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Indonesia News Digest Number 26 - June 21-27, 2004
Associated Press - June 27, 2004
Jakarta -- The governor of Indonesia's war-torn Aceh province
claimed Sunday that security was improving in the region, state
news agency Antara reported, despite recent clashes that have
killed at least nine alleged rebels.
Indonesian troops killed six suspected separatists on Friday.
Three rebels were also shot dead Thursday, said local military
spokesman Lt. Col. Asep Sapari. He gave no more details.
Rebel leaders weren't available for comment. It is impossible to
independently verify military claims about Aceh, because
journalists are barred from most of the province.
Aceh's Jakarta-appointed governor, Abdullah Puteh, said that only
11 villages out of an estimated 5,000 in the province were
classified as "black", or under control of the rebels, Antara
reported.
"Even though there are villages in several districts that are
still threatened by the Free Aceh Movement, in general the
security situation is improving," Puteh was quoted as saying.
Human rights groups accuse the military of operating death squads
in the oil- and gas-rich region on the northern tip of Sumatra
island and say most victims are ordinary villagers.
Last month, the government downgraded a one-year state of martial
law to a state of emergency in the province, handing authority
back to a civilian administration. Still, the military continues
to maintain a large presence there and has continued operations.
More than 2,000 people have been killed in the province in the
past year, after Jakarta abandoned an internationally mediated
peace plan and launched a massive military operation to crush the
insurgency.
The Free Aceh Movement began fighting in 1976 for an independent
homeland in the province of 4.3 million people.
Tempo Magazine - June 22-28, 2004
A room in the fifth floor apartment in Alby, Stockholm, Sweden,
was already without its police guard. The occupant, President of
the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), Teuku Hasan Muhammad di Tiro, 79,
under house arrest since last Tuesday, had been released for the
time being. In his spotless apartment he is now free to reflect,
to look out of the balcony, or just to telephone close friends
without being under the suspicious gaze of a blonde police
officer.
Elsewhere, GAM Prime Minister Malik Mahmud, 70, and Foreign
Minister Zaini Abdullah had already left their underground 2x3-
meter prison cells at the Stockholm Police Station. All three
were released last Friday because, "The evidence
presented to the court was not strong enough," said Olof
Larsberger, Head Clerk of the Court in Huddinge-a windy area not
far from Alby.
Malik and Zaini had been taken from their homes by a small team
led by the Head of the Stockholm Public Prosecutor's Office,
Tomas Lindstrand.
"Six police climbed the stairs to the top floor of Zaini's house
while 10 others waited below," said a GAM activist who knew of
the arrest. Zaini was taken to the police station in handcuffs.
Tiro himself was not arrested because he is unwell, but his home
was thoroughly searched by police looking for evidence.
"Most of what we confiscated was in the form of bundles of
documents written in Acehnese," Lindstrand revealed, as quoted by
Sweden's largest daily, Dagens Nyheter. He said the three were
suspected of serious violations of international law and were to
be charged under Chapter 22, Article 6 of the Swedish Criminal
Code.
GAM spokesman in Stockholm, Bakhtiar Abdullah, said the evidence
seized included a notebook computer owned by Tiro, US$10,000 in
cash, a number of documents such as those on Aceh's legal battle
in the international world, the book Kelahiran Aceh (The Birth of
Aceh), the book Perkara dan Alasan Aceh (The Case and Grounds for
Aceh), a disk of recordings of GAM's military training in Aceh,
photos of its activities in Sweden, and newspaper clippings
discussing the conflict in Aceh, the so-called Verandah of Mecca.
Remembering the time limits for detention for suspects in a
terrorism case under Sweden's law is 72 hours, Lindstrand asked
for a two-week extension of their detention. None of the
questions put by the team of investigators headed by Gunnar
Akersten had been answered by the three GAM high officials. In
the hearing, Tiro, Malik, and Zaini were each accompanied by
their lawyers, Leif Gustafsom, Leif Silbersky, and Peter Alphin.
Lindstrand's application finally ran aground on Friday when Judge
Lars Tomt, heading the session, declared that Tiro, Malik, and
Zaini must be released under the law. However, "The judge's
decision did not mean he also overturned the status of these
three as suspects," said Olof Larsberger.
The action taken by the Stockholm Public Prosecutor's Office
derived from the decree signed by Lindstrand on 16 February. Its
contents: the public prosecutor's office would carry out an
initial investigation into the suspicion of the involvement of
Tiro and his associates in the bombings of the Senen Atrium,
Jakarta Stock Exchange, and the Cijantung Mall. Tiro was also
accused of being responsible for the murder of Teungku Nazaruddin
Daud and Professor Dayan Daud, the kidnapping of 243 civilians,
along with the burning of at least six schools in Aceh.
To further its investigation, the team from the Prosecutor's
Office and Swedish police came to Indonesia on March 15-21,
interviewing 19 witnesses in Jakarta, Medan, and Aceh. They also
saw at first hand the area of conflict in this "Land of Jeumpa"
(Aceh).
Two months on, on May 25, it was the turn of the Indonesian
government to dispatch to the Stockholm Prosecutors its
additional evidence in the form of a
notebook computer seized from former GAM negotiator, Syaiful Amri
bin Abdul Wahab.
Apparently all these led Lindstrand's team to hurriedly wanting
to bring Tiro and his associates into court for prosecution. But,
after getting the pile of documents in Acehnese, Lindstrand had
difficulty in finding a skilled translator. Indonesian Police
chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar later promised he would send a
translator there.
Director I for Security and International Affairs of National
Police Headquarters, Brig. Gen. Ariyanto Sutadi, said his
section, working with the Department of Foreign Affairs, would
dispatch a translator to Sweden.
"We will assist with a translator there as soon as possible,"
Ariyanto told Martha Warta from TEMPO News Room. The problem was
that the three middle-ranked officers sent to Sweden, although
able to speak English well, did not understand Acehnese.
Apart from that technical problem, for Foreign Minister Hassan
Wirajuda, the beginning of the process of interrogation of Tiro,
Malik, and Zaini shows that GAM's foreign base for its struggle
is now paralyzed. "With the process initiated by the Stockholm
Public Prosecutor's Office, there really can be no more GAM
activities abroad," declared Hassan.
He is convinced that the GAM leadership coming after Tiro, Malik,
and Zaini will not want to continue and GAM's current power
center in Stockholm will not relocate to another country. "There
is no place safe left for them to continue their activities," he
said.
Although taken aback by the report of the arrests, GAM Commander
for the Peurelak Area, Ishak Daud, remained optimistic about the
movement's future. "God Willing, that means the door to
independence has been opened," he said.
In Ishak's view, this happening provides the opportunity for
GAM's case to end up in the International Court of Justice or the
United Nations. "The Swedish government has the right to process
this, but is not entitled to pass judgment," he said. Even though
Tiro and Zaini both have Swedish citizenship, "they are still
Acehnese," Ishak stressed. Malik Mahmud, however, is a
Singaporean citizen.
In the ICJ, he said, GAM plans to disclose all the crimes
committed by the Indonesian government to date. His hope is that
the UN and ICJ will then urge Indonesia to let Aceh go. Hassan
Wirajuda discounted Ishak's conviction.
"This case will not enter the international arena. It is an
internal matter for Sweden," said Hassan. To date, there have
been no signals that GAM will replace its leaders. "There is no
plan to do that," said Bakhtiar Abdullah. GAM will only continue
to monitor further the developments in the ongoing legal process.
It is certainly no easy matter for GAM to replace its top
leadership. Hasan Tiro is convinced he is the continuation of the
lineage of Tiro, a king in the Iskandar Muda sultanate which
centuries ago controlled Aceh, Sumatra, and the Malayan
peninsula. His son, Karim Tiro, finds it difficult to become the
crown prince considering that he does not know Aceh and is busy
with his life as a lecturer at a US university. His American
mother has divorced Tiro.
Hasan's successor is said to likely be Malik Mahmud. To date, he
has indeed been Tiro's right-hand man who handles coordination of
the movement.
But he is a Singaporean citizen and is considered not be familiar
with the situation on the ground (see infographic).
In Aceh, at least in the words of Ishak Daud, the movement of its
forces has not been affected by news of the arrest of Tiro and
his associates. "They take care of politics, we take care of
fighting," said Ishak at one time.
Moreover, the Free Aceh Movement Force (AGAM) organization, too,
cannot be fully controlled by Sweden. In the case of the
kidnapping of RCTI cameraman Ferry Santoro perpetrated by Ishak's
men, Sweden was shown just to have been given a report and did
not give Ishak any orders about it. As TEMPO reporter Nezar
Patria reported, after joining in negotiations for Ferry's
release last month, Ishak generally only called Stockholm to
report on the developments in the case. Malik and his associates
only offered brief advice, "Be careful, this involves our
international image."
The ones sure to be worried now are those who have fled Aceh to
live in Stockholm. To date, after emigrating from one country to
another in the 1980s, they consider Sweden a heaven that
guarantees their rights as political refugees..
There they are free to work-some as post office employees and
doctors. Those not yet working get social welfare allowances. In
Stockholm, these runaway Acehnese families generally live in the
Norsborg and Alby districts-to the South of Stockholm, both full
of Asian immigrants. In the prosperous areas abroad, Acehnese
runaways can be found in Norway, Denmark, America, and Malaysia.
They will certainly not be extradited because, as stated by the
interim Coordinating Minister for Political & Security Affairs,
Hari Sabarno, there is no extradition treaty between Indonesia
and Sweden. "They are also not Indonesian citizens," said Hari.
So, for the time being, the impact of the pursuit of the case of
Tiro and his associates has been the weakening of GAM's political
organs. Plus the disturbance of the GAM village spread though
Alby and Norsborg-cold districts that for years and years have
offered refuge, sheltering Hasan Tiro and his group.
[AZ/Akmal Nasery Basral, Faisal A. (Tempo News Room).]
The long road to get Tiro
2002
November 11 -- A cabinet meeting decides to ask Sweden to apply
sanctions to the three GAM leaders living in Stockholm. The three
are Hasan di Tiro, Zaini Abdullah, and Malik Mahmud. They are
considered to be interfering in Indonesia's sovereignty.
2003
May 6 - Sweden's Ambassador for Indonesia, Harald Nils E.
Sandberg, states that Indonesia's request is being discussed by
Sweden's government.
May 26 - National Police Headquarters asks for Interpol's help in
arresting Tiro and his associates in Sweden as they are suspected
of involvement in crimes of terrorism and separatism.
May 30 - Sweden refuses to apply sanctions to Tiro and
associates because of lack of evidence.
June 1 - The DPR asks the government to break off diplomatic
ties with Sweden if they refuse to question Tiro and his
associates.
June 2 - Sweden closes its embassy in Jakarta.
June 4 - The Swedish embassy is reopened.
June 9 - Indonesia's special representative, Ali Alatas, meets
with the Swedish Foreign Minister and Minister of Justice in
Stockholm. Alatas hands over evidence of Tiro's involvement in
Aceh.
June 11 - Sweden declares its support for the integrity of
Indonesia, but still asks for additional proof of Tiro's
involvement.
July 23 - Sweden acknowledges that Tiro and associates are
controlling a rebellion in Indonesia, but still asks for time to
decide on the need or lack of it for an investigation.
December 18 - A combined team of Indonesian Police and from the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs meets the Swedish Public Prosecutor's
Office to hand over their file of the case that shows Tiro's
involvement in Aceh.
2004
February 16 - The Head Swedish Public Prosecutor decides to
investigate Tiro and associates' involvement in terrorism and
separatism in Aceh.
March 15-21 - The Swedish Public Prosecutor's team comes to
Indonesia to question 19 leading GAM figures detained in Jakarta,
Aceh, and Medan. These witnesses claim that they were never
ordered by Hasan Tiro to plant bombs or burn down schools.
June 15 - Zaini Abdullah and Malik Mahmud are arrested and held
by Stockholm Police.
Tiro is not detained because he is ill. They are to be questioned
as suspects in a case of terrorism and serious violations of
international law.
June 18 - Huddinge District Court, Stockholm, frees Tiro and
associates on the grounds of lack of evidence.
Those arrested
Malik Mahmud al-Haytar - GAM Prime Minister and said to be the
candidate successor to Tiro. Born and raised in Singapore. His
father, Mahmud al-Haytar, was the right hand man of Daud
Beureueh, a well known personage in the Darul Islam Aceh
movement.
When still young, Mahmud fled, becoming a successful businessman
in the neighboring country. Reportedly, Malik now has Singaporean
nationality and was once an officer in its marines. Since the end
of the 1990s, he has followed in Tiro's footsteps to reside in
Sweden. In Tiro's cabinet, he is considered expert in arranging
tactics and a peerless negotiator. He was GAM's negotiator at the
meetings with Indonesia in Tokyo, May 2003.
Zaini Abdullah - Minister, doubling as Minister of Health in
GAM's Cabinet. He has played a big role in several discussions
with Jakarta. Zaini and Tiro were the first group of Acehnese to
flee to Sweden. He is considered a very skilled negotiator and
plays a role in contacts with Aceh, particularly in controlling
GAM's fighters there. Zaini works as a doctor in a clinic in
Flemingsberg, in South Stockholm.
Hasan di Tiro - Guardian of Nanggroe, alias President of Free
Aceh. He is the man who proclaimed the Free Aceh Nation, on
December 4, 1976. From 1976-1979 he conducted a guerrilla war
with his forces against Indonesia. In 1979, he fled to the US and
then several European countries, finally settling in Stockholm,
Sweden. Tiro, now 80, is the great grandson of Teungku Syekh
Muhammad Saman di Tiro, one of Aceh's greatest men.
The evidence
[Widiarsi Agustina.]
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Aceh
Security improving in Aceh: Governor
Anxiety in Alby
Aceh tourism ranks above truce
The Australian - June 22, 2004
Sian Powell, Jakarta -- Most Acehnese believe the blood-drenched province needs a ceasefire, or at least an end to hostilities, but Governor Abdullah Puteh said yesterday his prime requirements were tourism and foreign investment.
Addressing serried ranks of troops, police and civil servants at the civil administration's first staff ceremony since civil emergency law replaced martial law, Mr Puteh was upbeat about the prospects for Aceh.
"We will open the door for foreign investors and also for tourists," he said. "We will ask all the people to co-operate with this."
More than 2000 people have been killed in Aceh since May last year, when the military launched a crackdown to crush rebels. Most were civilians, activists claim, and no senior rebel commanders have been captured or killed.
An estimated 40,000 troops remain stationed in the province, where gunfights between the separatist rebels and the armed forces occur almost daily.
Standing in the sun in Banda Aceh's Blang Padang field, Mr Puteh addressed an audience comprising most of the government leaders in Aceh, including military chief Major-General Endang Suwarya, the supreme authority in the province until earlier this month.
Major-General Suwarya said recently that Aceh's changed status had not changed his intention to hunt down every last rebel.
Jakarta Post Editorial - June 22, 2004
Given the attention that is currently being paid in both government and media circles to the Swedish court's decision to release two leaders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) from custody, Indonesians are certainly right to ask how relevant events in Sweden are to the peaceful and lasting settlement of what is known here as the Aceh problem.
As has been reported, the district court in Huddinge, south of Stockholm, last Friday ordered the two GAM leaders -- the "prime minister" in exile, Malik Mahmood (64), and "foreign minister" Zaini Abdullah (63) -- released from custody, rejecting the chief prosecutor's request that the two exiled Acehnese rebel leaders be detained for two weeks.
A third leader, Hasan Tiro, the 80-year-old "president" of the movement, was spared detention for health reasons. It should be noted that the three fled Indonesia in the late 1970s in the face of escalating military pressure against the separatist movement. Zaini Abdullah and Hasan Tiro have since acquired Swedish citizenship, while Malik Mahmood has a Swedish residence permit and Singaporean citizenship.
Jakarta had been pressuring the Swedish government for quite some time to take legal action against the three, whom it accuses of not only actively supporting the separatist movement in the troubled province of Aceh, but of being linked to a number of terrorist acts in Indonesia. To lend substance to its claims, Jakarta has provided the Swedish authorities with what it says is adequate proof of the three leaders' involvement in the acts, thus forcing the authorities in Stockholm to take action.
Government authorities in Jakarta, not surprisingly, have expressed their unhappiness over the release of the two GAM leaders last week, although they acknowledged the Swedish judicial authorities' full competence in the matter.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Marty Natalegawa over the weekend, for example, called the GAM leaders' release a mere "technical matter" that had no bearing whatsoever on the issue at hand, which is that the three are being charged by the Swedish prosecutors with breaching international law.
The Indonesian authorities, both in Jakarta and in the Acehnese provincial capital of Banda Aceh, said they would provide the Swedish judicial authorities with more evidence and, if necessary, translators to explain the incriminating documents that had been seized from the exiled leaders' homes. Jakarta at the same time made it clear that it would not seek the extradition of the GAM leaders, since Indonesia has no extradition treaty with Sweden and thus cannot demand that they be extradited to Indonesia.
Clearly, Indonesia has a political interest in urging the Swedish authorities to keep up the pressure on the leaders of GAM, which has been fighting for the province's independence since 1976. What the authorities in Jakarta failed to mention, but which is nevertheless no less important a point, is that not only would asking for the extradition of the GAM leaders be a futile attempt on Jakarta's part, it would also be irrelevant to the lasting, peaceful settlement of the Aceh problem.
First of all, it is well worth asking what influence those three leaders in exile still have over the movement in Aceh. It would seem most plausible that the situation there has changed considerably since the late 1970s when the three left their native province. Second, it seems that the actual size and strength of the movement is also often overrated. However, it is interesting to note in this context that while in 1989 -- when the Soeharto regime declared the province a Military Operations Area (DOM) -- GAM's strength was estimated to be about 500 men and women, by the end of Soeharto's rule in 1998, the movement was believed to have grown to include some 3,000 men and women, which is evidence that a military solution is not only ineffective, but counterproductive.
What the people of Aceh need, in essence, is justice and the right to determine their own fate and future. In part, this desire for self-rule has been satisfied by the granting of a special autonomy status. Sadly, in the face of continuing unrest, Jakarta deemed it necessary to once again impose martial law on the province, and military action resumed in the form of the so- called "integrated operation", in which combat operations and humanitarian assistance are supposed to go hand-in-hand. With most of the province apparently pacified and martial law revoked, Aceh is now being administered under a state of civil emergency.
Thus, a situation appears to have been brought about which is conducive for the central government in Jakarta to put right the wrongs it has for so many decades inflicted on Aceh and the Acehnese. Jakarta must never forget the huge contribution that Aceh and the Acehnese made to the country's struggle for independence. Only by paying due respect to the legitimate rights of the Acehnese can Jakarta hope to establish peace in the province. Viewed from this perspective, secondary matters such as the conviction and extradition of a handful of leaders in exile appear irrelevant.
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Despite the Swedish court's decision to release the leaders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), the Indonesian government was optimistic that the cases against the exiled men would go ahead.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Marty Natalegawa said on Saturday that the court's ruling in favor of both the self-styled GAM prime minister Malik Mahmood, 64, and self-styled GAM foreign minister Zaini Abdullah, 63, was purely a technical matter.
It had no bearing whatsoever on the substantive issue at hand; that the two are being charged by Swedish prosecutors with breaching international law, he added.
"Of course, we would have preferred that the court accept a request by prosecutors to extend the detention of the suspects beyond the three-day period," Marty said.
Last Friday, the Huddinge District Court, south of Stockholm, turned down Chief Prosecutor Tomas Lindstrand's request that the two exiled rebel leaders be held behind bars for two weeks. They were arrested last Tuesday by Swedish police.
Hasan Tiro, 80, GAM's cofounder who has been exiled since 1979 and has become a Swedish citizen, was not taken into custody because of health reasons. He, however, was also declared a suspect by the Swedish prosecutors.
Zaini also has Swedish citizenship, while Malik has a Swedish residence permit and Singaporean citizenship.
The three men are also suspected in a case of arson and kidnapping committed in a suburb south of the Swedish capital, Lindstrand was quoted by DPA as saying.
Lindstrand and other Swedish prosecutors have been investigating GAM and its exiled leaders since February. They visited Indonesia and went to Aceh in a bid to collect data and question Acehnese witnesses.
The team, however, was unable to question local GAM commanders, including commander-in-chief Muzakkir Manaf and spokesman Sofyan Dawood, for security reasons.
The Swedish court's order to release Hasan and Zaini also irked government authorities in the troubled province.
Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh, who is also the civil emergency administrator, and local military commander Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya said they would provide more evidence if deemed necessary to bring the exiled GAM leaders to court.
National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said Saturday he could send interpreters to assist Swedish prosecutors to clarify documents that had been seized from the exiled leaders' homes.
"Some of the documents are written in Acehnese. We will send interpreters if the [Swedish] prosecutors ask us to do so," he said.
Da'i earlier sent three Indonesian officers to Sweden to take part in the investigation, but Tiro, Zaini and Hasan refused to speak with them.
GAM has been fighting since 1976 for the independence of Aceh, a land of about 4.2 million of population with a large amount of oil and natural gas reserves.
The military claims about 5,000 rebels have been killed, captured or have surrendered during a year-long military operation to crush the movement. Human rights activists say many of those killed or captured were civilians.
Time Asia Magazine - June 21, 2004
Simon Elegant, Jakarta -- Bilal looks down at the bloody corpse of his neighbor, Mohammed Ishak, and says: "They must have hated him very much to put so many bullets into his body."
Like other residents of Alue Bieng, an idyllically beautiful village in Indonesia's war-ravaged province of Aceh, Bilal heard the shots in the early hours of June 3 but didn't dare to venture outside until well past dawn. The sight that greeted him is so commonplace in Aceh as to be almost banal: Ishak, a 51-year-old farmer who was standing watch over Alue Bieng that night, was sprawled on a wooden platform used by the village's night watchmen, his T shirt pocked with bullet holes. Beneath the platform lay a pool of blood and the brass casings of the seven bullets that killed him.
Later that morning, Ishak's 20-year-old daughter covers him with a pink print cloth, which quickly turns crimson. The womenfolk then gather around the body and chant the Islamic prayer for the dead. The victim's mother and his 15-year-old son watch while his wife, Ainal Mardiah, sobs quietly. "I can't go home again, I'm very scared," she says over and over.
Ishak's wife has good reason to be scared, as do many of the province's 4 million residents. Although the Indonesian government formally lifted a yearlong state of martial law in Aceh in mid-May, there has been no discernible difference in the lives-and deaths-of ordinary Acehnese. The army has yet to announce the withdrawal of any of the approximately 50,000 soldiers and police sent in to crush the separatist rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (also known by its Indonesian acronym GAM). Bloody clashes are an almost daily occurrence, with security forces claiming to have killed 24 rebels in a single week in early June. Also unchanged is the steady stream of reports of mysterious civilian killings like Ishak's. Human-rights workers blame both sides for such deaths, although as one activist in Aceh puts it, if "their atrocities are on par in terms of quality, the military wins in terms of quantity."
The shadow of violence and death has hung over the fiercely proud Acehnese for centuries. The province never fully succumbed to rule by the Dutch colonialists who pacified the rest of the Indonesian archipelago, and since 1976, GAM has been fighting doggedly for an independent state. The conflict has already cost the lives of 10,000-20,000 Acehnese.
But even by Aceh's standards, the past year has been grim, and there is scant promise of relief. Last May, after the collapse of peace talks, Jakarta launched a massive military campaign against GAM-a move that many saw as politically expedient for President Megawati Sukarnoputri, bestowing upon her an image of toughness that would belie her reputation as a remote and indecisive leader. The campaign was also popular with senior army brass, still smarting at their loss of prestige and power after dictator Suharto's toppling in 1998.
But the quick success the generals predicted was not to be. After a vicious initial round of fighting that left hundreds dead, the conflict settled down into a bloody stalemate: the security forces saturated the countryside, hoping to drive GAM out of hiding and into the mountains, and conducted a brutal campaign against the separatists' civilian supporters. According to New York City-based Human Rights Watch, the military has killed hundreds of ordinary Acehnese -- a charge the government denies. "If anyone is shot, it's because he is GAM," says Colonel Ditya Sudarsono, spokesman for the martial-law administrator in Aceh. The military itself boasts that the campaign against the rebels has been a major success, claiming that more than 2,000 GAM members have been killed and another 3,000 captured.
Others counter that GAM -- with its classic guerrilla tactics and extensive local support -- is far from being a spent force. Matt Davies, a former Indonesia analyst for Australia's Department of Defence who is working on a book about Aceh, says the military may have killed as few as 600-700 separatists.
He adds that the security forces may have reported only 10% of their own casualties, which would mean that the two sides have suffered similar losses. As evidence of GAM's resilience, Davies and others note that none of its senior officials have been captured and that the rebels are still receiving fresh clothes, money and arms from civilian supporters. That point was vividly illustrated recently, when GAM released several hostages it had been holding; media coverage of the handover showed guerrillas who were well fed, clothed and armed, many of them carrying expensive satellite phones.
Even some Indonesian soldiers admit that GAM is still a serious threat. Nasrudin, a 31-year-old marine captain who is Acehnese, is the military administrator for the region around Juli, a village in Biruen, one of the province's most dangerous battlegrounds. He acknowledges that the rebels in his area have proved tough to defeat: "We've managed to push them into the mountains temporarily, but they're still out there. You take the military away, and the whole place would be fully back in their control in an hour."
Meanwhile, the impact of the past year is eerily evident on the streets of Juli. Almost all of the younger men have gone, with many of those who weren't jailed or killed having fled overseas or to other parts of Indonesia for safety. Others have joined GAM
Ominously, the past year of bloodshed, dislocation and military law has only intensified the sense of alienation among ordinary Acehnese. "It's totally polarized what was left of civil society in Aceh so that there is effectively no third way between Jakarta and GAM," warns Damien Kingsbury, an Indonesia specialist at Melbourne's Deakin University.
Some hope the situation will improve after Indonesia's July 5 presidential election. Retired military chief Wiranto, one of the three leading candidates, told Time that "the use of force" in Aceh is a mistake, noting: "the problem of Aceh is not a security problem but a problem of conscience. The issue is returning dignity to the Acehnese, giving them rights with a genuine regional autonomy."
But in political opinion polls, Wiranto is currently lagging behind the top contender, former Security Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who supervised the imposition of martial law in Aceh. "There seems to be no way out," says Kingsbury. "It could take a generation before the two sides can get back to the negotiating table with any hope of success."
For its part, GAM says its fighters can outlast anything the government throws at them. "It costs a lot of money to run a big campaign, and Indonesia's economy is weak," says a slight, soft- spoken GAM representative who calls himself Tengku, a common honorific in Aceh. "We can wait until the money runs out. We have fought them for 27 years. We can fight on for three times that long until the Indonesians finally get tired and go home."
But given the rate at which people are dying or fleeing the province, there will be far fewer Acehnese left to celebrate independence if it ever comes.
[With reporting by Zamira Loebis/Alue Bieng.]
| Labour issues |
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- A recent study conducted by the Asian Labor Network on International Financial Institution (ALNI) has shown that a number of ongoing projects financed by the World Bank in Bali, infringe on core labor standards.
The ALNI's research team -- which distributed questionnaires to around 200 employees of the projects -- found that workers were working seven hours to ten hours a day, seven days a week, without the required safety equipment and social security insurance.
Timboel Siregar, a team member who presented the research results here over the weekend, said the study found that seven child workers and many women workers received less pay than male workers whose duties were the same.
They live in camps that are not up to standard, particularly when it rains or at night. "Some 90 percent of the workers are not employed on a permanent basis but paid on a daily basis. If compared to the daily minimum wage in the province, the workers' salaries, which range from Rp 10,000 to Rp 40,000 a day, are very low," he said.
He added that workers employed in the Bali Urban Infrastructure Project (BUIP) had been deprived of core labor standards as they had depended upon local brokers, who recruited them without bargaining for better conditions. The projects, worth US$74 million in total, have been underway since May 1997. They comprise the construction of a bridge and two drainages in Ubud, the widening of a road in Bedugul, the renovation of a monument within a reserve in Gilimanuk and the development of a camping ground and roadwork in Gianyar. The projects are managed by PT Dacrea but subcontracted to numerous local companies, including PT Adi Murti, PT AKAS and PT Slipi Raya Utama.
Timboel said the two World Bank project officers in Indonesia had not closely supervised the labor conditions of projects that it had funded in the country.
The World Bank, which observed its 60th anniversary on July 21, has financed numerous development projects to help alleviate poverty in Indonesia.
Boni Setiawan of the Global Justice Institute (IGJ) said the World Bank had principally been aware of core labor standards but had not directly supervised the development projects.
"The World Bank has not been strict about labor standards. The government lacks the political will to respect workers' basic rights and its labor policy is employer-oriented," he said, citing that the World Bank had financed thousands of development projects in the country since the 1970s.
Rudy Porter, country director of the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (ACILS), also regretted the poor labor conditions that were apparent in the World Bank-funded Bali development projects, saying that countries behind the World Bank should pay special attention to the issue.
"The World Bank should reflect its (founding) countries' strong commitment to International Labor Organization conventions and core labor standards on people's right to work, equal payment and the eradication of child labor," he said, when asked to comment on ALNI's research.
The World Bank's office in Jakarta has accepted the report on labor abuse in the BUIP, saying this could be a starting point to prevent such incidents in its other development projects.
"Having read the ALNI research, we are concerned by these findings, and we will take the information very seriously... We strongly believe that the objectives of the ALNI's research are positive, and we would like to learn from its findings. It is from initiatives like these that our institution could gain more insight for future improvements," World Bank spokesman Mohamad Al-Arief told The Jakarta Post on Monday.
Al-Arief explained that the World Bank had actually sent a warning letter to all firms involved in the projects and urged the (Indonesian) government to take stern action over the child labor issue.
Jakarta Post - June 22, 2004
Rusman, Samarinda -- Up to 3,000 workers from two plywood companies in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, continued their strike on Monday to demand that the firms pay their salaries for the last two months.
Police arrested at least two unidentified men for pointing a traditional dagger at a protest leader during the strike at PT Kalimanis Plywood Industry (KPI) and PT Santi Murni Plywood (SMP).
The strike started two weeks ago, bringing work at the two companies, which are owned by the Hong Kong-based Shine Hill Limited, to a halt.
"We are just seeking certainty as to when our salaries will be paid. The workers are not asking for anything else," said Benny Putti, a representative of the protesters.
He said the companies, located in the Selili area, had continued to make empty promises to pay their workers.
"Most of the workers have families and must pay the school fees of their children. In addition, they have also run up debts with food stalls and have to pay their house rents.
"Please take note of our fate. People should not be treated as slaves," Benny said.
Benny and other representatives of the protesting workers were received by Wahyudi Manaf, the operational affairs head of the two companies.
Wahyudi admitted that the workers' salaries had not been paid for two months as the companies had failed to achieve their sales targets.
The firms had targeted the sale of at least 7,000 sheets of plywood per month but had managed to sell only between 4,000 and 5,000 sheets of plywood per month, he said.
This had affected production costs, he said. "Apart from that, a timber shipment had experienced delays," he added.
However, Wahyudi said the management had agreed to pay the workers Rp 1.5 billion (US$166,666) as a stopgap measure until they were paid their salaries.
Each of them would receive Rp 500,000, although they were entitled to salaries of between Rp 800,000 and Rp 1 million each per month.
"The money will be distributed to the employees this week. As regards the reminder of what they are due, this will be discussed by their representatives and the management to decide on how it can be paid," Wahyudi said.
Monday's protest was marred by a minor clash when two unidentified men pointed a traditional dagger at Ismet, the leader of East Kalimantan branch of the Indonesian Workers National Struggle Front (FNPBI), who was accompanying the protesters.
The strikers later attacked the two men, beating them with sticks. The two were taken by police to a station in Samarinda after the incident, which took place at around 10:30 a.m.
A policeman who tried to protect the two men was also attacked.
"If the men had not been protected by us, they could have been killed by the emotional mob," said Samarinda Ilir Police chief Adj. Comr. Bharata, who was at the scene.
| 'War on terrorism' |
Agence France Presse - July 27, 2004
Jakarta -- All convictions of the Bali bombers remain in force despite a legal decision that the law under which they were tried is unconstitutional, the head of the court which made the ruling said yesterday.
The ruling last Friday by the Constitutional Court had sparked fears that the 33 people sentenced for the worst terror attack since September 11, 2001 could see their convictions overturned.
The court said law no. 16 of 2003, which made a separate anti- terror law retroactive to cover the Bali nightclub blasts of October 2002, violates a constitutional ban on such legislation.
The cancellation of this, chief judge Jimly Asshiddiqie said, "does not annul the verdicts for the Bali bombers ... at the time of their conviction, law no. 16 was still effective".
"As for cases which are still in court or in the appeal process, we leave it to judges to consider," he said, adding that judges can take "feelings of justice" into consideration. He did not elaborate.
Courts in Bali sentenced three people to death and jailed 30 others for terms ranging from life to three years for the attack which killed 202 people. Defence lawyers said they will use the new ruling as grounds for appeals, including final appeals by the three on death row. "All laws are valid until they are revoked," Judge Asshiddiqie told reporters.
Police said they will now not use the anti-terror law to prosecute five new Bali bombing suspects. Inspector General I Made Mangku Pastika, who led the hunt for the attackers, said he still expects to get convictions using other legislation.
The only Bali suspect currently on trial is Jhoni Hendrawan, alias Idris, who is also charged under the anti-terrorism law.
Agence France Presse - June 22, 2004
Jakarta -- An Indonesian Islamic militant convicted of involvement in a terror plot against Western interests was jailed yesterday for five years.
Judge Syaifuddin said Ahmad Sofyan, alias Tamim, was guilty of taking part a "sinister conspiracy" to launch attacks by attending several meetings of the Jemaah Islamiah (JI) network in early 2003.
Syaifuddin said the main charge of engaging in acts of terrorism could not be proved. The sentence was much lighter than the 15 years recommended by prosecutors. The judges said Sofyan was a member of a JI team in charge of bomb-making but the team had not launched any attacks.
Sofyan, who also led the Jakarta branch of JI's military wing, was arrested after the suicide bombing of the Marriott hotel in Jakarta last August which killed 12 people. He was not specifically charged in relation to that attack.
The al-Qaeda-linked JI is blamed for a string of attacks including the Bali bombings which killed 202 people in October 2002 and the Marriott blast. Sofyan and the prosecutor both demanded time to decide whether to appeal.
Straits Times - June 21, 2004
Jakarta -- Indonesian police have, for the first time, accused controversial Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir as being the man behind a series of bombings that have shaken the country since 1999.
"Bombs have exploded everywhere across the country since 1999. They didn't occur just like that, somebody must have planned them," police chief of detectives, General Suyitno Landung Sudjono, said on Friday. "We have strong evidence that Bashir was behind these bombings."
Police had only said in the past that Bashir, 66, the alleged leader of the Al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah (JI) terror group, was involved in the bomb attacks across the country, but never mentioned his role specifically.
Bashir was arrested shortly after the Bali bombings in October 2002, but prosecutors failed to prove his involvement in terror activities. He was re- arrested in April under an anti-terror law which allows detention without trial for six months.
Gen Suyitno said police had many witnesses who would testify that Bashir had planned bombings since 1999. The police submitted new evidence against him to the prosecutor's office earlier this month.
Dozens of bomb explosions have rocked Indonesia since 1999, the most notable being the Bali attacks which killed more than 200 people and the JW Marriott Hotel blast on Aug 5 last year in which at least 12 people died. Investigators have blamed JI for the attacks.
"We have been able to bring over 100 suspects to court. We will use their testimonies against Bashir," said Gen Suyitno.
National police chief, General Da'i Bachtiar, said Bashir would be charged for terrorism. "We have all the evidence we need to charge him with orchestrating terrorist activities," he said.
The cleric's lawyer, Mr Mahendradatta, downplayed the latest allegations, saying that police were making up new evidence.
| 2004 elections |
Laksamana.Net - June 26, 2004
Former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the leading contender for next month's presidential election, has promised to increase Indonesia's defense budget if elected.
"If I am elected president, the Indonesian Defense Forces [TNI] and the National Police will have enough funds to settle domestic conflicts across the country," he was quoted as saying Friday by the state news agency Antara.
Yudhoyono, a retired Army general, was speaking to reporters on a flight him from the resort island of Bali to the East Nusa Tenggara capital of Kupang. He said the military and police receive only a small portion of the state budget, while their weapons and equipment are outdated.
President Megawati Sukarnoputri has actually significantly increased spending on the military and police for the 2004 fiscal year, giving the defense and security sector the second largest portion of the state budget after education.
According to National Development Planning Minister Kwik Kian Gie, it is the first time in Indonesia's history the defense budget has enjoyed the second biggest slice of the pie.
Data from the Finance Ministry's website shows the government allocated Rp10.7218 trillion ($1.14 billion) for defense and security in 2004, compared to Rp8.6614 trillion ($921 million) in the 2003 state budget. In each year, the lion's share of the funds has gone to the military over the police. Yudhoyono did not say by how much he would increase defense and security spending if elected.
Critics claim much of the defense budget is squandered due to the rampant corruption within the armed forces, with funds often being misused or allocated to spurious projects. A major case of military graft was exposed earlier this year when legislators discovered mark-ups in the cost of four Russian-made MI-17 helicopters ordered by TNI.
Legislators said the helicopters should have been valued at $17.6 million, whereas TNI had received $21 million to make the purchase. The scandal deepened when Russia delayed delivery of the choppers because a $3.2 million down payment had gone missing in the military's hands.
Experts say the military generates more than 70% of its funds from "off-budget" operations, including some legitimate businesses, but also through involvement in protection and extortion rackets, illegal mining, illegal logging, prostitution, gambling, and trafficking in narcotics and endangered species.
Critics claim the military has been perpetuating instability in various resource rich regions, such as Aceh, in order to protect its illegal business activities and to increase its influence on the government.
The military has defended its role in big business, arguing the additional revenue is needed to help combat the threats of terrorism and separatism.
Megawati in October 2002 ordered TNI to get out of business, although she admitted a lack of budget support from the government was preventing the military from becoming more professional.
The president also urged soldiers not to moonlight as mercenaries. It's no secret that many members of the armed forces supplement their incomes by acting as private bodyguards and security advisors, while a few rogue officers even serve as hitmen.
Commitment to democracy?
Yudhoyono is enjoying massive popularity with the presidential election just 10 days away and some pollsters are predicting he will receive about 48% of the vote -- close to the 50% he needs to win outright and avoid a run-off election in September with whichever candidate comes second.
But critics question his commitment to upholding the democratic freedoms that Indonesia has enjoyed since the fall of former dictator Suharto in May 1998.
At a seminar in North Sumatra capital of Medan in January, Yudhoyono said democracy and human rights should not be considered the absolute goals of the Indonesian nation.
"Democracy, human rights, concern for the environment and other concepts being promoted by Western countries are all good, but they cannot become absolute goals because pursuing them as such will not be good for the country," he was quoted as saying by state news agency Antara.
He said the most important thing for Indonesia is to maintain balance and proper law enforcement. Such comments were quite different from his speeches espousing democracy made to Western audiences.
Critics acknowledge that Yudhoyono is more politically savvy than Megawati, but they claim he is merely using democracy to further his political ambitions and his tune may change if he comes to power. They point out that toward the end of the Suharto regime, Yudhoyono called for a ban on public demonstrations, insisted the military remain in parliament and said Indonesia must limit its number of political parties.
Poverty & prayers
During his campaign rally at Kupang's Floba Mora Square, Yudhoyono stressed the importance of eradicating poverty, which he said had reached 28% in East Nusa Tenggara province and 17% nationwide. He did not spell out how poverty would be overcome.
He also told Kupang's predominantly Christian residents that religious tolerance and harmony must be upheld and respected by all Indonesians, in line with the Pancasila state ideology.
Yudhoyono scotched rumors that he would impose the Islamic Shariah law across the country if elected. "I fully understand that such a negative issue about me is an extraordinary one during the presidential campaign. However, I reasserted that [my running mate] Jusuf Kalla and I are committed to uphold the 1945 Constitution and the values of the Pancasila," he was quoted as saying by Antara. He then performed Friday afternoon prayers at the city's Al Fatah Mosque.
Support from Sugandhi & MKGR
Mutual Cooperation Party (PGR) leader Mien Sugandhi, who once served as Suharto's women's affairs minister, announced Friday she was throwing her weight behind Yudhoyono's presidential bid.
She instructed her party's members and supporters across the country to assist the campaign of Yudhoyono and Kalla.
PGR's parent organization is the Family Mutual Cooperation Association (MKGR), which was one of Golkar Party's founding factions but has since gone its own way. MKGR head Lieutenant General (retired) Soeyono, a former armed forces commander under Suharto, on Wednesday announced the association was supporting Yudhoyono.
Golkar's loss of support from MKGR and other traditional supporters has only furthered a widely held view that the party's presidential candidate, former armed forces commander Wiranto, is unlikely to defeat Yudhoyono in the presidential election.
Associated Press - June 23, 2004
Jakarta -- The leading contender in next month's presidential election warned Wednesday that supporters of rival politicians may "burn down cities" if there is no clear winner in the polls and the race goes into a run-off.
However, in an interview with The Associated Press, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono predicted he would win more than 50 percent of the votes in the July 5 election, making a second round of voting in September unnecessary.
The retired army general said that on gaining office he would step up the fight against terrorism in the world's most populous Muslim nation, and normalize military relations between Jakarta and Washington.
An opinion poll released Wednesday by the Washington-based International Foundation for Election Systems showed support for Yudhoyono at 45 percent, far ahead of his nearest rival, Gen. Wiranto, who received 11.4 percent. Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri came in third at 11 percent.
Yudhoyono said that a second round of voting between the two top finishers would be like "a boxing match, someone must fall."
"Maybe the contestants will be OK with that, but their followers may fight, be angry and burn down cities," he said at Jakarta's Halim Perdanakusuma airport before boarding a chartered jet to hit the campaign trail. "Maybe it will be much better if this is won in one round," he said.
Parliamentary polls in April passed off peacefully, and campaigning for the July election _ the first in which Indonesia's 210 million people will chose their leader directly _ has been without incident.
The July poll is seen as a milestone in the country's transition to democracy after the fall of former dictator Suharto in 1998.
Previously, lawmakers acting as an electoral college chose the head of state.
Yudhoyono has seen his popularity shoot up after he resigned as security minister in March to run for the presidency. Perceived as forceful and fair, the 54-year-old has been largely unaffected by his former association with the country's brutal military dictatorship.
Meanwhile, Megawati's support has dropped sharply due to her failure to jump-start Indonesia's moribund economy or crack down on rampant corruption during her three years at the helm.
Yudhoyono is viewed favorably in Washington because he has been one of the Indonesian government's most vocal supporters of the war on terrorism, and has led Indonesia's fight against its own militants.
"Indonesia is trying hard to fight terrorism," he said. "I will improve law enforcement and skills of the police to fight terrorism ... if I am elected.."
Yudhoyono, who attended the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1990, said that normalizing currently stalled military ties with Washington was "an important agenda."
Washington cut off military links with Jakarta in 1999 after Indonesian soldiers went on a bloody rampage during East Timor's vote for independence the same year.
"We have to review the existing military cooperation," he said. "It is not necessary to revive all past [forms of cooperation], but new programs could be developed in the future ... such as training Indonesian soldiers in US military schools," he said.
Jakarta Post - June 24, 2004
Jakarta -- Prominent cleric Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid has told members of the country's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), to vote for the Wiranto-Solahuddin Wahid ticket in the July 5 presidential election.
Gus Dur told hundreds of NU leaders in Jombang, East Java, that Wiranto, a four-star retired Army general, was committed to the democratization process, and thus deserved support.
"To resolve confusion among NU followers, I would suggest that they vote for Wiranto as he is honest," Gus Dur was quoted by Antara as saying. The Golkar Party which nominated the ticket has long waited for Gus Dur's public endorsement.
While urging NU members and members of the National Awakening Party (PKB) to support the pairing, Gus Dur said that he would abstain in the country's first direct presidential election.
Wiranto decided to pick Solahuddin as his running mate in the hope that PKB supporters and NU members would throw their support behind his presidential bid.
The PKB, established by NU leaders ahead of the 1999 election, got 12 million votes in the April 5 election, while the NU claims to have around 40 million members nationwide.
Gus Dur, who is an elder brother of Solahuddin, still commands great influence within the PKB and NU, which he once chaired. Gus Dur also said that any PKB members supporting candidates other than Wiranto and Solahuddin would be expelled from the party.
PKB secretary-general Muhaimin Iskandar said that a number of party leaders at provincial and regental/municipal levels would be expelled for supporting the Megawati Soekarnoputri-Hasyim Muzadi ticket. Hasyim is currently the non active NU chairman.
The party executives included the leaders of the North Sumatra provincial chapter, North Jakarta municipal chapter, the PKB women's organization (PPKB). Meanwhile, the five presidential candidates continued campaigning on Wednesday, with their activities ranging from visiting traditional markets to attending a mass prayer meeting.
Megawati attended a mass prayer meeting in Makassar, South Sulawesi, in which she appealed to women to vote for her. Hamzah Haz visited the Darel Hikmah Islamic boarding school in Pekanbaru, Riau, and the Pasar Bawah traditional market. "I came here as the Vice President. Not once have I asked the people here to vote for me," Hamzah said.
Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN), was campaigning in Semarang, Central Java, where he held a dialog with teachers and artists. He also met with WBA champion boxer Chrisjon at his training camp, where he delivered a playful left hook on the boxer's left cheek. Amien also attended an outdoor rally at the Simpang Lima soccer field in the city, with supporters of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) and PKB flying the flags of their respective parties.
The PBB is officially supporting the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono- Jusuf Kalla ticket, while the PKB is backing Wiranto.
Susilo held rallies in Madiun and Malang in East Java, where he told thousands of his supporters to refrain from violence despite "smear campaigns" against him. Susilo and his campaign team have denied various allegations including that most of his Democrat Party legislators are Christian (they are mostly Muslim), and that he was involved in the violent 1996 takeover of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters.
Straits Times - June 21, 200
Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri on Monday met her estranged predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid in a symbolic reunion that hints at a possible alliance between the two camps ahead of the presidential election run-off.
Local media reported yesterday that the meeting, the first in three years, took place at her private residence in South Jakarta, during which she served her guest black coffee and his favourite fried cassava and boiled peanuts.
"This was really an extraordinary family meeting between Gus Dur and sister Mega," said Mr Pramono Anung, spokesman for Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).
Mr Abdurrahman later told journalists that during their 2 1/2- hour meeting, they talked about the general state of political affairs. There was no talk on the possibility of a coalition between the PDI-P and his Nation Awakening Party (PKB) for the September run-off, he said. PKB won the third most number of votes in April's legislative polls.
Among the subjects being talked about is his request to dissolve the General Elections Commission (KPU) for failing to tackle irregularities in ballot counting, Mr Abdurrahman added. "She did not say much in response -- you know how she is," quipped the Muslim cleric, who once called Ms Megawati his little sister.
The meeting followed several previous talks with the President's wheeling-and-dealing husband, politician Taufiq Kiemas.
Mr Abdurrahman was ousted in July 2001 by Parliament, spearheaded by the PDI-P, for alleged graft and poor leadership. He has insisted the impeachment was unconstitutional and shunned his successor Ms Megawati during several public events.
Analysts said Monday's meeting was the beginning of a reconciliation between the two that might lead to Mr Abdurrahman throwing his much needed support for the Megawati camp in a face-off against front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in September.
Mr Abdurrahman founded PKB, whose supporters are mainly members of the 35-million strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). He declared abstention from the July 5 presidential election in protest against the KPU's decision to ban him from running due to his visual impairment.
With two senior NU cadres, including the President's running mate Hasyim Muzadi, running on two different tickets, many NU followers opted for Mr Bambang or abstained from the July 5 poll. The other NU cadre was former general Wiranto's running mate, Mr Sallahudin Wahid.
Mr Abdurrahman's support for the Megawati-Hasyim ticket in the run-off would be a boost for the pair, especially with Golkar -- the largest party in Parliament and whose candidate Wiranto is currently in third place -- expected to join the camp.
Said political analyst Indra Piliang: "Symbolically, it showed that the two had moved forward to forget whatever hostilities there were between them; the friendly setting showed their longstanding friendship. Gus Dur took a major political step -- although he did not say the visit is on behalf of PKB, it will have a major impact on his followers," he said.
But PKB officials yesterday maintained that the visit did not reflect the party's inclination to endorse the incumbent President's candidacy.
PKB senior official Mahfud MD told The Straits Times: "The meeting was in a personal capacity, as shown by the fact that none of the PKB officials accompanied Gus Dur. For now, PKB remains a blank piece of paper," he said. "We are still contemplating three options ahead of us: join Megawati's camp, join Bambang's camp, or stay neutral." But he admitted PKB had 'emotional ties' with Ms Megawati and her PDI-P.
Antara - July 27, 2004
Jakarta -- Hundreds of supporters of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) reaffirmed on Tuesday their stance against any candidate with a military background, following Monday's announcement of the ballot results.
The General Elections Commission announced on Monday that incumbent and PDI-P leader Megawati Soekarnoputri and her former top security minister Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will vie for the presidency in the September runoff.
Susilo and running mate Jusuf Kalla led the polls with 39,838,184 votes, or 33.57 percent of 118.6 million valid ballots, while Megawati and running mate Hasyim Muzadi came second with 31,569,104 votes, or 26.6 percent.
The statement was read by PDI-P's lawyer, R.O. Tambunan, during a rally commemorating the bloody attack of July 27, 1996 on the party's Jakarta headquarters.
The supporters expressed their wish for a civilian president while demanding that the government resolve the July 27 case.
Tambunan also named at Tuesday's rally those individuals believed responsible for the July 27 incident, including former president Soeharto, former Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) commander Gen. (ret) Feisal Tandjung, former ABRI social and political affairs chief Syarwan Hamid and former chief of the Jakarta military command Sutiyoso, who is now Jakarta governor.
During the July incident, five people were killed, 149 others injured and 23 went missing when a mob attacked the party headquarters.
Reports at the time said the attackers, believed to be from the rival PDI faction led by Soerjadi, were supported by the military.
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Kurniawan Hari and Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- An explosion halted the finalizing of the presidential election vote count by the General Elections Commission (KPU) for several hours on Monday afternoon.
The "firecracker-like" explosion damaged a door, shattered windows and punched a hole in the ceiling of a ladies restroom on the first floor of the KPU building on Jl. Imam Bonjol. No casualties were reported but heavy traffic congestion ensued on the usually busy thoroughfare.
The KPU announced the results of the July 5 election later in the evening. It was the first explosion to mar the otherwise peaceful election. A run-off election will now be held on September 20 pitting Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono against President Megawati Soekarnoputri.
National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said that the explosive consisted of potassium chlorate, which was often used for making firecrackers.
"The device was not a bomb," he told the press after examining the blast scene at the KPU offices. Minor as the explosion was, it had high resonance as it went off as the KPU was still finalizing the vote tally.
Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Firman Gani said that half-an- hour before the blast an unidentified person had called the KPU and said there was a bomb in the building. The KPU staff member who received the call promptly informed the police standing guard at the building, who then found a cardboard box inside the ladies restroom at around 1:00 p.m.
"The box measured 10 x 15 x 10 centimeters," Firman said. "It contained potassium chlorate, and there were no wires found in the box." The bomb squad was immediately alerted but the material exploded five minutes later. The police, however, failed to explain how the substance could have exploded spontaneously.
Firman said that the police had questioned six KPU employees and two police officers as witnesses. "We don't know the motive yet," Firman said when asked by reporters.
He added that the police were responsible for security at the KPU building. "But the KPU staff considered the building to be a public place so that people were free to come and go," he said. "We are now in the process of tightening security here." The building was closed for about two hours before it was reopened again at 3:30 p.m.
Sarodi, a mineral water vendor, said that he was chatting with acquaintances on the sidewalk in front of the KPU offices when the explosion occurred.
"It sounded a bit like a steel cabinet had fallen over. The ground didn't shake, or anything," he told The Jakarta Post. Titin Zakiah, an official from the Aceh General Elections Committee, said that she had just heard a bang, and that the ground had not shook.
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Tiarma Siboro and Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The final results of the presidential election announced on Monday show that the number of people who did not use their right to vote on July 5 increased to 32,044,063, or about 20.9 percent of registered voters.
Analysts have said the abstention could further rise to up to 50 percent of the over 153 million registered voters during the election runoff on September 20, should the General Elections Commission (KPU) not work harder to improve its performance.
During the April 5 legislative election, those who abstained from voting amounted to around 23.5 million people, or 16 percent of 147,106,000 registered voters.
Various reasons were cited for abstention, with many voters simply saying that they felt apathetic about the elections.
Taxi driver Rif'an, and an employee of a private company, Liza, separately said they hadn't voted as they didn't believe their votes would significantly improve the country's condition.
The two, however, admitted that they woke up late on election day after watching the Euro Cup final on television, which finished in the early hours of the morning.
Hanibal W.Y. Widjajanta of Tempo weekly magazine, who mostly covers political issues, said he did not exercise his constitutional right to vote in the presidential and legislative elections because he had lost faith in politicians. "[Through my work] I have learned that all of them talk nonsense", he said.
Hanibal said he first voted as a senior high school. "As a first-time voter, I was eager to know what would happen. But, afterward, I never wanted to vote again, especially after working as a journalist -- I know those politicians, I know who and how they are," he added.
Azhar, 28, (not his real name), on the other hand, said his abstention was due to his adoration of a certain political figure. "I idolize mBak [sister] Tutut so much -- how could I vote for any other candidate?" he said, referring to former president Soeharto's eldest daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana. Commenting on the high percentage of people who didn't vote, House of Representatives member Patrialis Akbar urged the KPU to improve its efforts in disseminating information.
"The effort to boost public participation in the election is the responsibility of all people, including legislators and KPU members," he said. However, the KPU is the most responsible for the success of the elections, stressed Patrialis, a member of the House commission for home and legal affairs.
KPU member Chusnul Mar'iyah, however, boasted that 20.9 percent was not such a higher number of abstainers, and showed that the election had been well-managed. Compared to the United States, the participation of Indonesian people in the election was higher, she argued "In the US, only around 40 percent of registered voters actually voted," Chusnul explained.
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Abdul Khalik and Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- Police admitted on Monday that a video compact disc (VCD) recording of a police meeting in Banyumas, Central Java, was genuine but denied accusations that they had sided with Megawati Soekarnoputri in the July 5 presidential election.
National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Paiman said that the VCD clearly showed Banyumas Police chief Sr. Comr. Andi Mapparese telling family members and retired police officers to vote according to their conscience.
"The Banyumas Police chief, in fact, never told the audience to vote a particular candidate. He just reviewed every candidate's track record. So, it is not true that police campaigned for particular candidates," said Paiman.
However, in the VCD police showed to the media on Monday, the Banyuwangi Police chief and his wife did point out several disadvantages the police may face if candidates other than Megawati won the election.
Aside from Megawati, other presidential candidates were Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Wiranto, Amien Rais and Hamzah Haz.
Paiman insisted that Andi and his wife only gave guidance to police families and retired police officers in his area with no intention of campaigning for Megawati.
"Besides, it was normal that regional police chief like Andi met with family members and retired police officers in his area. In fact, it was just a regular meeting," said Paiman.
He added that National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar had twice instructed police officers across the nation to stay neutral long before the meeting, which was held in Banjarnegara. The Association of the University of Indonesia Alumni (Iluni) Jakarta office presented the video to the media for the first time on Sunday and demanded that Da'i resign from his post immediately for failing to keep the national police neutral.
Paiman further said that police had formed a special team comprising detectives, internal affair officers and Central Java police officers to investigate the case.
Secretary of the Mega-Hasyim Success Team Heri Achmadi regretted Iluni's move to expose the controversial VCD, which he said was propaganda.
"Iluni in its capacity as an intellectual organization should have determined whether or not the VCD was authentic before exposing it to the public, or give it to the police for further investigation," he said here on Monday.
Meanwhile, Banjarnegara Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Widiyanto said he had set up a team to sue Iluni and others involved in distributing the VCD.
"I have the original of the VCD, and during the meeting there was no instruction for police families or retired police personnel in the regency to vote for a particular presidential candidate," he said.
Widiyanto acknowledged that some 60 police officers and their relatives attended the meeting held on May 29, and several who came from remote areas were given between Rp 10,000 and Rp 20,000 in travel expenses.
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Nana Rukmana, Indramayu -- The Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) said on Monday it was investigating a boycott of a presidential election revote at the Al-Zaytun Islamic boarding school in Indramayu regency, West Java.
The investigation will look into the possibility that the more than 11,500 registered voters at the school were pressured into boycotting the revote on Sunday, said the chairman of Panwaslu's Indramayu branch, Tatang Odjo Suardja.
"I have assigned personnel to conduct the investigation," he told The Jakarta Post. He said a preliminary investigation indicated several irregularities behind the boycott at Al Zaytun, the largest Islamic boarding school in Southeast Asia.
The voters did not cast ballots in the election rerun because they did not receive instructions from school head A.S. Panji Gumilang to go to the polling stations, Tatang said. "We discovered that the voters chose not to cast their ballots due to the absence of orders from the school leaders," he said.
Tatang said Panwaslu was looking into whether there was an active attempt by the leaders of the boarding school to foil the revote.
"We will try to find if the boycott was deliberately planned. If there are indications of this, we will ask the police to thoroughly investigate the matter," he said.
He said pressuring voters not to cast ballots in an election could be a jailable offense under the Election Law.
If anyone at Al-Zaytun was found guilty in this matter, they could be charged with violating Article 90(1) of Law No. 23/2003 on presidential elections, which carries a maximum punishment of three months in prison and a maximum fine of Rp 100 million (US$11,111). "We hope to conclude the investigation within a week," Tatang said.
Indramayu Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Johni Suroto said he was prepared to launch a criminal investigation into the case if Panwaslu filed an official complaint. "If there were violations, we will follow it up," he said.
There have been growing calls for the police to investigate the boycott, in which none of the more than 11,500 registered voters at the school turned up at the 39 polling stations set up outside the Al-Zaytun complex.
The Association of Legislative Council Speakers for Cirebon, Indramayu, Kuningan and Majalengka said that the police and prosecutors should begin probes into the boycott. Association secretary-general Suryana said the boycott violated the Election Law and insulted the dignity of the government and nation.
"We urge the relevant authorities to investigate the case. Pressuring people not to vote is a crime. If this matter is ignored, the dignity of the state will be damaged," he said on Monday.
The revote was held following allegations of vote-rigging at the school during the July 5 presidential election. The General Elections Commission (KPU) decided to invalidate the election results from the school because 24,818 people cast votes at Al- Zaytun despite the fact that there were only 11,000 registered voters at the boarding school.
Despite the no-show by voters on Sunday, the revote was declared valid by the KPU, which said the rerun election annulled the earlier count.
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Jakarta -- Former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid turned down a judge's suggestion on Monday that he settle his dispute with the General Elections Commission (KPU) out of court.
"There will be no amicable settlement," Gus Dur said at the Central Jakarta District Court.
He insisted that the KPU, the Indonesian Doctors Association (IDI) and the Ministry of Health had violated the law and discriminated against him in the run-up to the presidential election.
Gus Dur has sued the three institutions for disqualifying him from contesting the presidential election on health grounds. In its ruling, the KPU said Gus Dur's health -- particularly his poor vision -- rendered him incapable of leading the country
Jakarta Post Editorial - July 27, 2004
Monday's explosion at the General Elections Commission (KPU) office aside, there was not a lot of excitement to mark the announcement of the official results of the July 5 presidential election. Perhaps there were not many surprises to begin with, and certainly not enough for most people, not even the two front-runners who now go into the second round in September, to openly celebrate. The explosion, while serious and requiring thorough investigation, should not be allowed to distract us from the fact that Indonesia has completed one more stage in the exercise of electing its leaders through democratic means.
Considering that this is the first time Indonesia has held a direct presidential election, perhaps we as a nation deserve to pat ourselves on the back for a job relatively well done. It was not the perfect election that everyone would have loved to have seen, but it went off peacefully (at least until Monday) and relatively smoothly. But such is the state of the national psyche after so many crises over the past few years that we often forget or neglect to acknowledge our own hard work and achievements.
The KPU's final tally confirmed the preliminary results that it had been diligently putting out and updating almost every hour, and which the public and the media had been avidly following over these past three weeks. The final results were not so different from the those of the quick count that the National Democratic Institute and Institute of Research, Education and Information on Social and Economic Affairs (LP3ES) announced on the night of July 5. Understandably, therefore, the KPU's announcement came as something of an anticlimax for many people.
Two of the five presidential candidates -- Amien Rais and Hamzah Haz, who respectively came fourth and last -- had already thrown in the towel while the preliminary count was still in progress. Although Gen. (ret) Wiranto, who took third place in the final count, held on to his hopes for as long as he could, we know his party had already prepared itself for defeat. Golkar, which won the largest number of seats in the April general election and had nominated Wiranto for the presidency, has been engaged in talks this past week with a view to forging a coalition with one of the front-runners -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri or Lt. Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono -- ahead of the September runoff. Wiranto's demand for a recount has fallen on deaf ears, and rightly so as most people, including many in his own camp, believe that it would make little difference to the final outcome.
Naturally, as in any election, the July 5 vote was not without its share of hullabaloo and protests. There was the controversy over the double perforation of ballot papers, which was not all that dissimilar to the problems in Florida during the 2000 US presidential election. Another problem emerged with Amien Rais' and Wiranto's refusal to endorse the results in a number of provinces in protest at either the electoral or counting processes employed. The Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) received numerous complaints and protests, and referred some of these to the Constitutional Court for resolution.
These protests and complaints are important for the nation, and most particularly for the KPU and Panwaslu, in allowing for the development of better election mechanisms, both for the September runoff and the 2009 elections. They are footnotes, important ones at that, but they should not affect the outcome of the July election as announced by the KPU on Monday.
The KPU said the 118 million out of 155 million registered voters took part in the election, giving a voter turnout of 76 percent, a healthy figure for a relatively young democracy like Indonesia.
The level of abstentionism is indeed high if we go by the 90 percent plus turnouts during the six elections held during the Soeharto years. But let us remind ourselves that voting in this country is not obligatory. We can now leave it up to the political analysts to interpret the relatively high level of abstentionism, but the turnout is still a respectable figure -- certainly by the standards of any functioning democracy.
All in all, Indonesia's first experiment with a direct presidential election has been a remarkable success. This is especially so given that we only emerged from three decades of authoritarian rule six years ago. During those three decades, elections were simply mechanisms to endorse the reelection of Soeharto, and therefore far from democratic.
Indonesia should rejoice at its achievements. We've got ourselves past second base with this first round presidential election. Now we can all look forward to an even better election in the runoff in September as we head for home and
Agence France Presse - July 27, 2004
Former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is still favourite to win Indonesia's presidential election run-off in September but the race will be close, analysts say.
On Monday Yudhoyono was officially declared winner of the first round with 33.6 percent of the vote, compared to 26.6 percent for incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri. Only the top two of the five candidates in the July 5 poll qualify for the run-off on September 20.
"The latest survey shows Yudhoyono is more popular than Megawati but a lot can happen in the coming two months," said political analyst Salim Said. "I have a feeling there will be a fierce battle between the two candidates." Said said Megawati could capitalise on her incumbency by making use of official activities to win more support, and also exploit public antipathy to militarism. The government announced a special bonus for civil servants before legislative elections in April.
But Megawati's party still suffered a 40 percent drop in support, with millions of voters disgruntled over lacklustre growth, rising prices, massive unemployment and continuing widespread corruption.
The taciturn and aloof-seeming Megawati waged a more energetic campaign to save her presidency. The gap between her and Yudhoyono, her former security minister, was much narrower than opinion polls had predicted.
Mochtar Pabotinggi, a political researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, said the outcome of the second round would be determined by swing voters. "Megawati's support has not increased. But swing voters could reach 50 percent of the registered voters. If we discount the swing voters Yudhoyono will win," he said.
Analysts say support from large parties for either candidate will probably not influence an increasingly independent-minded electorate. But they say such support will be needed later to create a stable government.
Yudhoyono has said he is reluctant vigorously to seek coalition partners because he does not want to be seen by supporters as engaging in horse-trading. Analysts say his stance shows he is confident of winning the election even without endorsement from large groups such as Golkar and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Golkar's candidate Wiranto, who was also backed by the PKB, came third and was eliminated from the race.
Bachtiar Effendi of the University of Indonesia said the two contenders would fight hard to win over supporters of the three losing candidates.
"Those voters will have to decide whether the country will be better off under Megawati. Her government may be sluggish but there is progress. Or maybe they want Yudhoyono, who promises change but what kind of change is not certain," Effendi said.
But Pabotinggi predicted that many who voted for the disqualified candidates would abstain in the second round. "They don't see the lesser of two evils. They think both candidates are equally evil." Pabotinggi said Megawati also favours militarism, as shown in a draft law on the military currently being debated. Critics see it as an attempt to revive the military's leading role in politics. "It is a choice of civilian militarism or military militarism," he said.
Yudhoyono's critics accuse him of involvement in a military- backed raid on Megawati's party headquarters in 1996 when she was an opposition leader. The attack, allegedly ordered by then- president Suharto, led to riots which left five people dead. Yudhoyono has denied prior knowledge of the operation.
Police recently revived an investigation into the case, prompting accusations the move was linked to the election. Pabotinggi warned that over-exploitation of the issue could backfire on Megawati and benefit Yudhoyono because he would be seen as a victim of a dirty campaign.
Melbourne Age - July 27, 2004
Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- A bomb exploded inside the headquarters of Indonesia's Election Commission yesterday just as the members were preparing to announce the results of the July 5 presidential poll.
The small bomb exploded outside the women's toilets, breaking windows and destroying a door but not killing or injuring any of the hundreds of people who were in the building awaiting the announcement.
One of the Commission members, Chusnul Mariah, was upstairs at a meeting when she heard an explosion below. "It was not that loud and the chairman of the commission, Mr Nazarudin Syamsudin, ordered us to remain calm," she said.
Police removed everyone from the building while members of the bomb squad inspected the site and began questioning witnesses.
Jakarta Police Chief Firman Gani said someone had phoned the commission at 12.30pm to warn that a bomb had been planted.
Police conducted a search and found a box wrapped in newspaper near the women's toilets around 1pm. He said they called the bomb squad but the device exploded before they arrived.
Although security is tight at many of Jakarta's public buildings, no searches are conducted at the Election Commission office.
The bombing delayed the announcement of the official result and it was not clear late yesterday when it would be formally announced. With virtually all the votes counted, the winner is certain to be Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of the new Democrat Party with 33 per cent ahead of President Megawati Soekarnoputri with 26 per cent. The two will contest a run-off ballot on September 20.
But former General Wiranto, the Golkar Party candidate, has already rejected the result and said he planned to take his case to the Constitutional Court, which will accept challenges to the result from today.
Mr Yudhoyono said the explosion had interrupted the security situation of the elections and called on the Government to ensure security did not degenerate before the second round. Mr Yudhoyono has already predicted a breakdown in security in the months leading up to the next poll.
Asia Times - July 27, 2004
Gary LaMoshi, Denpasar -- The tragic events of July 27, 1996, were instrumental in Megawati Sukarnoputri's path to the Indonesian presidency. With the release of official results from the July 5 elections on Monday showing her in second place, Megawati hopes that the events of this seventh-anniversary week will pave the way to her re-election. But this year's proceedings simply outline how far Megawati has strayed from her imposed heroism in the waning days of former president Suharto's reign.
Back in 1996, Suharto decided to replace Megawati as the head of the Indonesian Democratic Party (known by its Indonesian initials, PDI), one of the two political parties officially sanctioned to oppose the ruling Golkar Party. It should have been a simple matter to get Megawati to resign, but Suharto had recently lost his wife Tien, whose skills in Javanese mystical arts were widely thought to have aided Suharto's rise from obscure colonel to virtual monarch and guided his reign. With Ibu Tien gone, Suharto began a string of political misjudgments that culminated in his downfall.
Rather than quietly easing out Megawati, Suharto chose to do it publicly. Even for a self-effacing housewife with no previous political ambitions -- but a rich knowledge of Javanese mythology in which power seeks worthy princesses, rather than the other way around -- the loss of face was too much for Megawati to accept. Moreover, her ouster, which came in June of that year, provided a rallying point for opponents of Suharto. After more than three decades in power with increasing corruption and nepotism, the no-longer-New Order had no shortage of opponents in search of an excuse to express their dissatisfaction.
This energized opposition movement centered on PDI headquarters in Jakarta, where Megawati and her supporters were occupying the complex in defiance of Suharto's new PDI leadership. On July 27, the military under General Sutiyoso attacked the headquarters to eject the occupiers. Megawati was not present, but hundreds of her supporters were. The attack left five dead, 23 still categorized as missing, and 149 more injured.
Megawati's ladder
The July 27 incident became a further, blood-stained unifier for opponents of Suharto, catapulting Megawati to national stature as a symbol of opposition to a regime that had reiterated its nakedly oppressive side by attacking unarmed foes over a purely political matter.
In the 1999 legislative elections, the first fair and open vote in more than 40 years, Megawati's party -- renamed the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) -- was the leading light for reformasi (reform) and received the largest slice of the vote, eventually taking her to the office from which Suharto had ejected her father Sukarno. It's fair from a historical point of view to say that Megawati climbed into Merdeka Palace on the pile of PDI casualties from July 27, 1996.
Once she reached the presidency, however, Megawati seemed to forget that those stepping stones weren't mere rocks but the bodies of her supporters who paid for her rise with their flesh and blood. Since that day, her administration has been no more receptive to calls for an independent investigation of the July 27 incident than the Suharto regime was. And she hasn't just cohabited with many elements of the New Order power structure, she has positively embraced them.
Political power play
One of the few instances in which Megawati has chosen to expend political capital in public involved last year's vote by Jakarta's city council for the region's governor. The Golkar Party incumbent was thoroughly reviled for his alleged corruption and proven incompetence, and PDI-P city council members had the votes to elect the governor of their choice. However, Megawati personally intervened to insist that her party faithful re-elect the incompetent -- er, incumbent. She threatened to expel party councilors who disobeyed the order and followed through against the handful that did.
This blatant political deal was presumed to be part of a pact relating to this year's voting. But in April's election for national and local legislators, Golkar and PDI-P polled miserably in Jakarta. The Prosperous Justice Party, with Islamic roots and an anti-corruption, reform platform that once won votes for Megawati, took control of the Jakarta city council.
The name of the Jakarta governor who benefited from Megawati's rare show of bare-knuckled political muscle? Sutiyoso, the general who led the attack on PDI headquarters on July 27, 1996.
Unhappy anniversary
The seventh anniversary this week of the July 27 incident also marks a key moment for Megawati's re-election fortunes. Monday's release of official results from the July 5 presidential election undoubtedly confirm that Megawati took second place in the voting and will now move on to face former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in a September 20 presidential runoff. Megawati took about 26% of the vote in round one, bettering PDI-P's 19% in the April legislative vote. Yudhoyono collected just over a third of the vote, about the same total that PDI-P won in 1999.
This week Megawati's party is widely expected to announce an election alliance with Golkar, Suharto's ruling party, whose presidential candidate, former General Wiranto, finished third in the July race. Over the past three years, Megawati's government has veered away from any semblance of its reformist roots to become just another player among the political elite that treats public office as an opportunity for enrichment rather than an obligation to serve. An alliance with Golkar isn't an alarming departure for PDI-P so much as it's a sad confirmation of a long-standing state of affairs, as if a disloyal spouse has decided to stop sneaking out for assignations and instead has moved his lover into the spare bedroom.
"PDI-P supporters are already disappointed with the party leadership and Megawati," political commentator Andi Mallarangeng says. "But they understand that to get Megawati re-elected, they have to make this deal. The question is whether it's going to be sufficient to get her re-elected, whether Golkar supporters will follow the leadership at the grassroots."
Commemorating the July 27 anniversary through an alliance with Golkar may not succeed in making Megawati president a second time, but it has succeeded, once and for all, in determining the status of the 1996 PDI headquarters' victims: Megawati's actions have converted them from heroic martyrs into mere fools.
Detik.com - June 22, 2004
Nala Edwin, Jakarta -- Munir, the head of the human rights group Imparsial, says that human rights issues which are related to presidential candidates former armed forces chief Wiranto and former coordinating minister for politics and security Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) are not a "black campaign". They shouldn't therefore use the pretext of a black campaign to cover up their track record.
"[We] have to distinguish between a black campaign and questions which relate to a person's track record. A black campaign is where there is misinformation made public about the identity of a person. This can be overcome thorough the credibility of the said person and public political education".
The issue was raised by the director of Imparsial after Munir took part in the commemoration of 10 years since the banning of Tempo, Detik and Editor(1) at the Tempo eatery on Jalan Utan Kayu in Jakarta on Monday night, June 21.
So is there a black campaign or not? "There's both. But on the question of human rights and Wiranto and SBY it's not a black campaign. It represents a part of their track record which the public must know about and can't be covered up. And it is precisely this, the political lies which are related to the misuse of power, corruption and human rights violations, which must be explained to the public", he said.
Munir went on to give an example of what could be called a black campaign. For example a person is accused of being anti-religion A or B but this actually has no relevance to the political contest. It is this kind of thing than can indeed be eliminated by the person concerned or by the discernment of the public.
With regard to how to overcome black campaigns, Munir sees it as an issue of political education. If the political parties do not provide good quality political education black campaigns can be quickly be accepted by people.
"But don't use the issue of black campaigns to cover up a person's track record were there actually is a problem. If the issue is related to track record it isn't a black campaign", responded Munir.
Notes:
1. In June 1994, former President Suharto banned three weeklies - Tempo, DeTIK and Editor - after they gave extensive coverage to an internal cabinet row between Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad and Research and Technology Minister Jusuf Habibie (who was later appointed as president after Suharto was forced from power in 1998) over the purchase of second-hand German warships. Hundreds of journalists, students and human rights activists demonstrated to protest against the ban and dozens were beaten and arrested by security forces. A short time later DeTIK resurfaced in the same format under the name "DeTAK" but was banned after publishing only three issues. Tempo magazine began publishing again in July 1998. Editor never reappeared and DeTIK is now published on the internet under the name Detik.com.
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Antara - June 22, 2004
Jakarta -- The Buddhist People's Communication Forum (FKUB) has expressed its political support for National Mandate Party (PAN) presidential candidate Amien Rais and running mate Siswono Yudo Husodo a spokesman said.
The group had studied all presidential and vice presidential candidates thoroughly before making the decision, FKUB general chairman Gunabhadra Sphavira said here on Tuesday.
"The decision was made as Amien is a reformist and a religious, honest and modest person," Gunabhadra said.
Gunabhadra said Siswono was also a reformist and a nationalist who was popular with many groups in society.
The FKUB executive board called on members of the Buddhist community across the country to give their votes to Amien and Siswono in the presidential election to be held on July 5.
Antara - June 22, 2004
Jakarta -- Several academics from state and private universities grouped in the Reformist Academics Community have declared their political support for the presidential bid of Amien Rais and his running mate, Siswono Yudohusodo.
Some 40 leaders of state and private universities have confirmed their support for the group by telephone and facsimile, community spokesman Azrul Tandjung, said here Tuesday.
"The declaration will be conveyed openly during a presidential rally to be held at the Bung Karno Sports Stadium on June 26," he said.
Meanwhile, former chief of the Indonesian intelligence coordinating body Bakin, Lt. Gen. Z.A. Maulani, expressed support for Amien, who is running under the National Mandate Party (PAN).
Straits Times - June 22, 2004
Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Two presidential contenders took their rivalry to another level when they crooned to a live audience on one of the country's most watched talent contest over the weekend.
Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Mr Wiranto showed their lighter side and their musical skills on Saturday by appearing as guest performers in the grand finale of the Akademi Fantasi Indosiar (AFI), the Indonesian version of American Idol.
Another contender, Dr Amien Rais, had planned to join in but could not make it to the show as he was out of town campaigning. Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri sent her daughter Puan Maharani to represent her at the event. The children and grandchildren of Mr Hamzah Haz were also seen among the audience.
The candidates' attendance and participation in the event brought an ironic twist to their own rivalries, as cartoons and commentators in local media have likened the presidential election to the singing contest, which is patterned after the popular La Academia in Mexico.
Like American Idol, teary-eyed contestants are often sent home in several elimination phases. Similarly, the July 5 presidential election will go into a run-off in September with the two top winners contesting each other, in the event that no majority winner emerges.
On the nationally broadcasted event on Saturday, both Mr Wiranto and Mr Bambang sang their pick of songs as a panel of three judges comprising the country's top musicians offered comments at the end of their performances.
Mr Wiranto, who sang the solemn Indonesia Beautiful, was praised by one of the judges, jazz singer Trie Utami. "What exactly do you want to be when you grow up?" Ms Trie asked the retired general jokingly, hinting at his renowned penchant for singing.
Later in the show, Mr Bambang sang a contemporary ballad by the band Jamrud called There's A Rainbow In Your Eyes. Judge Erwin Gutawa said of his performance: "For a vocalist armed only with courage like yourself, you made a good decision to sing a popular song." Mr Bambang's appearance drew thunderous applause and cheers from the audience, a clear indication of his widespread popularity.
But some of the show's die-hard fans grumbled that their appearances were a vote-getting ploy. Indeed, Mr Wiranto used the occasion to address a recent campaign against him, in which a music VCD bearing AFI symbols and scenes from the talent show were manipulated to air calls for people not to vote for him.
"From the beginning, I had already suspected that a third party had tried to used AFI's name for something malicious," he said during the show.
Candidates are increasingly using the media as a platform for their campaign, as running mates of the candidates participated in a TV debate on Trans TV channel last night. Analysts said this lighter side of the campaign proved that Indonesians were becoming wary of listening to promises made by candidates at their rallies.
And with much of the media attention diverted to the ongoing Euro 2004 football tournament in Portugal, some candidates such as Dr Amien have been wooing voters by taking the role of match commentators on live football telecasts.
In the past week, the Koran Tempo daily has been running a series of articles on the football event written by presidential candidates and their running mates on its front pages.
But even in regular rallies, candidates such as Mr Wiranto often conclude the event by singing to supporters, especially when they appear to be getting bored with listening to party platforms.
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
Blontank Poer and Tarko Sudiarno, Semarang -- Hundreds of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) leaders and clerics appealed on Sunday for an end to political rivalry within the nation's biggest Muslim organization ahead of the July 5 presidential election.
They urged NU clerics to maintain neutrality in the election, saying their blatant support for particular presidential candidates had led to increasing confusion among the some 40 million members of the organization.
The call was made by NU clerics from Java gathered at the Edi Mancoro Islamic boarding school, which is led by Mahfud Ridwan, in Gedangan in the Central Java capital of Semarang.
Among the prominent clerics in attendance were NU law-making council member Mustofa Bisri, better known as Gus Mus, Abdurrahman Chudlori, R. Muhaimin, Mahfud Ridwan and acting NU chairman Masdar Farid Mas'udi.
The meeting was convened to try to stop the NU from falling apart as rival figures blatantly endorse or oppose the vice presidential bids of its senior leaders -- Hasyim Muzadi, Solahuddin Wahid and Jusuf Kalla. Also, the NU central board plans to state on June 30 its official neutral stance on the presidential election.
"As clerics who are followed by Muslims, they should refrain from giving support to any political force, including during the presidential campaign," Gus Mus, who chairs the Roudlotut Tholibin Islamic boarding school in Rembang, Central Java, said after the meeting.
He said that "political pragmatism" on the part of a number of top NU leaders had had an adverse impact on the organization's followers at the grassroots level.
The nomination of Hasyim Muzadi, who has temporarily stepped aside as NU chairman, as the vice presidential candidate of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, for example, has involved almost all structural networks in the organization, from the upper to the lower levels, in practical politics, he said.
Gus Mus said the clerics' support for Hasyim, Solahuddin or Kallah had resulted in "extraordinary impacts" on their followers. "It could incite conflict among their followers if the clerics do not end their rivalry," he added.
Masdar Farid Mas'udi concurred with Gus Mus. "The NU is on the brink of destruction due to political adventurism by some elite leaders and members, which have triggered an internal rift," he said.
The NU's rift appeared to escalate after several other influential clerics, who were gathered in the East Java town of Pasuruan, issued a non-binding edict against a woman president. Megawati is the only female candidate contesting the July 5 election.
Sunday's meeting in Semarang also called on all NU supporters to stick to the khittah decision of 1984 to withdraw from politics and focus on the organization's socio-religious activities for people as a whole. The khittah decision says that involvement in politics would only hinder the NU from fulfilling its overall social role, the clerics added.
The NU once served as a socio-religious organization that helped promote various movements, such as democracy, pluralism, civilian supremacy, human rights, gender equality and other humanist issues.
Masdar said the participation of clerics in politics, which could later drag the NU into practical politics, resulted in the neglect of social and religious affairs. "Many of them [the clerics] then forget their roles in thinking, for example, about how fertilizer can be made available cheaply so that the prosperity of farmers and other people can be improved," he added. Similarly, Gus Mus urged all NU figures to prioritize their roles in dealing with social and economic problems.
The Sunday meeting also rejected growing calls for the NU to hold an extraordinary meeting to elect a new chairman to replace Hasyim ahead of the meeting scheduled for November. These calls were just "emotional", Gus Mus said, while Masdar said that the holding of an extraordinary meeting would further increase the political tension within the NU as outsiders could become involved to the detriment of the overall situation.
Deutsche Press Agentur - June 21, 2004
Jakarta -- Indonesia's Constitutional Court approved only 41 out of 273 complaints of electoral fraud in connection with last April's legislative elections, the court's chairman Jimly Asshiddiqie announced Monday.
A total of 456 cases of irregularities were brought to the newly established constitutional court by 23 political parties and 21 candidates for the regional representatives in the April 5 general election. But 183 of the complaints were rejected by the court for failing to meet requirements.
Out of the 252 complaints reviewed by the constitutional court, only 41 were ruled as proven cases of irregularities.
The court's rulings should bring only slight changes to the composition seats in the next national parliament, regional legislatures as well as the regional representatives, Asshidiqie said.
As a result of the rulings, in the national parliament two seats initially won by the Democrat Party will go instead to the Prosperous and Peace Party (PDS), while one seat from the Freedom Bull National Party (PNBK) goes to the Reform Star Party (PBR), Asshiddiqie explained.
However, the court's ruling had no affect the seats for the two major ruling parties -- Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), he said.
In the April 5 parliamentary polls, Golkar won 21.6 per cent of the popular votes, followed by PDI-P with 18.5 per cent and the National Awakening Party (PKB) 10.6 per cent.
"We can say that the 2004 general elections ran impartially and independently," said Asshiddiqie, who noted that all the participating parties had been allowed to register their objections and complaints.
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
I Wayan Juniartha, Denpasar -- The incumbent Megawati Soekarnoputri may have a bumpy road ahead of her to win the hearts of the Balinese in the upcoming election.
Once known as loyal -- some might say fanatical -- supporters of Megawati, the Balinese made it clear in April's legislative election that times had changed.
In April Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) only garnered 999,889 votes. It was a humiliating 33 percent decrease compared to the almost 1.5 million votes for the party in the 1999 general election. To add insult to injury, its strongest rival, the Golkar Party, garnered 320,710 votes, a 60 percent increase from 198,713 votes for the party in 1999.
Meanwhile, a relatively new figure to politics, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, is gaining increasing popularity among the Balinese, particularly those in urban areas. His Democratic Party received 121,665 votes, soaring from obscurity to become the third strongest political power on the island.
Moreover, Megawati's rally on June 11 in Tabanan regency was attended by less than half of the expected crowd of 50,000, clear evidence that the island's adoration of her has dwindled.
Back in 1998, the island's capital, Denpasar, was virtually paralyzed when over 500,000 people gathered -- just for a glimpse of her -- and to listen to her moving speech. The decrease has alarmed the PDI-P's top brass and the island's intellectuals, who predicted it, but are apparently not ready to view it in the context of Mega's reelection chances.
"The effect [of the decrease] on Megawati's chances of reelection will be fairly insignificant. The decrease was the result of our constituents' disappointment toward the poor performance of our legislators, not toward Megawati," a top PDI-P official said.
Political analyst Chusmeru added that the emotional affinity between the Balinese and Megawati was still a key factor in the upcoming election. "They [sentimental voters] still see her, not only as a political figure, but also as the only national leader with close historical, cultural and emotional ties to Bali, and its people," he said.
"Megawati will win in Bali. However, she will not win it by a huge majority. The best she will get is 60 percent of the votes," he added.
The emotional affinity between Megawati and the Balinese can be traced back to her father, the first president Sukarno. A magnificent orator and art-lover, he was born of a Balinese woman from Buleleng regency.
This affinity was significantly strengthened on the eve of the 1999 general election, when a rival politician AM Saeffuddin claimed that Megawati was not a suitable presidential candidate because she is a Hindu, the predominant religion in Bali. The claim triggered the biggest street rallies in the island's history, and the Balinese began to identify with Megawati. Needless to say, the PDI-P won the 1999 election.
Megawati, obviously aware of the power of emotion, recently told a gathering in Bali that Bali was her home. She said she had Balinese blood and her grandmother was from Buleleng.
"Yet, the PDI-P must pay special attention to 'rational voters', who, I believe, will vote for Susilo, whom they see as a cool, smart, humble and -- above all -- honest candidate," Chusmeru said. "Many people, who voted for the PDI-P in the legislative election, have said that they will vote for Susilo in the presidential election," he added.
Those Balinese disappointed with the PDI-P say its legislators failed to protect the interests of the poor, such as in Pecatu and Sawangan areas, from the onslaught of major investors. They also failed to prove that the last governors' election was free from vote-buying, with PDI-P legislators accused of receiving money in return for support. Also, legislators had demanded severance pay of up to Rp 100 million each, which sickened many Balinese people, earlier reports said.
Similar feelings in support of Susilo have been expressed by others. "If SBY [Susilo] manages to present himself as someone who cares and has a deep understanding of the island's needs, then there will be a tight race between Megawati and SBY," Chusmeru said.
Ketut Wirya, a native of Negara -- a city some 70 kilometers west of Denpasar -- said that although in the general election his fellow villagers had mainly voted for the PDI-P, they would vote for Susilo in the presidential election. "One of our neighbors was a PDI-P candidate in the legislative election, so we had no choice but to fight for him. The presidential election is a different story," he said.
However in Tulikup, a village some 30 kilometers east of Denpasar, many locals expressed support for Megawati although the Golkar Party won the largest number of votes in that village in the legislative election. "There is no specific reason. We just love Ibu [Megawati], compared to the other candidates," villager Made Arta said.
In Singaraja, some 80 kilometers north of Denpasar, a resident, Made Nyana, noted that Susilo's popularity was limited to cities, while in rural areas, Megawati was still the commanding figure.
The upcoming election will show whether blood is really thicker than water in the island's political power game.
Agence France Presse - June 21, 2004
Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri faces an uphill battle for re-election next month despite belated attempts to re-connect with the "little people" who once supported her so fervently, analysts say.
Efforts to shed her aloof and taciturn image by visiting markets and appearing for television interviews have failed to win much public favour and have even exposed her shortcomings, they said.
Indonesians will for the first time vote for their president directly on July 5. A run-off will be held on September 20 if no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote.
Opinion polls show Megawati is far behind her former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the preferred president.
Voters deserted her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle in droves in the April 5 parliamentary election, punishing her for lacklustre growth, rising prices, high unemployment and continuing widespread corruption.
"The more she appears in public the more she's in trouble," said Denny Januar Aly, director of the Indonesian Survey Institute. "During television interviews she seemed to have failed to present herself as a modest, intelligent person willing to listen to other people's opinions," he said.
In a recent interview, Megawati appeared to get easily irritated and even scolded her interviewer when he asked a sensitive question.
Megawati has promised to create almost 13 million new jobs and cut poverty rates by almost half if she secures a second term. In an equally bold campaign pledge, she wrote an article on the Euro 2004 football tournament in Monday's Koran Tempo newspaper promising to make the Indonesian national side the equal of the Europeans.
But Daniel Sparingga, a political analyst from Airlangga University, said her efforts to win back voters were ineffective. "In fact there is a widespread negative impression." In a recent television talk show, "she was seen as extremely defensive, emotional and to some extent could be seen as aggressive, too," Sparingga said.
Megawati, 57, is a daughter of founding president Sukarno but lacks his charisma and electrifying eloquence. The so-called "wong cilik" or "little people" voted the party of the former opposition leader into top place in parliament in 1999, a year after the fall of dictator Suharto. She became president in July 2001.
"We had told them so many times to take care of the poor, take care of what they call the wong cilik, but they had estranged themselves," said H.S. Dillon, executive director of Partnership, which advises the government on reforms.
"They could see that [Megawati] had started to enjoy the role of what you would call the imperial presidency. So they were too far removed, and they were corrupt and they were not listening to their constituents," he said.
Megawati has overseen major constitutional reforms, and analysts say she should be credited for improved macroeconomic stability. But such an achievement will not impress people without real improvement in their livelihoods.
"The yardstick remains whether the people feel they are more prosperous," said Amir Santoso, a political lecturer at the University of Indonesia. "The fact is people are still suffering, unemployment is rife, prices are high and she can't explain why those things are happening," he said.
Denny said Megawati lacked intellectual weight and leadership to tackle complex problems. "She is not a leader for a time of crisis," he said.
Dillon said she had missed opportunities to get closer to the people and blamed this on her aloofness. "I think what was her biggest mistake was that she travelled abroad so much ... she missed so many opportunities to show that she had the people's welfare in her heart."
Far Eastern Economic Review - June 24, 2004
John McBeth, Jakarta -- The launch of East Timor First Lady Kirsty Sword Gusmao's autobiography was in full swing in a Jakarta store when a woman covered head-to-toe in a white robe slipped into the front row of seats and grabbed the microphone.
For the next few minutes, Uga, the wife of Indonesian presidential candidate Wiranto, talked, telling the surprised audience that her husband had learned a lot about democracy from President Xanana Gusmao.
Then, just as abruptly, she left. The unscheduled June 8 performance, aimed at showing her husband in a favourable light, was an ample reminder of the baggage the Golkar party candidate is carrying as he confronts his two main rivals, former Security Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and President Megawati Sukarnoputri, in the lead-up to the July 5 opening round of Indonesia's first direct presidential election.
The retired general has rejected charges that he should accept part of the responsibility for the bloodshed that accompanied East Timor's August 1999 vote for independence or for violence that swept other parts of Indonesia during 1998-2000, when he was concurrently defence minister and armed-forces chief.
The next day, a dark-suited Yudhoyono appeared before a business lunch in a downtown Jakarta club. No one asked this former top officer about his military career or how, as assistant chief of staff for socio-political and territorial affairs from 1998 until his retirement in 2000, he managed to avoid being tainted by the dramatic events that marked Indonesia's struggle with a free- falling economy and a difficult political transition. Instead, for 75 minutes, the seemingly Teflon-coated candidate sketched out a comprehensive picture of what he would do if he wins the presidency.
With most political analysts ruling out a majority decision in the first round, the two ex-generals are now considered favourites to go head-to-head if a run-off vote is needed on September 20. One independent poll shows Yudhoyono with a 30% lead over both Wiranto and Megawati, and another has him nearing the magical 50% mark that would dispense with the need for a second ballot.
But Indonesia is entering new territory with this election and no one is sure how much faith to place in the forecasts. In a country where the military has had a long history of direct influence over national politics, there is considerable opposition among students and other activists to an ex-general as Indonesia's sixth president.
But that appears to be more than matched by a yearning among many voters for firmer leadership after five years of often haphazard rule. That applies particularly in rural areas where patriarchal traditions still run deep and human rights are not necessarily an issue.
Wiranto, however, is working at a disadvantage. During a recent private meeting with senior journalists, Yudhoyono said that Wiranto requested a meeting with him days after the April 5 general election, where Yudhoyono's greenhorn Democratic Party captured a surprising 7.4% of the vote. There, he claims, the retired four-star general sought to pull rank on his former subordinate by asking him to drop out of the presidential race.
"These are different times," Yudhoyono quoted himself as telling Wiranto. "Indonesia is now a democracy and we all have the right to engage in politics." Wiranto and his aides could not be reached for comment.
Since then, Wiranto's campaign advertisements often show past news footage of Yudhoyono standing deferentially behind Wiranto at official functions. But that's about as far as the mud- slinging has gone. Indeed, as the candidates criss-cross the archipelago, they have largely avoided attacking each other. Confrontational and even opposition politics are still frowned on in Indonesia.
Just how Wiranto's track record as adjutant to disgraced former President Suharto and during his later days in the military leadership will affect his election chances is difficult to judge. But he has a lot to live down, including the violence in mid-1998 that triggered Suharto's downfall, the killing of eight students during a protest in Jakarta in November 1999, the East Timor blood-letting in 1999 and the sectarian violence that left thousands dead in the Moluccan islands between 1999 and 2001.
East Timor won't register with most voters. Even if they may not have agreed with the methods, most Indonesians still feel they had every right to try to preserve the country's territorial integrity.
Although not all of it can be laid at Wiranto's door, middle- class urban voters may be more turned off by the domestic bloodshed that occurred on the general's watch and the suspicion that he represents a return to the past. "Wiranto has a weak comprehension of democracy," notes a former general who served on his staff. "He has a trademark of using militaristic ways to achieve political purposes. It's that sort of behaviour that will worry voters."
Some of that concern stems from his choice of two retired generals, Suaidi Marasabessy and Fachrul Razi, as his campaign managers -- both of them hardline rightists linked to militant Islamic groups. Equally troubling to human-rights advocates: the apparent background role being played by former intelligence chief Maj.-Gen. Zacky Anwar Makarim, Wiranto's point man in East Timor in 1999.
Yudhoyono, for his part, has often been criticized for being indecisive -- a serious failing if Indonesia is to drag itself out of its current economic morass. "Bambang was never in a No. 1 position," notes one senior Wiranto adviser. "If he had, he would have had bruises too. What he's doing now is riding on perceptions."
The adviser's verdict on the presidential race so far: Wiranto is undervalued and the only way he can go is up. Yudhoyono is overvalued and the only way he can go is down.
Losing momentum is something the Yudhoyono camp fears. Analysts credit television and the candidate's high-profile role in the cabinets of the past two presidents for his creeping rise in popularity. But they still question whether he has the depth of support that the polls suggest.
In the end, the main battleground will be vote-rich Java, which accounts for 60% of the national electorate. The April election gave Yudhoyono firm footholds in Jakarta, the Sumatran provincial capitals of Medan and Palembang, Semarang and Surabaya in Central and East Java, and Banjarmarsin in Central Kalimantan. Urban voters clearly like him because he is seen to represent a break from the past.
The latest International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) tracking poll, which has become the yardstick for the campaign, also showed that he can count on votes across the board from both nationalist and religious-based parties.
While Wiranto and Megawati have done well only with their own parties, Yudhoyono has drawn support from 31% of respondents each from Golkar and presidential candidate Amien Rais' National Mandate Party, 18.2% from Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P) and 25.8% from the United Development Party of the final presidential candidate, Vice-President Hamzah Haz. Nearly 28% of respondents from the National Awakening Party, the political arm of the 40 million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, also said they would vote for Yudhoyono.
That suggests that in choosing NU figures as vice-presidential running mates, Golkar and PDI-P may be dealing with an even more divided membership than they thought. Certainly, around Yudhoyono's birthplace in the southwest corner of East Java, NU's stronghold, there is little doubt who villagers intend to vote for.
The IFES poll, released on May 31 before the election campaign started, also has Yudhoyono ahead in all age groups. The figures are impressive because of his apparent appeal among younger constituents: 44% of respondents under 25, 48% of those in the 25-34 age group and 44% of those between 35 and 44. It only begins to slip among older and illiterate voters, many of whom hanker for the father-knows-best days when subsidies protected them from the real world.
A beauty contest
Just as important for Yudhoyono are the implications that can be drawn from the April election. While Golkar and PDI-P remain the two main blocks in the new 550-seat House of Representatives, the huge hits they took on April 5 provide a strong pointer that political machines may have only a marginal impact on what, after all, is a simple beauty contest.
Some analysts also question the continuing influence of local officials and religious leaders as voters begin to get a sense of their empowerment in the post-Suharto era. "It's an uphill battle," acknowledges former Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman, a member of Wiranto's campaign team. "But the electorate is fickle. Judging from the general election, you get the sense the public is looking for normalcy, but the gap between the two elections is such that this trend might not hold. If Wiranto is going to win, he is going to have to get newly elected Golkar parliamentarians into the game."
Maybe. Well-placed party sources say one of the campaign's major difficulties has been meshing Wiranto's campaign-team members with Golkar's party machinery.
| Corruption/collusion/nepotism |
Jakarta Post - June 22, 2004
Fitri Wulandari, Jakarta -- The Pertamina tanker scandal became murkier on Monday when a document surfaced indicating the state company was in the process of selling two supertankers to a company that did not win the tender process.
The document, which was obtained by The Jakarta Post, showed that Bermuda-based Frontline Ltd., to whom Pertamina is selling the tankers, finished second in a tender conducted by international consultant Goldman Sachs. The top bidder, according to the document, was Essar Shipping Ltd., a unit of the Indonian Essar Group based in Mumbai.
"The evaluation by Goldman Sachs of the bid proposals shorlisted three firms, which, based on highest weighting, are as follows: Essar Shipping Limited, Frontline Ltd. and Overseas Shipholding Group Inc.," the document said.
Otto Geo Diwara, chairman of Pertamina's union, confirmed the contents of the document. "Our investigation suggests that Frontline is not the real winner. This is a case of high-level corruption and collusion," Otto told the Post on Monday.
A source said Essar offered a bid price of US$188 million for the two Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs), higher than the $184 million bid by Frontline. The sale of the tankers to Frontline is in progress and the company has made a down payment on the tankers, which are being built by Hyundai Heavy Industries in South Korea.
Despite the document, Pertamina president director Ariffi Nawawi insisted on Monday that Frontline won the bid, not Essar. "Frontline is the top bidder. There is no other company," Ariffi said after being questioned by the government-sanctioned Corruption Elimination Commission (KPK). He refused to provide details of the tender process.
Otto alleged that the sale of the two giant tankers was not transparent from the beginning, saying Pertamina had directly appointed Goldman Sachs as the consultant on the tender, rather than selecting a consultant through a bidding process.
He also pointed to the possibility of collusion in choosing Frontline as the winner of the tender, saying Goldman Sachs is a shareholder in the shipping company.
Frontline says on its website that its shareholders include Goldman Sachs Intern Equity Nontreaty Cus and Goldman, which have a 0.95 percent (698,211 shares) and 0.92 percent (679,572 shares) share in the firm respectively. "It is a conflict of interest. Goldman is a consultant to the bid but also has shares in the winner of the bid," Otto said.
On Monday, the KPK summoned Pertamina's Ariffi Nawawi and the head of the tanker divestment team, Andri Hidayat, to clarify the tanker sale.
After the questioning, Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, KPK's deputy chairman, said the commission had yet to find any indications of corruption or collusion in the sale, but added the KPK would summon members of Pertamina's former management team to get more information.
Elsewhere, Erry said the KPK had thus far found no evidence indicating Pertamina paid for a recent trip to South Korea and Hong Kong by members of House of Representatives Commission VIII for energy and mining affairs, despite a leaked memo suggesting Pertamina footed the bill.
"The memo was from the [Pertamina] shipping general manager to a travel agency, which turned out to be a Pertamina subsidiary. But Pertamina did not pay for the trip," Erry said.
| Regional/communal conflicts |
Straits Times - June 21, 2004
Jakarta -- Indonesian police were yesterday hunting a gunman following the murder of a woman priest in a packed church in Central Sulawesi province.
Sunday's attack in Palu town was the latest in a series by suspected Islamic extremists on Christian targets in the province.
Officials said the aim was to trigger off a new round of Muslim- Christian battles after up to 1,000 people died in parts of the province between 2000 and 2001.
Witnesses of the attack at the Effata Presbyterian Church described the killer as well-trained and unhurried.
Churchwarden Hontiles Mangindala told the state Antara news agency that the attacker first tried to shoot a security guard but missed and then fired a volley through the open main doors.
Woman priest Susianti Tinulele, who was giving a sermon, was shot in the head and died on the spot. Four people were wounded, one of them critically. Worshipper Tiok Noersoelistiyo said the killer then walked calmly to a waiting motorcycle.
Indonesian church leaders, who attended a meeting with President Megawati Sukarnoputri in Jakarta, said she urged Christians to stay calm.
Condemnation also came from Central Sulawesi's Indonesian Ulema Council chairman S. Saggaf Aljufrie who called for a meeting to prevent the situation from worsening.
| Human rights/law |
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Palu -- Around 100 protesters grouped in the Cross-religious Forum for Central Sulawesi, staged a rally here on Monday to demand that the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) probe a recent church shooting.
"The shooting in this house of worship has interfered with religious freedom, a basic human right," Abdul Malik, a student activist from Alkhairaat University, said while reading out a statement during the rally at the Central Sulawesi legislative council building.
He said the July 18 attack on the Effata church, which killed the Rev. Susianti Tinulele, and previous incidents in the province were due to a lack of firm action by law enforcers against illegal arms.
Jakarta Post Editorial - June 21, 2004
The Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) will be armed with stronger and broader powers with which to perform its duties and to enforce its recommendations under a public finances accountability bill that is expected to be passed soon by the House of Representatives.
The legislation stipulates, among other things, that anyone found guilty of obstructing an audit by the BPK will be liable to a maximum jail term of 18 months and/or a fine of up to Rp 500 million (US$55,500), while any state officials who fail to act on the recommendations of the BPK shall be subject to administrative sanctions, as provided for in the Civil Service Law.
After its enactment, the new law will complete the foundations for the building of the necessary legal and institutional frameworks for better management, accountability and transparency in the public finances.
The bill forms an integral part of a package of three pieces of legislation that was proposed to the House in September 2000 as part of the government's ongoing efforts to enhance good governance, democracy and transparency in the management of the state finances.
The first part of the package, on the state finances, was approved by the House in March 2003, as Law No. 17/2003, while the second, on the state treasury, was passed into law late last year as Law No. 1/2004 The public finances accountability bill further strengthens the role and functions of the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) as the sole independent, external auditor responsible for auditing all elements and components of the state finances, including the budgets of the central government and all local administrations, and companies owned by both the central and local governments.
Even publicly-listed state companies, which the Capital Market Law requires to be audited by public accountants, are also subject to the oversight of the BPK.
The new bill requires publicly-listed state companies to submit their audited financial statements to the BPK for further assessment, and the BPK is authorized to reaudit these statements if it finds that they fail to satisfy the principles of accountability.
It also allows the BPK to conduct general financial audits, performance audits and special audits in respect of all aspects of the management of the public finances.
The three pieces of legislation are mutually related and reinforcing. The State Finances Law, for example, stipulates that the financial accountability of both the central government and local administrations shall be audited by the BPK.
In provisions specially designed to deter officials from embezzling public funds, the State Finances Law also stipulates that any official who is charged with receiving, keeping, paying and/or transferring money, securities or state property is deemed to be a treasurer and, accordingly, is obliged to account to the BPK. And a treasurer, as defined by the Law, shall be held personally liable for any losses of state funds consigned to his care.
This stipulation will, hopefully, go a long way toward instituting a high level of discipline in the management of our public finances. Treasurers should now be courageous enough to refuse orders or directives from their superiors or senior officials that run against budget or treasury rules, knowing that they can no longer escape responsibility or seek protection by hiding behind the coattails of their bosses, as many officials now attempt to do.
The public finances accountability bill further stipulates that it is the BPK that will be responsible for determining the amount, and conducting the collection, of restitution in respect of shortfalls that occur in state funds, cash flows or goods/assets under the management of treasurers in the state agencies and state companies that come under the auspices of both the central government and local administrations.
Legislation alone will not be effective in preventing corruption and curbing inefficiency in the management of our public finances as the effectiveness of the legislation ultimately depends on the mentalities of the officials who implement them.
But stronger rules on budget allocations, accounting systems, cash and debt management, procurement, internal-control systems and independent audits, as provided for in the new legislation, could help to greatly minimize the opportunities for malfeasance.
| News & issues |
Jakarta Post - July 27, 2004
Fadli, Batam -- The Batam municipal government will soon launch a raid against unmarried couples living together.
The plan will be executed in August this year, following the recent order by Batam Mayor Nyat Kadir, said Rayanis Aminah, the spokesman of the Batam social affairs office.
"The raid was supposed to be held in March, but it was delayed to allow information on the raid to be disseminated," said Rayanis.
Without prior information, the government is concerned that the raid would spark public protests, especially from those unmarried couples.
In anticipation of such a scenario, the social office started an information drive in April on the planned raid. The social office informed community and neighborhood units in six out of eight districts in the municipality of the plan, said Rayanis.
"The neighborhood and the community units are expected to convey our message to the residents living in their respective units. We hope that they will inform the residents soon, so that we can immediately proceed with the raid," said Rayanis, without saying precisely when the office would conduct the raid.
Rayanis argued that the raids were lawful under local Bylaw No. 6 on social order.
In the bylaw, couples found living together without a marriage license face a maximum fine of Rp 5 million (US$590.00) and would be married off en masse.
The planned raid is aimed at reducing the number of unmarried couples in Batam, which currently stand at approximately 2,000 couples. Couples living together out of wedlock are regarded as a disturbance to public order in Batam, which follows Malay and Islamic cultural norms.
A physician and also a women's rights activist earlier said that several factors had contributed to the high rate of couples living together out of wedlock.
Evianora Azwar, the physician at the Nongsa community health center here, said that most of the couples were between the ages of 18 and 25 and were sexually active. They usually are migrants with no parents to monitor them, a situation that has led to promiscuity, she said. There were also 2,000 sex workers operating in Batam, she said. Some of them had become mistresses to Singaporean or Malaysian nationals living about 40 minutes from the city. They lived in housing complexes or boarding houses around the Nagoya area here.
Azhari Abbas, the chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in Batam, asked the government to be more serious about the drive. He said that he had heard of the plan about three months ago, but it never materialized.
"There should be no more delay. The huge number of couples living out of the wedlock disturb our community," said Azhari.
Jakarta Post - June 22, 2004
PC Naommy, Jakarta -- Internet experts expressed concern on Monday over the lack of understanding among bureaucrats and legislators of the benefits of cyber-technology.
"It's sad and surprising to know that only a few legislators have e-mail accounts and are aware of the benefits of the Internet," said Judith MS, the chairwoman of the Indonesian Internet Kiosk Association (AWARI), on Monday.
Citing as an example, Judith said that only nine of 84 Central Java legislators had e-mail accounts.
Judith lamented the lack of awareness among officials of how information technology could lighten their workload and promote good governance in the country.
"Good implementation of e-government would minimize or even eradicate corruption and collusion at all levels of government," said Johar Alam, of Internet Data Centra Indonesia (IDC).
Johar gave examples of the processing of notarial documents in the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. With e-government, applications could be processed through the ministry's website, eliminating the opportunity for collusion and corruption, because the computer would automatically process the application and a record would be immediately available.
Johar, however, said that the idea of e-government had drawn protests from "people who usually take advantage of the practice of collusion and corruption".
"People who feel threatened by the implementation of the online processing have even made threatening phone calls to software makers because the system has taken away their 'additional' income," said Johar.
Despite all this, Internet experts still think that the Indonesian people should become more Internet literate. To pursue that end, IT societies in Indonesia, including the Indonesian Internet Service Providers' Association (APJII), AWARI, and Telkom, have set up many programs for school-based Internet education.
A team from the National Internet Conference and Education (NICE) plans to provide Internet connections to 250,000 schools, from elementary schools to colleges throughout the country within the next two years.
This means that 50 million students will be linked to the Internet, which would outstrip the number of Internet users in other countries such as in Singapore with approximately five million users.
Telkom has also started a program called Internet Goes to School a month ago at its regional branch offices in West Java. Through this program, students and teachers can get free Internet education for three weeks at all branch offices of Telkom.
The three-week program has attracted about 900,000 participants throughout West Java province. "We are currently focussing on training students and teachers how to operate the internet and all the basic stuff related to the technology," said Suryatim Setiawan, the director of business and trade at Telkom. Suryatim said that Telkom is currently doing a feasibility study on their plan to provide schools nationwide with Internet access.
"We are still negotiating with several parties, such as producers of personal computers and the state electricity company to create a sustainable model that would work for every school," said Suryatim.
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
Luh Putu Trisna Wahyuni, Mataram -- The incidence of domestic and other forms of violence against women has increased significantly in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) province during the past year.
More than 3,500 complaints were filed with various institutions, including the provincial social affairs office and nongovernmental organizations, in the period from last year to this month, compared with only 729 cases reported in 2002.
The director of the Legal Aid Institute of Justice for Indonesian Women (LBH-APIK) in NTB, Beauty Erawati, said the statistics reflected a rising awareness of women of their rights.
"The significant increase in the amount of violence against women may have resulted from a growing awareness among women of the need to file official reports to institutions they believe can help them," said Beauty.
Her legal institute alone received more than 1,000 reports of violence against women in 2003, double the number that reached it the previous year.
As of June the legal institute has handled 807 cases, mostly domestic violence, filed by women migrant workers employed in the Middle East. Included were some reports of rape and rights abuse.
Separately, migrant workers' advocacy group Panca Karsa Foundation said it recorded 1,366 cases of violence against migrant workers between 2003 and the first semester of this year.
As of June the provincial social affairs and women's empowerment offices in NTB dealt with 688 cases of violence, while the provincial police recorded 25 rape cases.
Beauty said the rising number of domestic violence cases was a nationwide trend.
She said a number of NGOs and the Office of the State Minister for Women's Empowerment had persistently urged the President to issue a decree on national action to eradicate violence against women.
Without the decree, no state funds would be allocated for the national movement, she said.
LBH-APIK in NTB is handling 26 cases of violence against female migrant workers in the first-half of 2004. Two of the workers, from West Sumbawa and Sumbawa regencies respectively, were killed.
Beauty said the fact that most casualties of violence against Indonesian women migrant workers overseas were not sent home had made it difficult for LBH-APIK to prove the violence had taken place.
Between 1.4 million and 2.1 million Indonesian female migrant workers currently work abroad, either legally or illegally.
Beauty said human trafficking was another crime threatening women in NTB who wished to work overseas. The province has been dubbed the major supplier of women migrant workers after East Java.
So far, North Sulawesi is the only migrant worker supplying province that has enforced a bylaw on trafficking in women.
With regard to the issue of trafficking in women and children, Indonesia is ranked in the second tier, due to its awareness of the issue, albeit without law enforcement to eradicate the crime.
| Environment |
Agence France Presse - June 22, 2004
Jakarta -- Several flights were delayed or diverted Tuesday after smoke haze from forest and ground fires blanketed Pekanbaru city on Indonesia's Sumatra island, officials said. The haze is an annual dry-season hazard in parts of Indonesia, despite laws banning the use of fire to clear land for cultivation. It spread to much of Southeast Asia in 1997.
Daryono, from the Riau province Environmental Impact Control office, blamed fires set by large forest and plantation concession-holders as well as by small farmers.
The meteorology office in Pekanbaru said some flights were unable to land or take off but gave no figure. It said visibility was between 300 and 500 meters. Antara news agency said at least seven flights could not land while another flight failed to take off.
Yohannes Drajat of the Pekanbaru meteorology office said satellite imaging on Monday showed "hot spots" -- indicating possible fires -- on the outskirts of the city and in two other districts.
| Health & education |
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
Surabaya -- Over 1,900 prostitutes operating in the two red-light districts of Dolly and Jarak have contracted sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), a health official said.
The Surabaya health agency's head of communicable diseases, Esty Martiana, said poor attention to safe sex had caused the rise in STD cases.
She said 945 of the sex workers had cervicitis -- most of whom were between 21 and 30 years old -- 296 had vaginitis and the rest, gonorrhea. Esty said most of the women did not know how to use condoms properly.
In the neighboring town of Sidoarjo, the local health agency made an official announcement that its 17th HIV-positive case had been recorded. The first case emerged in 1999.
| Business & investment |
Jakarta Post - June 21, 2004
Zakki P. Hakim, Jakarta -- Over 180,000 people in the footwear industry lost their jobs last year, and many of them may have returned to traditional agriculture, according to the latest government data.
The 2003 National Labor Force Survey report (Sakernas) published by the Central Statistic Agency (BPS) recently, stated that the number of jobs in the footwear industry plunged by 58.70 percent from 310,000 in 2002 to 128,000 last year.
"Many footwear factories have closed down [partly] due to weak investment climate," Aden Gultom, head of the BPS workforce sub- directorate explained to The Jakarta Post over the weekend.
Aden said that the footwear industry was one of the top three industries contributing to the decline in the number of jobs in the manufacturing sector last year, falling by 9.76 percent to 10.93 million from 12.11 million in 2002. The number of jobs in the furniture industry and non-mining industry also fell.
Unfavorable labor regulations, which have forced companies to rapidly increase the minimum wage at a time when both exports and domestic sales are weak has caused some firms to leave the country or reduce their staff, experts said. "The minimum wage increase has been too fast," said Bambang Widianto, labor analyst at the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas).
The minimum wage in Jakarta, which was Rp 231,000 in 1999 jumped by more than 150 percent to Rp 591,266 by 2002. Last year it rose to Rp 631,000, and the Jakarta administration increased it again by 6.3 percent to Rp 671,550 for this year.
Bambang said that the government should move quickly because labor-intensive factories such as in the footwear industry, were one of the best ways to resolve the pressing unemployment problem here as around half of the country's more than 100 million workforce have just an elementary school education.
He suggested that the government ease existing labor regulations, particularly those that make investment into labor-intensive projects costlier.
Aden added that many of the workers who lost their jobs in the manufacturing sector moved to the agriculture, forestry and fishery sectors, which last year absorbed about 1.5 million new workers.
Chatib Basri, an economist from the University of Indonesia, said the data further confirmed that a "deindustrialization" of the economy was taking place, wherein people from the formal manufacturing sector were moving back to pre-industrial jobs like farming and fishing.
Chatib offered a solution that instead of continuing to increase the minimum wage, the government should work together with companies to provide affordable accommodation near factories. Major concerns in a worker's life are often the costs of housing and transportation, he said.