued existence of the oligarchy.

Therefore, genuine efforts to eradicate corruption in Indonesia should start with the removal of the roots of the problem. The oligarchy must be crushed.

Opportunities to eradicate corruption The new government has some positive momentum that it can use to eradicate corruption, especially because the president and the vice president had been elected directly by the people with a mandate directly from the people. In this antigraft campaign, the new government will not be able to depend on the legislative branch for much help.

Yet, obstacles to combating corruption will likely come from the president's own supporters. To be a president, one does not only need political support, but money as well. The president is expected to reimburse those who helped him financially, and that will make the eradication of corruption more difficult.

So, is there an opportunity to combat corruption in this situation? First, the corruption eradication campaign can start with coordinating the existing law enforcement agencies. It is the task of Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to deal with the big oligarchy-related corruption scandals.

The KPK should be an independent body and have no political handicaps that would prevent it from prosecuting high-profile corruption cases that involve the economic and political oligarchy. Moreover, the KPK needs extraordinary discretion.

The KPK does not need to get permission from the president to investigate high-ranking public officials. The government should only equip the KPK with adequate staff and budget to send the big corruptors to the jail.

At the same time, the Attorney General's Office, as a part of the government, should take the small-scale cases that do not have "supreme" political handicaps to deal with, like corruption cases found in regional governments. What the Attorney General's Office has to do is only to monitor and supervise the prosecutors to guarantee that the investigations are going well.

With the distribution of law enforcement, the President will not directly challenge the oligarchy of corruption. It is the task of the KPK to clean up the oligarchy.

The second strategy that can be done by the government is to establish an integrated system of public services. The government did not start the campaign for good governance as the initiatives had come from donors and the public.

The eradication of corruption in public service is a strategic effort because the impact will directly benefit the people. The success of eradicating corruption in public services will improve public trust in the end.

Both of the above strategies are a part of institutional and policy reform that need strong political will. The next problem is how to give birth to leaders who have high integrity and strong political commitment? The answer to this question is actually the third strategy that has its roots in civil society.

Now is the time for civil society to get deeper into politics rather than just set up monitoring bodies and become watchdogs. The presence of civil society is particularly crucial in supporting officials or leaders, who are committed to combating corruption, such as Gamawan Fauzi. The movement to tackle rotten politicians, the establishment of political contracts between politicians and their constituents must be done and supported by other stakeholders.

Support from the civil society in combating corruption is actually in line with the basic idea of good governance. Good governance assumes the balance between the state, the private sector and the civil society. In fact, most of the efforts to eradicate corruption are state-oriented and give lots of support to the government, although the government does not have enough of a political will to carry it out.

[Danang Widoyoko is the Deputy Coordinator of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW).]

New complexity, leaders and art of leadership

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2004

Rizal Sukma -- This article examines recent changes in Indonesia's politics, perceived and real, since the election of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, affectionately called SBY, as Indonesia's sixth president in October 2004.

These changes have brought about additional elements to the already complex political scene in the country. In such a circumstance, the need to create change is easier said than done.

The first, and most significant change, is the peaceful conclusion of year-long elections. While not perfect, the process was relatively smooth. The 2004 elections clearly reflect a greater maturity of the Indonesian people, the institutionalization of the rules of the game.

When disputes regarding the results occurred, for example, participants in the elections took the case to the newly established Constitutional Court, instead of to the streets, which adjudicated on the disputes in a civilized manner. A degree of maturity was proven when the decisions by the Court were all accepted by parties involved in the disputes. Indeed, the elections suggest that we, as a nation, have come to realize that we need to abide by the democratic rules of the game.

Second, while the majority of voters were still filled with emotional allegiance to parties and individual leaders, the 2004 elections marked the beginning of a new pattern of voting behavior in society. The results of legislative elections, for example, demonstrate the growing number of autonomous voters who played an important role as a bloc of "swing votes".

The new political parties, the Islamic-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Democratic Party (PD), owe their surprising rise to this bloc. Most of these swing votes come from the middle-class in urban areas.

Given this phenomena, political parties can no longer assume that they can continue to draw support from traditional support bases. The voters have now demonstrated the ability to "reward" good candidates in the elections.

The third is the breakdown of traditional and patrimonial authority in politics. Despite their affiliation with mass-based organizations such as the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, a significant number of voters no longer feel compelled and obliged to vote for candidates who their parent organization and leaders officially endorse. Despite the call by Abdurrahman Wahid for members of the NU to vote for the duet of Gen. (ret) Wiranto-Solahudin Wahid, it was Susilo-Jusuf Kalla who won the election in the NU stronghold of East Java. A survey also found that despite the official endorsement by Muhammadiyah of Amien Rais, less than 70 percent of Muhammadiyah members and sympathizers voted for Amien.

Fourth, an embryonic "balance of power" relationship between the executive and the legislative branches has emerged. The results of the elections, while it is still too early to say, seems to have created a foundation for a stronger check-and-balance system between the President and the House. The House, in which the coalition of pro-government parties constitutes the minority, would be in a better position to play a greater oversight role. The problem, however, is that the basis of coalition in the legislature is not always based on party lines, but can also be based on certain issues, personalities and vested interests.

The fifth is the phasing out of the so-called reformed generation of leaders. Since the ouster of President Abdurrahman Wahid from office, and the defeat of both Amien Rais and Megawati in the presidential elections, the key leaders of reformasi no longer hold any government positions. While they are still in a position to influence the political process, the election of SBY as president clearly marks the beginning of the emergence of new generation of leaders in Indonesia.

However, it is important to note that SBY himself does not represent a new generation of leaders, but he certainly can be seen as a bridging figure between the reform era and the next one; an era which will probably take a clearer form by 2009.

The implications of these changes have been significant, and lead to the emergence of a more complex political landscape in Indonesia. Indeed, there is a greater proliferation of political actors and power centers. Before the 2004 elections, the structure of constituencies in Indonesia's politics tended to be characterized by division along ideological and party preferences. Now, while the previous structure remains intact, we begin to witness the emergence of more diversified political actors.

For example, the role of the House of Representatives, wherein the supporters of President SBY are a minority bloc, and the House has clearly become more important in balancing the power of the executive. Non-ideological groups of voters -- the swing voters -- will grow larger. New political figures, such as People's Consultative Assembly Speaker Hidayat Nurwahid, House Speaker Agung Laksono and media baron Surya Paloh, can be expected to play greater political roles in the months to come.

The effects of such political complexities became evident soon after President Susilo took office on Oct. 20. For example, the context for decision-making processes has become more difficult for an authoritative process.

The President, despite the direct mandate from the people, seems unsure of how to use his victory and political capital. The process of presidential institution-building is a case in point.

The formation of the Cabinet, for example, was reported to have been dictated by the imperative of compromise. Despite his earlier promise to strengthen the presidential office, the plan has not been realized. The President, for example, has yet to establish the National Defense Council and National Economic Council. Not much is heard now about the "West Wing" of Indonesia.

How, then, can the new government lead the changes? First, it is imperative that the government, especially the President, changes the mode of governing. The period of campaigning has ended, and it is now the period of working. The government should not see the five-year term as merely a period of campaigning for the reelection in 2009.

In conducting business, the government should not merely base its decisions on the overriding need to preserve the regime's popularity and maintain the regime's security, at the expense of state survivability. This will require the government to tackle major issues head-on, including making unpopular decisions such as the reduction in fuel subsidies and the privatization of ineffective state-owned companies.

Good policies, along with delivering on campaign promises, would by themselves provide the political capital needed by SBY should he wish to run again in the next election.

Second, there is a need for the government to facilitate the emergence of a constituency for change. While parliamentary support is imperative, President Susilo should also make use of his popularity to get direct support from the people for his policies.

This will require a greater precision in prioritizing what changes the government wants to target. For example, if the president is really serious about the eradication of corruption, he should strengthen the constituency for the anticorruption drive within the society. The support and active participation from mass-based organizations, such as the Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, is clearly essential in this regard.

Third, there is a need to strengthen the communication strategy. The explanation of the government's policies, for example, should be done professionally and with greater precision. The habit of giving excuses, which has become too frequent, has to be avoided. Otherwise, the public trust in the government will rapidly deteriorate.

Indonesia can no longer afford a government that does not know how to govern. The cost of muddling-through and indecisiveness, as we have experienced over the last four years, would be too great. Indonesia needs to recover the lost years, and recover them fast. At this point, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is still in a position to do so.

[Rizal Sukma, Director of Studies of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).]

Serious, not soft, change in TNI

Jakarta Post - December 30, 2004

Agus Widjojo, Jakarta -- The term de-politicization is central to the whole concept of reforming the Indonesian Military (TNI). However, it should be mentioned that this reform is not only about de-politicization.

What then, is TNI reform all about? Basically the reform starts from the principle that any roles and consequential authority given to TNI should be based on the principles of democracy, given the assumption that the 1945 Constitution mandated a democratic political system. In a democracy, political authority is entrusted in elected public officials. At an executive level it is the president, at the regional levels, it is the governors, mayors and regent. It is these elected public officials who make the political decisions that are then implemented by their administrations and public institutions.

The TNI is one of these institutions, charged with defending the nation in accordance with the wishes of the elected political authorities. The TNI chief is not an elected public official but is appointed by the president. It logically follows that the TNI chief does not hold the authority to make political decisions and is forbidden to act unilaterally to use the military to respond to national issues. The TNI should have no positions on political issues and should only act in accordance with the wishes of the people's elected representatives, personified by the President who has the authority to deploy the TNI in emergencies.

If the TNI is misused by the politicians, therefore, they are able to be held accountable by the voting public.

Based on the above principles, TNI reform is about both general de-politicization and structural reform. Positioning the TNI chief under the auspices of the Department of Defense, relieving the TNI of its powers as the primary institution responsible for internal security, and adjusting its territorial command structures by limiting their authority to national defense matters are essential moves.

The military must also have clearly set out requirements and restrictions as to how it deals with the civilian population and non-defense matters, and must conform to general democratic principles of accountability, transparency and civilian control.

If we assume that the above concept depicts the scope and objectives of TNI reform, then they should also be commonly understood by the political authorities. In this case regarding the executive powers, it is the president who has the authority to establish national defense policies; which are scrutinized by the legislative powers -- the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) consisting of the House of Representatives (DPR), and the Regional Representatives (DPD) -- the TNI and the public. All groups must agree to this system if it is to work.

If a common understanding is not reached, then there may be no real hard reform in the TNI. But confusion, ambivalence and disorientation are typical conditions of a democratic transition, and Indonesia is not immune. While the old arrangements are being torn down, the new structure has not yet been completely established and the effectiveness of the political institutions that have replaced the TNI's dwifungsi (dual function) role has yet to be realized.

This kind of situation creates uncertainties and people are prone to looking back favorably to the stable but undemocratic past.

This is not surprising in a traditional society that values the status quo more than change and orients more to the past than to the future because the future implies uncertainty.

The historical fact that the TNI has long been an important player in Indonesian politics with a solid and effective organization helps it continue to be a force to be reckoned with in Indonesian politics and the military establishment seems keen to keep its powers through its support of presidential candidates.

This was evident when Art. 19 of (the previous) TNI draft bill, which in crucial issues gave the military independent powers to act, was publicly supported by high-ranking civilian political figures, regardless of the fact that it contradicted fundamental principles of civil supremacy.

This is only one obvious example; there are many others that have missed public attention. The public and the politicians often still subscribe to the point of view that the military is still the sole guardian of the nation and that only TNI can hold the country together, without being aware that doing so is tantamount to recognizing the TNI as a political power.

We should not forget that whatever happens to the country, political accountability rests in the power of the President, not the military, because the TNI chief has no direct relationship to the people, because this chief is not elected by the people.

The historical record of civil-military relations in Indonesia does not make the idea of military reform look likely. With hindsight, there is a main thread running through Indonesian history, that at every instance Indonesia launches an experiment of democratization, establishing civil supremacy in the context of civil-military relations, there is a tendency that civilian authorities lack the confidence to exercise their constitutionally acquired political power effectively, and in turn they tend to turn to the military for political support.

From the military's point of view, their reluctance to let go of their guardianship role, has not been helped by the inferior performance of the political institutions to come up with effective governance.

This ineffective performance of political institutions in the minds of many justifies the military elite's desire to cling to power. This, however, is a typical symptom of a democratic transition, and it would be unrealistic to expect instant results.

The correct identification of the problem and an understanding of the issues are therefore vital.

A major problem that occurred after the separation of the police and the TNI was the issue of the authorities and roles of both law enforcement agencies.

In the past, when the police were part of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), this blanket organization was responsible for internal security. After the separation it seemed natural to divide the powers of both institutions.

However, this division ended up deepening the gap between the TNI and the police. But what those in both institutions forget is that they are supposed to exist as instruments of state power answerable to the courts and the political authorities.

No role given to TNI or the police exist as automatic, bypassing the political decision making.

Both bodies have explicit set out roles and may only intervene in the other's affairs in cases where they are ordered to do so by politicians or other civil authorities, as in cases of national disasters, where the military capabilities will better handle the extreme nature of the threat.

The writer is a senior fellow at Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and a senior advisor of the UNSFIR -- a joint project between the Indonesian government and the United Nations Development Program. He is also a former Indonesian Military chief of territorial affairs.

While it is unlikely to satisfy all parties concerned, the Indonesian Military (TNI) has made some progress in ensuring its soldiers are held to account for criminal or human rights abuses they commit. A significant step was the trials in a military court held in the operations zone in Aceh, relating to soldiers accused of misconduct and human rights violations. Never before have such trials been conducted in an operations zone.

Still being debated are past cases when soldiers were acquitted or received light sentences for other abuses. It is not our place to judge whether these court decisions were right or wrong, but from the point of view of the TNI, some progress has been made.

It is important to note that the many of these trials the military never obstructed the court, preventing it from gaining access to its members and never interfered in the judicial process.

This is unlike the Semanggi I or II trials when the military leadership did not give its officers permission to appear in court.

There are now increased pressures on the TNI such as the politicization of judicial issues, the lack of public trust to judicial institutions, and the lack of scrutiny into the political strategy as the precondition for formulating the military strategy, and political accountability. These aspects are also reflections of the general situation pertaining to law enforcement in Indonesia.

How serious is TNI in carrying out its reforms? The TNI exists not in isolation, and the national context will influence its reform.

The decision to reform the TNI and to repaint the national defense landscape is a political decision.

The elected authorities are politically accountable to the public regarding their policies, and the TNI is supposed to act in accordance with them as is spelt out by the nation's amended 1945 Constitution.

Often, however, politicians ignore the law and give in to the wishes of the TNI. The reasons for doing so are not always easily distinguished; they are often a mixture of incompetence, ignorance or a self-serving desire for military support or patronage.

A good example of this collusion was the establishment of new military area commands (Kodam) in Ambon and Aceh, which escaped hearings in the House of Representatives and were never discussed during the annual budget deliberations.

Establishments of structures should be a result of defense planning analysis rather than a cloudy back-room political deal.

However, the recently passed Indonesian Military Bill gives hopes to those who want a sense of direction to the military reform. The bill is promising in that it has undergone a fundamental change since the initial draft was submitted by president Megawati Soekarnoputri's administration.

But however promising it is, it is still ambiguous with some loose definitions and a compromised understanding of the issues involved.

The military's crucial territorial command function had some vague limits imposed on it while the function itself was never properly defined. While the bill did address the issue of the TNI leadership coming under the president's authority and later under the Ministry of Defense, it set out no clear time frame for change.

Many in the military establishment wish to retain the organization's older, more powerful socio-political role as "guardian of the nation", reflected by the recent launch of a book -- Modern War -- by the Army, justifying the military in this role.

Although much has been done to reform the TNI in the past, the complete de-politicization of the TNI will only occur with the will, commitment and understanding of both the military and politicians.

And any real hope of reforming the TNI will depend on the efforts of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to initiate this process and to rally the public's support.

House of Representatives members also must be serious about pushing the change agenda and not use the issue to further their own partisan, selfish interests.

In times of transition, the executive must also work to ensure the instruments that take over the old roles of the TNI are effective, otherwise there is unlikely to be a smooth change.

Another requirement will be to increase the defense budget in proportion to the national budget and set national priorities to support the TNI's program to enhance professionalism in its new role as an instrument of national defense.

We should not forget the need to educate people about the principles of democracy, specifically those that relate to the civilian control of the military.

Over the last six years the military has already undergone a series of fundamental changes. This places us in better position to continue this process of moving toward a truly democratic society.

It is important to understand that there is no going back to the institutional structures of the past. Those structures may have worked well enough in the past but now there is a new world order.

Today we need to think collectively about our future challenges. Military reform is not a unilateral process and both military and civilian authorities must make key commitments to the process, the former in promoting a professional, non-political military, the latter in laying down precise guidelines for TNI deployment and ensuring full funding of the institution.

What hopes and expectations do we have of Susilo's administration? The President's military background, and his role in the early phases of TNI reform is an asset to his understanding of the issues.

But we should not forget that policy making and implementation will always be a political process, and the first and foremost challenge to be met is the ability of the government to communicate the intent of the policy and to rally public support for it.

Positive foundations have been laid with the passing of the Indonesian Military Bill; follow-up implementation will require the government's vision, political will and commitment.

The writer is a senior fellow at Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and a senior advisor of UNSFIR -- a joint project between the Indonesian government and the United Nations Development Program. He is also a former Indonesian Military chief of territorial affairs.

Idle tears

Jakarta Post Editorial - December 29, 2004

From Sabang to Merauke, Indonesians acted without deliberation to support their brothers and sisters facing Sunday's calamity. A spontaneous show of solidarity that was both encouraging and touching to witness.

The immediacy of public reaction also demonstrated that, though this nation is diverse, its people are united in their hearts. The daily prejudices of politics, ethnicity and religion have been momentarily forgotten, as the suffering of the people of Aceh and North Sumatra becomes a national preoccupation.

In numerous housing complexes, thousands of residents raised flags at half-mast as a display of their grief. Even without the vulgar display of dead bodies on TV, or the over-emotional accounts of some reporters, people across the nation were already pitching-in to lend a hand.

They telephoned and faxed pledges to institutions gathering aid for victims of the national disaster. In office buildings, employees circulated boxes and cans to fill with donations from their colleagues. Their bosses also took the initiative to seek ways in which companies could best contribute to the aid effort. Everywhere we look -- our neighbors, relatives, acquaintances, work colleagues in the cubicle or desk across the office -- somebody is doing something to help.

This is truly the kind of world we covet. It is unfortunate that the altruistic environment we seek only emerges during times of great suffering.

Billions have been pledged in private support, billions more will come from the government. Hence the money, will and resources for immediate relief is there.

Our nation is good at mourning: Being swept up in the moment, only to forget some weeks down the track. At feeling sorry for ourselves, yet doing little to purposely relieve the situation. And at making promises that make wonderful sound bites but are rarely kept.

After each and every disaster we hear officials pledging to send aid and rebuild the victims' lives, but much is neglected beyond the immediate relief period.

The earthquake in Nabire is the most recent example of how the lack of a coordinated follow-up has prolonged the suffering of residents. Two weeks after a 6.4 quake hit the area -- and no longer made the front pages of major newspapers -- hospitals there were running out of antibiotics, multivitamins, analgesics, and medication to treat various post-quake diseases, such as malaria, respiratory infections and diarrhea.

The spread of post-earthquake diseases was attributed to poor sanitation and the lack of available shelter for residents following the disaster.

We are now faced with the exact same situation, but on a larger magnitude. It is not enough to simply parachute tons of rice, noodles and blankets.

What happens the day after tomorrow, when people's empathy has shifted with the week's page one headlines? A catastrophe the scale of this latest disaster calls for more than this simplistic, myopic and haphazard attitude. Without careful coordination and long-term planning, we are only offering passionless, hopeless grief to these victims.

There should be enough experience, technical competence and resources among private and public parties to coordinate immediate relief work.

From there, the government, in coordination with other organizations and regional administrations, must plan for the medium-term future. This would include a blueprint on rebuilding crucial infrastructure, such as schools and hospitals, and reviving the economy.

This could also include soliciting international donor assistance and how this aid is best used.

A surge of goodwill is welcome. Though a swarm of rash hands helping a drowning person can only bring about confusion.

It is good that our efforts may have saved a baby today, but are we not condemning that child to destitution if we cannot provide him with something worth growing up for, other than life in a rundown refugee camp?