Aceh

Swedish arrest of Aceh separatists cheers Jakarta

Reuters - June 15, 2004

Stephen Brown, Stockholm -- Swedish police on Tuesday arrested three leaders of an Aceh separatist group which has been fighting Indonesia for independence since 1976, saying they were suspected of "grave breaches of international law."

Two of the exiled leaders of GAM, the Free Aceh Movement, were being held in custody, the Swedish prosecutors' office said. Jakarta, which has long lobbied Sweden to curtail their activities, welcomed the move.

About 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in the fighting between GAM and government troops in the western-most province of the vast Indonesian archipelago.

Jakarta named the three as Hasan Tiro, Zaini Abdullah and Malik Mahmud, who is considered by GAM as Aceh's exiled prime minister. It did not specify which two were in custody.

The Indonesian foreign ministry issued a statement hailing Sweden's "steadfast commitment" to ending "armed rebellion, acts of violence, and acts of terrorism perpetrated by GAM in Aceh and other regions in Indonesia."

Indonesia troops launched an offensive and imposed martial law in Aceh, an oil and gas-rich province on the northern tip of Sumatra island, after peace talks collapsed in 2003. Martial law was lifted this May but there are still 40,000 troops there.

US-based Human Rights Watch said in a report in December the military was waging an extensive campaign of extra-judicial killings, kidnapping and torture in Aceh -- a report Jakarta dismissed as "ill-informed and one-sided."

Sweden granted the GAM leaders asylum in the late 1970s. After years of pressure from Jakarta a team of Swedish court investigators including a chief prosecutor went to Indonesia in March to investigate Indonesia's allegations.

GAM spokesman Bakhtiar Abdullah told Reuters in a recent interview in Stockholm that they had taken the precaution of hiring a lawyer after the prosecutors' trip to Indonesia but that they still believed "there is justice and law in Sweden."

Sweden's foreign ministry, asked if Stockholm had yielded to Indonesian lobbying over GAM, said prosecutor Thomas Lindstrand had seen the situation in Indonesia for himself and was acting as "an independent member of the judiciary."

Indonesia goes to the polls in July to choose a new president, with policy on Aceh a campaign issue.

[Additional reporting by Patrick Mcloughlin and Simon Johnson.]

Troops kill 15 suspected Acehnese rebels

Associated Press - July 14, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian troops killed 15 suspected rebels in Indonesia's Aceh province, and guerrillas set fire to a passenger bus, an army spokesman said Wednesday.

The rebels from the Free Aceh Movement were killed Tuesday in separate clashes in northern and eastern Aceh, said Lt. Col. Asep Sapari. The troops also confiscated two boats and hundreds of rounds of ammunition, Sapari said.

Sapari said rebels in eastern Aceh Monday torched a passenger bus on its way from North Sumatra to the provincial capital of Banda Aceh. He said a group of about 15 rebels stopped the bus, ordered the 28 passengers off and then set it on fire.

Three of the passengers were taken hostage by the rebels, he said.

A spokesman for the Free Aceh Movement couldn't be reached for comment. It is impossible to independently verify military claims about Aceh, because journalists are barred from most of the province.

In May 2003, Jakarta abandoned an internationally mediated peace plan and launched a military operation aimed at crushing the insurgency. More than 2,000 people have been killed in the region since then.

Human rights groups accuse the military of operating death squads in the province, and claim many of the victims killed are civilians caught in the fighting.

At least 13,000 people have been killed since 1976, when the Free Aceh Movement began fighting for an independent state in the oil-and-gas rich province on the northern tip of Sumatra.

Puteh's head on the line: Source

Jakarta Post - July 17, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri is reportedly considering a replacement for Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh as pressure mounts on her to fire him due to graft charges against him.

A reliable source from the President's inner circle revealed on Friday that Megawati was considering two people to take over Puteh's post and that she would make a decision in the near future.

"Some time next week, the President will decide on one of the two candidates. We just have to wait," the source told The Jakarta Post. The two people are a former minister and a former governor, the source said but declined to identify them.

Nor could the source say whether Puteh would be replaced temporarily or permanently as Aceh governor/civil emergency administrator to face investigation.

Earlier, interim chief security minister Hari Sabarno and local Acehnese figures reportedly proposed several different people as Puteh's replacement.

On Friday, the governor was grilled for a third consecutive day by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) as a suspect in the alleged markup in the price of a Russian-made Mi-2 helicopter. The case reportedly cost the state Rp 4 billion (US$440,000) in losses.

After undergoing 10 hours of questioning, he again denied any wrongdoing and said the purchase of the helicopter by his administration had been endorsed by the Aceh legislative council. "I delivered my accountability speech before the Aceh council and they approved it," he said.

However, a local councillor from the National Mandate Party (PAN), Daeng Iskandar, said at least five of the 13 municipal councils in Aceh had initially demanded that the purchase be canceled.

They argued that the huge fund allocated for the helicopter would better be used to improve local people's welfare, Daeng added. "It was not clear why the governor issued an instruction to go ahead with the purchase and even asked for Rp 750 million in additional funding from regental/municipal budgets," the councillor said.

During Thursday's questioning, Puteh said there was no need to hold a tender for the purchase, citing Presidential Decree No. 18/2000 that allows the bidding process to be skipped for the procurement of goods valued at more than Rp 5 billion in case of emergency, including natural disaster, or a project dealing with sensitive materials such as explosives.

He claimed that the purchase was justified under the decree as Aceh needed an assault helicopter to help crush Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist rebels.

"Aceh's whole territory is prone to conflict, making it difficult to monitor remote areas using water or land transportation vehicles," he added.

GAM has been fighting for the independence of Aceh since 1976. With fighting breaking out every day between soldiers and guerrillas, at least 10,000 Acehnese, mostly civilians, have been killed since then.

In a related development, a team of police investigators led by National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Suyitno Landung visited KPK members to share data and information on Puteh.

Another graft case against Puteh was discussed involving the alleged markup in the prices of new power generators, causing state losses of Rp 30 billion.

In a joint press conference with KPK chairman Taufiqurrahman Ruki, Suyitno said the police would summon Puteh for the second time regarding the power generator scandal.

"The investigation is to find out why he [Puteh] used funds originally allocated for education to buy the generators. If the probe shows any legal violations in the use of the funds, we may declare him a suspect," Suyitno added.

He said the police would also summon other Aceh officials, including Aceh Council speaker Muhammad Yus, in connection with the same scam. Suyitno did not elaborate.

A valid election in Aceh: Test-case for democracy

Jakarta Post - July 13, 2004

Sam Zarifi, New York -- Come Monday, most of Indonesia's 150 million registered voters will be able to cast (or not cast) their ballots in a relatively peaceful environment.

Indonesians should be proud that they have reached yet another major political and logistical milestone on their road to full democracy.

But it is a shame that Indonesians living in Aceh (Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam) will not be able to share in the joy and pride of freely participating in a legitimate election. The ongoing armed conflict in the province was downgraded in May from a military to a civilian emergency, but little has changed on the ground.

Fighting continues and restrictions on access remain in place. The majority of the population continues to live in fear, with widespread reports of killings, torture and disappearances. Local, national, and international media remains severely restricted in their ability to report impartially, or critically, on either the conflict or the election in Aceh.

Ensuring that the people of Aceh can vote as they choose on Monday would be a significant step in getting away from the province's seemingly intractable conflict. Establishing a pattern of respect for peaceful and democratic decisionmaking is the only way likely to end the bloodshed in Aceh.

Because, although largely forgotten in the political rhetoric by all presidential candidates, the conflict in Aceh, and how to end it, will be one of the most pressing and difficult tasks the newly elected president will have to tackle.

Security has improved in Aceh's main towns, but conditions in the outlying districts are far from stable. Press reports indicate a high, almost daily, level of fighting with fatalities recorded every week. Refugees continue to flee to Malaysia with stories of extrajudicial executions, serious abuse, arbitrary detention, and restrictions on movement.

On top of all this, there are troubling indications that Aceh's voters have faced improper pressure from both the Indonesian military and GAM. In 1999 the majority of Aceh's voting population registered their discontent with Jakarta by boycotting the national election.

In April this year newspapers reported that the turnout at the polls in Aceh was a staggering 95 percent -- a figure high for even the most peaceful and prosperous of Indonesia's provinces. The Indonesian Military (TNI) claimed this as a vindication of its hearts and minds campaign. But it is equally (if not more) likely that this high voting rate demonstrates at least in part the military's ability to intimidate the population into voting.

Meanwhile, it seems clear that the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) has been doing its best to force the local population to boycott the elections. Civilians were trapped either way.

Both the Indonesian government and GAM should make a public commitment to declaring and enforcing a cease-fire for at least the day of the election.

Voters should be allowed to make their own choice as to whether or not to participate in the election, and be able to do so in a secure and peaceful environment. Creating an environment conducive to an election is one marker for a free and fair vote. Another is the presence of independent observers.

Unfortunately, access to Aceh for election observers remains severely restricted. During Indonesia's April legislative elections in Aceh, election observers from the European Union were only allowed into the province at the last minute, were unable to observe either the opening or closing of polling stations, and were unable to travel much outside the main towns without military escorts.

Under these circumstances no assessment was possible of the security of ballot papers, or ballot boxes, either before or after the vote. EU observers were also ushered out of Aceh sooner than their counterparts in other provinces. Some embassies who sent representatives to Aceh for the election encountered similar problems.

Long and short term access to Aceh both before and after the July election will be essential to assess the validity and climate of the vote in the province.

In particular, if the presidential election indeed goes to a second round stand off between two candidates in September, the potential for political violence, intimidation and mobilization will increase. In case of a runoff, it is crucial to place long term observers throughout Aceh during the intermediate July to September period.

The media, another essential check on mischief by the government and GAM, has suffered the same restrictions on access as other independent monitors in Aceh. Journalists have been regularly intimidated and threatened, by both Indonesian security forces and GAM, over critical coverage of the conflict since the war began in May 2003. Restrictions, intimidation and threats against all media should cease immediately. A free and independent press is a key indicator for the success or otherwise of an election. Failure to do so will throw the credibility of the vote into question.

A valid election in Aceh will be an important test for democracy in Indonesia. National elections can not exclude specific provinces. A failure to hold free and fair elections in Aceh will be a failure to provide Indonesian citizens with their basic right to political participation.

[The writer is Deputy Director for Asia, Human Rights Watch.]

Puteh admits no bid was offered

Jakarta Post - July 16, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Graft suspect Abdullah Puteh admitted on Thursday that no tender was held for the purchase of a Russian-made helicopter in 2001, but denied suggestions that he had violated any law in the deal.

Speaking to reporters after undergoing 13 hours of questioning at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) office, Puteh said that Presidential Decree No. 18/2000 allowed him to award a project without public tender.

"What I did [skipping the bidding process] was in line with Presidential Decree No. 18/2000," said Puteh, who is also governor of Nangroe Aceh Darussalam.

KPK has declared Puteh a graft suspect for allegedly marking up the price of a Russian assault helicopter the Aceh administration bought in 2001, causing the state to lose some Rp 4 billion (US$440,000).

Presidential Decree No. 18/2000 requires a transparent bidding process for any government project or procurement of goods valued at more than Rp 5 billion.

However, it allows local administrations to skip the procedure in case of emergency, including natural disaster, or if the project deals with "sensitive materials" such as explosive.

Puteh said Aceh legislature members approved the purchase of the helicopter in a plenary session because "we need a strategic vehicle that enables us to carry out our duties in monitoring a territory as vast as Aceh".

Puteh's lawyer, OC Kaligis, said that his client had to answer about 80 questions during the interrogation. All questions were related to the procedure in the purchase of the chopper.

During the questioning, several anticorruption activists went to the KPK office to submit data on corruption allegedly committed by Aceh officials and councillors.

The activists, members of the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW), the Aceh Solidarity on Anticorruption Movement (Sorak) and Transparency International Indonesia (TII), said in their report that Aceh councillors raised the budget for their salaries, causing Rp 8.2 billion in state losses.

Represented by Teten Masduki of ICW and Akhiruddin Mahjuddin of Sorak, the activists met with commission leaders for almost one hour.

"The alleged corruption violates Article 14 of Government Regulation No. 110/2000 on the composition of councils, because they allocated funds as payment for their position as Aceh legislators, causing state losses of Rp 8.2 billion. We have to submit the report because all Aceh councillors feel that they are clean and try to defend Puteh regardless of his status as a graft suspect," Akhiruddin said.

Thursday's questioning was the second consecutive day for Puteh to be grilled by KPK investigators. The KPK initiated the investigation after numerous allegations that the helicopter's price was marked up considerably. The Navy, for instance, bought the same type of aircraft for Rp 6 billion, while the Aceh administration bought it for Rp 12.2 billion. However, the administration's helicopter had extra accessories, such as a bulletproof windscreen.

At least 13 regental administrations in Aceh, including North Aceh, Sabang and Aceh Besar, contributed Rp 700 million each to help the provincial administration buy the chopper.

Prosecutor drops investigation of Aceh leader in Sweden

Associated Press - July 18, 2004

Stockholm, Sweden -- A Swedish prosecutor has dropped an investigation of the exiled leader of the Aceh rebel movement, saying the aging Hasan Tiro no longer controls the group, news reports said Sunday.

Tiro, 80, and two other exiled leaders of the Free Aceh Movement are accused by Indonesia of staging assassinations, bombings and kidnappings.

Prosecutor Tomas Lindstrand told newspaper Dagens Nyheter that Tiro's "executive capacity" was limited because of his ill health. Malik Mahmud, 64, and Zaini Abdullah, 63, are still being investigated, Lindstrand said. All three live in exile in Sweden.

Chief Prosecutor Tomas Lindstrand was not reachable for a comment but a spokesman for di Tiro confirmed the report. "He looks very positive on the decision," Muhammad Hussin Siarif told The Associated Press.

Indonesia's government asked Sweden to investigate the three leaders, saying they were behind a September 2000 blast at the Jakarta Stock Exchange that killed 15 people, as well as several other bombings, two assassinations, six arson attacks at schools and 243 kidnappings.

The Free Aceh Movement has denied the accusations, saying its actions are confined the province of 4.1 million people on the northern tip of Sumatra Island. All three men are Swedish citizens and cannot be extradited.

The Acehnese have been fighting for independence on-and-off since the 1870s, when their homeland was invaded by Dutch troops and incorporated into their East Indies colony, which in 1945 gained independence as Indonesia.

West Papua

One killed at ethnic violence in Papua

Antara - July 17, 2004

Jayapura -- One person was killed and another was severely wounded after ethnic violence broke out in the Timika district in Indonesia's easternmost province of Papua on Friday morning.

The violence in the Kwamki Lama village in Timika claimed the life of Yosias Nawipa and left his brother, Petrus Nawipa, seriuosly wounded. Petrus was admitted to the Kuala Kencana clinic for treatment.

Yosias and Petrus were attacked by a group of unidentified men at about 5:30 a.m. on their way to work in Timika.

Timika Police chief, Adj. Sr. Comr. Paulus Waterow, meanwhile said the situation in Kwamki Lama was again under control.

"The situation is under control. We have seized thetraditional weapons of the warring parties," Waterow said. The weapons were seized to prevent more violence.

Indonesia reaffirms sovereignty over Papua

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja & Netty Dharma Somba, Jakarta, Jayapura -- The Indonesian government has brushed aside any questions about the legitimacy of the 1964 UN-sponsored self-determination vote in Papua, saying current standards should not be applied to past events.

Commenting on the recent release by the US of a document that shows Washington in 1964 dismissed the vote as a sham, Ministry of Foreign Affairs' spokesman Marty Natalegawa said the disclosure would do nothing to change the status of Papua as part of Indonesia.

"We should avoid the temptation of applying today's standards to situations from the past. The most recent disclosure does not change our sovereignty over Papua," Marty told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

He said the self-determination vote was carried out by the UN and supported by the international community, and the release of an old document did not change the legitimacy of the ballot. He added: "I do not think that there is any sinister ill intention over the timing of this release."

The Associated Press reported on Saturday that a newly declassified document showed that the US had dismissed the 1964 (sic) ballot as a sham. The ballot was organized by the UN and involved tribal and community leaders handpicked by Jakarta. Even today, however, it is difficult to organize province-wide elections due to the ruggedness of the terrain and the great distances over which communities are dispersed.

During a visit by US president Richard Nixon to Indonesia in 1969, US national security adviser Henry Kissinger wrote that Nixon should not raise the Papua issue with then Indonesian president Soeharto. Kissinger wrote that independence for Papua was "inconceivable", despite reports that Indonesian Army operations had caused thousands of civilian deaths and spread fear among the people.

There has been increased attention paid to Papua by Washington of late, as just one week before the release of the 1964 document some 20 US senators asked the UN to send special envoys to monitor the security situations in Papua and Aceh.

The release of the US document was welcomed by the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP), which said the document could finally correct history regarding Indonesia's sovereignty over the province. "The disclosure open the possibility for us to hold a dialog with the Indonesian government and the international community, as we were never given a chance to negotiate with Jakarta," PDP leader Herman Awom told the Post.

The director of the Institute for Civil Strengthening, Budy Setyanto, said it was too late for the US to speak out against the 1964 ballot as the UN had already recognized Papua as an integrated part of Indonesia. "The disclosure will not change the legitimacy of Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua. Only the UN could change that status," he said. He also said there were questions about the motives of the US in releasing the 40-year- old document. "I think they have certain interests."

US sacrificed Papua to court Suharto

Asia Times - July 13, 2004

Jim Lobe, Washington -- On the 35th anniversary of the so-called "Act of Free Choice" (AFC) that resulted in West Papua's annexation by Indonesia, newly declassified documents revealed that the administration of the late US president Richard Nixon was unwilling to raise any objections to the process despite its assessment that the move was overwhelmingly opposed by the Papuan people.

The documents, released by the independent Washington-based National Security Archive (NSA) on Friday, show that Washington's Cold War courtship of General Suharto, who had come to power in a military coup d'etat in 1966 and ruled Indonesia with an iron fist until his ouster in 1998, was considered a much higher priority than a plebiscite on independence, "which would be meaningless among the Stone Age cultures of New Guinea", according to a memo sent by then-national security adviser Henry Kissinger to Nixon on the eve of a meeting with the Indonesian strongman in Jakarta in June 1969. The presidential trip coincided with the AFC voting by which Indonesia legitimized its annexation of the territory of West Irian, now known as West Papua -- the western half of the South Pacific island of New Guinea.

The province was annexed from the Dutch in 1969 and renamed Irian Jaya (West Irian) under Suharto. The area was granted limited autonomy in 2001, and in 2002 the provincial government adopted the name West Papua for the province. The eastern half of the island comprises the independent nation of Papua New Guinea. "You should tell [Suharto] that we understand the problems they face in West Irian," wrote Kissinger, who advised Nixon not to bring up the subject on his own lest Washington be more closely identified with a process it knew to be flawed.

The newly released documents, which consist of 11 diplomatic cables and memoranda concerning West Papua from February 1968 through the end of the United Nations-sponsored AFC in August 1969, confirm that Washington was most concerned at the time about Indonesia's support for US policy in Vietnam and elsewhere in Southeast Asia and saw in Suharto a key ally, despite Jakarta's official non-alignment policy.

Suharto is described in the Kissinger cable as a "moderate military man ... who, although indecisive by outside standards, is committed to progress and reform".

The cables related to West Papua, now Indonesia's largest province, are also remarkably similar in tone to another batch released by the NSA in 2001 on the reaction of Kissinger and former president Gerald Ford to Indonesia's planned 1975 invasion of East Timor, a Portuguese colony in the Malay Archipelago that had recently declared itself independent.

When Suharto asked for Ford's "understanding" for the East Timor invasion, according to one secret memorandum cable, Ford replied, "We will understand and not press you on the issue. We understand the problem and the intentions you have."

Kissinger, who accompanied Ford on his trip to Indonesia in December 1975, prior to the invasion, is reported to have told Suharto, "It is important that whatever you do succeeds quickly," assuring him that if the East Timor invasion went forward, "we will do our best to keep everyone quiet until the president returns home".

Suharto launched the invasion immediately after Ford left Jakarta and annexed the territory the following year. Over the next several years, as many as one-third of the estimated 750,000 East Timorese died or were killed in counter-insurgency operations by Indonesian forces.

When Suharto was ousted almost a quarter of a century later, however, East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence in a 1999 referendum, and, despite retaliatory action by the Indonesian military, which destroyed much of the territory's infrastructure, achieved formal independence last year after a transition period overseen by the United Nations.

Like the East Timorese, West Papuans have maintained a low-level insurgency against Indonesian rule since the territory's annexation. Unlike East Timor, however, West Papua became a key focus of the regime's transmigration schemes, so that Javanese living in West Papua currently outnumber the indigenous population.

In addition, the California-sized territory holds important natural resources, particularly gold, other minerals and timber, which have drawn considerable investment from both Indonesian and Western, including US, companies that are used to dealing with authorities in Jakarta.

The newly released documents show that Washington was well aware in 1969 that the vast majority of the estimated 800,000 Papuans opposed annexation by Indonesia, largely because of the violence and repression committed by Indonesian troops that had occupied the former Dutch territory since 1962.

Indeed, the US ambassador in Jakarta at the time, Frank Galbraith, wrote in one memo on July 9, 1969, that "possibly 85- 90%" of the population "are in sympathy with the Free Papua cause". He also noted that Indonesian military operations, which had resulted in the deaths of possibly thousands of civilians, "had stimulated fears and rumors of intended genocide among the Irianese".

The AFC, which was endorsed unanimously by 1,022 "representatives" of the Papuan population who were hand-picked by Jakarta, was administered and controlled entirely by Jakarta.

The Act was carried out pursuant to a US-brokered 1962 agreement between the Netherlands and Indonesia that awarded control of what was then called West New Guinea to Jakarta subject to its agreement to carry out an election on self-determination, in which all adult Papuans were to be eligible to vote, no later than 1969. Once in control, however, Jakarta quickly moved to repress the independence movement.

And if Washington ever intended to hold Jakarta to its pledges about the election process, that sentiment dissipated after Suharto took power in 1966, initiating the killings of an estimated 500,000 suspected communists, and installing economic reforms designed to promote foreign investment. Indeed, the first company to take advantage of a new foreign investment law was the US mining company Freeport Sulphur, which won concessions over vast tracts of land in West Papua. The company, which became Freeport-McMoRan, has been operating the world's biggest open-pit gold mine in West Papua for some three decades.

Although the UN's observer at the time reported serious violations of the self-determination process -- and 15 countries strenuously contested the AFC's validity -- the UN General Assembly "took note" of the AFC's results, in effect recognizing Indonesia's annexation.

Almost all of the secret US cables assumed, whether explicitly or implicitly, that Jakarta itself would never accept any outcome other than annexation. One telegram sent early in the six-week AFC period compares the exercise to "a Greek tragedy, the conclusion preordained. The main protagonist, the [government], cannot and will not permit any resolution other than the continued inclusion of West Irian in Indonesia. "Dissident activity," the author predicts, "is likely to increase, but the Indonesian armed forces will be able to contain and, if necessary, suppress it."

Kissinger himself appeared to understand the fraud, stressing to Nixon that "you should not raise this issue" because "we should avoid any US identification with that act".

At the same time, US officials were doubtful whether even a free plebiscite would make any sense. One 1968 telegram from US Admiral Marshall Green in Jakarta stresses that "we are dealing here essentially with Stone Age illiterate tribal groups" and that "free elections among groups such as this would be more of a farce than any rigged mechanism Indonesia could devise". At another point Green expresses concern that the UN special representative for West Irian, Ortiz Sanz, might not be sufficiently aware of these "political realities" and should be "made aware" of them.

Indonesia repeats same old song on Papua

Jakarta Post - July 13, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- In its response to new questions over the legitimacy of Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua, it seems the government has learned little from the loss of East Timor in 1999.

Members of the House of Representatives repeated on Monday the remarks of a foreign ministry official that Papua was an inseparable part of Indonesia and that the United Nations- sponsored referendum in the province in 1964 was final and no outside power could change it.

"We will continue to take the UN endorsement [of the referendum] as our reference. If there is a declassified document stating otherwise, I think it is an internal problem of the US," said legislator Djoko Susilo, a member of House Commission I for foreign affairs.

Djoko also questioned the motives behind the release of a declassified US government document indicating that Washington in 1964 considered the referendum in Papua a sham, accusing the US of trying to create instability in the country.

He said the UN-sanctioned self-determination vote in Papua in 1964 was valid. "Why has the US never questioned Israel's presence in Palestine?" he asked.

A newly declassified US document shows that Washington dismissed the 1964 referendum, which involved tribal and community leaders handpicked by Jakarta, as a sham from the very beginning. Those Papuans allowed to take part in the referendum chose to join Indonesia, ending Dutch rule of the territory.

"We should avoid the temptation to apply today's standards to situations from the past. This most recent disclosure does not change our sovereignty over Papua," Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Marty Natalegawa said on Sunday.

Indonesia lost East Timor after occupying it for almost 22 years, mainly because it failed to win the hearts and minds of the people there.

Although the UN never recognized Indonesia's sovereignty over the territory, many observers believe East Timor would not have voted for independence if Jakarta had approached the East Timorese with a velvet glove instead of an iron fist.

Similarly, separatist rumblings continue to grow in Papua in response to human rights abuses and the failure of Jakarta to give the province a larger share of the revenue from its natural resources.

However, a legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), R.K. Sembiring Meliala, said it was unreasonable for the US government to release such a controversial document while still formally recognizing Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua. Sembiring, who served as the chief of Papua's Trikora Military Command from 1982 to 1985, also said: "The UN-sponsored vote took place fairly and democratically."

Separately, historian Asvi Warman Adam of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences said the declassified document could be used as an instrument to "rewrite" history without affecting Indonesia's sovereignty over Papua.

Indonesian scholars can use the declassified document as a source of information in their studies while still rejecting the substance of the document, he said. He said scholars should study why the US dismissed the vote as a sham.

Activist accused of defamation

Jakarta Post - July 14, 2004

Jayapura -- Trikora Military Commander Maj. Gen. Nurdin Zainal has filed a complaint against Latifah Hanum Siregar, the director of the Democratic Alliance for Papua (ALDP), alleging defamation.

In a statement released on Tuesday, the two-star general demanded that the democracy activist withdraw her recent statement to the media that Indonesian Military (TNI) personnel had committed human rights abuses in Wamena and Demta in the province.

The general gave Latifah one month to comply with the demand, and if she failed to meet the demand, the TNI would bring the case to court, according to the statement.

Interview with Indonesian ambassador on Papua annexation

SBS Dateline - July 14, 2004

Earlier today Mark Davis spoke to Indonesia's Ambassador to Australia, Imron Cotan, from Canberra.

Mark Davis: Ambassador, thanks for joining us. Were you surprised by the very strong nature of these documents?

Imron Cotan, Indonesian ambassador to Australia: I'm not surprised at all.

Mark Davis: Well, they're a pretty damning indictment of the process that delivered West Papua to Indonesia. When you say you're not surprised, was there no new information there for you? There was some new information there for the rest of us.

Imron Cotan: Well, there is no new information as far as the Indonesian Government is concerned. Why I said so, because we should not apply current standard of norms to judge the -- you know, the past event.

Mark Davis: This is hardly ancient history, sir. I mean, the Papuans have been saying this for many years, that they were delivered to Indonesia in a sham election. Now, when you read through the bulk of these documents, you would have to concur that the American Government at the time agreed with that position, although they never said so publicly.

Imron Cotan: Well, I cannot and shall not concur to anything that is contrary to the Indonesian Government's position. Let me educate you about the problems that we have in Papua. As you know, there is a well-established international law principle stating that the boundaries of a newly independent state conform to its pre-sovereign ones and...

Mark Davis: See, that's back in the '50s, right, that's back in the '50s. Let's settle with the 1969 election -- the so-called Act of Free Choice, which has now come to attention again. The essential confirmation that these documents would suggest is that the people that were voting there were hand-selected, there was massive intimidation, civilians were killed, and the American Ambassador said that the vote was unfolding like a Greek tragedy, the conclusion was preordained -- preordained by Suharto, of course.

Imron Cotan: Again, let me inform you -- if you could kindly consult the book of history, the condition of the Papuans precluded them to exercise the principles that we are now holding in the very advanced democratic society like Australia. They could not even read or write properly. So that is why they elected their leaders to channel their aspirations.

Mark Davis: Well, in recent weeks you've had 20 US senators writing to Kofi Annan urging that an envoy be appointed for West Papua and that a report be prepared. Again, is that of concern to you?

Imron Cotan: Well, we will not in any way or state let the senators of any particular country to rewrite our history.

Mark Davis: Well, in recent days we're getting unconfirmed reports of military raids across the highlands, again unconfirmed reports of arrests and some killings. Now, if this is going on, why shouldn't there be impartial observers allowed in to monitor this?

Imron Cotan: Well, listen carefully -- we should not and cannot speculate on unconfirmed reports that you are seeing. It is irresponsible.

Mark Davis: OK, well some reports that were confirmed. Last year, late last year -- again in the highlands -- local leaders there, including OPM leaders, requested peace talks and for a cease-fire after confirmed reports of many hundreds of people being forced to hide in the bush and several people being murdered. The main person that made that call, Yustinus Murib, within weeks of writing to John Howard asking for assistance for talks from Australia or the UN, he was killed by Kopassus troops. Is that a reasonable response to a very tragic and deadly situation in West Papua?

Imron Cotan: Again I would like to underline the point that any responsible government should take stern actions against rebellions whenever it is occurring. So I think it is only responsible for my Government to take actions against those rebels. So if they are killed, indeed, that is, I believe, one of the consequences they have to face.

Mark Davis: On the case concerning Yustinus Murib, who was killed last year in the highlands, did any Australian officials make inquiries of you about his fate?

Imron Cotan: Well, I should not disclose any relations that we have with Australia publicly. I believe we have our common concern. We discuss matters of common concern. But I think it is only responsible for me not to disclose any information relating to your government.

Mark Davis: Imron Cotan, thanks again for joining us.

Imron Cotan: Thank you very much for having me.

Papuan leaders want rights findings revealed

Jakarta Post - July 17, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- religious leaders have urged the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) to reveal the findings of its probe into alleged human rights violations by soldiers and police in the troubled province.

They wrote to Komnas HAM to convey the demand for it to announce its findings of possible gross human rights abuses during two bloody incidents in Wasior in 2001 and Wamena in 2003.

Komnas HAM chairman Abdul Hakim Garuda Nusantara confirmed on Friday he had received the letter, in which the religious leaders insisted that Papuan people had the right to know the content of the probe results.

"Komnas held an investigation in the interests of the public, and we religious leaders in Papua ask for formal explanations of its outcome," said the letter, a copy of which was made available to The Jakarta Post on Friday.

The letter was signed by Papua's Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI) chairman Herman Saud, Jayapura Bishop Leo Laba Ladjar, local Indonesian Council of Ulemas (MUI) head Zubeir Hussein, Hindu leader I Nyoman Suda and Buddhist leader Arya Bodhi.

Komnas HAM set up an investigative team in November 2003 based on preliminary findings that soldiers and police committed extrajudicial killings and torture against civilians in the regencies of Wamena and Wasior.

In Wamena, at least seven Papuans were killed, 48 tortured and some 7,000 others, forced to flee, when soldiers raided their villages after separatist rebels broke into an Army armory on April 4, 2003 and stole 29 rifles.

Police were also blamed for the deaths of at least three people, the torture of 16 others and the torching of several houses in Wasior, as members of the police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) launched sweeps there.

The incident took place on June 13, 2001 after a group of rebels attacked a logging company, guarded by Brimob. The raids lasted for two months.

Komnas HAM member Anshari Thayib, who led the investigative team, said his office would divulge the results of the probe that was conducted for four-and-a-half months, including several weeks in Papua.

"We are now concluding the final report of the investigation and will submit it to the Komnas HAM office by the end of this month," he told the Post.

If the findings are considered valid by a Komnas plenary meeting next month, the report will be presented to the Attorney General's Office for a follow-up, Anshari said.

"The investigation involved dozens of witnesses, both civilians and military personnel. The military was very cooperative as all witnesses were able to be questioned," he added.

The probe was preceded by a one-week preliminary inquiry in Papua from September 8, 2003. Komnas HAM set up the investigative team in November.

Before commencing with the investigation, the commission reported the plan to President Megawati Soekarnoputri and announced the establishment of the team at the State Palace.

Declassified US papers spark Indonesian rebuke

Washington Post - July 18, 2004

Alan Sipress, Jakarta -- The new publication of declassified US documents by a private Washington-based research group, raising questions about Indonesia's takeover of disputed territory 35 years ago, has provoked charges in Jakarta that the US government must be behind the revelations.

The charges, aired last week by members of the parliament's international relations and military affairs committee, underscore distrust in Indonesia about US intentions at a time when bitterness toward the United States is high because of the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The documents released by the private National Security Archive indicate US officials during the Nixon administration had concluded in 1969 that a referendum on independence for western Irian Jaya province was rigged by Indonesia in its favor. But the US government records also reveal that despite this assessment, Henry Kissinger, then the national security adviser, counseled President Richard Nixon to be ready to express understanding for Indonesia's annexation of the resource-rich area now known as West Papua, during a visit to Jakarta.

"What is the motive and what's going on behind the scenes? Why now, suddenly, does the US government raise this issue with us?" asked Djoko Susilo, a legislator on the committee.

He and his colleague, committee chairman Ibrahim Ambong, alleged that the publication appeared to be timed to coincide with their country's current presidential election campaign and could be an effort by US officials to meddle in Indonesia's internal affairs. Susilo added he has asked Indonesia's foreign minister to provide the committee with an explanation of US motives.

In Washington, a State Department official said the US government played no role in the decision to publish the documents.

Meanwhile, Thomas S. Blanton, director of the National Security Archive, said Indonesian suspicions were based on a misunderstanding of how the documents came to be published. He said the National Security Archive, based at George Washington University, had been collecting declassified US government documents related to Indonesian for more than a decade.

The White House and State Department documents pertaining to US policy on West Papua had been declassified by the US government between 1996 and 2002 under an executive order requiring the release of most diplomatic records after 25 years, Blanton said.

They were obtained by an Archive researcher two years ago. He said the organization decided to publish the declassified documents this month to mark the 35th anniversary of the West Papua referendum.

Blanton said his researchers have focused on Indonesia because "it is one of the most important countries in the world and the United States has had an outstanding and often difficult relationship with Indonesia."

That relationship has grown testier in recent months. A member of President Megawati Sukarnoputri's cabinet alleged recently that the Washington-based National Democratic Institute and former President Jimmy Carter, heading an observer mission, had interfered with the presidential election, according to an account in the Indonesian newspaper Kompas. Last month, Indonesia expelled Sidney Jones, a US citizen and Jakarta representative of the International Crisis Group, a private research group, after she wrote a series of reports critical of the government's security policies, including in contested areas such as West Papua and Aceh.

West Papua has been an especially sensitive matter for Indonesian officials, who intermittently accuse foreigners of supporting separatists in the rugged and remote territory, which is slightly larger than California and rich with reserves of gold, copper, oil and natural gas.

Under a deal brokered by the United States in 1962, Jakarta agreed to conduct a referendum in the former Dutch colony to decide whether it would join Indonesia or become independent.

But, according to the newly published documents, US diplomats concluded that many West Papuans were hostile toward Indonesia and suggested that the Jakarta government could not win a fair and open vote.

Indonesia, which was administering the territory, ultimately discarded the idea of a general plebiscite, instead polling hand-picked tribal and community leaders, who rejected independence in 1969.

This process coincided with a visit by Nixon to Indonesia, a Cold War ally. According to a newly released White House memorandum, Kissinger told him that if Indonesian officials raised the issue of the referendum, "you should tell them that we understand the problems they face in West Irian."

In an interview last week, Susilo blamed Bush administration officials, particularly those he labeled as neo-conservatives in the White House and Pentagon, for releasing the documents in an effort to undermine Indonesia. He said the officials sought to build on the precedent set by East Timor, which won independence from Indonesia in May 2002, with international backing.

"They think they were successful on the issue of East Timor and now they want to work on Papua," he said.

He added that the publication of the document also appears to be a form of pressure meant to sway the outcome of elections though he did not detail how. The first round of voting was held July 5 and a runoff, likely between Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, her former chief security minister, is scheduled for September 20.

R.K. Sembiring Meliala, a parliamentary committee member, said the documents portrayed the 1969 referendum inaccurately. A former Indonesian military commander in West Papua, he said the territory's residents had been anxious to become part of Indonesia.

"A certain group within the US government has the intention" to support separatists in West Papua, Meliala said. "This is a threat to the unity of the republic of Indonesia."

Land/rural issues

Jakarta to expand limits on plantations

Straits Times - July 13, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's parliament has approved a new Bill that would allow plantation companies to cultivate bigger areas in the hope of bringing higher foreign exchange earnings, the Agriculture Minister said yesterday.

Indonesia is one of the world's main producers of palm oil, cocoa, rubber and coffee.

The Bill would override a 2002 decree that limits a company to a plantation area of not more than 20,000ha in one province or 100,000ha throughout Indonesia, with the exception of sugar cane plantations.

For sugar cane, the maximum plantation area is 60,000ha a province or 150,000ha throughout the country. "This plantation Bill will be a benchmark for operational policy and legal certainty in the plantation sector," Agriculture Minister Bungaran Saragih said.

The new Bill states the maximum and minimum area of land for plantations will be determined by the Agriculture Minister, based on recommendations from provincial or municipal governments, in line with Indonesia's regional autonomy law.

Mr Saragih said the Bill should create a conducive climate for the plantation industry, and he hoped foreign exchange earnings from exports would be doubled in the coming years. Analysts said the Bill may hurt small-holders, who now own 78 per cent of plantation land, as they would not be able to compete with large companies.

However, Mr Saragih said that under the new Bill, plantation development should be focused on small-holders to help their performance stay in line with other private enterprises and state-run operations. Plantation cultivation stands at 17.71 million ha, with 17.5 million workers.

2004 elections

KPK's credibility on the line

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Jakarta -- The powerful Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) will prove to be powerless if President Megawati Soekarnoputri refuses to comply with the commission's order to dismiss Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh, legal experts and activists say.

They also warn that Megawati's refusal would also undermine the government's campaign against corruption, which has been blamed for pushing the country to the brink of bankruptcy.

"People have put high hopes in the KPK to eradicate rampant corruption in the country, but the commission will not be able to work effectively without political support from the government," said legal expert Luhut MP Pangaribuan.

The powerful KPK ordered President Megawati on Monday to fire Puteh after he ignored two summonses by the commission, which is investigating his role in the purchase of a Russian assault helicopter in 2001.

The commission has declared Puteh a suspect for allegedly marking up the price of the helicopter, causing the state to lose Rp 4 billion (US$5.4 million). Megawati said on Tuesday that she would look into the details of Puteh's corruption charge before deciding whether or not to fire him.

Luhut said the war against corruption would succeed only if the government threw its weight behind the commission, which was set up by the government and the House of Representatives to lead the country in eradicating corruption after both the police and the Attorney General's Office failed to do the job.

Lucky Djani, deputy chairman of Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), shared Luhut's opinion, saying that Megawati would tarnish the reputation of the commission should she refuse to comply with its instruction. "The KPK is considered the last bastion against corruption. The President will kill it if she refuses to abide by its instruction," he said.

According to Lucky, anticorruption activists were confused by Megawati's response to the instruction. "She seems to be buying time. Why? It's actually a good time for her as a presidential candidate to secure public support," he said.

Legal Aid Institute (LBH) chairman Munarman said Megawati would risk violating the Constitution which, among other things, requires her to uphold prevailing laws, including Law No. 30/2002 on the KPK. "Ignoring the KPK can be seen as violating the Constitution," Munarman said. Violating the Constitution warrants impeachment.

Authority of the KPK according to Law No. 30/2002 Article 11 The KPK has the authority to investigate and prosecute corruption cases:

involving legal institution members, state officials and others connected with corruption through legal institution members or state officials b. attracts public attention c. causes state losses of at least Rp 1 billion Article 12 In conducting the investigation and prosecution, the KPK has the authority to:

a. tap conversations

b. order travel bans

c. obtain information from banks and other financial institutions about the financial condition of suspects or defendants

d. order banks and other financial institutions to freeze the accounts of suspects, defendants or other relevant parties allegedly containing funds derived from corruption

e. order the supervisors of the suspects to suspend him/her from his/her position

f. obtain financial and tax reports of the suspects or defendants from relevant institutions

g. suspend a financial transaction, trade transaction or other agreement, and suspend permits and concessions owned by the suspects or defendants due to preliminary evidence involving corruption

h. instruct the country's Interpol or foreign law enforcement institutions to search and arrest someone and seize evidence abroad i. instruct the police and other relevant institutions to arrest, detain, raid and seize evidence in corruption cases.

PRD calls for golput in second round

Detik.com - July 12, 2004

Dadan Kuswaraharja, Jakarta -- The People's Democratic Party is calling on the public not to use their right to vote or golput (boycott) in the second round of the presidential elections.

The PRD believes that Democratic Party candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who according the preliminary vote count have passed the first round, have no concrete solutions to pull the country out of crisis.

This was related to journalists by PRD general chairperson Yusuf Lakaseng at a press conference at the offices of the Central Leadership Committee of the PRD in West Tebet, South Jakarta, on Monday July 12.

"There is not one presidential candidate who is going on to the second round who has any concrete solutions which are fair, methodical, modern or mass orientated to resolved the crises [threatening] ordinary people's quality of life which is a consequence of neoliberal imperialism's attacks", said Lakaseng.

As well has not having any concrete program, the presidential candidates which have passed the first round are also pro- military. The PRD is disappointed with the campaign against military presidential candidates which was launched by a number of non-government and youth organisations which only succeeded in isolating former armed forces chief Wiranto but was not able to prevent SBY from winning. In reality, SBY and Wiranto both have the same military background.

"There is absolutely no way for the people to escape from the threat of militarism and the crisis of prosperity by supporting SBY. Similarly there is no point in supporting Mega who even up until now has been a coward [and has failed] to abolish militarism", asserted Lakaseng. (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Rift widens between public and politicians

Straits Tmes - July 15, 2004

Eugene Low -- Retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is expected to clinch Indonesia's top job in September, but he faces a widening rift between the country's public and its top leaders, an Australian academic said yesterday.

Voters are also growing more disillusioned with the current crop of politicians, who have failed to address social and economic problems in concrete ways, said Mr Maxwell Lane, a research fellow at Murdoch University's Asia Research Centre.

He expects at least 40 million Indonesians -- close to a quarter of total voters -- to boycott September's run-off election, up from the 25 million who did not cast their ballots earlier this month.

Speaking in Singapore at a seminar organised by the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Mr Lane said first round presidential poll results pointed to a "deepening alienation between the people and the political elite".

"None of the five candidates received a significant number of votes. Mr Bambang is likely to win the first round with 31 to 32 per cent, which means he was rejected by close to 70 per cent of the population," he said.

Pre-election opinion polls had underestimated the number of boycotts, he noted. "Anecdotal evidence indicates that many respondents initially said they would not vote for any candidate. It was only after some cajoling from pollsters that they finally came up with a name."

This also explained the somewhat lacklustre campaigning, where rallies attracted smaller crowds than before, said Mr Lane. "People were more enthusiastic about the chance to vote than about the candidates. Few were convinced that the candidate they were voting for could deliver significant changes," he said.

But he reckoned that Mr Bambang enjoys enough popularity to win the presidency. "Although he is part of the old political elite, he has been able to distance himself from the past regime," he said.

However, politics in Indonesia is now less of a beauty contest. Still reeling from the effects of the Asian financial crisis in 1997, voters demand solutions to problems such as high unemployment, poor health care and education, poverty and endemic corruption. Mr Bambang needs to come up with concrete plans to deal with these issues if he wants to add significantly to his support, he said.

But could a coalition between incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P and either Golkar or the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) of former president Abdurrahman Wahid tilt the balance of power in her favour? Mr Lane does not think so.

"The results of the election show that people are not voting according to party lines." In fact, the assumption that money politics and a strong party machinery are enough to deliver the votes no longer holds, he said. Voters are discontented, and they do not think well-established parties such as PDI-P and Golkar have done enough to improve their lot.

He expects a shake-up of Indonesia's political landscape over the next five years. "There will be a reorganisation of political life. Old parties could splinter and go into chaos. The public will look to a new generation of leaders to show the way forward," he said. "This is just the calm before the storm."

Islamic party puts off support for Mega

Straits Times - July 16, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's largest Islamic party -- the United Development Party (PPP) -- seems reluctant to openly support incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri for September's run- off, although party leader Hamzah Haz has been reported to have thrown his weight behind her.

Scores of PPP executives on Wednesday rejected a claim by Mr Pramono Anung Wibowo, Ms Megawati's aide and the deputy secretary-general of the Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle (PDI-P), that their Muslim-based party would back her re-election bid.

PPP deputy leader Ali Marwan Hanan would neither confirm nor deny Mr Pramono's statement. "Whatever decision concerning the run-off will be made after the final result of the poll is announced by the General Elections Commission (KPU)," Mr Ali said on the sidelines of a PPP board meeting on Wednesday.

PPP secretary-general Lukman Hakim Saifuddin said Mr Pramono's claim was his interpretation of what had transpired at a meeting between Mr Hamzah, who is Vice-President, and Ms Megawati. "I called him [Mr Pramono] last night and complained to him about the statement," he was quoted as saying by the detik.com news agency.

Mr Hamzah's campaign team leader, Mr Hazrul Azwar, said the PPP's decision on the candidate it would endorse would be made at a national meeting attended by the heads of all provincial chapters. Mr Pramono said earlier that the Vice-President had expressed his hope that Ms Megawati would win the run-off during a meeting with her on Tuesday.

Political observer Sukardi Rinakit believes the PPP will eventually back Ms Megawati. "Muslim-based parties like the PPP will surely support Megawati because if she is re-elected, her term will only last till 2009. Afterwards, they can nominate their own candidates with an Islamic orientation," he said.

The amended 1945 Constitution limits a president's tenure to two five-year terms.

On the other hand, if the PPP supports Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and he wins, the party's chances of fronting its own candidate in the 2009 race will diminish because the former security minister would have a good chance of being re-elected, said Mr Sukardi.

Meanwhile, the KPU has said it is preparing for the second round of the presidential race although the official result of the July 5 polls will be announced only on July 26.

Election workers tampered with votes

Straits Times - July 17, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Several election workers have admitted to tampering with poll results, in yet another scandal to hit Indonesia's first direct presidential vote on July 5.

The General Elections Commission (KPU) said yesterday that it has fired seven local officials from West Kalimantan province for vote tampering.

KPU member Ramlan Subakti said workers from other parts of Indonesia are now being investigated for similar offences. "If we get proof that showed manipulation of ballots, then those involved would also be fired," he said.

The police have declared one official from South Sumatra province as a suspect. At least four other election workers in the same province have been questioned.

Controversies also surround the KPU's vote count. Reports from South Sulawesi, for instance, indicate discrepancies between the results announced by district and provincial count centres.

The total number of votes at the provincial level should match the cumulative number of votes from the various districts. However, the provincial total includes results that differ by wide margins. Observers said these developments could damage the credibility of the election results.

As of now, the official tally by the KPU is progressing slowly. It has been 11 days since the election, but only 105.6 million votes -- representing just 68 per cent of the total number of registered voters -- have been counted.

Former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has 33.6 per cent of the votes counted so far, remains in pole position. President Megawati Sukarnoputri is second with 26.3 per cent, followed by retired general Wiranto with 22.2 per cent.

Observers said voter turnout was in the 80 per cent range, meaning about 125 million votes were cast. The problem behind the glacial pace of the count might be logistical.

Out of about 575,000 polling stations, only 87 per cent have reported in to higher-level count centres. The rest could be in remote locations, where the transporting of filled ballot boxes to provincial centres might take longer. The delays have led to speculation that some sort of organised tampering is happening in the various regions.

Observers have noted that ballot boxes are being transported without being accompanied by witnesses and a proper security escort.

Mr Hadar Gumay of the Centre for Electoral Reform said: 'The problem is that there is no mechanism to make certain that manipulation does not happen, and that the count process is consistently and transparently done. "The trust level for the election results remains high, but people do think that tampering is a possibility. The question is how much of it goes on."

The KPU is scheduled to announce the official results only on July 26, or three weeks after the election. While it has a highly publicised and costly computerised counting system in place, its own laws stipulate that only the result of a manual count is legal and binding.

This has led many to question why the KPU spent millions of dollars developing an electronic counting system if its results would not be accepted.

After Al-Zaytun fiasco, KPU orders repeat balloting

Jakarta Post - July 17, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman and Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission has decided to hold a revote at a polling station for Indonesian expatriates in the East Malaysian town of Tawau after the Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) filed a complaint over allegations of vote rigging there.

KPU deputy chairman Ramlan Surbakti confirmed on Friday that the vote in Tawau had indeed been rigged in favor of presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his running mate Jusuf Kalla.

"As we have ruled in the Al-Zaytun case, we have decided that a repeat ballot must take place in Tawau. And all electoral processes must be completed before July 25," he told reporters here.

Earlier on Thursday, the commission also decided to hold a revote at 83 polling stations located inside the grounds of the Al- Zaytun Islamic boarding school in Indramayu regency, West Java.

The commission finally accepted that over 13,000 votes that were cast at the Islamic school were invalid.

Ramlan said that the KPU general secretariat was readying election materials for the repeat ballots.

Panwaslu has filed complaints with the police over alleged violations of election regulations by a number of members of the polling station committee in Tawau.

The official supervisory committee alleged that polling station committee members, some of whom were liaison officers, punched some 8,000 ballots in favor of the Susilo-Kalla ticket.

In response to the complaint, the police are expected to dispatch a team to Tawau to see if there is sufficient evidence to launch an investigation.

The police have also said that officers would be sent to provide protection for local Panwaslu members, who have reportedly been threatened.

In a related development, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that none of its staff in the Consulate General in Kinabalu, East Malaysia, were involved in the alleged vote-rigging at the polling station.

He said that a team set up by the Consulate General had held its own investigation and found no indications that any of its staff were involved in illegally perforating the ballot papers.

"We don't have a Consulate General in Tawau and there are no personnel from our ministry residing there," Marty Natalegawa, the ministry's spokesman, told a press briefing here.

He said there was only a liaison office in Tawau, which was set up merely to handle immigration matters.

"But again, there are no personnel from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs assigned to the office," he said.

Marty said that a team consisting of officers from the Indonesian Consulate General in Kinabalu and members of the National Police was now conducting an investigation into the case.

Wiranto team outspends rivals

Straits Times - July 12, 2004

Jakarta -- After failing to submit their report on campaign funds on time, retired general Wiranto and Mr Solahuddin Wahid gave their figures to the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Friday.

It turned out that their ticket was the biggest spender during the month-long campaign. According to the reports of campaign funds submitted to the elections authorities, the pair collected a total of 87.05 billion rupiah (S$16.6 million) and spent 86.23 billion rupiah.

This amount exceeds that of incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Mr Hasyim Muzadi, who spent 85.94 billion rupiah from proceeds of 104.86 billion rupiah.

In their latest report, the pairing of Amien Rais and Siswono Yudhohusodo was also not as cash-strapped as originally thought. Their ticket received a total of 34.26 billion rupiah and spent 34.31 billion rupiah.

No figures were given for former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Under election laws, candidates have to submit their financial reports to the KPU three days after the date of the polls.

Meanwhile, the KPU reported yesterday that Mr Bambang has maintained his lead over President Megawati. With nearly 70 per cent of the vote counted, Mr Bambang had more than 29 million votes or 34 per cent. This is higher than Ms Megawati's 22.5 million votes, or about 26 per cent. Mr Wiranto remained in third spot with 19 million votes, or 22 per cent.

Mr Bambang resigned as Ms Megawati's top security minister earlier this year. He seems set to face her in a second round of voting on September 20.

Ms Megawati has bounced back after millions of voters deserted her Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle in the April legislative elections. The turnout in the latest election was estimated at 82 per cent.

Candidates blasted over poor military reform plans

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- Presidential candidates have been criticized for not coming up with viable plans on how to reform the politically powerful Indonesian Military (TNI).

Analysts and a former chief strategist of the TNI said on Saturday that none of the presidential candidates had given sufficient space to this issue in their campaign manifesto and were inclined to take the current relations between the civilian government and the military for granted.

"All candidates were [largely] silent on the issue and tended to sanctify the TNI's position in the present political arrangement, as if they want to take advantage of the current situation," Salim Said told a discussion held by the General Elections Commission (KPU) data center.

He said although some of the candidates had floated ideas of dissolving the TNI's territorial command, none had solutions for what to do with the TNI soldiers stationed throughout the country.

Salim said the candidates -- including those with military backgrounds -- never said at what level the TNI should be relegated to in government.

While a civilian government ruled the country and the TNI had vowed to start reforming itself from within, little had changed in the way the military performed in its daily affairs, he said.

Political analyst Andi Alfian Mallarangeng said the next administration, which would have a direct mandate from the people, should immediately start reforming the TNI.

"I think the next government should take a drastic approach by putting the TNI and the National Police under the control of the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Home Affairs respectively, so that the two security institutions would be effectively under the control of civilian authorities," he said.

Andi stressed the next government should do its best to put an end to all business practices conducted by the TNI and its individual members.

"Our military will not function well defending the country's territorial integrity if it is mired in business activities. Besides, the business only enriches the generals, while the foot soldiers continue to suffer," he said.

Former TNI chief of territorial affairs Lt. Gen. (ret) Agus Widjojo said the military would not defy attempts to put it under civilian control. "We, the soldiers who have been trained professionally, will always bow to civilian authority. However, there has to be a clear-cut definition about our role," he told the same discussion.

Agus also called on politicians not to woo the military in their campaigns. "Two top civilian politicians -- Amien Rais and Akbar Tandjung -- have helped pass an article in Law No. 3/2002 on defense that authorizes the TNI chief to deploy troops without presidential consent," he said

The law contradicted the state constitution, which stipulated that only the President, as the TNI supreme commander, had the right to deploy troops, he said.

PPS responsible for poll fraud: Cetro

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- An independent poll watchdog blamed on Wednesday the high number of electoral procedure violations on the deliberate disregard of correct procedure by poll committee (PPS) members.

The Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro) said in its latest findings that the violations had paved the way for irregularities on election day, ranging from multiple voting and underage voting to the use of voter cards by people other than the card's holders.

It said that members of poll committees allowed non-registered voters to cast their votes unobserved at 31 percent (1,885) of polling stations. In the July 5 presidential election, Cetro deployed over 13,000 watchers to 11 of the country's 32 provinces.

"An example is that members of poll committees in Banjarbaru, South Kalimantan, were not provided with a list of eligible voters. As a solution, they asked each of the voters to write their names on a piece of paper," Sri Budi Eko Wardhani of Cetro said at the General Elections Commission (KPU) data center.

The poll watchdog also discovered that poll committees did not enact measures to prevent voters from casting their ballots more than once. "We found, at eight percent of polling stations monitored, voters' fingers were not inked after they voted. While at 24 percent of polling stations, organizers did not check the voters' fingers before they were given ballot papers," she said.

Poll committee officials were also blamed for allowing individuals to vote on behalf of others, especially their family members. Poll committee members were also alleged to have intimidated voters in an effort to influence their choice. "Our observers discovered that at 15 percent of polling stations, poll committee members were seen bullying voters," Cetro said in its written statement.

Executive director of Cetro Smita Notosusanto said the high number of violations was a reflection of the poor training of poll organizers by the General Elections Commission. "The consistent enactment of regulations by poll organizers should have been a priority," she said.

She was quick to add that the General Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) should have been given more authority. "Panwaslu should have been given full authority to hear reports and conduct investigations, instead of [the KPU] curtailing its role," she said.

The KPU issued a new ruling over the weekend that diminished much of the committee's power to handle electoral offenses.

Panwaslu reports election violations to police

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Abdul Khalik and M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- The official Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) has reported violations in the recent presidential election to police, including mass voter mobilization at Al-Zaytun Islamic boarding school in Indramayu, West Java.

Deputy chairman Rozy Munir said the Panwaslu had handed over all pertinent information to police for investigation into the violations.

He said violations included an excessive number of ballot stations. For example, an area that was assigned to have 20 stations had 83 poll stations instead.

In regards the Al-Zaytun incident, he said the committee had found several indications that voters mobilized there in support of Golkar presidential candidate Wiranto had violated the country's Criminal Code.

"We discovered that some voters had two voter's cards and cast two separate votes -- at Al-Zaytun and at a secondary venue. We also found that many voters were underaged," Rozy said.

Thousands of people were allegedly mobilized to vote for Wiranto-Solahuddin at Al Zaytun, where the number of voters had swelled from about 12,000 in the April 5 legislative election to nearly 25,000 voters at the July 5 presidential election.

General Elections Commission (KPU) chairman Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin said on Tuesday the commission was set to invalidate votes from 83 poll stations that had been set up at Al-Zaytun.

"We will heed the decision of the West Java General Elections Commission [West Java KPUD], as what transpired at Al-Zaytun fell under their jurisdiction," Nazaruddin said at a press conference.

Since the KPU did not have complete information on the Al-Zaytun incident, it would summon the West Java and Indramayu KPUDs before finalizing the annulment, he added. A meeting with regional election commissions is scheduled for Thursday.

KPU member Mulyana W. Kusumah said in response to the KPUD's demand, the central commission would only recognize the same number of eligible votes as was cast in the April election. "In the presidential run-off, eligible votes will number 11,565, not 24,818 as in the July 5 poll," he said.

Earlier, the General Elections Commission had said no rulings were breached in the registration of additional voters at the Islamic boarding school, and had even suggested that no vote- rigging took place. Rozy said the Panwaslu would file an official report with police after Thursday's plenary meeting.

Aside from the Al-Zaytun case, Panwaslu found violations in the delible ink used to mark voters in many regions. "Regional Panwaslu members have reported the case to the police, that the ink was gone only a minute after the voters left poll stations," said Rozy. He said the delible ink was found at poll stations in Aceh, West Sumatra, East Java, Banten, West Java, Jakarta, Maluku, East Nusa Tenggara and Papua.

National Police deputy chief of detectives Insp. Gen. Dadang Garnida confirmed on Tuesday that many violations had occurred during the presidential election. "We received a report from the Panwaslu that many crimes occurred during the election. For example, the committee said many ballot papers in Timika, Papua, had actually been punched before election day," said Dadang.

Pro-Susilo soldier blamed for election attacks

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- Dozens of students rallied here on Tuesday to demand an investigation into a soldier who allegedly assaulted poll officials in Bandung, West Java, during the presidential election.

The demonstrators accused First Sgt. Kusnaidi from the Pemeungpeuk Military District Command of attacking at least eight poll officials in the hamlet of Wangunsari, Patrolsari village, Banjaran district.

The alleged incident took place at 9pm on July 5 when the officials refused to vote for presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, said rally coordinator Sonny.

Among those allegedly assaulted by the soldier were Karna, 25, who received injuries to the jaw and abdomen; Udin, 39, who suffered a swollen left eye; Dadang, 28, and Nanang, 29, both of whom sustained bruises to their faces. A fifth poll official, Ika, 34, suffered damage to her ear and can no longer hear out of the affected ear.

A student election monitoring team led by Deky Hisyanto confirmed the attack by Kusnaidi. The monitoring team quoted the poll officials as saying they were beaten for defying the soldier's order to vote for Susilo.

According to witnesses, Kusnaidi asked 10 officials from the Wangunsari polling station during a meeting called by local neighborhood unit heads which candidate they had voted for. Eight of them said they did not vote for Susilo and Kusnaidi slapped each of them in the face, according to Deky.

Sonny said that three days after the incident, the victims brought a complaint to the Pamuengpeuk Police, who handed the matter over to the Bandung Police. The police then sent the victims' complaint to the Cimahi military police for follow-up, he said. Soldiers are investigated and prosecuted by the military police even if involved in criminal cases.

The protesters, grouped in the Student Focus on Political Sciences (FMIP), rallied at the West Java legislative council to demand an investigation into the alleged attack.

The incident was an "insult to democracy" and "part of military intervention in politics" and must be investigated, said Sonny, who is also the FMIP secretary. "Factually, the military remains partial as they have destroyed the people's learning process of democracy," he said. The students demanded the council set up a special committee of inquiry into the case.

Councillor Arsyad Ardiansyah, who met with demonstrators, vowed to help summon officials from all relevant parties to discuss and follow up on the case. "We do not yet know how this problem took place. So we will soon gather information," he said.

However, the head of the Bandung Election Supervisory Committee, Mansyur Ma'mun, said on Tuesday he was told by Cimahi Military commander Lt. Col. Ahmad Saefudin the incident had nothing to do with the election but was a personal dispute.

"Pak Saefudin said the soldier in concern has been detained for interrogation. According to the suspect, he slapped the people in the face because they were too lazy to carry out night patrols" and the soldier was tired of patrolling alone, Mansyur said.

He said the case was being manipulated because several of the victims were supporters of Susilo rival Megawati Soekarnoputri, adding that the Panwaslu would not follow up on the incident.

Voters better informed: Experts

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- Contrary to what happened in the April 5 legislative elections when people voted according to their political party affinities, the public displayed greater maturity during the presidential election.

This newfound political rationality has resulted in major differences between the outcome of the legislative election and the provisional results of the presidential election, analysts said on Tuesday.

Entjeng Sobirin Nadj of the Institute for Social and Economic Research and Education (LP3ES) said that in the presidential election the public had not voted along party lines, but rather based on the personality and the perceived abilities of the respective presidential candidates.

People voted for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono because they believed that Susilo was the only candidate capable of solving the country's myriad problem.

"Voters made up their minds about who to vote for based on what they believed about the candidates, and they ignored the advice provided by the political parties or the mass organizations they subscribed to," he told The Jakarta Post in a telephone interview.

Sobirin said that in the runoff, voters would likely be more rational in their choice of candidates. "The candidates competing in the runoff must present workable programs instead of just simple charisma, because the public will have higher expectations of the candidates in the runoff," said Sobirin.

Separately, analyst Ikrar Nusa Bakti of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said that in the presidential election it was local issues that mattered most in influencing people's choices of candidates.

"Although the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) stumbled in the legislative elections, President Megawati Soekarnoputri still garnered a significant vote in North Sumatra, as most of her previously alienated supporters voted for her once more after she built an alliance with a political party with religious affiliations popular among voters in that area," he told the Post, referring to the Christian-based Prosperous Peace Party (PDS).

The same pattern was repeated in East Nusa Tenggara (NTT), where there are fears of an Islamic government should Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono be elected president, Ikrar said.

Susilo is backed by the Muslim-oriented Crescent Star Party (PBB) led by Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra. "Because the people of NTT feared imminent Islamic rule, they turned to Megawati, whom they think of as a secular figure," he said.

Faced with limited options, voters would likely turn to the candidates that would cause them the least possible harm, even if they refused to vote for their political vehicles in the legislative elections.

The provisional tallies provide clear evidence of this. In East Java, the National Awakening Party (PKB) came in first in the legislative election, garnering over 6 million votes. However, in the presidential election most of the voters in the province voted for Susilo instead of the presidential ticket endorsed by the PKB, namely, the Wiranto-Salahudin Wahid ticket.

Carter: 'Nothing wrong with generals running the country'

Counter Punch - July 18, 2004

Ben Terrall -- On July 5, Indonesians went to the polls to vote in the country's first direct presidential election. Jimmy Carter, observing the process in his role as saviour of enlightened capitalism, enthused, "Of the 50 elections the Carter Center has monitored, I would place this one at a very high level." Carter told reporters at a Jakarta polling station, "This is a wonderful transition from authoritarian rule to purely democratic rule in just six years."

As counting of votes continues, retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is clearly in the lead but will not get the 50% of the vote necessary to avoid a September 20 runoff election, likely against sitting president Megawati Sukarnoputri, who almost definitely will squeeze veteran general and indicted war criminal Wiranto out of the running.

Though Carter discounted "a few minor problems" that internationals observed, local groups -- the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro), the People's Network for Voter Education (JPPR) and the People's Network for Elections Monitoring (JAMPPI) -- argued the electoral process was far from free and fair.

Those independent organizations, which deployed 130,000 observers to monitor the elections throughout the archipelago, found that 32 percent of voters in over 1,400 polling stations were unregistered but still allowed to vote. They further reported that 10 percent of voters at over 1,200 polling stations were "intimidated" by other voters, campaign teams and poll committees.

Damien Kingsbury, an Australian academic who has written several books about Indonesian politics, told CounterPunch, "I think the Carter Center has been particularly naive. Of course, it could have been worse, and encouragement is always useful. But their assessment is not accurate."

The most serious logistical snafu involved inconsistent approaches to dealing with ballots unintentionally punched twice (due to being folded when voters poked a nail through them to indicate preference).

The Indonesian election commission ordered the double-punched ballots to be counted as valid as long as the voter's intention was clear, but that directive arrived late at many of Indonesia's 585,000 polling stations. Hence millions of ballots are being recounted; the final result will be announced no later than July 26.

Regardless of which candidate ultimately assumes the presidency, the Indonesian military (TNI) will be a winner and retain its traditional position of dominance. Megawati Sukarnoputri has been thoroughly subservient to the military. As Jakarta-based writer Samuel Moore told CounterPunch, "Megawati has already proved herself worthless, incompetent, spineless. She hasn't even had the guts to rehabilitate the name of her father [Sukarno, Indonesia's first President] after all the vilification of him by the New Order. She has turned over the military to the worst elements, the most idiotic and conservative officers, like army chief of staff Ryacudu."

Though pegged by Washington and the Western press as a "reformer", Yudhoyono, popularly known as "SBY" in Indonesia, is also no challenge to the status quo. John M. Miller, spokesperson for the East Timor Action Network, which has campaigned against US support for the Indonesian military since 1991, told CounterPunch, "SBY's main virtue is that he has not been indicted. As Megawati's security minister, he was involved in implementing extremely repressive policies in Aceh and West Papua. He was Wiranto's top deputy in 1999, when Indonesian troops levelled East Timor.

He attended the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and is extremely unlikely to challenge military prerogatives."

In a January 2004 speech, Yudhoyono reassured military hardliners by saying, "Democracy, human rights, concern for the environment and other concepts being promoted by Western countries are all good, but they cannot become absolute goals because pursuing them as such will not be good for the country."

When army chief Ryacudu called Yudhoyono's Democratic Party to ask why their website featured a campaign commitment to military reform, he was quickly reassured it was the work of a hacker, not party policy-makers.

Yudhoyono knows what the Bush Administration wants to hear from world leaders. "Indonesia is trying hard to fight terrorism," he has pledged. "I will improve law enforcement and skills of the police to fight terrorism ... if I am elected." He has said, "Our task is to create a better climate for investors," and told the Financial Times, "It is very important that we make the international community comfortable." Rizal Prasetijo, a vice president and stock-market strategist with J.P. Morgan Securities in Indonesia, told the Wall Street Journal, "The financial markets want to see Yudhoyono win."

Carter is predictably sanguine about the hazards of a general leading the new, improved Indonesia. "I don't see anything wrong with having military leaders become president of the country," he explained. "Obviously if any powerful military figure who's still active or who's just recently retired showed an inclination to restore authoritarian rule, or strongman rule, my confidence is that the people of Indonesia will reject this person, overwhelmingly."

In an e-mail interview, Ed McWilliams, political counselor for the US Embassy in Jakarta from 1996 to 1999, responded that "Carter's comment flows from an acceptable generic democratic analysis but ignores the specific Indonesian experience, which includes a three decade-long military dictatorship. It also overlooks the undemocratic military dominance of political life in Indonesia where the military maintains a parallel bureaucratic structure to that of the civilian government, extending down to village level. It might have also dawned on Carter that a brutal, unaccountable military with a horrible human rights record is not likely to produce an Eisenhower as a Presidential candidate."

Human rights activist Munir, a well-respected veteran of the dark days of the Suharto dictatorship, told the Australian paper The Age that, if elected, Yudhoyono would be likely to quash efforts to bring military offenders to justice for past atrocities. Munir noted that in Indonesia, the president is in a "very strong position to decide whether atrocities from the past should be heard in a human rights court or not." Munir also recalled Yudhoyono saying in 1997 that there was nothing wrong with Suharto's New Order regime.

In the midst of the TNI's September 1999 destruction of East Timor, Yudhoyono told a press conference, "I am worried of opinion being formed in the international community that what happened in East Timor is a great human tragedy, ethnic cleansing or a large-scale crime, when in reality, it is not.

"I have been stationed in Bosnia," he continued. "Please do not picture that what happened in East Timor is as bad as the human tragedies in Rwanda, Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo."

But in a scathing piece in the Washington Post, reporter Keith Richburg responded: "I have not been to the Balkans, unlike the general, who was part of a peacekeeping mission there. But based on my years covering Rwanda and Somalia, I can attest to one thing: The tragedy of East Timor is indeed as bad as anything I witnessed in Africa. When it comes to slaughter, the Rwandans and the Somalis have a new competitor on the block.

"The razing of Dili has certainly been as bad -- one might say as thorough -- as the destruction of MogadishuThe only difference is that in Somalia the destruction was mostly random in Dili, it was more systematic.

The East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence, so the Indonesian soldiers, and their militia proteges, were determined to leave them a capital not worth having."

As one of the many international observers driven from East Timor during the September 1999 terror, this writer can also attest to the unified military, police and militia presence in the scorched-earth campaign.

Thanks in part to inadequate forensics teams which followed international peacekeepers into the territory before the rainy season, the number of bodies dumped by the military and its militia pawns can only be guessed at.

Like Yudhoyono, Jimmy Carter -- though famous for his alleged commitment to human rights -- was hardly a harsh critic of the New Order. In late 1977, the Indonesian military was running out of weaponry to use against the people of East Timor, which Jakarta had invaded with the blessings of Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger in 1975. Carter's "human rights" administration responded by authorizing $112 million in commercial arms sales for fiscal year 1978 to Jakarta, up from $5.8 million the previous year. Vice President Mondale even flew to Jakarta to help broker shipments of fighter planes to the Suharto regime. An Australian parliamentary commission described the following few years of occupation as characterized by "indiscriminate killing on a scale unprecedented in post-World War II history."

Not surprisingly, the Carter Center website's skimpy historical overview of Indonesian history sticks to the passive voice construction favored by the New York Times: "After 40 years of military-backed governments, Indonesia began a democratic transition in 1998." Thus, the Center disingenuously conflates the governments of left-leaning nationalist Sukarno, one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, and Suharto, who seized power from Sukarno in 1964 and subsequently launched a US-backed anti-communist bloodbath that Amnesty International estimates killed "many more than one million" Indonesians.

The Center's July 7 statement ends with the milquetoast qualification, "We are disappointed that the government of Indonesia prevented The Carter Center from observing the election in Ambon and limited our activities in other regions. We urge the responsible authorities to provide domestic and international observers full access to all aspect [sic] of the election process throughout the country."

Like Papua and Aceh, Ambon is one of the areas where, as Damien Kingsbury writes, the military "has trained armed vigilante groups to deflect from the military responsibility for atrocities." In its future reports on the Indonesian electoral process, the Carter Center could improve upon its entirely predictable analysis by considering Professor Kingsbury's observation that "Reports from North Aceh on election day said soldiers had been rounding up villagers who were reluctant to vote, forcing them to the polling booths and telling them to vote for Yudhoyono." Aceh is virtually sealed off to outsiders and is under an intensely repressive state of "civil emergency"; it's difficult to see how free and fair elections could be possible there, even if any of the candidates actually represented the aspirations of local inhabitants.

But Carter's job, as James Petras laid out in an excellent recent piece about the former president's missions in the Western Hemisphere, is not to elucidate realities on the ground in contested zones. It is to help facilitate the US agenda for the rest of the world, including "Washington consensus" economics, which leaves little room for accurate assessment of military abuses of power.

[NB: The original title was: "Carter: 'I don't see any anything wrong with generals running the country'" and abridged for length reasons - JB.]

Focus on Jakarta

Poor planning and graft pose threat to new busway

Straits Times - July 15, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- In operation for just six months, Jakarta's public bus system has already proven to be the most reliable and comfortable means of getting around the congested capital.

But its sustainability is in question: most commuters are still unwilling to leave their cars at home and the busway's management is allegedly fraught with graft.

Observers are worried that -- like other ambitious, multi-million-dollar government projects in the capital -- the system will eventually wither from mismanagement and a lack of funds.

The busway system is one of several controversial policies that Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso has implemented. Others include the eviction of illegal squatters from slums.

Analysts say these policies -- seen as insensitive to public opinion -- have hurt President Megawati Sukarnoputri's popularity in Jakarta. Her PDI-P party was behind the Governor's re-election two years ago.

The 250-billion-rupiah (S$48.5-million) Trans-Jakarta Busway system is the first phase of a seven-year project to build a mass transportation system that includes a monorail and subway.

Fifty-six specially built buses, each with a capacity of 85 passengers, ply the 12.9km route that runs from the bus terminal in the popular Blok M shopping complex to the bustling Chinatown area.

The buses travel along dedicated bus lanes, which reduces travel times. Around 51,000 people use them daily. The system was especially helpful during the campaigning leading up to April's legislative election, when up to 65,000 people a day used it to avoid the massive jams caused by street parades.

However, a study by the Japanese International Cooperation Agency this year showed that only 14 per cent of car owners have switched to using the busway.

State-owned Trans-Jakarta has recorded 18 billion rupiah in revenue since the busway's launch, an amount it says is still dwarfed by monthly operating costs exceeding 3 billion rupiah.

"With the current bus fare of 2,500 rupiah per trip, we are still heavily subsidised by the city budget," said company spokesman Ajar Aedi. "But the purpose is to provide a service that is affordable for everyone, so we can't stress too much on the business side for now." The Jakarta city administration is planning two more routes for the busway system.

But public policy analyst Agus Pambagio said the system was poorly managed and prone to corruption. The cost of bus procurement and bus shelter construction may have been falsely marked up, he said, and the ticketing system is also not transparent enough, making it prone to irregularities.

Most car owners are also reluctant to take the bus because of a lack of good supporting facilities, said Mr Agus. Feeder buses serving routes not covered by the Trans-Jakarta buses are in a decrepit state.

The city's pavements are also in need of repair and there are no parking facilities for car owners who want to take the bus. "To encourage people to take the bus, the government must do more than just buy buses," said Mr Agus. "There must be supporting facilities as well as integrated traffic and car ownership policies. Right now, there is no long-term initiative other than to finish the projects."

Busway a no-go for private motorists

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Leony Aurora, Jakarta -- Six months since its launch on January 15, it seems the controversial busway's only success is in providing a faster means of travel as it speeds along its exclusive lane from Blok M, South Jakarta, to Kota, West Jakarta.

"[The busway] is fast. That's its only advantage," said Indra, 33, a regular busway passenger. "It's not comfortable. Passengers are simply pushed in without considering how crowded the bus is," he told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday morning as he alit from a bus.

The busway is packed during the morning and afternoon rush hours -- 8am and 4pm -- as it delivers thousands to their offices along main thoroughfares Sudirman and Thamrin. It is also crowded at lunchtime, between 12am and 1pm.

Irwan Iskandar, who lives in Kemang, South Jakarta, preferred to take his own car to the office, which is located in the Sudirman Central Business District. "I've tried the busway, and it's actually OK. I'm willing to change to the busway if there was a 'friendly' bus from Kemang to Blok M," he said. "It doesn't have to be an air-conditioned one, as long as it is not overloaded."

In a bid to reduce the number of buses and private cars on the capital's busy thoroughfares, the Jakarta administration invested Rp 120 billion (US$13.57 million) last year to build the busway and requested an additional Rp 120 billion this year to finish construction.

The administration had also extended the three-in-one traffic policy to support the system, but the busway has not attracted private car owners to switch their mode of commute.

Transportation experts have repeatedly pointed to the lack of feeder buses and safe public parking structures as the main reasons the busway has not had the expected draw.

Michael Tribiantara, 27, who lives in Kebon Jeruk, West Jakarta, commented: "It's not like I can park my car at the Semanggi cloverleaf and continue on the busway, right? I'd rather take backstreets than use the busway." He added the busway could be more successful if it passed by housing areas. "Otherwise, it's inefficient." The Jakarta Public Works Agency said previously it would begin constructing the second busway corridor after the July 5 presidential election.

The corridor, which is to run east-west from Pulogadung to Kalideres via Monas, is expected to be completed this year and operational in 2005. Ultimately, Jakarta is to have 14 busway corridors.

As of Monday, the ramps leading to the busway shelter at the Senayan traffic circle and the bridge to Sawah Besar shelter remained uncovered. Meanwhile, an unfinished elevator was visible at the Sarinah shelter, but no signs of construction were evident at the Senayan shelter, which has been designed with an elevator.

The Post also observed that buses were rarely manned by guards, who are employed by the Public Order Office. Occasionally, a guard boarded -- only to alight a couple of stops later.

"The busway management doesn't want us there," said a guard, who preferred to remain anonymous. "There were some problems with drivers. They will not listen to us when we tell them not to drive so fast," he said.

Meanwhile, the city has also broken ground on its monorail project, and it is feared these multiple constructions throughout the capital will add to traffic problems long before they offer solutions, if any.

Environment

Investments in protected forests reach US$17 billion

Antara - July 17, 2004

Jakarta -- Investment commitments by 13 mining firms allowed to operate in Indonesia's protected forests reached US$17 billion last year and contributed $400 million to state coffers, an official said on Friday.

However, Director General of Geology and Mineral Resources Simon Sembiring said until yesterday, the miners "did not have the legal go-ahead to continue their projects".

The House of Representatives endorsed yesterday acontroversial government regulation that allows the mining firms to resume operations in protected forests. Critics say the move reflects the government's lack of committment to conservation.

Minister of Forestry M. Prakosa said he was happy with the House's decision because it had finally put an end to protracted disputes between the government and several mining firms whose operations had to be halted following the enactment of Law No. 41/1999 on forestry.

"This decision is in line with government's plan to ensure legal certainty in the mining sector, which has been in limbo for years ... We are happy with the result," said Prakosa after a plenary session on Thursday.

The government had drafted the regulation in March to allow the mining firms in question to resume their operations in protected forests. The regulation was introduced to the House one month before the legislative elections.

Simon said besides contributing to government revenue, themining operations would speed up the development of infrastructure in the regions and create jobs.

Conservation groups have said the regulation would put the country's already depleted forests at an even greater risk of destruction.

Simon said the groups' concerns were reasonable. "The protests are positive, they remind us we have to be careful to not destroy our environment," he said.

Thirteen firms that mine in Indonesia are PT Freeport Indonesia, PT Karimun Granite, PT INCO, PT Indominco Mandiri, PT Aneka Tambang (Bahubulu), PT Aneka Tambang (Buli), PT Natarang Mining, PT Nusa Halmahera Mineral and PT Pelsart Tambang Kencana.

NGOs up pressure on forest mining

Jakarta Post - July 17, 2004

Rendi A. Witular and Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- A coalition of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has vowed to continue its campaign against 13 mining firms that have been allowed to resume open-pit mining in protected forests, upon a controversial government regulation in lieu of law (Perpu) endorsed by the House of Representatives.

The coalition alleged the House made the decision in response to pressure from foreign governments, and that several government officials and legislators had taken bribes to further the interests of certain parties.

Longgena Ginting, executive director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), told The Jakarta Post on Friday that aside from taking legal recourse against the regulation, the coalition would also mobilize local communities to disrupt the firms' operation "in order to protect the forest and the local environment". The coalition is to file a complaint with the Constitutional Court, the State Administrative Court and the District Court in an effort to have the regulation annulled.

The House voted 131 against 102 during a plenary meeting on Thursday in favor of enacting Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1/2004, which allows 13 mining firms to resume operations in protected forests.

Government Decree No. 41/2004 was issued in May to facilitate the then-pending regulation, as the government deemed the concerned firms serious in their threats to take their cases to the international arbitration court.

At least 150 mining firms were obliged to stop operations over the past few years following the 1999 Forestry Law, which bans open-pit mining in protected forests.

Longgena said the government's hand was forced primarily by pressure from the Australian government, which held 12 closed- door meetings with high-ranking officials before the regulation was issued in March. "The government and legislators have sold out," she said.

Australian Embassy spokesperson Elizabeth O'Neill told the Post that several meetings between Australian and Indonesian representatives had indeed taken place, but dismissed the allegation that they were not transparent.

She said Australia had been concerned for some time about the impact of the 1999 Forestry Law on Australian mining firms operating in the country, as many of them had signed contracts with the government prior to 1999 to develop mineral resources and had already made significant investments.

Meanwhile, Longgena also said the coalition suspected several legislators of taking bribes prior to the start of the House plenary session to vote on the regulation, when several State Secretariat officials had been seen lobbying the legislators.

"We haven't any strong evidence yet. But it is suspicious, because some legislators who strongly opposed the regulation during the House special committee meeting ended up approving it at the last minute," said Longgena.

As previously reported, the majority of legislators on a special committee tasked with deliberating the regulation had strongly opposed the regulation and pledged to reject it during the plenary session.

Deputy State Secretary Erman Radjagukguk denied his office had arranged any bribes to procure legislators' votes. "This matter does not concern us. You should ask the relevant ministries over the allegation," said Erman, indicating the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources and the Ministry of Forestry.

Meanwhile, director general of geological and mineral resources Simon Sembiring told the Post the regulation was expected to spur new investment of about US$17 billion for the next three years, not only in the mining sector, but also in other areas.

The country would also enjoy benefits in annual revenue of about $400 million drawn from taxes and royalties, he added.

Slow progress in logging probes

Jakarta Post - July 14, 2004

Jambi -- Jambi prosecutors and police investigators have been investigating 23 cases of illegal logging since last year, but only three cases have been brought to court so far.

Frans Tandipau, the head of the Forest Protection Section at the Jambi Forestry Agency, said that the slow pace of the investigations was due to a lack of evidence.

The illegal logging cases are said to have cost the state hundreds of millions of rupiah.

House throws weight behind Ladia Galaska project

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

P.C. Naommy, Jakarta -- The House of Representatives is throwing its weight behind the controversial Ladia Galaska road project despite an outcry from environmentalists.

"It's clear that the project has been planned in the interests of the Aceh people as it is based on requests from 20 regents and 20 municipal council speakers in the province," said Karimun Usman, the chairman of House Commission IV's resettlement and infrastructure subcommittee on Wednesday.

Karimun said the Commission had also agreed to allocate some Rp 200 billion for the construction of the road out of next year's budget. The budget proposal is currently being deliberated by the House's central budget committee.

Karimun made the remarks on the sidelines of a meeting on Wednesday between the commission and a coalition of non- governmental organizations opposing the road scheme. Karimun said the project was needed to open up isolated rural areas and to improve the economic lives of people in Aceh.

The government argues that the 470-kilometer road, which will link the west and east coasts of the province, will stimulate economic activity in the province's western coastal areas.

Environmentalists in Indonesia and abroad are concerned about the adverse effects of the project as it will run through 100.16 kilometers of protected forest, and cut through 1.5 kilometers of conservation forest, including the Leuser Ecosystem.

The coalition of NGOs questioned House Commission IV's decision to back the project. "We don't want a decision that is detrimental to the people of Aceh," said Longgena Ginting, chairman of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi).

Longgena said the House members should be willing to issue a joint statement stating that they are prepared to be held responsible for any adverse consequences that arise from the project. Longgena added that if the project were really being undertaken in the interests of the public, it should comply with the prevailing legislation.

As an example, he cited the lack of a comprehensive feasibility study. Law No. 23/1997 requires a feasibility study to be undertaken prior to the start of any project that could have a significant effect on the environment. The project management failed to conduct a feasibility study before starting the project in 2002. The study was only published a year later.

Asked about the legal violations that had occurred, Karimun said that the road project was "an exception" as it was meant to benefit the people of Aceh. "If corruptors are able to get pardons, how come the minor oversights that occurred in the case of this project can't be pardoned? Especially given that it is being undertaken for the sake of the public," said Karimun.

During the meeting, the coalition also asked the Commission to suspend the approval of Rp 200 billion in funding for the project accountability report.

Activists urge halt to roads through rain forest

Agence France Presse - July 14, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian activists urged the government to halt construction of a road network through a tropical rain forest on Sumatra island, saying the project spells environmental disaster and is riddled with corruption.

Studies show that every kilometer of road through a forest results in the destruction of between 400 hectares and 2,400 hectares of forest area, said Zainal Abidin of the Network for Forest Conservation.

"Wherever there is a road through a forest, environmental destruction happens," he told a hearing with a parliamentary commission in charge of infrastructure.

The network's campaign coordinator Hasjrul Junaid predicted that 5,000 people in 500 villages would lose their lives within 10 years to disasters such as flash floods and landslides if the project goes ahead through the hilly region.

"We urge President Megawati Sukarnoputri to stop construction and funding the Ladia Galaska road and order a comprehensive study on road transport needs in Aceh province," Junaid said.

"Ladia Galaska is one of the abuses of authority and suspected forms of corruption committed by the (Aceh) provincial government...," said Junaid.

Aceh governor Abdullah Puteh was Wednesday being questioned as a suspect in an unrelated case of alleged graft. He denies wrongdoing.

Work has already started on the Ladia Galaska network, which would link the west and east coasts of Aceh and cut through the heart of a huge conservation area known as the Leuser Ecosystem.

Environment Minister Nabiel Makarim has criticized the five-year project worth 1.2 trillion rupiah (146 million dollars) and has proposed alternative routes to avoid the conservation area, which is almost the size of Belgium.

Environmentalists say the roads would threaten wildlife and damage the water supply from the area, which is home to Sumatran rhinos, orangutans, tigers and elephants.

European Union Environment Commissioner Margot Wallstrom in February visited the EU-funded conservation project. She expressed alarm that the roads could spell disaster for the zone covering 2.6 million hectares (6.4 million acres).

Aid & development

Three provinces on the verge of total blackouts

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Syofiardi Bachyul and Puji Santoso, Padang/Pekanbaru -- State electricity company PT PLN may be forced to cut off electricity in three provinces in Sumatra in the near future following the decline in the water debit in reservoirs and lakes that have been the source of power for three power plants.

The low water debit was aggravated by a fact that steam-powered power plant Ombilin could not function properly as parts of its equipment were damaged.

Deputy Manager for Communication at PT PLN's West Sumatra office Yusman Radjo Mudo said on Tuesday that the company had to shut down electricity in turn in the three provinces to prevent a total black out. The three provinces in question are West Sumatra, Riau and Jambi.

"We have shut down electricity for six hours at a time in turn in the three provinces starting a few days ago. If we turn on the electricity in the three provinces for the whole time, we are afraid that there will be a total black out," he said. He admitted that he could not predict how long the company would have to do this considering that the dry season would still continue in the provinces for some time yet.

"If we could fix the damage in the Ombilin power plant, we hope that the outages could be reduced to three hours a day in turn in each province," said Yusman.

Yusman said that the water debit in two lakes, Maninjau and Singkarak, and Kotopanjang Reservoir in West Sumatra province, had dropped significantly since the dry season hit the area a few weeks ago.

Yusman added that the water debit could drop much more in the near future, therefore, local residents had to be better prepared for the worst. The water level of Singkarak Lake, for example, is merely 361.49 meters above sea level, while in fact, the turbine in Singkarak power plant could not function if the water elevation is 360.80 meters or less above sea level, he said. Likewise in Maninjau Lake, the water level in the lake is now 463.02 meters, while the minimum threshold needed is 463 meters above sea level.

In Kotopanjang Reservoir, the minimum threshold required is 705 meters above sea level, whereas the water level is currently only 708.4 meters above sea level.

Yusman expressed concern that the water levels would continue to drop as no rainfall is expected in the near future. "What we can do is to maintain the water level by not releasing water from the reservoir or the lakes to local paddy fields for farming, for example," he said.

The power outages have cost the public dearly in Pekanbaru city, Riau province, for example. Here, power was shut down for 24 hours from Monday afternoon to Tuesday afternoon, not for six hours as cited by Yusman. It has annoyed local residents as the outages have greatly affected their daily activities.

"The power shutdown may come to an end within two weeks," said Delvis Bustami, spokesman for PT PLN's Riau province.

He said that in the near future, PT PLN would conduct cloud seeding in the Kotopanjang Reservoir to raise the water debit, and in the meantime, he called on residents to be patient. But, still, local resident could not accept the explanation.

Nelvida, an owner of a telephone and Internet kiosk, in Pekanbaru city said that she was disappointed with PLN. "The company is arrogant. It cuts off the power all the time, and it has damaged my computers and electronic equipment," said Nelvida.

Journalist Orin Basuki with Jakarta-based Kompas daily in Pekanbaru also complained that his work was disrupted. "It is difficult to send a story through e-mail to Kompas editorial office as the power is often down," he said.

International relations

Indonesia tells US senators to mind own business

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The government told United States senators on Sunday to mind their own business and not to interfere in Indonesia's internal affairs.

Twenty US senators sent a letter to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan last week urging the latter to appoint a special envoy to monitor and report on the situation in Papua and Aceh where troops are fighting against secessionist movements.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Marty Natalegawa said on Sunday that US lawmakers should focus on their own domestic problems. "Thanks for the concern, but I think they have to focus on their own internal affairs," Marty told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

The senators had suggested the UN assign a special envoy to monitor and recommend steps the UN Security Council and its General Assembly might pursue "to end the troubling and deadly conflicts that continue to engulf these regions".

They argued that the international community has remained silent for too long over the continued conflict in Aceh and Papua where the scale of human rights violations warrant special attention.

"In Aceh, the year-long period of martial law that ended in May with the imposition of a civil emergency has had an extraordinary human cost. While it is impossible to verify the precise number of extra-judicial incarcerations and killings, accounts suggest that more than 2,000 people have been killed in the past year, the majority of whom have been civilians," the senators said in their letter.

They cited a recent report by the National Commission on Human Rights(Komnas HAM) which said that even the Aceh martial court failed to prove whether the unarmed civilians killed, tortured, raped and sexually abused were GAM members. "Komnas HAM alleged that most violations were committed by the Indonesian security forces, including both high-level political and military authorities, though some deaths have been attributed to GAM," they said.

While in Papua, where the separatist Free Papua Movement (OPM) has engaged in a low-level armed struggle for decades, the number of civilian casualties are inestimable following a military campaign in the territory, the senators said, citing recent reports documented by the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention.

Separately, Komnas HAM member Hasballah M. Saad told Indonesia that any violence could no longer be hidden from international eyes and that "the country should have anticipated it by taking stern legal action against violence."

"If we [Indonesia] fail to handle the violence by ourselves, we cannot prevent international interference," Hasballah said. He said the Attorney General's Office and other law enforcers must immediately take the initiative to file cases of rights abuses in the two provinces, so that Indonesia would not lose face when the UN assembly asked about the cases.

The UN assigned last year special envoy Malaysian Tansri Razali Ismail to Myanmar to meet with the country's opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi who is being held under house arrest by the Myanmar junta.

Business & investment

Oil and gas revenue expected to reach $11 billion

Antara - July 17, 2004

Jakarta -- Revenue from oil and gas sector is expected to reach US$11.3 billion this year, a top oil and gas industry official said on Friday.

"We have developed and explored new oil and gas fields with potential of some one billion barrel per day," chairman of the Oil and Gas Regulatory Board (BP Migas), Rachmat Sudibyo said at the ceremony of the board's second anniversary.

"I am optimistic that the estimated figure would be achieved despite decreasing trend in the past five years," he added.

According to the board's record, Indonesia's oil production peak was reached in 1977 with 1.7 million barrel per day (mbpd). The output, however, kept decreasing with 1.25 mbpd in 1982.

In 1992 to 1996 period, the average was 1.6 mbpd and again decreased to 1.1 mbpd last year. This year the output is projected to slightly improved at 1.125 mbpd.

Meanwhile, gas production shows increasing trend with proven reserve this year is recorded at 90.3 trillion cubic feet (TCF) and potential reserve stands at 86.29 TCF.

Pertamina seeks government guarantee for fuel imports

Jakarta Post - July 15, 2004

Fitri Wulandari, Jakarta -- State oil and gas firm PT Pertamina is requesting a government guarantee to facilitate crucial fuel import plans as the company faces cash flow problems.

Pertamina's finance director Alfred Rohimone said a government guarantee would be needed in obtaining loans from banks to finance fuel imports if the government fails to reimburse the company for its share of the fuel subsidy.

"We have asked for a letter of guarantee from the government so that we can approach a bank," Alfred told reporters on Tuesday. Without sufficient cash in hand, Alfred said, it would be difficult to realize the fuel import plan.

Fuel imports are essential to avoid a shortage, a problem that has occurred in several parts of the country and could create serious social unrest and economic damage if not immediately resolved.

On Monday, Pertamina said it would import between 10,000 kiloliters (kl) and 20,000 kl of premium gasoline and automotive diesel oil to boost national fuel stockpiles to a safe level of 24 days of demand.

National fuel stockpiles stand at a total of 20.4 days of demand. Premium gasoline and automotive diesel oil have the lowest inventories of 14 days and 18.2 days respectively. Other types of fuel do not need additional imports as stockpiles are at a safe level. The drop in fuel stockpiles has been partly related to Pertamina's cash flow problem.

Until November 2005, Pertamina retains its monopoly in the provision and distribution of oil-based fuel products, including importing 20 percent of domestic needs for oil-based products.

The delay in the reimbursement of the fuel subsidy was aggravated by soaring international oil prices, limiting the company's ability to import fuel products.

The Ministry of Finance has recently agreed to reimburse up to 95 percent of fuel subsidy spending every month. But Alfred said that the government had yet to reimburse some Rp 12.9 trillion (US$1.43 billion) in subsidy spending undertaken by Pertamina from January to June this year. "The government was supposed to reimburse the fuel spending by July 10, but we haven't received it," Alfred said.

Fuel inventories will further drop if Pertamina fails to realize the import plan and may affect fuel provisions to regions outside Java, Alfred said.

Director General of Financial Institutions at the Ministry of Finance Darmin Nasution said on Monday that the government was still discussing the matter with the company to find the best solution.

Darmin said Pertamina still had debt to the government that amounted to more than the monthly fuel subsidy spending.

Alfred argued that if the government reimbursed the fuel spending accordingly, the company would have more money to repay its debt.

"The fuel subsidy must be reimbursed every month to secure Pertamina's cash flow. Then we would have enough money at the end of the month to pay our debt," Alfred said.

As of June this year, Pertamina's debt to the government stands at Rp 15 trillion. The company has yet to pay Rp 9.1 trillion of debt in 2003 to the government.

Foreign investment approval down 34.4%

Dow Jones - July 15, 2004

Jakarta -- Approved foreign direct investment in value terms in Indonesia fell 34.4% during the first half of the year to U$3.05 billion from $4.65 billion a year ago, the official investment board said Wednesday.

The board didn't provide any reason for the drop. Analysts said direct foreign investors remain reluctant to put their money in Indonesia mainly on lack of efforts by the government to reform its corrupt judicial system.

They added that subdued foreign direct investment will likely continue to keep Indonesia trapped in a low economic growth path of below 5%.

The board said that the value of approved investment planned by local investors, however, rose 52% during the same period to Rp15.77 trillion from Rp10.36 trillion a year earlier.

Opinion & analysis

An uphill battle

Jakarta Post Editorial - July 14, 2004

It is certainly gratifying to hear, straight from the horse's mouth as it were, that fighting corruption is so close to the hearts of our presidential election candidates. In all their campaign speeches and statements, none of the five pairs currently running for the highest posts in government neglected to assure the public that fighting this by-now-ingrained social scourge would be at the top of their agenda, should they be elected.

In a televised campaign debate, President Megawati Soekarnoputri assured participant Ikrar Nusa Bhakti that she would suspend the governor of Nanggroe Aceh Darrusalam, Abdullah Puteh, from his post, pending the completion of investigations.

By any measure, the corruption case implicating the governor and civil emergency administrator of Aceh, is currently among the hottest topics of public discussion here, and with reason. Before he became governor of that restive westernmost Indonesian province, Puteh was a prominent youth leader and, at one time, chairman of the Indonesian National Youth Committee (KNPI). As civil emergency administrator, he obviously commands a good deal of authority. At present, however, the governor finds himself implicated in a corruption case that has cost the state Rp 4 billion (US$5.4 million), allegedly by marking up the cost of purchasing a helicopter for his province's administration. In addition, he is implicated in a similar case involving the purchase of a Rp 30 billion power generator for the province -- a case that is currently under police investigation.

Circumventing details, on June 29, the six-month-old Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named Puteh a suspect in the helicopter purchase case and summoned him for questioning on July 6. However, the governor failed to appear on that date, citing a busy schedule, but promised to come three days later, on July 9. Again, he did not appear. Apparently weary of Puteh's maneuverings, the KPK in a letter to the President sent over the past weekend, ordered her -- in line with the authority granted to it under Law No.30/2002 -- to suspend the governor from his post. The commission informed the President that it would use its legal authority to force Puteh to succumb by July 14, today, despite the objections of Puteh's lawyers, who say their client will refuse to succumb until a pre-trial hearing affirms the commission's authority to do so.

It will be interesting to see which course the case takes in the days ahead.

The government, for its part, appears reluctant to act. For his part, home minister Hari Sabarno is reported to have said that three main aspects -- administrative, political and legal -- must be considered by the President prior to the suspension of a provincial governor. And, what if she should refuse to act? "That is the President's political domain," said KPK chairman Taufiqurrahman Ruki: "The KPK has no authority (to force her). However, we have tried. Let the public make its own judgment."

It would seem that, in the long run, persisting to refuse to comply with the commission's request -- that is, on Puteh's part, to appear to be questioned, and on the President's part, to suspend the Aceh governor from his post -- would do little good for either Puteh or the President. The public, of course, will certainly "make its own judgment" by means of voting in the second round of the presidential election.

Nevertheless, it is the Indonesian public that stands to lose the most. In an almost equally prominent case that came to light earlier this month, Nurdin Halid, a lawmaker and chairman of the Confederation of Primary Cooperatives Association (Inkud), this week also defied a police summons for questioning in connection with his alleged role in a sugar smuggling scam. Law No.30/2002, by which the Corruption Eradication Commission was established, is the strongest legal instrument yet to be produced by the government and the House of Representatives. Being an independent body, the commission is supposed to be free of the influence and interference of any other institution. And yet, those two cases show how challenging it is to untie the Gordian knot that is the problem of corruption in Indonesia.

Given the situation, to hope that the election and installation of a new president and vice president in the near future will mean the immediate break of a new day -- in terms of clean government and egalitarian principles -- is to hope for too much, too soon. Nevertheless, the nation has no choice but to persist in its efforts to rid social parasites and self-interested leaders from society, or face the grim alternatives.

Spotlight on Papua

Jakarta Post Editorial - July 16, 2004

The recent declassification of documents by the US National Security Archive pertaining to the 1969 referendum on Papua has put this vast and resource-rich westernmost province of Indonesia in the spotlight. The 35-year-old documents say, in effect, that the UN-endorsed referendum was a sham as it excluded most Papuans during the so-called "Act of Free Choice". In sum, the referendum was flawed.

One of the documents was a 1969 report from the American Embassy in Jakarta to the US Department of State, saying that the impending referendum unfolded like a Greek tragedy in which the conclusion was already preordained.

Indonesia, it says "cannot and will not permit any resolution other than the continued inclusion of West Irian in Indonesia."

The documents referred to Papua, the western half of Papua New Guinea, as West Papua. Indonesia renamed the province Irian Jaya after the 1969 self-determination vote. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid changed Irian Jaya back to Papua on Dec. 31, 1999.

The Papuans voted unanimously to stay with Indonesia in the August 1969 referendum. The UN endorsed the referendum on Nov. 19 of the same year through its resolution No.2504 in which 80 countries expressed their support and 30 countries abstained.

It should be remembered that when Indonesia gained its independence in 1945, the country comprised more than 400 ethnic groups, encompassing stone-age to modern civilizations. Indonesian leaders believed that the most efficient way to hold the referendum was through the tribal chiefs.

Even today the vast and rugged province, which is 10 times the size of the Netherlands, is still acutely underdeveloped. When the referendum was held some Papuan tribes still lived in stone- age societies. Language was a big barrier as Indonesian was new in the province and the tribes' dialects were alien to Indonesian officials.

Through the 1960s, the Cold War was in full swing. The US considered it prudent to take sides with Soeharto, an emerging pro-Western army general in Indonesia, to stem the influence of communism in the largest Southeast Asian country. In July 1969, National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger, according to the document, told president Richard Nixon prior to his departure to Indonesia not to raise the issue of Papua with Soeharto. "You should tell Soeharto that we understand the problems they face in West Irian," Kissinger was quoted as saying in one of the documents.

Business interests danced to this tune. In fact the first foreign company to invest in Indonesia after the 1965 political earthquake that saw Sukarno tumbling from power was the US-based Freeport McMoRan. Thirty years later, the company was sitting atop the biggest gold mine in the world, according to Australian scholar Denise Leith.

We can say many things about the past, but nothing will change the fact that Papua was a legitimate part of Indonesia during those years. There is no way we can turn the clock of history back. The fact remains that the United Nations endorsed the referendum.

Having said this, however, we believe that the government should address the issue of the flaws in the referendum by facing it head-on. It should talk to the Papuans about the issue.

Secondly, the government should abandon its heavy-handed tactics in managing the province. Like people in other troubled regions of the country, the Papuans need no less than total sincerity from the government. A violent approach will never work. If the government promises something, it has to fulfill it.

Nothing will shatter the common bond of trust faster than when the government says one thing at one time and another thing at another. When the government offers the province autonomy, it must make sure it honors this promise.

On the international front, the government should anticipate a possible credo emerging from diverse sides on the need for Papuan independence. The government should prepare adequate diplomatic ammunition to defuse these factions before they become a movement too strong to resist.

The way we look at it, something is brewing on the international front. In March this year, Irish parliamentarians urged UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to review the world body's role in the 1969 referendum, joining South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu and scores of NGOs and European Parliamentarians. On June 28, 2004, nineteen US Senators sent a letter to Annan urging the appointment of a Special Representative to Indonesia to monitor the human rights situation in Papua and Aceh. This is not to mention some groups in Australia that would like to see an independent Papua.

The government has to work fast. It is simply too costly to sleep on the issue and to pretend that losing another province -- after East Timor in 1999 -- will not hurt the nation.