Aceh

Indonesian voters: Aceh rights activist

British Broadcasting Corporation - June 30, 2004

Ahead of Indonesia's first direct presidential election on 5 July, BBC News Online has been hearing from a range of voters about their hopes and expectations.

Achmad Humam Hamid, a sociologist and human rights campaigner from Syiah Kuala University in Aceh province, said there was little difference between the main contenders.

"None of the candidates have any vision at all about how to solve the problems in Aceh," he said. "They talk about security and democracy, but when you ask them for more details they don't have any answers."

Security is a major concern for people in Aceh. The province has suffered from decades of violence between the Indonesian security forces and separatists from the Free Aceh Movement (Gam). At least 10,000 people have been killed in the conflict, and civilian rule only returned in May after a year of military control.

"All the candidates agree there is an improvement in security," said Achmad Humam Hamid, although he added that many Achenese themselves thought it was too early to assess whether progress had been made.

On issues other than security, there was also little to separate the main presidential contenders, he said. "We don't really know their policies, but there are no clear differences," he said.

A lack of obvious distinctions means there is even more pressure on individual personalities, and the current front-runner, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, is a controversial figure in Aceh. As security minister under President Megawati, he was in charge of the decision to impose martial law in the province in May 2003.

According to Achmad Humam Hamid, it is difficult to know whether this decision will gain or cost him votes among the Acehnese electorate. At least Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has visited the province to campaign. "As far as I know, only three of the candidates have actually been to Aceh to campaign," said Achmad Humam Hamid.

Overall, he held out little hope that Indonesia's first direct presidential election would change much for the people of Aceh -- regardless of who wins. "Personally, if the candidates can deliver what they say they are going to, it would be wonderful," he said. But he said that, in reality, the targets they had set themselves were simply unrealistic.

Living in fear in Aceh's black belt

The Australian - June 28, 2004

Sian Powell -- A rusting billboard greets visitors to Jantho, in the forested hills southeast of the provincial capital of Banda Aceh. "Let's make Jantho a tourist area," it says.

These days, though, few tourists are brave enough to visit the war-zone of Aceh. A few years ago, the nearby villages of Jalin and Jantho Baru were full of Javanese migrants; there was a bustling nightlife and restaurant scene.

Now the villages are all but deserted, and the migrants have been forced out by a spate of shootings and house-burnings.

Between Banda Aceh and Jantho is a so-called black area, said to be a stronghold of the separatist rebels from the Free Aceh Movement, or GAM. But no one wants to talk about it.

Villagers pretend not to know about an anonymous rebel shot dead in Lamsi only two days earlier. In Kemireu, a dusty hamlet on the main road, Ismail, the village chief, remembers four men were shot dead within half a kilometre of his house a week ago, but he doesn't want to go into detail. "It's very difficult at this time," he says. "It's very difficult to support ourselves."

As he talks to a foreign reporter, everyone else in the primitive coffee shop gets up and leaves. It's not healthy to be seen dallying with the press.

The military crackdown launched in May 2003 to crush the separatist rebels has succeeded in part, the Indonesian military says. Military spokesman Lieutenant-Colonel Asep Sapari said clashes between rebels and the military still happen almost every day, but GAM rebel forces have been reduced to 40 per cent of their former strength.

The death toll of more than 2000 since the operation began continues to edge upwards, even though martial law was downgraded to emergency civil law earlier this month.

An estimated 40,000 troops are still stationed in Aceh, and the rebels have declared they will fight to the last man to resist, Vikram, a 33-year-old trader from the black area around the Selimeum district, says he lives in fear.

"I'm afraid of GAM, I'm afraid of the TNI (Indonesian military) as well," he says. "In the evenings GAM comes to the villages, and sometimes there's shooting. I have seen it happen with my own eyes -- the village secretary was killed by GAM. I don't know why, maybe he was a spy. Right now there are many decent men dead in Aceh."

Armoured personnel carriers, armoured trucks and tanks still rumble through the streets of the province, where the military has control of the urban areas.

The rebels live in the mountain forests, and sweep down on the villages at night to get food and other necessaries.

Talking from the Peurelak district by satellite telephone, GAM leader Cut Kafrawi says the rebel forces are still equal to the Indonesian military and vows they will keep fighting, come what may.

"Whatever the kind of operation in Aceh, whether a civil emergency or a military emergency, it's only a political discussion for Indonesia," he says.

Regardless of the fine words, Indonesia's purpose was to eliminate the people of Aceh, he claims. "What's happening now is the torture of women, oppression, looting and terror towards non-combatant civilians who they say support GAM. "The people of Aceh are being used by the army and the police for intelligence operations, but the Acehnese people don't want to be involved in the conflict."

Apart from living in fear of battles, of army searches and rebel food demands, ordinary Acehnese people are hungry. Vikram says there is a lot of pain in the hills, where farmers have been afraid to plant their crops.

They could move to another province in Indonesia to wait it out. But Vikram says that's no option. "For me, if I die, it's better I die in my own place."

[Sian Powell is The Australian's Jakarta correspondent. Additional reporting by Sandra Nahdar.]

Two Malaysians, American expelled from Aceh

Agence France Presse - June 29, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Indonesia Tuesday expelled two Malaysians and a US citizen after they illegally entered the restive province of Aceh which remains under a state of civil emergency, an official said.

"This morning we expelled the three foreigners," said Imron Zubandi, of the Aceh provincial immigration office. Authorities identified the two Malaysians as Jumat bin Majid, 31 and Ong Kung Wai, 44, and named the American as Blanchet Sean Kehoe, 21.

Zubandi said the Malaysians told investigators they had been invited by a coffee processing company in Takengon, Central Aceh.

Misradi, an executive of the company, told journalists he was not aware that foreign visitors needed special permits. He said the Malaysians were consultants on organic fertilizers, while theAmerican was a student interested in studying local culture and customs.

"They were not deported but expelled from the territory of Aceh because they had entered it without a permit from the ruler of the state of civilian emergency," Zubandi said.

The trio entered Aceh by land on June 18 from the neighboring province of North Sumatra. They were heading for Takengon where police arrested them on May 19.

Aceh has remained virtually closed to foreigners since Jakarta put the province at the northernmost tip of Sumatra island under martial law on May 19 last year and launched a major offensive against rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Last month martial law was replaced with a civilian state of emergency but foreigners still need special permits to visit.

Meanwhile Aceh Military Spokesman Lt. Col. Asep Sapari said troops on Monday shot dead two people, including an alleged GAM district chief in South Aceh.

Muhrizal alias Buyung Boto was shot dead in a clash on Monday while another guerrilla was shot dead later elsewhere in the area, Sapari said.

He accused GAM guerrillas of having killed two civilians in separate incidents on Monday and of having taken hostage two others. GAM officials could not be immediately reached for comment.

West Papua

Turning migration inside out in West Papua

Interact - Spring, 2004

Neles Tebay -- When the territory of Papua was under Dutch rule, the population was almost exclusively Papuan, made up of some 252 ethnic groups. Since Indonesia took over the territory in 1963, however, the composition of the population has altered due to the influx of Indonesian migrants.

The main reason has been the government-sponsored programme of transmigrasi (transmigration). According to the regional office of the Deparatment of Transmigration in Papua (formerly known as Irian Jaya), from 1964 to 1999 nearly 250,000 households -or over 500,000 people -have been settled in Papua, living in more than 200 settlements or villages built by the government. Slowly but surely these transmigration sites have developed into towns with ballooning populations.

The majority of the transmigrated people originate from the island of java and are Muslims. Although the government denies it, Papuans suspect the transmigration programme to be a thinly veiled policy of "javanization" of the territory of Papua.

Other newcomers have been 'spontaneous migrants' who have settled in all major towns in Papua. Two-thirds of the population of major towns are not Indonesians who were not born in Papua.

The influx of migrants has already altered Papua's demography. In 1961, the population of 700,000 was predominantly Papuan. In 2001, of the 2.2 million people in Papua, there were approximately 800,000 migrants and 1.4 million indigenous Papuans. If this trend continues, within a few years the Papuans, who are a minority in Indonesia, will also be a minority in their own land.

Changing places

The influx of migrants has effectively marginalized indigenous Papuans.

Migrants play dominants role in society, excelling in trade, services, construction and contracting in virtually all major towns. Jobs in government offices are taken by migrants and their descendents.

Government development activities has also been concentrated in towns, which are for more developed than rural areas. Consequently, migrants have disproportionately benefited from these government programmes, while the majority of the Papuans who live in isolated and remote villages are ignored.

Papuans see the migrants getting rich easily and quickly. People say: 'They only come for the money,' or 'They only come to find and steal our natural resources, not to educate the Papuan people.' The situation inevitably fosters envy and tension among local communities.

In 2001, the provincial government of Papua, worried about the impact of transmigration, introduced a programme if development for villages occupied by the Papuans in rural areas. In the same year, the central Indonesian government in Jakarta, in its law on special autonomy for Papua, agreed to limit the influx of spontaneous migrants to only those who are experts and have completed studies at high school or university level. However, to date the Indonesian government has failed to implement the law on special autonomy.

Breaking point

In the future, many more migrants will continue to go to Papua, to fill government jobs or work for private companies investing in the territory -such as BP's gas project in Bintuni Bay in partnership with the state-owned Indonesian company Pertamina.

Qualified and skilled people are needed for these jobs -and indigenous Papuans cannot fill all the jobs. Indonesian are free to move to and live in any part of Indonesian territory. People will go where the jobs and the opportunities are, and consequently many more internal migrants will go and settle in Papua.

The influx of migrants is inevitable but it is also, inevitably, altering Papua's demography. Indigenous Papuans are already marginalized socially, culturally, and economically. Many of them feel it is no exaggeration to say that sooner or later, if these trends continue, ethnic Papuans will ultimately vanish from the surface on the earth.

Papuans are therefore calling on the international community to put pressure on the Indonesian government to implement its own law on autonomy for Papua. The Indonesian government must also be urged to engage in peaceful and constructive dialogue with Papuans to identify the root causes of the problems and to determine peaceful solutions -before it is too late.

John Rumbiak interview with SBS Dateline

SBS Dateline - June 30, 2004

John Rumbiak is West Papua's most prominent human rights investigator. He led a 2-year investigation of the Freeport killings, in close cooperation with the FBI. Rumbiak now lives in exile after reports emerged of death threats being made against him by the Indonesian military. Yesterday, Rumbiak made contact with the accused man, Anthon Wamang, who is still in hiding in West Papua.

Mark Davis: John Rumbiak thanks for joining us. Anthon Wamang is now in hiding. Have you spoken with him?

John Rumbiak, human rights investigator: Yes, I just did. In fact, last night I talked to him and also the Amungme leaders in West Papua. And he was testifying, telling the truth, that he admitted that he himself and about 14 other members of his group involved in the ambush, taking place on 31 August 2002.

Mark Davis: Papuan members?

John Rumbiak: Papuan members. And he said that he did not follow the order of Kelly Kwalik, who was ordering a peaceful demonstration.

Mark Davis: Kwalik is the OPM commander?

John Rumbiak: The OPM commander, yes.

Mark Davis: Is Anthon Wamang a member of the OPM?

John Rumbiak: Yes, indeed, but he said that he has a very good relationship with the military, especially involving in the sandalwood business, as well as gold panning, and he travelled to Jakarta and also to Surabaya and that's how he got the ammunition.

Mark Davis: This is the key point at the moment. People have been accusing the Indonesian military of being involved in this incident. This is a fresh revelation. There were absolutely no Indonesian soldiers directly involved in the killing, but there is some suspicion about his connections with the military. Is that the position?

John Rumbiak: Well, the police preliminary investigation back in 2002 that basically concluded that there is a strong suspicion about the involvement of the Indonesian military. But also in our investigation for almost two years, Anthon himself never told us the truth. And he gave us two stories, the first one that he said that he and his people involved -- that was in February 2003 -- and then months later when we went back and talked to him again he changed his mind.

Mark Davis: So you've been aware of him and his involvement for some time. Did you pass that information to the FBI?

John Rumbiak: That's right. I met with the FBI in December 2003, in New York City, and I shared the information -- basically the two reports that he told us, you know, two different versions. Based on that, then the FBI went to Timika and we organised the trip and meeting with Anthon and even meeting with Kelly Kwalik, the OPM leader.

Mark Davis: And they went to the forest?

John Rumbiak: They went to the forest, of course. So they confirmed and they talked to Kelly Kwalik and Kelly Kwalik said it was a mistake, he didn't order Anthon and his people to kill the Americans. Anthon, according to him that he was going after the Indonesian military. And I ask him why and he said, "Well, because there has been so much injustices" - to his people, you know, Freeport exploiting their sacred mountains and polluting the rivers and stuff, and he said, "Well, they have been marginalised in their own land." So he just got upset. He thought that it was the military on that day...

Mark Davis: Coming up the mountain?

John Rumbiak: ... coming up the mountain. So that's why he asked his people to begin to fire.

Mark Davis: Well, in your conversations directly with him and in the statement he's about to release, has he discussed any contacts with the Indonesian military in this attack -- I mean, regarding weapons or money or ammunition that were provided to him?

John Rumbiak: He didn't specify it at all. All he said was that he got a good relationship with them and that he got the ammunition from them.

Mark Davis: He said he got the ammunition from the army?

John Rumbiak: Through the sandalwood and gold panning business.

Mark Davis: He's been in business with them?

John Rumbiak: Right.

Mark Davis: So he has a close relationship as far as you can tell?

John Rumbiak: Right.

Mark Davis: Well, you've called on him to surrender. We don't know if that's going to occur. But if he doesn't surrender, what are the consequences?

John Rumbiak: Well, the consequences for me reading the notion of the statement of the US Attorney-General, John Ashcroft, on 24 June, they are pretty much directed to the terrorist, terrorism, that's my great concern, because this statement of the US Government really level up the desire and intention of the Indonesian military to go after the innocent West Papuan people.

Mark Davis: The Indonesians have never shown any reluctance to kill people on that mountain before?

John Rumbiak: No, for 43 years -- you know, 100,000 West Papuan people have been killed. And there is no intervention from the international community to stop this from continuing. And for me, if the international community and especially the US Government, the way they see this incident -- not looking to the injustices and the ongoing human rights violations the West Papuan people have suffered so much for the last 43 years, then there's a great concern the Indonesian Government will go after these innocent people in West Papua.

Mark Davis: Is Anthon in a position to talk frankly about his relationship with the military? In your conversations with him, was there any sense that he was being intimidated or that he was in fear of his life or the life of his family?

John Rumbiak: I think right now, especially after he did this ambush, he's in a situation that he's really scared and there is no guarantee for his security and that's why when I talked to him last night, he said that "I will definitely surrender but I'm concerned about my safety, especially with the longstanding experience with the brutality of the Indonesian police and the military, so I want the international community, especially the Americans, to make sure that I'm safe." And I think, in my view, that when the trial is taking place that's the time for him to tell the truth, whether any people behind him conducting the ambush.

Mark Davis: John Rumbiak, thanks for your time.

John Rumbiak: Thank you.

ELSHAM rejects murder charge for alleged separatist

Radio Australia - June 29, 2004

Indonesia says it hopes to resume military cooperation with the United States after a separatist rebel leader was charged over the deaths of two Americans in Papua almost two years ago. A US grand jury in Washington has indicted Anthonius Wamang on two counts of murder and eight counts of attempted murder over an ambush at the Freeport copper mine, near the town of Timika.

Presenter/Interviewer: Sen Lam

Speakers: John Rumbiak, international coordinator, ELSHAM, the Institute of Human Rights Studies & Advocacy in Papua

Rumbiak: Wamang has lived in Timika town for seven years now. He used to in the forest together with Kelly Kwalik, the guerrilla leader, but since the last seven years he has been living in Timika town. He has quite a good relationship with the military in terms of sandal wood business, as well as gold panning. And he travelled to Jakarta and Surabaya doing transactions.

And he got all the ammunitions from the military. You know he claims himself as a member of OPM, which is of course true that in the last seven years before he moved to the city, and he still claims that he's the field commander of the OPM. The problem is, as testified by Kelly Kwalik himself recently when he met with FBI agents in the bush around Freeport Mine when the FBI did their investigation, that Anthonius did a mistake and he didn't follow the order of Kelly Kwalik, the leader of the OPM.

Lam: The Indonesian senior police investigator, Dadang Garnida said that OPM rebels including Anthonius Wamang had been ordered by their leader, their operational leader Kelly Kwalik to attack American targets. Do you refute that?

Rumbiak: That was true, I mean I cannot deny that. There was an order from Kelly Kwalik as a leader to target the Freeport Mine, the facilities, right? But it was also very obvious that he said that in doing so, because of the frustration of the people regarding the devastation of their environment, the exploitation of their mountains, which they considered as their mother earth, and the ongoing human rights violations that occurred around the mine, committed by Indonesian military there guarding the mine, so they wanted to peacefully demonstrate by blocking the Freeport Mine. But he didn't order at all to attack any humans. And the documents are right now within the hands of the FBI. ELSHAM, in the last one and a half years until this June before the report by the US Attorney General came out, are working closely with FBI to refute this ambush. I have been contacting back and forth with Amungwe leaders, the tribe that Anthon Wamang belongs to, and I asked them to get Anthon Wamang and other people involved in the ambush to sit down, and he has to explain things if they did a mistake, and you know, we are human. For me if he's charged as attacking the Americans as a crime, that would be the right way to go. But classifying this attack as the work of a terrorist, like the way the western world, especially the Americans understand 'terrorist', is not the case of West Papua. And I'm not speaking on behalf of Free Papua Movement; I disagree with the whole violence taking place as a method of the OPM itself. But I want to tell you and the world that the policy of the OPM and the principles of the OPM, especially in the last ten years has changed dramatically after we begin to educate the people about human rights and the non-violent way of dealing with the issue.

Lam: A meeting will be convened in Timika today. What do you expect to emerge from the meeting?

Rumbiak: The meeting today involves the Amungwe chief tribes, community leaders of that tribe itself, including church leaders and activists, to talk about what happened and especially hear the testimony from Anthonius Wamang and other people that are involved. And after that they will come out with a statement that basically the statement will be an apology for what they have done and they want to stress and they want to raise to the international community that they're not terrorists.

Lam: Do you expect the meeting to resolve, to handover Anthonius Wamang...?

Rumbiak: Yes absolutely, that is one of the things that you know the first thing is that the leaders want to hear directly from himself. Papuan civil society groups, tribal leaders as well as the Papua Presidium Council and Free Papua Movement itself, they will send statements to apologise, but also tell the world that you know, we are just humans. Lam: So you expect Anthonius Wamang to be expelled from the community at Timika?

Rumbiak: Yes absolutely.

Lam: Into the arms of the Indonesian police?

Rumbiak: Yes, we have to enforce the laws. And that's why we want to have this meeting in Timika so that he's convinced and he has to surrender, and he has to tell the world why he did that. That's the most important thing.

'War on terrorism'

US tips Jakarta's terror balance

Asia Times - July 3, 2004

Michael Roston -- Perhaps nowhere else in the world is there a more challenging need to carefully balance the global "war on terrorism" with promoting progress on human rights and the development of nascent democratic institutions than in Indonesia. In the aftermath of the Abu Ghraib prison scandal in Iraq, treading carefully is necessary to successfully restore credibility to America's ability to challenge human rights violations.

Unfortunately, the George W Bush administration appears not only to have given up on restoring its legitimacy on human rights, but has shifted the balance to encourage human rights violations by the Indonesian military in the name of fighting terror. Such capitulation is the only credible explanation for the June 24 press release by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Justice Department on its indictment of an Indonesian for the murder of two American school teachers employed by the Freeport McMoRan corporation in the distant province of West Papua. The release sent a stark message that US policy will exclusively promote counter-terrorism, even at the cost of important human rights goals.

The deadly August 2002 attack in restive West Papua resulted in difficulties for US-Indonesia relations. The US Congress subsequently approved legislation suspending some military ties between the two states until the perpetrators of the murders in West Papua were brought to justice. US legislators were spurred into this action based in part on the belief that elements of the Indonesian armed forces (known by the Indonesian acronym TNI) had been involved in the attacks. However, the FBI's release concludes that a single individual, Anthonius Wamang, identified as a commander of the military arm of the Free Papua Movement (known by its Indonesian acronym OPM), an organization promoting Papuan independence from Indonesia, was responsible for the killings and is to be solely indicted in the case.

The Robert F Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights is already questioning the contours of the indictment, finding reasons to doubt that Wamang was individually responsible for the murders. Representatives of the Papuan organization Elsham also reported that Wamang has strong links to the Indonesian military. It has been the long-standing policy of TNI to build up local militias supportive of Jakarta's policies, much as pro-Indonesia militias were responsible for much of the violence in East Timor in 1999.

Unfortunately, the indictment is not questionable for this reason alone. In addition to ignoring the line of command responsible for the murder of the Freeport employees, the language used by the US government in explaining its pursuit of this case is suggestive of a dangerous policy shift in the war against international terrorism in Southeast Asia.

The Justice Department announcement stridently claims that the West Papua indictment is an effort to combat terrorism against American citizens.

Attorney-General John Ashcroft has boldly stated, "Terrorists will find that they cannot hide from US justice." However, by identifying the actions of a purported leader of a section of the OPM as terrorism, the Justice Department and the FBI have equated these criminal actions with the kind of terrorism that most threatens international security -- that is, the organized, multi-nationally coordinated strikes on the United States, its allies and friends best exhibited by the al-Qaeda network's efforts to advance its destructive ideological goals.

The State Department has never identified OPM or any other separatist organization in Indonesia as reaching the level of "foreign terrorist organization". The department's Office of Counter-terrorism devotes considerable resources toward determining which political groups are heinous enough in intent and action to receive this dubious title for a good reason: without a clear understanding of what is and is not a foreign terrorist organization, the US will identify too many political groups as dangerous to its national security and subsequently be unable to carefully marshal limited counter-terrorism resources to defend the interests of America and its allies. The deliberative process of identifying groups as foreign terrorist organizations is undertaken to ensure that the US is not left with a hammer as its only tool, with the resulting view that every problem is a nail.

The Indonesian military, on the other hand, is happy to pound away at the OPM, and any other organization in conflict with the country's central government. When given the opportunity, authorities in Jakarta have tried their best to elevate rebels and political groups in other restive regions like Aceh to the level of "terrorist", hoping that tarring the government's opponents with this brush would motivate foreign support for its brutal responses to political disputes. Indonesia's identification of a communist threat in East Timor was similarly used to justify its horrific 1977 invasion of the now independent nation, and TNI has shown a willingness to use the language of the global "war on terrorism" to motivate international approval of its brutal means of securing Indonesian territorial integrity.

Unfortunately, the Justice Department announcement signals a willingness by the US to overlook excessive Indonesian military action.

After the American indictment, the Indonesian Foreign Ministry quickly announced its hope that the move would remove a major obstacle to military cooperation between the two countries. If American assistance is resumed, the West Papua indictment will be a turning point in US acquiescence to viewing terrorism through Indonesian military lenses. While TNI's repression of political opponents in several areas of the country accelerates, it is unlikely that the political will or military resources will be available for Indonesia to prosecute the fight against international terrorism, and the advancement on Indonesia of radical Islamists who share the anti-Western goals of the al- Qaeda network will culminate in more rounds of destructiveness as terrible as that already seen in the Bali and Jakarta bombings.

Hopefully, policymakers in the US will realize that a balanced consideration of human rights concerns is essential to achieving victory in the struggle against terrorism. When militaries like the one found in Indonesia focus resources on brutalizing the political opposition, little of their efforts will be directed toward combating the terrorism that threatens not only America, but the world.

[Michael Roston is a New York-based researcher on terror and violence. He has worked with the Singaporean organization Think Center and spent the past three years in Washington, DC as an analyst of WMD security issues. Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say.]

2004 elections

Former generals lead presidential race

Green Left Weekly - June 30, 2004

Max Lane -- Former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono appears to be the front-runner in Indonesia's presidential election, to be held on July 5. Some political analysts say he will win more than 50% of the vote, meaning there would be no need for a September run- off.

However, other pollsters are sceptical. They note that the polls that put Yudhoyono in the lead have all been taken in the big cities, using either telephone polling or small focus groups, and are therefore unrepresentative of Indonesia's voting public.

According to a poll conducted by the Washington-based International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), released on June 23, 45% of those surveyed support Yudhoyono. Running a distant second in the polls is former general Wiranto, on 11.4% according to the IFES poll.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri is in third place, with the support of 11% of voters. Trailing her are Amien Rais, head of the country's legislature for the past five years, and Megawati's vice-president, Hamzah Haz, each with less than 10% support.

One theme that comes up again and again in the mainstream Indonesian media is that this is contest between "popularity" and "political machine". Yudhoyono, who was a cabinet minister in both the Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati governments, has achieved a high level of television profile during the last five years.

At the same time, Yudhoyono has avoided being stamped as close to any of the big business conglomerates and has generally managed to have his role in former dictator Suharto's military machine forgotten. But his new Democrat Party is small and has no machinery, scoring only 7.5% in April's parliamentary elections.

The fourth presidential candidate, Amien Rais, is in a similar position to Yudhoyono. Rais' National Mandate Party (PAN) also has no machinery and scored 6.4% in the parliamentary elections. But he has a high profile as one of the mainstream figures who opposed Suharto during the weeks prior to the dictator's downfall in May 1998.

Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) and Wiranto's Golkar have big party machines, although the PDIP's apparatus tends to be mainly in Java and Golkar's outside Java. These machines are able to get their candidates' message to the 100 million voters in the small towns and villages, as well as the big city kampung (urban neighbourhoods).

Hamzah Haz is backed by the religious United Development Party (PPP), which has a small electoral machine, limited to a few specific areas only.

Much media discussion is now based around the question: What will win -- image or machine? The reason why nobody is really confident to answer this question is that it has been almost 40 years since political party competition has taken place in an atmosphere free of government coercion and military repression. Can political machines, even when they are handing out money, deliver votes when they are not backed up by the threat of violence, imprisonment or other harassment?

Does the fact that candidates like Yudhoyono and Rais are essentially creations of the Jakarta political scene mean that without party machines in the provinces, their popular appeal won't reach down to village, kampung and small town? None of the five candidates are discussing the country's socio-economic crisis or offering any clear policy responses.

The assumption is that none are proposing anything very different from what has been implemented by the Megawati government, under the general guidance of the International Monetary Fund. Projecting personal image, either as a firm leader or as a "man or woman of the people", visiting a local market, or being able to croon to a crowd has comprised most of the candidates' campaigning.

They do know the mood of the people though and so the general themes they vaguely articulate all mention improving the economy and employment, reviving the national education system, "reconciliation" (which means many things to many people), and no return to the ways of the Suharto dictatorship. But specifics on any of these general policies is completely lacking from the candidates' campaigns.

It is not surprising then that the other media discussion point is whether the presidential election will see the same high proportion of voters not voting as occurred with the April parliamentary elections.

The May 10 Kompas daily reported that, according to data from the General Election Commission, there were 34.5 million non-voting registered voters in the April elections -- 23.3% of registered voters. The highest scoring party in the April elections, Golkar, received 21.6% of the vote.

The percentage of non-voting registered voters was highest in Jakarta and West Java, reflecting the political volatility in the Jakarta metropolitan area.

On June 8, thousands of farmers demonstrated in Jakarta against the impact of deregulation in agriculture and threatened to boycott the presidential election. The deep alienation of ordinary working people from the establishment political process adds to the uncertainty of the electoral outcome since it is not clear how many registered voters will actually vote.

In the absence of any policy differences or even much pretence of such differences between the five presidential candidates, many voters -- especially middle-class professionals and university students -- are tending to differentiate the candidates according to whether they have a military background or not. Student groups, human rights organisations and other NGOs have been urging people not to vote for former generals. As well as Yudhoyono and Wiranto, this also includes Hamzah Haz's running- mate, Agum Gumelar, a retired four-star general.

These groups point to the role of the military under the Suharto regime and accuse Wiranto, Yudhoyono and Gumelar of having been involved in human rights abuses. These calls are often couched in warnings about the danger of a return to the militaristic rule of the Suharto era.

One coalition, the United Opposition Front, which includes the radical left-wing Peoples Democratic Party (PRD), has gone further and specified reforms that candidates should be measured against in relation to the danger of a return of militaristic rule. These include the demand for the dissolution of the territorial structure of the military, under which officers and soldiers are located in all provinces of the country.

Rais and even Megawati are gathering more support from middle- class professionals because they are not former generals. This is despite the fact they both have former generals in their campaign teams and Megawati's imposition of martial law in Aceh.

Whoever wins the presidential election, it is unlikely that there will be any change in the government's "free market" economic policies. The Indonesian economy still shows no sign of recovery from the 1997-98 crash. Unemployment continues to affect about 40 million people and more than half the population of 220 million still lives on less than $2 a day, according to the latest World Bank report, released on June 2.

According to the World Bank, services to the poor in Indonesia are among the worst in the South-East Asian region. Many primary school buildings are near to collapse, children go to school without shoes and the local puskesmas (health clinics) quickly run out of basic medicines.

Indonesia is also the only member of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries to become a net oil importer. In March, the country imported an average of 484,000 barrels of crude oil a day against exports of only 448,000 barrels a day. A large portion of the population forced to live on less than US$2 a day.

Interview with leading presidential candidate SBY

Radio Australia - June 29, 2004

With just a week to presidential elections in Indonesia, one man has emerged with an unbeatable lead. Outpolling all his rivals, including his old boss, President Megawati, and with a 45 percent approval rating, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono says he's confident of victory. Once he's in power, the former general has promised to create jobs, reduce poverty and renew the fight against terrorism.

Presenter/Interviewer: Michael Maher

Speakers: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesian presidential front-runner

SBY: Well, I want to know also the answer. But if I could just refer to the result of the survey, people may like me because of my seriousness in dealing with problems in this country, my vision and my personality.

That's why I try to maintain to ... so that I do what I say and I say what I do. And I continuously communicate to the people my solution for solving many problems in the future.

Maher: Do they like you, as well, because you're a former general? Do they like you because they see you as a strong leader, a leader with, perhaps, his general's stars still rusted on who can solve the many problems Indonesia faces?

SBY: The reality is some elements of our society actually refuse the presence of the candidate with military background, but the majority says differently. So that might be a factor but I have to know further on that picture.

Maher: Why is that? Because the military in Indonesia, during the era of Suharto, committed lots of human rights abuses. Why is it, do you think, that a substantial proportion of the Indonesian electorate wants a military man in power?

SBY: Yes, I think many people think that they cannot generalise the figures of today's politicians with what has been done in the past by the military during Suharto era. And I think people also know that the military has conducted serious reforms and I am part of the reform. I led the generals to draw the blueprint of the military reforms in 1998 and 1999. In my view, I think this reality influenced the minds of the people -- that they not necessarily refuse the presence of the candidate with military background.

Maher: Now, of course, one of your main rivals is another general, Wiranto. Now, of course, Wiranto in the West is indelibly associated with the issue of East Timor, the human rights abuses committed there in 1999. You were also an officer in East Timor many years ago. How come none of that association has been attached to you? You don't seem to have suffered from that association with East Timor.

SBY: The difference is Pak Wiranto was in the command. I think he has to claim responsibility over what happened in East Timor back in 1999. And I had different portfolio at that time.

Maher: Do you think, given Wiranto was in command, that he should be punished for his role in East Timor? After all, there does need to be responsibility, doesn't there, in these matters?

SBY: I think the legal process is under way, and I should not intervene in the process of the...I should say...legal process on that case.

Maher: Human rights activists in your country are worried that if either yourself or Wiranto is elected that the clock in Indonesia will be turned back towards a more authoritarian style of government. What can you say to allay those fears?

SBY: I do understand that kind of perception. It is going too far, I believe. I think people know that in the last four to five years, I think there is no indication at all that military will play a socio-political role as has been played in the past. And I think this is an indication that military reform is moving well. I have to take a little note, though, that our active generals have to continue this reform, have to respect democracy and never engage again in practical politics.

Maher: Do you believe that dual function is finished?

SBY: Finished. Finished. I believe very strongly. But it has to be maintained, has to be managed, because the problems related to civil-military relations in Indonesia not only rely on the generals but also on the politicians. Both sides have to be educated to respect the nature of civil-military relations.

Maher: Finally, in the West, one of the reasons that Western governments are quite keen for you to be elected president is you're seen as strong on terrorism. First of all, do you believe that the government of Megawati Sukarnoputri wasn't tough enough on terrorism? And if you are elected, will you be tougher?

SBY: Well, I will continue the serious effort of the Indonesian government to combat terrorism because it's in our own interests. Of course, we have to cooperate with friendly nations, with my neighbouring countries, but to be understood that we need our country... be safer because we suffered a lot in the past two to four years because of terrorism. So I will continue this national endeavour in combating terrorism, for sure.

Election fatigue sets in

Radio Australia - June 30, 2004

Election fatigue has set in in Indonesia. After the Parliamentary polls in April, and now a presidential campaign, most Indonesians are keen to put electioneering and elections behind them. But even after 150-million voters cast their ballots next Monday, they face the prospect of having to do it all again in September.

Presenter/Interviewer: Karon Snowdon

Speakers: Sabam Siagian, editor-at-large for the Jakarta Post and Former Indonesian Ambassador to Australia; Poempida Hidayatulloh, Chair of the political Youth wing of Golkar

Snowdon: Retired General Wiranto could be losing his grip on second place. And that's despite being the Golkar Party candidate -- whose formidable machine helped keep Suharto in power for three decades. But not all in Golkar are behind their candidate -- and it's questionable whether the blessing of former President Abdurrahman Wahid, who's brother is Wiranto's Vice Presidential running mate, will pull in as many votes as it once might have.

Epitomising the disaffection in Golkar is Poempida Hidayatulloh, who prefers Amien Rais, former Parliamentary Speaker who is still running fourth but closing the gap to have a real chance of taking second place. Poempida is not only the Chair of the political Youth wing of Golkar, several of his family hold powerful positions in the party. His independent stand is a potent sign of how voters are not following the old party or family directives.

Poempida: Actually, with all due respect to Mr Wiranto, unfortunately I'm not a fan of his. In Golkar actually I notice that especially in the youth, actually some people really adore SBY. But more knowledgeable people and more people who put a lot of criticism, they like Amien Rais also. So I think between SBY and Amien Rais becomes one of the favourite candidates.

Snowdon: There may be a split between the older and younger voters, but Wiranto's unexpected selection as the Party's candidate surprised many, and left little time to find common ground Poempida Hidayatulloh confirms that Wiranto hasn't meshed well with the Golkar organisation, who's members complain those close to him aren't distributing promised funds for election programs.

Poempida: Well to be honest, I'm a little bit pessimistic about it. Because it's a pity that Mr Wiranto is not using the full potential of Golkar parties.

Snowdon: So you're saying it's his fault not the split within the party itself.

Poempida: I'm not sure whose fault..it could be his team's fault also. But it could be his fault. It could be his team's fault. And I think that there are differences that couldn't be fixed just with a couple of months' time.

Snowdon: With a rating of more than 40 percent in opinion polls, totalling more than his three main rivals put together, Yudhoyono, or SBY, is sure to be taking to the hustings again in September, unless he attracts more than 50 percent of votes on Monday and heads straight to the Palace.

So would voters be happy if a winner is announced after July the 5th? You bet -- if election fatigue, European soccer distractions and the tight controls imposed by the election commission nervous of violence are anything to go by.

But according to Sabam Siagian, editor-at-large for the English- language newspaper, the Jakarta Post and former Indonesian Ambassador to Australia, a second round is preferable to an outright win on the day. He believes the developing Indonesian democracy needs more time to digest its first direct election, and predicts trouble if a winner is declared from the July the 5th poll.

Siagian: Certainly there would be complaints of irregularities, and law cases would be submitted to the Constitutional Court and all that. And Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would most probably face problems in forming a new government. And perhaps disturbances, perhaps from Megawati people.

Snowdon: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono himself has said just the opposite, that if he doesn't win outright on July the 5th, there's a good chance of disturbances, perhaps violence in the lead up to a September run-off. Would you agree that's a possibility?

Siagian: It depends who is his opponent. If and when it's another general, General Wiranto, then as a colleague would say, it would most probably be a battle of OK Corral -- of two generals facing each other.

All except one candidate champion civilian government

Jakarta Post - July 1, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- All the presidential candidates except for retired general Wiranto agree to civilian supremacy in governance, particularly regarding the handling of defense and security matters.

And while all candidates were for a professional military, their platforms lacked elaboration on how this is to be done, a discussion with the candidates' success teams revealed.

Wednesday's discussion on the candidates' defense and security platforms was held by Propatria, a non government organization comprising experts on defense issues.

Lt. Gen. (ret.) Suaidi Marasabessy, chairman of Wiranto's campaign team, said the concept of "civilian supremacy" or civil-military dichotomy was not found in the Amended 1945 Constitution and the new Law No. 3/2002 on state defense. "Civilians and the military are equal before the law," he said.

Edy Prasetyono of the Centre for Strategic International Studies (CSIS), said he appreciated the four other presidential candidates' platforms who he said had adopted the civilian supremacy concept, a crucial part of democracy.

Edy called on the candidates to continue internal reform in the military, as they promised following the formal end of the New Order regime in 1998. Under a new structure, "the TNI [Indonesian Military] commander would be subordinate to the defense minister," he said. Currently the TNI commander is on par with Cabinet ministers.

In a study on the platforms on defense the experts found, for instance, that none of the platforms discussed the need to review the role of the police to protect and serve the people. Neither did any of them touch on changing police culture, which they said is essential to help the police fit in with its role in line with the new law on the police, which separates the police from the TNI.

Legal expert Bambang Widjojanto said the police "must change itself to become a civilian police ... to protect and serve the people, enforce the law and maintain security and order."

On defense in general, the camp of Gen. (ret) Wiranto's platform stresses the need of consistency among regulations and laws. But it does not reveal how relations between the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the Police should be reviewed despite the new law on the police.

While the law states that internal security is the responsibility of the police, who can ask for TNI's help when necessary, the platform of Megawati and Hamzah Haz respectively proposed ways of the possibility of involving the TNI in internal security matters. Amien Rais' platform also stresses the need to draw up laws on the arrangement of TNI's assistance to the government.

Edy said further the presidential candidates should also make concrete programs to make TNI professional. "The recruitment and training system must be reviewed, the military's annual budget must be derived from the annual state budget and the military must be transparent regarding its budget," he said, adding that the military should not be allowed to do business. All candidates agreed that the welfare of TNI personnel must be improved.

Presidential hopefuls vow to punish rights abusers

Associated Press - July 1, 2004

Jakarta -- The two top candidates in the Indonesian election - both retired generals -- said Thursday that rights abusers should be treated just like drug dealers and be punished with death.

But front-front-runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Wiranto were less forthright when it came to the role of the military if they are elected in the country's first direct presidential election July 5.

They said they supported civilian rule but insisted military policy should be set by the generals. They also said the territorial command structure -- which has given the military the opportunity to engage in politics as well as operate legal and illegal businesses -- should remain in place.

"If we don't have soldiers down to village level, we won't have an early warning system and there may be infiltration into the country," Wiranto, who goes by one name, said during the televised debate which also included Vice President Hamzah Haz. "Our army is small," he said, "Their responsibility big."

Their comments are likely to raise concerns among rights activists, who fear that either candidate may give the military a greater role in governing the country and roll back reforms that have helped professionalize the force.

During the 32-year reign of ex-dictator Suharto, the armed forces was used to brutally repress any opposition. In exchange, the army got to meddle in the workings of government, and loyal officers were appointed to key government posts and the rubber- stamp legislature. Suharto was forced from office in 1998 amid massive demonstrations.

The two generals, however, were adamant that rights abusers should be held accountable -- a bold promise especially by Wiranto who has been indicted in East Timor for alleged rights abuses committed by his troop in 1999.

"Capital punishment is part of justice," Yudhoyono said. "Whomever commits a crime -- whether they be corruptors or gross human rights violators -- should face [capital punishment]. But everything must go through a credible court system."

The debate, organized by the national election commission, marks the end of the campaign season. Much like Wednesday's debate between President Megawati and lawmaker Amien Rais, it was more like a fireside chat. Heeding a political culture where public confrontation is taboo, the candidates refused to criticize the other's policies.

If elected, they also promised to boost the country's sagging economy through increased foreign investment, crackdown on corruption and promote equal rights for women.

In Wednesday's debate, President Megawati Sukarnoputri appeared tense, distracted and often unprepared -- a showing critics said gained her little support among disenchanted voters and may have sealed her defeat in the election.

Analysts said the 57-year-old Megawati needed a dynamic performance in Wednesday's debate to shake off the image that she is an aloof "princess" and give her a massive boost in popularity. She is trailing Yudhoyono by as much 30% in recent polls.

Generals display flair in debate

Jakarta Post - July 2, 2004

Rendy Witular and M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- True colors were displayed on the second day of the two-day official presidential dialog on Thursday, as the retired generals among the presidential and vice presidential candidates presented their ideas on the place of the military in Indonesia.

During the presidential debate, called a dialog by the organizer, the General Elections Commission, presidential candidates Hamzah Haz, the current Vice President, Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, both retired generals, responded to a range of issues.

One of the topics they touched on was the territorial structures within the Indonesian Military (TNI) and whether the TNI commander should be subordinate to the Ministry of Defense.

The two issues, raised by panelist Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a researcher on military issues, are among the most crucial in efforts to end the TNI's traditional role in politics.

Thursday's dialog was more lively than the previous night's, with all three of the candidates showing a command of the issues and a general ease fielding questions.

In Wednesday's dialog, featuring candidates Megawati Soekarnoputri and Amien Rais, Megawati appeared flustered more than once when cut off by moderator Ira Koesno, and Amien came across as the much more communicative candidate.

However on Thursday many among the 300 spectators who gathered at the Hotel Borobudur to watch the event, left the venue early.

Several said they were bored because the candidates failed to offer concrete explanation.

The candidates on Thursday said the territorial structures within the military, which run parallel to government offices from the central level down to villages, should be maintained, despite the promise of military reform announced by Wiranto in the "New Paradigm" document in the early days of the "reform era".

The territorial structures are seen by many as one source of inherited problems from the past regime, as they extend the military's role in society beyond their defense role. However, in the "white book" of the defense ministry the structures are maintained.

Former military commander Wiranto said he would not resume the political function of the territorial structures if elected. "I want [the structures] purely for our defense against infiltrators and rebels," he said, adding that he would boost the territorial commands in terms of skill and defense equipment.

Former chief security minister Susilo also said the structures were still needed, but added that the commands needed to be "purified" and returned to their defense role only and should not dabble in politics.

Retired general Agum Gumelar, Hamzah's running mate, said the territorial structures had the ability to anticipate "horizontal conflicts". "The territorial commands are also needed to prevent infiltration by invaders," said Agum.

On whether the TNI commander should be subordinate to the minister of defense, only Agum answered in the positive. Currently the TNI commander is on par with Cabinet ministers.

Ideally, he said, "the TNI commander should be accountable and bow to the minister of defense, as in developed nations. This is part of a strategy to drive civilian supremacy".

Susilo said what was important was that "there should be no intervention made by each other. I prefer to maintain the current structure, with the minister of defense dealing with budgetary affairs and general defense policy".

Wiranto agreed with Susilo, saying that "it is not yet time for the TNI to be under the minister of defense, although the military has agreed to follow regulations and laws set up by civilians".

In the dialog there was one amusing incident, when panelist Harkristuti Harkrisnowo, a legal expert, questioned Hamzah over his plan to "change the mind-set of men regarding women, who are regarded as "second-class citizens".

Hamzah, who officially has three wives, looked puzzled. The panelist repeated the question and Hamzah gestured to Agum for help, who stepped in and answered the question.

Presidential hopefuls spar on graft, jobs

Reuters - July 1, 2004

Achmad Sukarsono, Jakarta -- Ex-general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the frontrunner, and another former military man contesting Indonesia's presidency squared off on Thursday over graft and jobs in the last of two official campaign debates.

Indonesians vote directly for their president for the first time on July 5, and the election commission ordered the five contenders and their vice presidential running mates to appear in two televised debates.

Two candidates faced a panel of four questioners on Wednesday and three on Thursday. Candidates were allowed to criticise one another's replies but were barred from questioning each other directly.

On the country's chronic corruption, which many analysts say the current attorney general has failed to tackle, Yudhoyono, a former general and more recently security minister, said:

"I'll ask the attorney general what he has done so far on the legal process against the ones who have been accused of committing graft."

Another ex-general, former military chief Wiranto, vowed to immediately reopen shelved cases and chase new ones, while his running mate, Salahuddin Wahid, suggested a hunt for a new attorney general. "We really have to search for an attorney general who is honest, brave and professional," said Wahid.

On economics, former Suharto adjutant Wiranto chided his army junior Yudhoyono for failing to make a clear choice when asked whether he would put a higher priority on creating more jobs or on boosting salaries for employed Indonesians.

"A leader at times must face dilemmas but there are choices that we must take courageously, knowing the risks they carry. I choose to open new fields of jobs. It is impossible for us to do those two choices at the same time," Wiranto said.

Unemployment and underemployment are major problems in Indonesia, affecting almost half the 100 million workforce.

The two ex-infantrymen agreed on many issues, including the death penalty for narcotics dealers and civilian supremacy over the military. Indonesia is waging war on drugs while the army was near omnipotent during the Suharto era.

Vice President Hamzah Haz, also seeking the top spot but running a distant last in opinion polls, also took part in the encounter.

Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri and supreme legislature chief Amien Rais faced off in the first debate.

Yudhoyono has led all recent opinion polls by wide margins. Megawati, Wiranto and Rais have been neck and neck for second place.

Although the debates have fallen short of the cross-fire many hoped for, they are still milestones in Indonesia's chaotic transition to democracy since the 1998 fall of autocratic President Suharto amid social unrest. During his 32-year rule, debating issues was taboo even in universities.

If no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the votes in July, the top two go forward to a run-off in September.

Indonesia faces tough anti-graft drive candidates say

Agence France Presse - July 1, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia faces a tough battle to stem rampant corruption, three of the country's presidential candidates said.

In a nationally televised debate ahead of Monday's election, candidate and former armed forces chief Wiranto said the anti- corruption drive should target corruption past and present.

"We should not only be trapped in only dragging out corruptors who are guilty but not yet punished, but there should also be a spirit to drag new corruptors around us," Wiranto said.

Wiranto's vice presidential candidate Solahuddin Wahid said many things needed to be put in order first, including the witness protection law. "Without this law, nobody will dare report on corruptors," Wahid said.

Presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also a former general, said there should be a review of pending corruption cases. "There should first be a review ... I will ask what has been done by the attorney general so far on the legal process on those suspected of corruption," he said. Any cases shown to have been frozen or ignored should be reopened, he said.

The third presidential candidate taking part in the debate, current Vice President Hamzah Haz, ran out of time to answer after talking about past steps. But his vice presidential candidate, former transport minister Agum Gumelar, said: "To put [in] order something that is in disorder is not easy."

Indonesia has for years been labelled as among the most corrupt countries in the world and many critics have said widespread graft is undermining its investment climate and whatever progress it was making in the economy.

All candidates were also in support of the death penalty for those found guilty in major corruption cases, drug traffickers and those guilty of crimes against humanity or of gross violation of human rights.

Wiranto agreed that capital punishment could be meted for crimes against humanity and gross human rights violations, but only "as long as the investigation is conducted honestly, openly and that it [the charges] are not politically created".

A United Nations-backed court has issued an arrest warrant against Wiranto on charges of crimes against humanity in East Timor in 1999. Prosecutors say he failed to curb atrocities there by Indonesian troops and militia allies against independence supporters.

The three candidates also agreed there was a need to retain the pervasive network of the country's armed forces that dates back from the Suharto era. "We still need it while our nation is still facing horizontal conflicts," said Gumelar, arguing the military's presence was necessary to handle communal conflicts.

Indonesia held parliamentary elections on April 5 and will elect a president and vice president on July 5.

Two other candidates, incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri and national assembly chairman Amien Rais, already faced a separate debate late on Wednesday.

Round 2 live dialog excerpts

1. On fight against corruption:

• Wiranto: Focus not only on corruption involving top officials and business heavyweights, but also at a lower level, which is also rampant. Prevent corruption, adopt stiffer punishment and monitoring system.
• Hamzah: Send all big corruptors to jail during the first 100 days of tenure, and amend corruption laws to enable a reversal in burden of proof, requiring alleged corruptors to prove their assets are not from graft.
• Susilo: Review the judiciary and law enforcers during their first 100 days of tenure, before taking stern measure against corruptors.

2. On unemployment:

• Wiranto: Prioritize job creation, rather than workers' welfare.
• Hamzah: Launch massive infrastructure projects to absorb as much of the workforce as possible, empower small- and medium- scale enterprises and private sector alike.
• Susilo: Improve workers' welfare and create jobs at the same time.

3. On investment/economy:

• Wiranto: The priority is to provide investors and business players with legal certainties, apart from security. Try to boost tourism sector.
• Hamzah: Increase value of local products, improve legal and security conditions.
• Susilo: Increase oil and mining exploration, boost agriculture sector, improve and create new tourism destinations.

4. On culture/sports:

• Wiranto: Prevent negative impacts of globalization, such as pornography and aspects of Western culture that contradicts local norms.
• Hamzah: Restore the now-defunct state minister of sports and youth affairs office and set up a new ministry that specifically deals with culture.
• Susilo: Try to empower local cultures in order to create a more civilized society.

Facing defeat at the polls, Megawati falters at key debate

Associated Press - July 1, 2004

Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri appeared tense, distracted and unprepared in Indonesia's first presidential debate -- a showing critics said may have sealed her defeat in next week's election.

Analysts said the 57-year-old Megawati needed a dynamic performance to shake off the image that she is an aloof "princess" and give her a boost ahead of the July 5 elections. She is trailing the leading contender, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, by as many as 30 percentage points in recent polls.

Instead, Megawati was panned for stiffly reading from prepared statements in the debate with one of her four rivals, lawmaker Amien Rais.

She was also criticized for giving vague answers or letting her running mate, Hasyim Muzadi, answer many of the questions. "This definitely didn't help her," said Sjahirir, a political analyst who like many Indonesians uses one name. "Can you imagine? She started out reading from a text and then ended by letting Muzadi read from a text. You're running for office, and you can't talk freely for three minutes. She's got no chance."

During the 90-minute televised event, Megawati mostly revived stale campaign promises -- 13 million jobs, a 40% cut in poverty -- without offering details. She also defended her record and begged voters to give her more time to fix the ailing economy and crack down on corruption. "Many of our problems started many years ago," she said. "It isn't easy to overhaul this situation. We have made progress."

On Thursday night, in the final debate of the campaign, the two leading candidates -- both retired generals -- said those who abuse civil rights should be treated like drug dealers and be punished with death.

But Yudhoyono, a former security minister, and Wiranto were less clear about the role of the military if they win the presidency. Both said they supported civilian rule, but insisted policy should be set by the generals.

Megawati, the daughter of the country's founder, Sukarno, became president in July 2001, replacing Abdurrahman Wahid, who was impeached on charges of corruption and incompetence. She had a loyal following from her days as a critic of ex-dictator Suharto, and many hoped she would match the charisma of her father, who died under house arrest in 1970.

Supporters also expected her administration to take aim at Suharto and his cronies, help the poor, and lead the transition to a democracy. But corruption worsened and Suharto remains free. Anti-government activists have been jailed, and the economy has not grown fast enough to put a dent in double-digit unemployment or to help the poor.

"She created an enormous amount of hope going back to 1998 and 1999," said Jeffrey Winters, an Indonesian expert at Northwestern University in Chicago. "She misread the signals and somehow did not realize that people wanted genuine change. ... She didn't deliver."

Megawati's reputation, critics said, has also been hurt by a close relationship with the military. She has been slow to respond to crisis, rarely speaks in public, and often refuses to heed advice. She was accused of standing idle as floods inundated the capital in 2002, and she all but ignored the threat of terrorism until after the October 12, 2002, Bali bombings, which killed 202 people.

The latest survey from the Washington-based International Foundation for Electoral Systems, released Thursday, showed Megawati trailing in third place and only gaining about a percentage point since the campaign began a month ago.

"I supported her before, but since she took office, prices for many basic goods have gone up," said Nelmawati Yani, who plans to vote for Rais. "Maybe he can change the country for the better."

Human rights/law

Activists slam government's official rights body

Jakarta Post - June 28, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The government has been criticized for establishing a new national human rights committee directly under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, with activists saying it would be open to political interference.

Human rights campaigners said on Saturday the committee, which will have regional branches nationwide, was likely to be biased toward to the government.

Indonesian governments had often committed rights abuses in the past and the establishment of this new committee would mean they would continue to go unchecked, they said.

"It's stupid the government is now setting up a committee that is tasked with dealing with its wrongdoings," said Johnson Pandjaitan of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI). He said as the committee would handle human rights cases involving government officials, the new structure would likely mean perpetrators would walk free from courts.

Johnson said the government should strengthen the role of the existing National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) instead of forming a new committee. "Under the administration of [President] Megawati [Soekarnoputri], I have seen hope for justice increasingly fading. With the establishment of the committee, the government will now be able to politically control all human rights cases," he told The Jakarta Post.

He said if the government was serious about promoting human rights, it should ratify international human rights conventions, such as those on women and children's protection and those on civilian, political and economic rights protection.

Similarly, National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) chairman Ori Rahman questioned whether the role of the committee would not overlap with Komnas HAM's.

"Because of political interference from both the executive and legislative bodies, Komnas HAM has so far faced difficulties deciding whether rights violations have occurred or not. I wonder what Komnas HAM will be able to achieve following the government's decision to establish the new committee," he said.

High-profile incidents such as the Trisakti, Semanggi I and Semanggi II killings were declared only as common crimes by the House of Representatives, despite the recommendations of Komnas. Komnas said it had found evidence of human rights abuses in those cases and had recommended they be brought to an ad hoc human rights tribunal.

Megawati signed a decree on May 11 to establish the new national committee that would coordinate human rights activities throughout the country. Based on the decree, the committee is chaired by the minister of justice and human rights with members comprising representatives of both the government and national human rights institutions.

The committee's tasks will include establishing and strengthening institutions that enforce the National Action Plan on Human Rights (RANHAM), preparing the ratification of international human rights instruments, disseminating human rights information and monitoring, evaluating and submitting human rights reports to the president.

As the committee chairman, the minister of justice and human rights along with governors across the country will form provincial RANHAM committees, which will be accountable to the governors and the national committee.

Members of provincial committees will comprise government representatives, experts and public figures. Similar committees will also be set up at the regental/municipal levels across the country.

Military ties

Indonesia presses for military ties with US

Agence France Presse - July 2, 2004

Indonesia pressed for the resumption of full military ties with the United States and access to top terror suspect Hambali, an official said.

The request to interview Hambali was made by Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda in talks with US Secretary of State Colin Powell Friday on the sidelines of a regional security forum in Jakarta.

"He [Powell] listened and promised to bring it up with his government in Washington," said Dino Pati Djalal, director for North and Central American affairs at the Indonesian foreign ministry.

Djalal said access to Hambali has become more urgent following the arrest of suspects blamed for bomb attacks in recent years. Hambali has been in US custody at a secret location since his arrest in Thailand last August. The Indonesian is believed to have been Al-Qaeda's Asian representative as well as a leading figure in the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) militant group.

JI is blamed for a string of attacks, including the Bali blasts in October 2002 which killed 202 people and the Marriott bomb in Jakarta last August which killed 12. Indonesia is preparing to put JI's alleged former chief Abu Bakar Bashir on trial for terrorism.

Indonesian and Filipino militants caught in the southern Philippines have also told prosecutors in Manila that Hambali funded a spate of bomb attacks in Manila that left scores dead in 2000.

Djalal said Jakarta is also seeking "full normalization of military relations" with the United States following the end of a joint investigation which Jakarta says cleared its army of involvement in the killing of two American teachers in Papua province in August 2002. "We hope this will happen soon. Our military relations have been neglected for long," he told reporters.

US justice authorities last month charged Free Papua Movement rebel Anthonius Wamang with the murders. The movement has been fighting a sporadic separatist guerrilla war since 1963 in Papua.

The two teachers were among a group 10 Americans and one Indonesian who were ambushed near a huge gold and copper mine operated by a US firm.

Washington halted most military-to-military contacts after Indonesian troops ran riot in East Timor in 1999. US legislators have said they wanted an accounting for these and other abuses before ties can resume, but the Papua case was seen as the major immediate obstacle. Initial investigation suggested that Indonesian troops may have been involved.

Powell was in Jakarta to attend the annual meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum, the only security and political forum in the Asia-Pacific.