Aceh

Injustice the root of Aceh separatism: Rais

Agence France Presse - June 12, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Injustice is at the root of a separatist movement in Indonesia's Aceh, presidential hopeful Amien Rais said on Saturday during the first visit by a candidate to the troubled province.

In a dialogue with Muslim university students, Amien said the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) which has been fighting for independence since 1976 is rooted in economic, social and political injustice. "There was political tyranny felt by the Acehnese people.

So, according to me, the solution to the Aceh conflict is to bring economic, social and political justice to the Acehnese people so all of them can feel prosperity," Amien said.

An opinion survey released last week found Amien the second-most popular candidate ahead of the July 5 election.

Amien is a former leader of Indonesia's second-largest Muslim social organization, Muhammadiyah. He is the first of five presidential candidates to visit Aceh, one of the most devout Islamic regions of Indonesia.

He called for proper implementation of a "special autonomy" status which gives the province greater control over its affairs and natural resource revenue.

Many Acehnese have long complained that unemployment and poverty are widespread while local officials seem interested only in enriching themselves.

Police have questioned Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh as a witness in a case of alleged corruption involving the provincial administration.

An opinion survey released Thursday by Soegeng SarjadiSyndicated, a Jakarta-based research center, found that Rais had 19.70 percent support, in second place but far behind favorite Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired general preferred by 46.64 percent. President Megawati Soekarnoputri came third with 13.78 percent.

Shoot on sight order still in force in Aceh

Tempo Interactive - June 11, 2004

Banda Aceh -- The civil state of emergency administrator state in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD) province has stated that the shoot on sight order is still in force as regards all perpetrators who disturb security and destroy public facilities in the province as of Wednesday (09/06).

Abdullah Puteh, the civil emergency state administrator in Aceh as well as the Governor of Aceh, made this statement to reporters after a coordination meeting with local government in Banda Aceh on Wednesday.

Puteh said that despite the change in Aceh's status from martial law to a civil state of emergency, the shoot on sight order was being maintained to make the general public feel more safe.

The order was imposed by the martial law administrator in Aceh on all perpetrators in the province at the beginning of the implementation of martial law in May 2003.

"This kind of order is required as a shock therapy for security perpetrators. However, we must of course begin this with a warning shot procedure," said former administrator of martial law status in Aceh, Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya.

In addition, the ban for foreign citizens and ships from entering Aceh also still prevails. However, this ban does not apply for the regency of Sabang.

According to Puteh, ad interim Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Hari Sabarno has approved this as Sabang is considered as the most potential tourist destination in Aceh.

Sabang is also regarded as the safest area, compared to other regencies in Aceh All foreign people who wish to visit Sabang must go through Sultan Iskandar Muda airport, Banda Aceh. Those entering Aceh by sea must report first to the police before entering Sabang.

[Yuswardi A. Suud -- Tempo News Room.]

Foreigners still not allowed to enter Aceh

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

Ibnu Mat Noor, Banda Aceh -- Governor Abdullah Puteh announced on Wednesday that despite the province's change of status to civil emergency, a number of regulations from the martial law period still applied, including the ban on foreigners entering the province.

"We are still banning foreigners from entering Aceh .... However, we will make an exception for the Sabang [tourist resort]," Puteh said.

As chief of the civil emergency administration of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Puteh also said those martial law regulations still in effect included shooting on sight unidentified, suspicious- looking people.

"However, we will fire warning shots first," provincial military chief and the former chief of the martial law administration, Maj. Endang Suwarya, said. He added that the shoot-on-sight order was necessary as "shock therapy" against members of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), who he blamed for various crimes such as the burning down schools.

Officials said rules to enforce the martial law regulations would be drawn up on Wednesday.

Puteh made the announcement after meeting with civil emergency authorities, including the head of the assistance team, Progo Nurjaman, and the deputy chief of the prosecutor's office, Teuku Zakaria. The assistance team, which was deployed from Jakarta, is being led by ad interim coordinating minister for political and security affairs Hari Sabarno.

Speaking in Banda Aceh on Wednesday, Hari said the authorities expected the civil emergency in the province to receive a smooth implementation despite the fact that Puteh is a witness in a corruption case.

"He will have to divide his time [between being the civil emergency administrator] and answering police summons," Hari said as quoted by Antara. "We cannot deactivate officials every time they become witnesses in police cases."

Puteh was questioned for eight hours at the National Police Headquarters in Jakarta earlier this week over a number of charges, including the marking up of prices on helicopters purchased from the provincial budget.

The requirement that Puteh consult with the assistance team from Jakarta on all policies regarding Aceh is thought to be related to his implication in the graft cases.

Puteh said his administration was "fully in charge" since martial law was ended on May 19. The transfer of authority from Maj. Gen. Endang to Puteh took place on Monday, almost three weeks after the government lowered the province's status. Endang remains the military chief in the restive province, where GAM rebels have been fighting for independence since 1976.

Provincial police chief Insp. Gen. Bachrumsyah Kasman said the ban on foreigners was needed to secure Aceh from people "who want to initiate a conflict".

The ban on foreigners means the operations of international humanitarian operations will continue to be hampered. However, ahead of the April legislative election Indonesian Military chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto announced that

foreign observers were allowed to monitor the elections in Aceh, though under strict conditions.

The government also announced that military operations would continue when necessary in Aceh. The National Resilience Institute has said that there should be clear rules of conduct for security personnel, so as to differentiate their behavior under martial law and under a civil emergency.

Civilians have often complained of harassment by both GAM fighters and police and military personnel.

Troops kill 12 in Aceh province

Associated Press - June 10, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian troops killed 12 alleged separatist rebels in Aceh province where violence has continued despite the recent lifting of martial law there, the army said on Thursday.

The men were killed in three skirmishes in different areas of North Aceh on Wednesday, said spokesman Lt. Col. Asep Sapari. Troops confiscated several automatic weapons from the victims, he said.

The rebels were not available for comment. It is impossible to independently verify military claims about Aceh, because journalists are barred from most of the province.

Human rights groups accuse the military of operating death squads in the oil- and gas-rich region on the northern tip of Sumatra island and say most victims are ordinary villagers.

Last month, the government downgraded a one-year state of martial law to a state of emergency in the province, handing authority back to a civilian administration. Still, the military continues to maintain a large presence there and has continued anti- insurgency operations.

More than 2,000 people have been killed in the province in the past year, after Jakarta abandoned an internationally mediated peace plan and launched a massive military operation to crush the insurgency in the province of 4.3 million people. The Free Aceh Movement began fighting for an independent homeland since 1976.

Military officially hands power to Aceh governor

Agence France Presse - June 7, 2004

Banda Aceh -- An Indonesian general on Monday officially handed over power to the civilian governor of restive Aceh province almost three weeks after martial law was lifted.

Governor Abdullah Puteh and former martial law chief Maj. Gen.

Endang Suwarya signed a "Transfer of Command and Operational Control" order in a ceremony at the governor's office. The document was also signed by acting security minister Hari Sabarno. Suwarya will remain the province's military chief and a military operation against separatist rebels will continue.

The government on May 19, 2003 imposed martial law and launched an intensive military campaign against the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Military rule was lifted a year later.

The military has said about 5,000 rebels have been killed, captured or surrendered during the operation but that GAM has also been recruiting.

Aceh, a resource-rich province on the tip of Sumatra island, is now under a civil emergency status. Civilian authorities have special powers, including the power to censor the press and impose a curfew if needed. Police last week questioned Puteh as a witness in a case of alleged corruption involving the provincial administration.

Flying into a storm

Tempo - June 1-7, 2004

Ahmad Taufik, Yuswardi A. Suud, Banda Aceh -- Investigations into allegations of corruption linked to the purchase of electrical generators and a helicopter have begun. Governor Abdullah Puteh is finding himself painted into a corner.

The Governor of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Abdullah Puteh, has earned himself a new title. Having recently been placed in charge of "civil emergency" in Aceh, Puteh may soon be able to add the title "corruption suspect" to his resume.

Last Friday, National Police Headquarters in Jakarta announced that they had received permission from President Megawati Sukarnoputri to investigate the former chairman of the Indonesian National Youth Committee. "We will commence investigations as soon as possible," said police spokesperson, Insp. Gen. Paiman. Police must first gain permission from the president before investigating high-ranking government officials.

Could this be the beginning of the end for Puteh? During his posting as Governor of Aceh commencing 2001, Abdullah Puteh has adroitly managed to evade a series of corruption allegations directed at him.

One such case, to be investigated by National Police HQ, concerns allegations of corruption in the purchase of the Lueng Bata electrical power station in Banda Aceh. This Rp30-billion state- funded project was aimed at supplying electricity to residential houses throughout the Banda Aceh region.

However, the State Electricity Company (PLN) claims that it can no longer afford to install electricity for the public after several electrical relay stations were destroyed during fighting between Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) troops.

More recently, indications of foul play linked to the purchase of the generators have surfaced. Originally, electricity contractor and legal attorney of the CV Sari Alam Company, William Taylor, was entrusted with the task of providing electrical generators for the project on September 27, 2002.

Strangely, the money used to purchase the generators was issued directly from the provincial government budget. In effect, the provincial government was extending credit for the project.

This allocation of funding was approved by the Aceh regional government one month later and channeled to Sari Alam through the Aceh regional government bank. Controversially, these funds had originally been allocated for educational assistance.

The fund transfer was smooth. Governor Puteh originally ordered the transfer of Rp14 billion in funding, Rp3 billion of which was transferred directly to the President Director of PT Seulawah Air NAD, a flight company owned by the Aceh provincial government. Two weeks later an additional Rp8.5 billion was transferred to Sari Alam, via William Taylor. Rumors have since surfaced that a portion of the funds were channeled to the bank accounts of several government officials in Aceh.

Ironically, following the fund allocation and the subsequent installation of 24 electrical generators, the majority of local residences had still not received electricity. Evidently, the generators installed did not fulfill the required power outage. Moreover, the funding allocated to purchase additional generators was never accounted for. Finally, prominent public figures reported the situation to the Regional Emergency Military Control HQ. At the time, Aceh was still under martial law, having been declared "military emergency" status.

Military personnel managed to track down the chain of corruption by interrogating a number of witnesses. Taylor himself admitted that the capacity of electrical generators installed did not account for the amount of funding allocated to the project. In fact, Taylor told police that several of the generators had been destroyed.

The martial law administration took immediate action. Chief of the Aceh Provincial Government Finance Bureau, T.M. Lizam, was arrested on April 10, 2004.

The following day, investigations over William Taylor were initiated, triggering a domino effect of investigations over suspected corrupt government officials. Lizam, who was formally arrested, was finally released but Taylor was recently declared a corruption suspect.

In the meantime, Governor Puteh must have felt as though he had received an electric shock, having been also declared a corruption suspect. When Aceh's military emergency status was dropped to civil emergency status, Puteh found himself in charge of civil emergency control. But, this time Puteh could not manage to evade corruption allegations. Puteh's case, which was originally only handled by regional police has now been taken over by National Police HQ.

According to Anti-Corruption Public Solidarity (Samak) Coordinator, J. Kamal Farza, corruption allegations against the governor have since surfaced in connection with several other cases. Investigations carried out by Samak suggest that Puteh was also involved in other corruption scandals. Puteh has been accused of playing a role in the misappropriation of state funds during the purchase of plantations in the Tamiang Hulu and Julok districts in East Aceh. Puteh is also facing allegations that he misappropriated mining assistance funds from state-owned oil company Pertamina. Finally, allegations have emerged that Puteh considerably marked up the price of a helicopter purchased from Russia on behalf of the regional government.

To date, police have only begun investigating the corruption allegations filed in connection with the Sari Alam case. Insp. Gen. Paiman said that police are determined to uncover the truth behind this case and are already in possession of considerable evidence. "Investigations into other corruption charges will be carried out in accordance with the developments of the current investigation," said Paiman. As for the helicopter markup scandal, Paiman said, "The Commission for Corruption Eradication is handling that case."

Separately, Commission for Corruption Eradication (KPK) Deputy Chairperson, Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, confirmed that the KPK is currently investigating the helicopter markup scandal. "This week, three regional legislative council members and four Aceh Darussalam Provincial Government members will be investigated," said Erry.

With the KPK on the case, Governor Puteh may be finding himself increasingly cornered. The KPK wields far greater authority than either the police or the prosecutors office to investigate corruption suspects. Unlike the police or the prosecutors office, the KPK can investigate and arrest government officials without having to first request permission from the president.

The helicopter scandal has indeed haunted Puteh. In 2002, the Aceh Provincial Government purchased a MI-2 helicopter from Russia for US$1.2 million.

This helicopter was purchased through PT Putra Pobiagan Mandiri. Governor Puteh allocated Rp3.5 billion of the regional budget towards purchasing the helicopter.

The remaining amount of funds was taken from 13 Aceh districts. Each district was called upon to provide Rp700 million to help cover the cost. However, reports later emerged that the local government had paid over twice the market value of the helicopter.

With investigations into corruption cases coinciding simultaneously, both the KPK and the police have their work cut out. In fact, last Thursday a special restricted cabinet meeting was held to divide out the workload. During the meeting it was decided that police would handle the electrical generator corruption case while the KPK would handle the helicopter markup scandal.

"This is our first case, and we already have considerable evidence. But we can only investigate the transfer of funds after declaring the accused a suspect," said Erry Riyana.

The Aceh Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) has expressed positive support for investigations into the corruption charges. DPRD member, M. Nasir Djamil, said that the DPRD strongly supports the KPK and the police in their endeavors to investigate the cases. "We hope that the president will issue permission for police to initiate investigations over Abdullah Puteh," said Djamil.

However, Governor Puteh has denied any knowledge of presidential permission for police to commence investigations over him. "I have not been told that I will be investigated as a suspect," said Puteh, adding that he was willing to be investigated anytime, either in Aceh or in Jakarta. In fact, Puteh said that he hoped that the investigation process would be speedy. "I am anxious to respond to all of the charges in order to speed up completion of the case," said Puteh.

However, Puteh refused to comment on the charges made against him by police, the KPK, and a number of NGOs. "I will present counter-evidence to investigators on a case by case basis. If I don't give explanations, people will become more suspicious," he said.

One problem for investigators is Puteh's status as governor. This has been a stumbling block for investigators in the past. In fact, students from the Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, have petitioned President Megawati to request that Governor Puteh be temporarily dismissed from duty. "So that investigations into the corruption charges can be carried out transparently," explained Zulfikar, a university activist.

Abdullah Puteh himself has refused to step down from his post, maintaining his innocence in the face of all allegations. "Rumors of corruption have been deliberately concocted by irresponsible parties intent on taking me down," he claimed. Puteh may have unwittingly flown straight into a storm of reformation with his new Russian helicopter.

West Papua

Susilo pledges to implement Papua special autonomy law

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- Presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono pledged Wednesday to implement fully the special autonomy law for Papua by speeding up the establishment of the stalled Papuan People's Assembly (MRP).

Susilo said that if it was serious about improving the welfare of Papuans and creating more opportunities for them to manage their own affairs, the next government could not but focus on implementing Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy.

"The problems in Papua can only be solved by the full application of the law ... if I am elected, I will speed up the signing of the government regulation on the MRP," said Susilo during a business luncheon organized by the Mercantile Athletic Club.

Susilo added, however, that the MRP would not replace the functions of the legislative or executive bodies.

Under the autonomy law, the MRP, whose membership should consist of representatives of traditional/tribal leaders, religious communities and women, is assigned various powers and duties, including the approval of candidate governors and deputy governor proposed by provincial legislature (DPRD) members. Susilo said that the current government had actually finished drafting the regulation on the MRP, the key element in the application of the special autonomy law, but it remained unclear what the situation currently was as the draft had not been signed as yet by President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

"The draft regulation is already ready. I just don't understand why the President has not signed it," he said.

Susilo served as Megawati Soekarnoputri's coordinating minister for political and security affairs for almost three years before resigning in March. The government has been widely accused of dragging its feet in enforcing the special autonomy law.

Susilo, co-founder of the Democratic Party, said that he would revise all laws that contradicted the special autonomy law, including the controversial Law No. 45/1999 on the partition of Papua into three smaller provinces.

"In order to ensure that the special autonomy law works properly, we will need to look at and possibly revise other laws that do not conform with it," he said.

The special autonomy law stipulates that Papua province covers what is now known as Papua, West Irian Jaya and Central Irian Jaya, and that any move to split up the province must receive the prior approval of the MRP. Various contradictory laws, however, have been enforced by the Megawati government with the full knowledge of Susilo.

Susilo also pledged to bolster his relationship with the media in order to increase the accountability of his administration to the public. "I respect freedom of the press. I will not appoint a spokesman to talk on my behalf. I will talk directly to the press. I believe we can maintain a good relationship," said Susilo.

Susilo, who is a retired four-star Army general, said that he would hold regular monthly meetings with the press.

Alluding to his alleged involvement in the July 27, 1996, violence at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta, Susilo said that he was concerned that the case was now being used as a political tool to discredit him.

"I welcome the reopening of the case so that it can be clearly established who was involved and who is innocent. Let the truth be revealed," said Susilo.

An investigating team comprising police, prosecutors and the Military Police is set to reopen the investigation into the violence, which claimed five lives and injured 149. Another 23 people are still missing, according to official figures.

Susilo was the chief of the Jakarta Military Garrison in 1996 when the incident occurred. He was questioned by the team as a witness in the case in 2000 but was not named a suspect.

2004 elections

Candidate clarifies his stance on syariah law

Straits Times - June 14, 2004

Salim Osman -- Presidential front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono wants to put an end to a raging controversy over one issue that has threatened his bid for the top job in the country.

He has clarified that he is not against syariah law as his detractors have portrayed him to be. He also made it clear that he had no plans to incorporate such laws into the country's Constitution if he were to become president.

It would work against the interests of religious minorities, he said. "I believe in pluralism, democracy, the rule of law and the absence of discriminatory policies against any ethnic groups," he said at a dialogue with students and academics at the Sam Ratulangi University here on Friday.

The state ideology of Pancasila and the concept of Bhineka Tunggal Ika, or unity in diversity, by which Indonesians, regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliations, live harmoniously with one another, should remain supreme, Mr Bambang added.

He was speaking in response to a query by undergraduate Hardi Lintong, who noted that the candidate's Democrat Party had forged an alliance with the Crescent Star Party (PBB), whose goals included the enforcement of the religious law.

Mr Hardi felt that enforcing syariah law would threaten the interests of minorities such as Christians, who form the majority in North Sulawesi province.

"My fear is that there will be curbs on our religious practices, the construction of our churches and the introduction of discriminatory policies against minorities," he told the gathering.

Mr Bambang said he understood the concerns of people such as Mr Hardi as he, too, had been the victim of a vicious hate campaign to smear his reputation among Muslims and Christians.

"They accused me of being anti-syariah law and therefore anti- Islam to stop Muslims from supporting me. They told the Christians not to vote for me because I would introduce the Islamic law in the country's Constitution if I am elected," he said.

He did not identify the groups behind the smear campaign, but said the allegations were being spread in some mosques, and media reports had misquoted him as having opposed syariah law while campaigning in Ambon last week.

"I didn't make any statement on syariah law. This is the kind of black propaganda being directed against me," he told reporters later.

As a Muslim, he said that he supported the syariah law in the context of the law that required all Muslims to perform their religious obligations, such as the five daily prayers. This is the same as non-Muslims being expected to abide by their own religious laws, he said.

"But if supporting the Islamic syariah is perceived as requiring the changing of the 1945 Constitution, I will not agree to this. I respect the principles of Bhineka Tunggal Ika, or unity in diversity," he said. "Let this be my last statement to the press on this issue," he added.

Indonesians are sensitive towards any move to incorporate the Islamic law in the Constitution as this means enforcing all aspects of the religious law, including the hudud, or penal code. Some aspects of the religious law pertaining to family matters, such as marriage and divorce, are already enforced in the country, but only among Muslims.

'Polite' presidential race gets dirtier behind the scenes

Agence France Presse - June 13, 2004

On the face of it, Indonesia's presidential election campaign is so polite that even a debate between candidates has been ruled out in case they criticise each other.

Behind the scenes though, supporters and opponents of the three leading contenders are using both traditional and hi-tech smear tactics in the run-up to the country's first direct presidential poll on July 5.

The election commission has set out tough rules which forbid candidates from going negative. Even a planned televised debate -- a first for Indonesia whose parliament previously picked presidents -- has been dropped in favour of a more sedate "dialogue".

"Indonesia has never had the [debate] experience," said commission member Valina Singka Subekti recently. She said the dialogue format was created to avoid "any of the candidates discrediting the other." Javanese traditionally set great score on courtesy and more than half the voters live on Indonesia's main island.

But while the candidates sound statesmanlike in public, there's scope for dirty tricks on the sidelines.

Video compact discs with hidden messages discrediting former military chief Wiranto are being given away in three cities, Friday's Jakarta Post reported. It said the VCDs begin with a recording of a concert, which is interrupted by images of the fatal shooting of demonstrators by security forces in Jakarta in 1998 and 1999.

A message implores viewers: "Prosecute General Wiranto quickly, he is responsible for human riots violations in the [two] incidents." Wiranto, who was armed forces chief at the time, denies responsibility for the killings. He is standing for the Golkar party.

The ex-general has also accused unspecified political opponents of being behind the issuance in East Timor of a warrant for his arrest. Wiranto, who denies wrongdoing, recently embraced East Timor's President Xanana Gusmao during a meeting aimed at defusing the allegations.

Another ex-general, the current frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, also complains of smear tactics. Last week authorities announced that after a two-year hiatus they are resuming an investigation into a 1996 army-backed attack on supporters of then-opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Megawati is now seeking a second presidential term but faces a tough fight against the two ex-generals.

Yudhoyono was the Jakarta military's chief of staff at the time of the bloody attack but has not in the past been implicated in it. Investigators denied political motives but Yudhoyono was unconvinced. "I know it is due to orders from the central power," he was quoted by the Post as saying.

Mobile phone text messages play a big part in spreading rumours. In April Yudhoyono complained of false rumours that he had remarried with a Catholic wife, that the US Central Intelligence Agency was backing him and that he had received 50 million dollars in US funding.

Hadar Gumay, of the Center for Electoral Reform, said such campaigning was "deplorable" but would have only a limited impact. "How many people got those VCDs and have mobile phones? I think people are clearly engaged in mudslinging but the methods are not smart and sophisticated so it likely won't be successful," he told AFP.

Megawati was the target of an edict issued by several Islamic clerics, telling Muslims not to vote for a female candidate. The clerics, members in East Java of Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), endorsed Wiranto. His campaign team distanced itself from the edict, as did NU leaders.

Islamic legislators in 1999 blocked Megawati's first bid for the presidency, partly on the grounds that a woman should not lead the world's largest Muslim-populated nation. She lost to Abdurraham Wahid and became his vice president.

Counterfeit cash sees rise during campaign: Police

Jakarta Post - June 12, 2004

Abdul Khalik/Tony Hotland, Jakarta -- The amount of counterfeit money circulating in the country increased just before and during the April 5 legislative elections, authorities have said.

National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Suyitno Landung Sudjono said on Thursday that from January to April police encountered numerous examples of counterfeit money in circulation, worth, if genuine, hundreds of millions of rupiah.

"We have formed a special team to investigate the matter and it has found hundreds of millions in counterfeit notes in several large cities across the country," said Suyitno, adding that there was a significant increase compared with the same period last year.

Difi A. Johansyah, from Bank Indonesia's directorate for currency circulation, acknowledged that fake money was on the increase but claimed that most of it had not entered the market.

"Most of the money was found during police raids, which means it did not enter the market. The amount of fake money discovered on the market was much less and appears to be reducing," Difi told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

Latest Bank Indonesia (BI) data shows steep increases in fake money -- mostly Rp 50,000 and Rp 100,000 banknotes -- discovered during police raids in March and May. Police discovered 5,099 notes in March, up from 1,155 the previous month, with 5,159 notes detected in May, up from 1,629 in April.

Counterfeit money discovered by BI -- mostly through banks -- has been on the decline within the past five months. The central bank found 1,079 notes in May, down from 1,613 in April. Some 2,496 notes were discovered in March, down from 3,151 in February.

As of May, a total of Rp 1.24 billion in fake money was discovered. The figure is higher than the Rp 1.06 billion in 2003, but far less than the Rp 9.87 billion in 2002.

Suyitno said he did not have sufficient evidence to conclude that the increase had anything to do with the election process.

The country held legislative elections on April 5, and will organize its first direct presidential election on July 5, with a possible run-off on September 20.

Suyitno said police had discovered syndicates producing and circulating bogus money in Central and East Jakarta; Bekasi, West Java; Surabaya; Surakarta, Central Java, and several large cities in Sumatra and Sulawesi.

He said that the increase in counterfeit notes had been facilitated by more sophisticated printing equipment that allowed criminals to fabricate high-quality fakes.

"The latest fakes we found looked almost 100 percent like genuine notes," Suyitno said, without elaborating.

Meanwhile, Sri Arsita Mutiara, chief information officer of non- governmental organization Combating Counterfeit and Financial Crime (CCFC) said that monetary authorities like BI ought to do something to prevent an increase in counterfeit money in circulation.

"We demand Bank Indonesia withdraw the current banknotes, especially the Rp 100,000 and Rp 50,000 bills, which account for almost 80 percent of fake money," she said.

Crowds thinning out at presidential rallies

Straits Times - June 12, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Bengkulu -- Golkar Party workers here had declared in the local paper that the Wiranto campaign would draw some 25,000 people from all over this Sumatra province when it came to town.

But judging from the early turnout on Thursday, that prediction seems unrealistic. "I don't think there will even be half that many people," a member of his campaign team from Jakarta said in disappointment, scanning the sprawling Monument Park where just some 500 people were gathering shortly before the presidential contender's arrival.

In the next 30 minutes, the crowd grew, clad in various Wiranto T-shirts. But ultimately, the number of supporters who turned up did not exceed 1,500.

Golkar is big in Bengkulu province, but its presidential candidate Wiranto and his entourage are not being greeted with the same level of energy that fired up the party's legislative campaign three months ago.

Indonesians appear to be uninterested in the presidential poll. Most presidential hopefuls have also preferred limited or indoor venues over larger ones -- a nod to fears of poor turnout, as well as thinning party coffers which prevent them from being able to mobilise many supporters.

On Thursday here, the blasting dangdut music performance, the high-school pom-pom girls jumping around on the stage and the retired general himself crooning his favourite song brought some life to the event.

But it was all a pale picture compared to the Golkar campaign in March. Mr Hijazi, a local party chapter chief, said: "Unlike in March, we don't need to have everyone from all over the province descending into town to attend the campaign. What we need are people who really believe in us to go back to their communities and promote our candidates."

Some experts say that many Indonesians have already made up their minds on who they will choose on July 5, so the poor turnout at campaign stops will not really make a difference to the election result.

Golkar has some right to be confident here: Its strength has been proven for over two decades. In the 1999 election, it polled 29 per cent of the votes. Though support fell to 23 per cent in the April legislative vote, it was still the biggest winner of all the parties here.

It was in this province, which has a population of one million people, that President Megawati Sukarnoputri's father, founding president Sukarno, was sent into exile in the 1930s by the Dutch colonial government and met and married her mother Fatmawati. Such historical ties helped her PDI-P defeat Golkar by a tight margin in the 1999 election.

But disappointment over the administration's performance, as well as her apparent disregard of her roots in this province, made voters turn against her in April. This resulted in a major slump in the PDI-P vote, which fell to just 8 per cent of the votes in Bengkulu, compared to 30 per cent in 1999.

Against this backdrop, Golkar leaders are optimistic about Mr Wiranto's chances in the July 5 poll. Party chairman Akbar Tandjung, who accompanied Mr Wiranto and his wife on the hustings, praised Mr Wiranto as the most capable, prepared and concerned person for the top job.

"I ask you to go home after the gathering and talk to your friends, neighbours, family, co-workers to vote for our candidates," Mr Akbar told the cheering audience.

Speaking next, Mr Wiranto promised firm leadership. "These days, many people don't feel safe living in their own country. I want to return that secure feeling to the people," he said of his security agenda.

But his stiff and staid delivery did little to fire up the crowds. Political risk analyst Budiman Moerdijat said the general's style and mannerisms during campaigning would not affect how supporters see him.

Those who turned out at such stops, he noted, were mostly people from the lower economic and education strata. They come not to listen to speeches, but to attend a gathering and see the stage performances.

Mr Wiranto did not disappoint in this regard. He let it all out when he belted out a patriotic tune to conclude the event.

Bambang moves closer to victory

Reuters - June 12, 2004

Jakarta -- Former army general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is moving closer to an outright victory in Indonesia's July presidential election, a pollster said yesterday.

A poll by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate based in Jakarta showed around 46.6 per cent of 5,000 respondents nationwide chose the former security minister when asked who was the best choice to run the country for the next five years.

More than 150 million Indonesians are eligible to vote directly for their president for the first time in history on July 5.

With five contenders vying for the job, most observers doubt anyone can bag more than half the votes, a requirement for an outright win. If nobody does, the best two candidates from the first vote will go head-to-head in a September 20 run-off.

Supreme legislature chief Amien Rais, previously seen by many as an outside chance, came second with 19.7 per cent in the poll conducted late last month. Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri trailed with 13.8 per cent.

Former military chief Wiranto, the nominee of the Golkar party that topped the April parliamentary elections, ranked only fourth with 10.5 per cent, while only 2 per cent of survey participants picked the fifth candidate, current Vice-President Hamzah Haz. Around 7 per cent of the respondents were undecided.

The syndicate's director, Mr Sukardi Rinakit, said Mr Bambang could win outright in the July race. "If his team really works hard, they can pull a surprise and push a majority. Unfortunately, many of them are focusing their efforts on a two- leg race although polls show it could be done in one go," he said.

But he said Mr Bambang's campaign and possible presidency faced tough challenges from the strong and well-established political machinery backing Ms Megawati and General Wiranto.

Golkar and Ms Megawati's party, the Indonesia Democratic Party- Struggle, are the two biggest parties in the current Parliament and came in first and second respectively in the April legislative polls, winning 23 per cent and 20 per cent of the seats.

A new government will be sworn in after the presidential election. Mr Bambang's Democrat Party secured only 10 per cent of the parliamentary seats, although that was a respectable showing for a new party.

With his own party's lack of experience, the retired general puts a lot of hope in his running mate, popular tycoon Jusuf Kalla, a former social welfare minister, as well as a senior Golkar official and patron of one of the strongest factions in that party.

Polls show Susilo with giant lead, just under 50 percent

Jakarta Post - June 11, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- A Jakarta-based pollster confirmed on Thursday the popular appeal of Democratic Party candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in its latest survey. The poll by Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicated (SSS) shows that 46.64 percent of respondents said they would vote for Susilo and running mate Jusuf Kalla in the July 5 election, as they believed Susilo-Kalla were most capable of resolving the myriad of problems facing the country.

The SSS interviewed 5,000 respondents in 17 of the country's 32 provinces for the opinion poll. The poll was conducted from May 21 to June 1, when the month-long campaign period began.

The poll asked respondents to select the candidates they believed could tackle the issues of unemployment, poverty, inflation of basic commodities, separatism and terrorism, among others.

Following far behind Susilo-Kalla was National Mandate Party (PAN) candidate Amien Rais and running mate Siswono Yudohusodo at 19.70 percent.

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) candidates incumbent President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Hasyim Muzadi came third at 13.78 percent, ahead of Golkar Party candidates Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid at 10.56 percent.

Trailing the polls are United Development Party (PPP) candidates Hamzah Haz and Agum Gumelar at 2.34 percent.

Earlier, the Polling Center, in collaboration with the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), published a survey that also showed Susilo leading at 41 percent, with Megawati a distant second at 11.2 percent.

Another survey by the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) showed the same results.

Sukardi Rinakit of the SSS said although the survey confirmed that Susilo-Kalla was the most popular ticket, "it doesn't take into account the political machine."

He said candidates such as Wiranto and Megawati were backed by very strong political machines that could contribute greatly to their victory.

Megawati chairs the PDI-P, which has long been associated with the grassroots, while Wiranto was officially nominated by Golkar, the political vehicle of former president Soeharto, which still has abundant resources at its disposal. "We can't tell yet whether there will there be a connection between candidates' political vehicles and their popularity," he said.

Susilo made headlines upon his resigning as top security minister earlier this year after a highly publicized spat with Megawati and her husband, businessmen Taufik Kiemas, alleging that the head of state had left him out in the cold while drawing up crucial security policies.

The Democratic Party he cofounded garnered more than 7 percent of votes in the April 5 legislative election, just ahead of the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). The Islam-based Crescent Star Party and the nationalist Indonesian Justice and Unity Party.

However, pundits have begun to doubt his real strength, saying that Susilo would fare no better in the presidential election than his political vehicle did in April.

Wiranto's musical career hits sour note

Laksamana.net - June 10, 2004

The latest must-see video compact disc (VCD) in Indonesia doesn't show students having steamy sex or sultry celebrities getting undressed -- but is all about the alleged wrongdoings of Golkar Party's presidential candidate, former military chief Wiranto.

As the political temperature rises in the ongoing campaign period for the nation's first direct presidential election on July 5, the anti-Wiranto VCD is being sold and also given away free in Yogyakarta, West Java and Central Java -- and local Golkar officials are not happy.

Given that many Indonesians are bored by politics and prefer watching soap operas or music shows, the anti-Wiranto film has been cunningly hidden inside what appears to be a VCD about the nation's up and coming generation of celebrities.

According to a report by detikcom online news portal, the VCD is innocuously titled "Star Quest" and comes with a yellow cover depicting stars of the popular television talent quest show -- Indonesian Fantasy Academy (Akademi Fantasi Indonesia, AFI).

The film starts off innocently enough with a few minutes of pirated AFI footage showing the young wannabe celebrities, when it suddenly cuts to an anti-Wiranto message, followed by scenes of various atrocities blamed on the Indonesian military, such as the May 1998 riots and massacres of student protesters at Trisakti and Semanggi. Also featured are clips of former president Suharto, who was forced to resign after the May riots.

All the while the footage is running, the top right corner of the film shows a picture of Wiranto in full military uniform, while below is a scrolling text that reads "Bring General Wiranto to justice. Indonesian people unite and reject the presidential candidate from the military".

At the end of the footage there is a voiceover in English, stating the film is dedicated to the student casualties, their families and friends.

Members of Golkar's Yogyakarta branch on Thursday (10/6/04) watched the film with reporters. Branch chairman H.M. Sudarno said Golkar officials had first become aware of the VCD when copies of it started showing up in Pleret district on Tuesday. The following day it was found in Tepus, Gunung Kidul, Sleman, Wates Kulon Progo and Yogyakarta city. He said vendors of pirated VCDs were selling the film because they were apparently fooled by the cover disguising it as AFI footage.

Sudarno said members of Wiranto's campaign team would try to stop the film from spreading by looking for it in various locations and urging vendors to hand over any copies.

"When this VCD is found they will be asked to voluntarily hand it over because it is misleading and discredits a presidential candidate," he was quoted as saying by detikcom.

"We will not carry out sweepings or seizures because would cause losses to the trader, so we will ask that it be handed over voluntarily. Although we have the right to prevent it, that doesn't mean taking police-like measures," he added.

Sudarno said the VCD was being circulated by people who fear Wiranto will win the election and are therefore resorting to underhanded means to corner him.

The chief legal adviser of Golkar's Yogyakarta branch, Deddy Suwadi, said his team would as soon as possible issue a report to Wiranto, the chairman of his campaign team in Jakarta and to Golkar's executive board, seeking advice on what legal measures should be taken.

He said the distribution of the VCD among the community was aimed discrediting Wiranto to discourage people from voting for him. "Not only that, this is negative campaigning," he added.

Gandung Pardiman, a member of Wiranto's local campaign team, said copies of the VCD had been distributed to various markets by people traveling in an Isuzu Panther and a Toyota Kijang.

"This clearly shows there is a political motive, that it's even being distributed in a small place like Tepus and in the corners of Gunung Kidul," he said.

He said members of his team were looking for and gathering copies of the VCD in order to destroy them. "We will destroy them as soon as possible and we are still continuing our search."

Shock horror! leaflets!

Not only is there a VCD pointing out that Wiranto was in charge of the military when students were being shot dead by troops and deadly organized riots were being unleashed, copies of an anti- military leaflet are also being circulated in Yogyakarta.

In addition to Wiranto, the photocopied leaflet also refers to rival presidential candidate/fellow retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The leaflet, which shows a picture of Satan wearing a mask and holding a club, carries the text: "Do you want more of the Semanggi Incident, the Tanjung Priok [Massacre], the Attack on the Indonesian Muslim University [in Makassar]? If yes, then choose SBY or Wiranto as our president! Guaranteed to make Indonesia flood with blood!."

Police ready to investigate

West Java Police chief Brigadier General Edi Darnadi said Thursday he would order an investigation into the people responsible for the VCD if there is a formal complaint from any party that feels victimized by the film. "We still can't investigate them because there has not yet been a complaint from those who feel they have incurred a loss," he said.

He further said police were awaiting the stance of the General Elections Commission (KPU) and the General Elections Supervision Committee (Panwaslu) on the VCD. Nevertheless, he said police had already categorized it as a case of damaging a person's good name. "So basically the West Java Police is waiting for the victim's complaint."

Free handouts

Dimyati, a motorcycle taxi driver in Bandung, told detikcom he had received some copies of the VCD from an unknown person. He said that while waiting for passengers at his usual spot on Jalan H.M. Sahri, a man pulled up in a silver Kijang and handed out 20 free copies of the AFI Star Quest VCD to people on the street.

Dimyati himself took two copies of the VCD home to show his family. It was only after they started playing the disc that they realized it was an anti-Wiranto VCD, he said.

'Only rumors'

The head of Wiranto's campaign team in West Java, M.Q. Iswara, said the VCD would not succeed in reducing support for Wiranto because voters are not easily influenced are "rumors".

"I don't think this will have an influence on the number of votes we get, as we are convinced that voters have strong reasons for choosing this duo," he said, referring to Wiranto and his running mate Solahuddin Wahid.

He said his team would not bother attempting to take any action against the people behind the VCD as their identities are unknown. "It's a waste of energy," he said, adding the matter would be better dealt with by KPU, Panwaslu and the police.

Iswara said his team would instead concentrating on helping Wiranto to win the presidential election. "It would be better if we strengthened bonds with our constituents."

While Iswara seemed unconcerned by the VCD, Wiranto's campaign team in the Central Java capital of Semarang is more perturbed and has filed a complaint with police.

West Java election officials watched a copy of the film at the KPU office in Bandung and decided it should not be withdrawn from circulation. "This is the dynamics of politics in choosing a president," said KPU West Java chief Setya Permana.

"In the context of ethics, certainly it is discrediting, but I would not think it strange if a [film] opposing this emerges in the near future," he said.

"Whether this will have a positive impact or negative impact, it really depends on the public... Hopefully it will not confuse people. Who knows, it may even have a positive effect."

153.3 million register to vote in election

Antara - June 9, 2004 Jakarta -- A total of 153,357,307 Indonesians have registered to vote in the July 5 presidential election, deputy chairman of the General Elections Commission (KPU), Ramlan Surbakti, said here Tuesday.

Ramlan noted that the figure is final because the KPU will not extend the registration of voters beyond the May 25 deadline.

He expressed hope that despite the increase in the number of voters in the upcoming presidential election, voters would not make as many mistakes as those made in the legislative election last April 5.

Ramlan further said that because of the increase in the number of voters, the number of polling stations will also increase.

"There will be 4,768 additional polling stations to make a total of 581,393," he noted.

'Ghost' voters could haunt July 5 contest

Straits Times - June 9, 2004

Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission (KPU) has warned that millions of "ghost" voters could affect the July 5 presidential election.

After a month-long registration period, the commission has managed to remove only 1.4 million of an estimated five million ghost voters.

"Officials at the Village Elections Committees (PPSs) have worked steadily to identify non-existent voters and dropped them from the list, but time is not on our side," KPU Deputy Chairman Ramlan Surbakti told a media briefing here. "We need more time to further reduce the number of ghost voters." Mr Ramlan said he was disappointed with the result.

Ghost voters are those registered on the list of eligible voters although they may have already died, moved away, been jailed or are underage. Independent poll watchdogs such as the Rectors' Forum and the Economic and Social Research, Development and Education Institute have estimated that the figure stands at 2 per cent of eligible voters.

Mr Ramlan said ghost voters would cause an excess of ballot papers on Election Day. "Consequently, we have created new procedures to reject leftover ballot papers in anticipation of possible ballot rigging," he said.

On Election Day, members of Polling Station Committees would mark unpierced ballot papers with black markers and then keep them in sealed envelopes, he said.

It's a generals' election

Straits Times - June 9, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- It has been billed as the battle of the generals. The July 5 presidential election in Indonesia will feature three retired generals -- Mr Wiranto, Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Mr Agum Gumelar.

And they come with a star-studded entourage of old soldiers -- a fact that is conspicuous in the campaign teams of other rival contenders. Mr Bambang reportedly has about 15 former generals under his command. Mr Wiranto has 12, and Mr Agum, three. President Megawati Sukarnoputri has three retired officers working for her, while another presidential candidate, Mr Amien Rais, has one. Critics warn of a return of militarism in Indonesia.

Is the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) making a comeback in politics? The signs are all there with veteran generals tapping into their vast political network in the regions, drawing up military-style strategies for the campaign and engaging in psychological warfare against their opponents.

But it is a charge the TNI top brass are quick to dismiss. Military chief Endriartono Sutarto has declared repeatedly that the armed forces will stay out of politics. Indeed, he has even threatened sanctions against soldiers if they breach his order. "I am serious about keeping the TNI neutral during the general election," he said last week after a meeting with senior military commanders.

There is nothing new in the message here. It reinforces the "new thinking" of the TNI leadership which decided after Suharto's fall in May 1998 to leave national politics to the civilians. What is significant is the target of that message -- civilian politicians and especially retired generals who are seeking to enlist military backing for the election.

Clearly, there is no love lost between current and former generals who have been increasingly critical of the TNI's failure to restore law and order in Indonesia.

The comments are also underscored by concerns that presidential aspirants could draw on the military territorial apparatus to work the ground for votes. In the past, Indonesian politicians had sought to win the backing of military representatives in Parliament as a countervailing force against opponents. They no longer hold legislative seats, but the appeal is still there, primarily because of their continued influence in the heartlands and provinces.

General Endriartono is really attempting to dismantle the intricate patron-client network between retired and active generals serving in territorial commands.

Historically, serving officers have been obliged to back their retired superiors. Patronage ties within the TNI, and especially the army, became more dominant than the logic of military hierarchy and the chain of command. Many retired generals continue to draw on the allegiances of army units and provinces they headed or from military academy classmates.

Gen Endriartono is clearly trying to unite rank and file in the armed forces as he cuts off inroads for past generals into the military establishment. He is also trying to steer the TNI back on course for reform.

The military reform process started well in the initial phases. In 1999, the TNI dismantled its socio-political division and declared formally its intention not to dabble in national politics. It also resisted former president Abdurrahman Wahid's attempt to impose emergency rule to preserve his own power in 2001.

But since then, the reform agenda has been wavering, as reflected by its White Paper on defence last year. It spelt out the inherent right of the TNI to have special powers to "intervene" in state affairs when needed.

The TNI had been able to assert itself over the last two years partly because politicians were unwilling to disaffect the military openly given its far-reaching influence.

Gen Endriartono might have laid out the OB markers for the TNI's involvement in politics. But he can only go that far. Individual military officers -- linked to any one of the five candidates and acting on their own initiative -- are still likely to dabble in the election process in the provinces. The onus really is on the civilian politicians and retired military officers to stop dragging the generals into the fray.

Wiranto bets on party machinery

Straits Times - June 9, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Mr Wiranto advertises himself as a strong leader that Indonesia needs, but it is Golkar's muscles, as well as brainpower, that he is relying on to stay in the presidential race.

With the party's vast political machinery backing him, the former military chief has a fair chance of qualifying in the first round of the presidential election this month and going on to the run- off in September, his campaign officials believe.

The strategy is to maintain the same level of support from Golkar voters in the eastern and western parts of the country, as in the April legislative election, while "going all out" in Java. "Java is our real battleground," Mr Bomer Pasaribu, the campaign team's coordinator for planning, told The Straits Times.

Mr Wiranto's running mate, Mr Solahuddin Wahid, is one of the leaders of the 40-million strong Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and a grandson of the group's founder. Most of NU's followers are concentrated in East Java, and Mr Solahuddin could help Mr Wiranto win the ground there.

The Wiranto camp claims to enjoy the support of 26.5 million Golkar supporters and 12 million voters of the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), the party founded by Mr Solahuddin's brother Abdurrahman Wahid, that had endorsed Mr Wiranto's bid.

The party's optimism is justified by the fact that it had a head start in getting the campaign rolling. Last year, Golkar trained 50,000 "campaign masters" from across the country for the legislative election. Of these, about 30,000 are campaigning for Mr Wiranto this month, by approaching Islamic boarding schools and social groupings.

But Mr Bomer might be over-estimating the figure, given the fact that Mr Yusuf Kalla, a Golkar cadre member from its stronghold of South Sulawesi, is running with early front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. This could split voters in Sulawesi.

Experts also doubt Golkar and PKB's claim that Mr Solahuddin's family background would win him more supporters than the group's chairman Hasyim Muzadi, who is President Megawati Sukarnoputri's running mate.

Besides, public opinion polls show Mr Wiranto is still trailing far behind Mr Bambang. An independent poll commissioned by Golkar for internal use, a copy of which was obtained by The Straits Times, showed that nearly 50 per cent of respondents rooted for Mr Bambang, while Mr Wiranto only got 17 per cent support.

For Golkar, the good news from the poll is that Mr Wiranto still wins over the incumbent President and that only 14 per cent of those questioned considered the human rights accusations against him an issue.

Many also consider him a strong leader or a reformist military man, the poll added. To win the hearts of voters, the Wiranto camp is tapping into what seems to be the issues of the day: unemployment, poverty and economic revival.

Presidential rivals fight for Muslim votes

Straits Times - June 10, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The Muslim ground in Indonesia is turning into a major battlefield for votes.

All five contenders in the July 5 presidential race are seeking desperately to court the huge bloc of Muslim voters that may well tilt the political balance in favour of any one.

Islam is the major issue dominating discourse in the election campaign. Candidates are using it to shore up their support base and discredit major rivals.

Mudslinging almost always touches on religion. Presidential front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, for example, is portrayed as a "poor Muslim" pandering to the interests of the United States. His detractors accuse his Democrat Party of being led by Christians and his wife Kristiani Herrawati of being a Muslim convert.

Embattled President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who has long sought to woo the Muslim camp, found herself pushed further into a corner after influential clerics from the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) issued a fatwa against her. They banned followers from voting for a woman president. In yet another blow to her re-election chances, they issued a ruling supporting the candidacy of her rival Wiranto.

The aim is to ensure that neither rival wins a majority of a prized voter catchment of potentially 70 million votes drawn from members of two of Indonesia's largest Muslim organisations -- the NU and Muhammadiyah.

The NU has the strongest pull, with its home base in East Java being a happy hunting ground for votes. Indeed, nearly every presidential ticket features a candidate with links to the NU.

Ms Megawati has joined forces with its chairman, Mr Hasyim Muzadi. Her rival, Mr Wiranto, has secured the backing of Mr Solahuddin Wahid, the younger brother of former president Abdurrahman Wahid, the chief patron of the Nation Awakening Party and an influential NU elder.

Mr Bambang has turned to South Sulawesi-born businessman Jusuf Kalla not just because of his links to the outer regions. Mr Jusuf also has ties to the NU. His father, the late Achmad Kalla, was elected as a parliamentary member from the NU party in the 1955 election.

And Vice-President Hamzah Haz, who has thrown his hat into the presidential ring with retired general Agum Gumelar, is also a key NU member with a following drawn from his Muslim-based United Development Party.

National Assembly chairman Amien Rais, on the other hand, is turning to the 30-million-strong Muhammadiyah to garner votes from Muslim modernists.

In reality, the votes will split for two reasons. Members of both organisations traditionally do not vote in a single block. Given the emergence of five players -- each with a line to the NU and Muhammadiyah -- support will go in different directions, especially in the first round.

More significantly, the Muslim camp is torn apart by personal ambition and deep ideological differences between the NU and Muhammadiyah. That leaves the camp in a major quandary.

There is no one figure that can lead them or forge a united platform in the face of a la carte-style politics in the presidential poll.

It has a domino effect on other Muslim groups and parties. For example, anxiety is running high in the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) over which presidential candidate to endorse. The PKS, which claims to have 300,000 educated "modernist" Muslims as members, scored a surprising seventh place in the April 5 legislative election contested by 24 parties. It won the majority of votes in Jakarta. It was divided between supporting Golkar Party's Wiranto and Dr Amien.

But there is a greater possibility of coalescing in a possible run-off in September. Depending on the permutations in the final round, Muslim groups are likely to cut deals with one figure that can best represent their interests.

Ultimately, they will make up the crucial numbers in a first-past-the-post system. The Muslim swing vote will be decisive in the election.

Wiranto wooing votes from other Muslim groups

Straits Times - June 10, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- On paper, Mr Wiranto has the strongest support from the Muslim camp. Given his endorsement by the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), he is likely to enjoy the backing of a large number of followers of the 40-million strong Nadhlatul Ulama (NU), which founded the party.

His campaign strategists believe he could secure at least 12 million votes from the party or NU bloc, thanks to the family influence of running mate Solahuddin Wahid. Mr Solahuddin is the grandson of NU founder Hasyim Ashari.

Mr Solahuddin's older brother, former president Abdurrahman Wahid, was NU's chairman for 15 years and is one of the most influential figures within the organisation. He founded the PKB in 1998 to provide a political vehicle for the organisation. Mr Abdurrahman's role is crucial in mobilising support from among the NU clerics, an important element within the group's social structure.

Last week, prominent NU cleric Abdullah Faqih issued a controversial edict or fatwa that forbade NU followers from voting for a female leader, on religious ground. The edict was clearly aimed at incumbent president Megawati Sukarnoputri, whose running mate is NU's own chairman Hasyim Muzadi.

Since Mr Hasyim's candidacy was announced last month, the NU elite has been divided over who to support. Independent NU sources said it was difficult to see who will emerge with the most support.

One high-ranking NU official said: "Within the NU's elite, support is split 50-50 between supporters of the Megawati-Hasyim pair and the Wiranto-Wahid pair." It was for this reason the edict was dismissed by clerics from Mr Hasyim's camp.

Meanwhile, the Wiranto camp is racing against time in its attempts to woo other Muslim groups. Mr Wiranto was known in the past for being close to non-NU and some hardliner Muslim groups. But his recent statement against the imposition of the syariah may have alienated them.

It will also be tough going for him to compete for these groups against two other candidates -- Dr Amien Rais and Mr Hamzah Haz. Mr Wiranto is, in particular, fighting to win over the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) with Dr Amien.

While some PKS leaders are reluctant to join hands with the old guard Golkar, which they would be doing if they endorsed Mr Wiranto, the fact that some members of the ex-general's family are active PKS members is a dilemma. Some of the PKS elite have been lobbying to get the party leadership to endorse Mr Wiranto's candidacy.

Which one it would support in the end would be decided shortly before the July 5 Poll, party officials have said.

Common man Hasyim has edge among NU voters

Straits Times - June 10, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- In the minds of those supporting incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri, her running mate Hasyim Muzadi is not only a leader of Muslims, but also one who will deliver millions of votes come the presidential election on July 5.

Yesterday, one adviser to Ms Megawati told The Straits Times that at least half of the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU), the 40-million-strong group which Mr Hasyim leads, will support the President-cleric pairing. Another Megawati-camp figure said he will bet his car, house or almost anything else he owns on the likelihood that Mr Hasyim could pull in at least 10 million votes.

At least in NU's stronghold and Mr Hasyim's personal home turf of East Java, these Megawati aides said, the cleric will be able to pull strings, collect on old favours, cajole and threaten, and ultimately rally support for the embattled President.

And a part of the expectation is that he can edge out Mr Solahuddin Wahid, vice-presidential candidate for retired general Wiranto and the brother of former president Abdurrahman Wahid, in the battle for NU's hearts and minds.

Their reasoning is simple. Mr Solahuddin is said to have looser ties with pesantrens, the traditional Islamic boarding schools that have taught millions of the country's Muslims. Mr Hasyim, on the other hand, rose through NU's basic ranks and has decades of relationships with the organisation's powerful religious teachers.

Political analyst Hermawan Sulistyo said: "It is clear which candidate NU's masses will prefer. Hasyim is one of them. He is not a blue blood of the organisation like Solahuddin's family." He was referring to the fact that Mr Abdurrahman and Mr Solahuddin are grandsons of NU founder Hasyim Ashari.

Mr Hermawan's arguments continued: In this day and age when Indonesians are discovering a new democracy, there are benefits in being seen as a common man instead of an aristocrat.

There is also the fact that Mr Wiranto, while weighing potential running mates last month, was courting Mr Hasyim aggressively, and selected Mr Solahuddin only after the former chose to go with Ms Megawati.

But predicting how the NU masses would vote remains difficult. The organisation has proved to be capable of splits, with blurred lines of division and uncertain loyalties.

Mr Abdurrahman, who once led the group, still has considerable influence with its leaders, who can in turn sway how regular folks choose on July 5.

Mr Sukardi Rinakit of the Centre for Political Studies in Jakarta said: "Mr Hasyim will get some millions of NU votes, but it will be tough to tell the percentage."

Bambang banks on his popularity

Straits Times - June 9, 2004

Salim Osman -- The campaign strategy for presidential front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is simple: ride on popularity.

His advisers believe that in a direct presidential election, man is more important than machinery -- which his close rivals Megawati Sukarnoputri and Wiranto can boast of.

Hence, his advisers are out to project him and his ability to lead. Mr Bambang's camp was the first one to come out with a vision statement -- encapsulated in a blue book -- that detailed his plans to improve Indonesia. His media cell too seems to be more active, encouraging journalists to convey his message.

But critics say his popularity is confined to the major urban centres and the middle class, so he needs to broaden his appeal to the grassroots in the rural areas.

The University of Indonesia's Arbi Sanit said: "He needs to do more to win the rural folk who may not know him. He should have a strategy to whip up the emotions of the people in the remote areas like what Ms Megawati is doing."

Mr Bambang's aides say this is exactly what he is doing now as he and his running mate Jusuf Kalla tour the sprawling archipelago. Surveys indicate that Mr Bambang's popularity has soared in the past three months.

The latest survey by the United States-based International Foundation for Electoral Systems shows that support for the 54- year-old retired general has soared to 41 per cent. President Megawati is far behind with 11 per cent. Retired general Wiranto secured just 10 per cent. Indonesian polling firms have similar findings.

The Lembaga Studi Institut (LSI) found that 40 per cent of those surveyed now prefer Mr Bambang, following the success of his small Democrat Party in the parliamentary elections.

The LSI poll also revealed that he is the top choice of the 40 million supporters of the much-courted Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) -- with his support far exceeding NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi's and spiritual elder Abdurrahman Wahid's. The poll was done before Mr Abdurrahman was barred from the contest on medical grounds.

The Bambang camp feels there is no need to rely on party machinery given the strong appeal of the retired general. Indeed, Mr Bambang is the only candidate not to have struck a deal with any political party or group for the July 5 election.

His advisers believe it is better to forge a coalition much later, perhaps in the face-off in September if there is no clear majority in the presidential polls.

A senior aide disclosed: "We don't need others hanging on our coattails. Some of us think we can clinch the race in the first round. If not, we will think of linking up with Golkar and the PKB if Wiranto does not get through."

Political analyst Indria Samego said: "He will be a factor in the election because of his popularity. His name is his capital. That's why a relatively unknown political entity like the Democrat Party could emerge fourth in the legislative elections."

Bambang's religious credentials attacked

Straits Times - June 10, 2004

Salim Osman -- Presidential front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is now the target of a hate campaign to discredit his Muslim credentials.

Having become such a thorn in the side of his rivals because of his soaring popularity, he has been forced to fend off mudslinging that touches on religion.

His detractors describe him as a "poor Muslim" who has surrounded himself with Christians and is backed by Washington. They also charge that his wife is a Muslim convert.

The aim is to block any inroads he might make into the Muslim bloc. But Mr Bambang is taking all the attacks in his stride. He is now playing to the Muslim gallery by forging rapport with religious leaders, visiting Islamic boarding schools and even performing the umrah, the minor pilgrimage to Mecca.

He has even assigned his running mate Jusuf Kalla, whose late father was an elected parliamentarian from the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) party in 1955, to work the Muslim ground.

But the smear campaign does seem to be having some results. Political analyst Amir Santoso of the University of Indonesia said that several Muslim groups are keeping their distance from Mr Bambang because of the rumours and his apparent opposition to moves to implement Islamic Syariah law in the country.

In recent weeks, opinion makers in mosques and religious schools across the country, especially in Java, have been speaking of Mr Bambang's links with Christians to dissuade Muslims from voting for him.

There is also unease among hardliners that a number of his backers are from Manado in North Sulawesi, a mainly Christian province. Radical magazines like Sabili, which featured him on its cover recently, have portrayed him as an American stooge. Indeed, one rumour making the rounds is that Mr Bambang had received US$50 million from the US.

Dr Indria Samego of the Indonesian Institute for Social Sciences told The Straits Times: "Despite Mr Bambang's popularity nationwide, his rivals are trying to cast aspersions on his religious credentials, suggesting that he has an image of an Abangan, or nominal Muslim, who can be easily influenced by other religions."

But the 54-year-old retired general is taking his detractors head on. During a visit to an Islamic boarding school in Madura, East Java, on Monday, Mr Bambang dismissed the allegations, saying that he was "not a foreign puppet and would never accept money from sinful activities".

Economy key in presidential run-in

Asia Times - June 8, 2004

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Poverty, lackluster growth, rising prices, high unemployment and continuing widespread corruption are adding to the myriad problems facing the five candidates for the Indonesian presidency.

The weakening of the rupiah and rising oil prices have resulted in stronger inflationary pressures and there are concerns that the consumer-led economic expansion of the past few years will die if the government cannot continue to bring in new investment, both foreign and domestic. With unemployment on the rise, and a large portion of the population forced to live on less than US$2 a day, plans to create more jobs and stabilize the economy are high on the candidates' campaign agendas.

Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri is among the candidates, and while many credit her and her ministers with restoring stability to Indonesia, the relative political stability has not been used to accelerate the resolution of underlying economic problems. Megawati, her critics say, has done little to eradicate graft or raise incomes.

This could spell trouble for the president who, in an effort to boost her re-election chances, jumped the gun on her four rivals when launching her re-election bid last Monday, a day before the campaign officially began on June 1.

At her first-ever press conference since taking office almost three years ago, the president unveiled a six-page populist manifesto that promised to create 12.7 million new jobs, nearly halve the poverty rate and appoint half a million new teachers over the next five years.

Megawati's promise to slash by 45% the number of people living in poverty came just after a report was released last week by the World Bank which warned that despite a recent fall in poverty levels, more than half the population of 220 million still lives on less than $2 a day. But though reducing the poverty rate is no doubt on her "wish list", she offered no clue as to how this veritable miracle might be achieved, nor did she say where the money to employ 100,000 extra teachers each year would come from.

Meanwhile, unemployment rose to 9.3% last year, with some two- thirds of the 40 million jobless between the ages of 15-24. Though the country's exit from the International Monetary Fund program last year did not trigger the economic collapse predicted by many conservative economists, these unemployment levels, if not prioritized, could prove to be a time bomb threatening major social, economic and even political problems. Megawati's manifesto so far has simply promised 12.7 million new jobs over the next five years.

Megawati's five-point agenda also included plans for new roads, better irrigation, rice and fuel subsidies, an expansion of the railway infrastructure and improved family planning and local medical clinics. She also promised to provide clean water to 55% of people living in towns and 30% to those in villages within five years.

Ironically, these ambitious targets for the provision of basic community services across the country seem to highlight just how little her administration has achieved in almost three years.

According to the World Bank, services to the poor are among the worst in the region: many primary school buildings are near to collapse, children go to school without shoes and the puskesmas (health clinics) quickly run out of basic medicines.

While Megawati gave prominence to poverty and unemployment, issues of institutionalized corruption, money politics and law reform were not addressed in the manifesto. Neither was a plan to reform the civil service, though Megawati pledged to raise civil servants' salaries by 15% every year for the next five years "to make the running of the government smooth, efficient and clean". Although a comprehensive blueprint for reforming the civil service has been handed over by both the Asia Foundation and the World Bank, little if any action has been taken.

Shortly after Megawati made her announcement, State Minister for State Owned Enterprises, Laksmana Sukardi, quickly pointed out that the public servant pay rises would not be automatic and would only be paid where there were productivity improvements.

The president was first to come out with some sort of policy paradigm in the run up to Indonesia's first ever direct presidential elections on July 5, though she may not be a hard act to follow -- on the campaigning platform and in the sense of her achievements during her tenure.

Later in the week, front-runners Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and running mate Yusuf Kalla released their manifesto in a campaign book which stated that "creating more jobs" was a top priority. An opinion poll released on Tuesday, when official campaigning began, showed former chief security minister Susilo with a 20- point lead over Megawati.

Moreover, the plans outlined by Susilo and Kalla were rather more specific than Megawati's. For example, they pledged to reduce the poverty rate to around 8.2% by 2009, and increase income per capita to $1,731 by the same year, from $968 in 2003.

The popular pair targeted growth at 7.6% by 2009, while Megawati's manifesto made no specific reference to growth, which is still among the slowest in the region. The Central Statistics Agency (BPS) reported on Tuesday that growth was slightly below the government's full-year 2004 target of 4.8% but above 2003's full-year rate of 4.1%.

Much of that growth is being driven by consumer demand, as corporate investment, both domestic and foreign, remains weak. Major obstacles to foreign investment include the lack of legal supremacy and endemic corruption, but Megawati has denied that her government had not been serious in tackling corruption, urging the media to "check with the attorney general's office" on all the cases it was handling.

The consumer-led economic expansion of the past few years will peter out if there is no new investment. Kalla, minister of industry and trade for a brief spell during the administration of Abdurrahman Wahid, has said that a boom in domestic investment would reduce the high unemployment rate and replace dependency on foreign investment.

He plans to encourage domestic private investment by boosting government spending on infrastructure and issuing bonds to finance the development of toll roads, ports and telecommunications networks -- easier said than done. Investors who held $1 billion worth of bonds sold on March 3 by the government in its first international debt sale since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, have already lost more than 10% of their money.

Kalla also suggested that the infrastructure in rural and remote areas be improved to give the poor more access to economic resources, better health services and education.

The World Bank report, meanwhile, said rising labor costs, now 35% higher than in 1996, are outpacing gains in productivity in the aftermath of the regional financial crisis, and rising costs related to corruption and failing infrastructure are reducing the country's competitiveness.

Strong and stable economic prospects are what draw in long-term investors and the inherent optimism in the report, which suggested that Indonesia could benefit in the short term from a strong upswing in international economic activity and continued macroeconomic stability, may be a bit premature.

The country remains extremely vulnerable to adverse external developments. In the past month, borrowing costs have surged, and the rupiah, the worst performer this year among 15 Asia-Pacific currencies, has tumbled dramatically, losing about 11% since the start of the year. The sinking rupiah has also pushed up the cost of production for many companies, as they are dependent on imported raw materials.

The dollar surged as high as Rp9,590 last week, it's highest since April 10, 2002, mostly on buying from local corporates and speculators. JP Morgan Chase, the world's fourth-biggest currency trader, cut its forecast for the rupiah to 10,000 to the dollar by year's end from Rp9,200.

Senior deputy governor of the central bank Anwar Nasution blames the rupiah's fall partly on high liquidity in the banking sector, which he said had created the environment for speculation. US dollar interest rates -- at 1%, the lowest levels since the 1950s -- have encouraged short-term capital inflows. Interest rates in Japan, Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong and Thailand are also extremely low.

But speculative portfolio investors have now switched from rupiah assets back to dollar-based assets following news that the US Federal Reserve could start raising its key short-term interest rates next month.

The weakening of the rupiah and rising oil prices also have resulted in stronger inflationary pressures. BPS said last week that inflation in May rose by 6.47% from the same month last year, stronger than the year-on-year inflation rate of 5.29% in April. BPS predicted that inflation for the full year will surpass the government's 6.5% target. This has prompted speculation that the central bank may have to reverse a two-year downtrend in interest rates.

Indonesia is the only Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries member to become a net oil importer, and in March, it imported an average 484,000 barrels of crude oil a day against exports of only 448,000 barrels a day. Inefficient utilization of the country's oil resources and the lack of legislative encouragement to the industry are being blamed for the slide.

And with crude oil futures in New York surging to a record $42.33 a barrel last week, the soaring oil price will widen Indonesia's budget deficit from the target of 1.2% of gross domestic product (GDP). The finance ministry said fuel subsidies would now cost as much as Rp46 trillion compared to the Rp14.5 trillion it projected earlier for this year.

The Jakarta Composite Index closed last week at 697.94 points, down by 4.9% from the previous week, and the rupiah depreciated yet another 2% against the dollar. Yet there is little evidence of any sense of crisis.

Finance Minister Boediono said last week: "The budget will remain manageable and controllable, but we hope expenditures will also be kept under strict control." This comment, however, came on the same day that the government announced its plan to give a 13th- month bonus in salary to civil servants, police and the military, a deal that is expected to cost nearly $1.5 billion.

Former military chief Wiranto is also a frontrunner in the presidential race, while two candidates who made their reputations as Muslim leaders round out the field, trailing way behind the leading three in opinion polls.

Wiranto unveils tough on crime platform

Jakarta Post - June 8, 2004

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- Presidential candidates know that their rivals are making similar promises about law enforcement. But in a country where many think they have seen enough of the turbulent "transition" period no candidate can do without pledges of law enforcement even though they themselves might have been seen to have violated the law.

Golkar Party candidates Gen. (ret) Wiranto and cleric Solahuddin Wahid say weak law enforcement is the main factor behind the low public trust in the government, leading to security problems, recurring violations of the law and the prolonged economic crisis.

In their statement titled: Vision, mission and main policies to save the nation, they clearly prioritize law enforcement efforts and national security along with good governance, public welfare, education and "reconciliation".

The head of Wiranto's campaign team, Slamet Effendi Yusuf, said that issues of security, law enforcement and human rights could not be separated because lack of respect for the law and human rights would lead to security disturbances.

"If anybody can get away with committing a crime without punishment then people will lose their trust in the system and the government," said Slamet.

He dismisses the notion that Wiranto himself may be perceived as above the law. An East Timor court has issued an arrest warrant for him for charges of failing to stop gross human rights violations when Wiranto was military chief and chief security minister at the time of bloody rampage in the former Indonesian territory in 1999. He held the same posts at the time of the riots in a number of cities in May 1998.

As deputy chairman of the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM) in 2002, Solahuddin led a team investigating the May riots and summoned, in vain, several military officers to be questioned, including Wiranto himself. "We believe that Wiranto has nothing to do with gross human rights' violations," Slamet said. The accusation was fabricated by his political foes as no proof has linked Wiranto with such violations, he added.

Wiranto's camp is also focusing on corruption. "Security and a predictable legal process are the prerequisite to fix the current economic problems. How do you expect businesspeople to invest under such conditions?" Slamet said.

He said that Wiranto had prepared programs for 100 days and one year to overcome poor law enforcement, if elected. In the first 100 days, Slamet said, the pair would take stern action to curb corruption among officials and businesspeople, by bringing all unresolved high-profile graft cases to court. They would also revamp the bureaucracy of the police and the judiciary. "We will raise their salaries so that there is no reason for them to be involved in bribery," Slamet said.

In the first 100 days Wiranto would revive the civil rights of minorities, including Chinese-Indonesians, to enable their active participation in politics, Slamet added.

In one year, he said, the pair would bring gross human rights violation cases to court. Wiranto and Solahuddin say that "legal and human rights violations should be settled with wisdom without creating new problems, and that a truth and reconciliation commission will be established to handle the problem".

They stressed that reconciliation does not mean "to forgive and forget" but did not elaborate further.

When the generals talk, Indonesia listens

The Advertiser - June 8, 2004

Rob Taylor, Jakarta -- Indonesia's presidential election race has attracted a galaxy of stars, but most are made of military brass.

The campaign teams of the five candidates -- who include two former generals and a third running as vice president -- have recruited an astonishing 35 former generals as senior advisers.

In a recruitment drive which highlights the still-dominant role of the military in Indonesia's political life despite six years of democratic reforms dubbed reformasi, candidates are relying heavily on the advice of retired military officers.

The biggest contingent is in the team of frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, himself a former three-star general, top security minister for President Megawati Sukarnoputri and one- time chief of staff of the Jakarta Regional Military Command. A supposed champion of reform who, surveys show, has 41 per cent voter support ahead of the July 5 poll, he has 16 generals on his team, including former armed forces chiefs Edy Sudrajat and Admiral Widodo AS.

In contrast, the struggling Megawati and her religious vice- presidential running mate have only three former two-star generals, while the self-labelled "locomotive of reform" Amien Rais has just one. Former armed forces chief Wiranto, under a cloud over human rights accusations on his watch in East Timor, has 12 former generals on his team, including fellow four-star commander Fachrul Razi, who is deputy chair of Wiranto's "Team Success".

Another, major-general (retired) Affandi, is team secretary, former lieutenant-general Suaidi Marrasabessy is in charge of planning and major-general Tulus Sihombeng is director of information.

The pro-Islamic party of current vice president Hamzah Haz has followed the military trend and recruited another three generals, including two former three-star officers.

"All these teams have basically the same structure as the military," prominent human rights activist Munir said. "If you look at Wiranto's team, he has exactly the same team as when he was the chief of the army. The military has never left Indonesian politics, they are just reshaping for democracy."

Megawati is keeping her campaign pitch simple: Choose the prettiest candidate. "Choose the most beautiful candidate on the ballot paper, the one with a mole on her right cheek," she said in the north Sumatran city of Medan. "It's easy to remember, right."

Megawati is the only female candidate campaigning for the elections, the first in which Indonesia's 210 million people will choose their leader directly. She is trailing her main rival, ex-security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, by about 30 percentage points in opinion polls.

Candidates' posters burnt, but police save Mega's picture

Detik.com - June 10, 2004

Budi Sugiharto, Surabaya -- Very strange and mysterious. When demonstrators from the People's Democratic Party (PRD) wanted to set fire to five posters of the respective presidential and vice-presidential candidates, police rushed in to save President Megawati Sukarnoputri's picture. Meanwhile they left the four posters of the other candidates to burn.

The incident occurred when around 100 PRD activists were demonstrating in front of the General Election Commission offices on Jalan Tanggul Angin in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya on Thursday June 10. The demonstrators, lead by Hendrik, were demonstrating against the five pairs of presidential candidates because they believe that they had failed to build the nation and state, failed to eliminate corruption, collusion and nepotism, had been involved in human rights crimes and sold off the nation's assets.

They also said that candidates had failed to side with the poor. The demonstrators also opposed the recent legislative elections and because they believe that they were only a means to seek legitimisation for the reemergence of the New Order regime of former President Suharto.

After voicing their demands, the demonstrators got ready to burn the posters. But just as they were about to set fire to them, police, who had been tightly guarding the action, suddenly snatched away Megawati's picture. And the one who actually saved Megawati's poster was none other than South Surabaya local police chief, Superintendent Alex Sampe.

Why was Megawati saved? "Because she is a state official who is still in office", answered Sampe. "Hey, isn't [Vice-President] Hamzah Haz also still in office?". "No comment".

The action ended at 11.30 am local time. The flow of traffic wasn't disrupted because the demonstration was not held on a main road. (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Campaign against militarism

Farmers rally en masse against bill, military candidates

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

A. Junaidi, Jakarta -- Thousands of farmers from Central Java, West Java and Banten provinces hit the capital's streets on Wednesday to protest against the plantation bill and presidential candidates with military backgrounds. The farmers, who came from Wonosobo, Central Java; Subang, West Java and Banten, gathered at the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in the early afternoon before marching to the front gate of the House of Representatives (DPR) compound.

Arriving in dozens of buses, the farmers, along with students and workers grouped under the Agrarian Reform Movement Alliance, unfurled banners and posters rejecting the bill and demanding land reform.

Alliance secretary-general Erpan Faryadi said the bill would benefit only large plantation companies and inflict suffering on low-income farmers. "We demand land reform. We urge the government and the house to implement Agrarian Law No. 2/1960, which favors farmers," Erpan said.

Several non-governmental organizations (NGO) protested the bill earlier this year, saying that it would harm farmers and the environment.

The House is currently deliberating the bill on plantations which, if enacted, would allow plantation companies to occupy land and convert forest areas into monoculture plantations without restriction, as long as it did not harm the national interest.

The NGOs complained that the bill would encourage authorities to give concessions to plantation companies to convert forest areas into plantations, continuing the overexploitation of the country's forests and marginalizing local farming communities.

Farmers are wary of a chapter in the bill that prohibits any action that might disrupt plantation activities. The reclamation of land by local communities could be regarded as such, and would be punishable by five years' imprisonment and a Rp 5 billion (US$520,833) fine.

Chairwoman of the National Front for the Indonesian Workers' Struggle (FNPBI) Dita Indahsari said the bill would create tension between small farmers and large companies that had often been the subject of intervention by the military and police in the past.

"So, farmers, along with workers and students, also reject militarism and presidential candidates from the military," Dita, who once won the Ramon Magsasay Award from the Philippines, said in the rally. She said many farmers had been oppressed by the regime of former president Soeharto, who often used the military and police to settle land disputes.

On Tuesday, thousands of farmers also staged a rally at the same locations, making similar demands.

Two presidential candidates have military backgrounds: Gen. (ret) Wiranto of the Golkar Party, and Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of the Democratic Party, as well as vice presidential candidate, Gen. (ret) Agum Gumelar of the United Development Party.

Issuing a religious edict, students burn photos of candiates

Detik.com - June 11, 2004

Triono Wahyu Sudibyo, Semarang -- Imitating the actions by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Kiais [Islamic boarding school teachers] in East Java, scores of students from the Walisongo State Institute for Islamic Studies in Semarang issued an "religious edict" rejecting presidential candidates from the military and status quo forces.

As a symbol of their demands, they burnt photographs of incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri, Democratic Party candidate retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and former armed forces chief and Golkar Party candidate Wiranto.

The action began in Simpang Lima area at around 10am. After giving speeches they moved off to the Semarang water fountain some 500 meters away.

They also brought a bier in which they carried a friend who they had dressed up as a Kiai. Inside the bier were 50 one thousand rupiah fake bank notes. On the "kiai's" chest was written "Will accept orders for the elections, campaigns, success teams, blessings etc. Success guaranteed".

In addition to this they also unfurled a length of cloth unmasking "military and status quo presidential candidates" and a banner which read "Reject presidential candidates who have sold off the nation's assets", "Reject presidential candidates who have proven themselves failures" and "Retired military officers in civilian clothes, but still with a military mentality".

In speeches they said that Megawati as well as the military presidential candidates represented a latent danger to democracy and that they are unable to offer any alternatives to the nation's problems. "It is haram [forbidden under Islamic law] to vote for these three candidates", said one of the participants as if they were issuing a religious edict.

When asked if they supported presidential candidates Amien Rais [chairperson of the Islamic mass organisation Muhammadiyah] and Vice-President Hamzah Haz [who is also head of the Islamic orientated United Development Party] they replied no. How come? Unfortunately they were not able to explain why it was not "haram" to vote for these two candidates.

The action involving scores of students ended with a effigy being burnt attached to which were photographs of Megawati, SBY and Wiranto. They also set fire to the bier which was used to carry the "Kiai". (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Students burn flags of three political parties in Medan

Detik.acom - June 10, 2004

Khairul Ikhwan, Medan -- Around 100 students from the People's Youth Community (Komunitas Muda Rakyat) held a demonstration in Medan at the General Elections Commission (KPU) offices on Thursday June 10 in which they rejected the involvement of the New Order regime of former President Suharto and the military in the up-coming presidential elections.

The students began with a long-march to the KPU offices on Jalan Perintis Kemerdekaan in the South Sumatra provincial capital of Medan. "We call for the New Order to be destroyed, reject the dual function of the military, reject the status quo [forces] and [call] for cases of [violations against] the people to be resolved", said the action coordinator, Rinto Hutapea. A delegation of students was received by KPU chairperson Irham Buana Nasution.

The students then set fire the flags of three political parties, the former state ruling party Golkar, the Concern for the Nation Functional Party [which is headed by Suharto's eldest daughter] and the Democratic Party [who's presidential candidate is former coordinating minister for politics and security retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono]. "Burn, burn, burn" shouted the protesters.

Scores of local police appeared on the scene but did not prevent the flags being burnt. The students also held an action in which they scratched out the name of the KPU on its name board and wrote "The elections are not democratic if the New Order is not destroyed, Golkar still exists and there has been no resolution to cases [of violations against] the people". (aan)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

20 LMND activist hold hunger strike rejecting the elections

Detik.com - June 12, 2004

Budi Hartadi, Surabaya -- Twenty activists form the Indonesian National Student League for Democracy (LMND) are holding a hunger strike to reject the 2004 presidential elections because they believe that only candidates from the former state ruling party Golkar, the military and the fake reformists are involved.

The hunger strike which started on Saturday June 12, is being held at the Taman Surya park in front of the State Grahadi building on Jalan Gubernur Suryo in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya.

"Only the Golkar Party, the military and the fake reformists are competing in the 2004 [presidential] elections. We reject [former armed forces chief and Golkar candidate] Wiranto, [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and [National Mandate Party chairperson] Amien Rais. We don't believe it is appropriate for them to lead the nation", said LMND chairperson Budi Wibowo.

As of going to press, scores of LMND demonstrators were still giving speeches and holding up posters and banners. They plan to continue the hunger strike until June 16 although it is not clear why.

The action was not closely guarded by police and because there were not a large number of demonstrators it did not disrupt traffic. The public also did not pay a much attention to the action. (djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Nation-wide action against militarism planned for July 3

Detik.com - June 10, 2004

Diyah Kusuwardhani, Jakarta -- On July 3, or two days before the election of the next president on July 5, there will be a demonstration against militarism. A massive demonstration is to be held in Jakarta and accompanied by nation-wide actions.

This was announced by the Central Leadership Committee of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) at a press conference at the Venezia Cafe at the Taman Ismail Marzuki arts centre on Jalan Cikini Raya in Central Jakarta on Thursday June 10.

"Over the next two to three days we will be facilitating the coming together of the democratic movement against militarism into one vehicle, that is the PRD, the Muhammadiyah Students Association (IMM), the Muslim Students Association for Reform (HMI-MPO), the Federation of Indonesian Migrant Workers (FOBMI), the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), the National Student League for Democracy (LMND) and the Action Study Circle for Indonesian Democracy (LS-ADI)", said PRD general secretary Zely Ariane.

According to the general chairperson of the PRD, Yusuf Lakaseng, the nation-wide action is to be used to call on the public to oppose militarism. "Opposing militarism is not just campaigned for in the form of statements, but also in the form of mass mobilisations", he said.

Mobilisations like this, for example, are needed in the July 27 case(1), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle needs to mobilise its masses so that the case is quickly resolved. "The July 27 case must be solved because this is a part of the democratic transition. [We] must ask that responsibility be taken for the crimes against humanity", he said.

According to Ariane, there are a number of indicators of militarism which have surfaced recently. For example, the development of the territorial command structure(2), the nationalisation of military businesses, the failure to try human rights violators and the packet of pro-military laws over which there is concern that they will be promulgated if a military presidential candidate become the president.

Ariane said she regrets that the campaign against militarism has tended to identify particular presidential candidates [since all of them have been pro-military]. Ariane even called on the public to golput [white movement, not marking the ballot paper] because she believes none of the presidential candidates have struggled for the needs of the ordinary people. (nrl)

Notes:

1. Following weeks of protests at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters after the Suharto regime engineered Megawati's removal as the party's democratically elected chairperson, on July 27, 1966, paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police. Many had hoped that with Megawati's ascendancy to the presidency those responsible would be held accountable however Megawati and other leading party figures have publicly distanced themselves (refusing to attend annual commemorations) from the issue. Those who were eventually brought to trial in late 2003 have all been low ranking soldiers or civilians and have either been acquitted for lack of evidence or given light sentences. None of those believed to have organised or led the attack have been brought to trial.

2. The military's territorial command structure mandates the deployment of military command posts and detachments at all levels of the civil administration: provincial, district, sub- district and village. This structure provides the organisational framework for the TNI to act as a political security force at all levels of society.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Reconciliation & justice

July 1996 probe: Politics and power

Laksamana.net - June 11, 2004

Despite growing suspicions over the motives for the re-opening of the July 27 tragedy in the midst of the presidential campaign, the momentum is growing for a final accounting of what happened in the 1996 assault on the headquarters of Megawati's Sukarnoputri's former Democratic Party of Indonesia (PDI).

A statement by the lawyer of former Jakarta military commander and now Governor Sutiyoso indicates the direction the probe is likely to take.

After a visit to National Police headquarters on Thursday, Victor W. Nadapdap declared that the bloody takeover of the headquarters at Jl. Diponegoro was conducted under direct instruction from former President Suharto.

Nadapdap reinforced earlier testimony by Sutiyoso himself to police in 2001 that, in the meeting at Suharto's residence on 19 July 1996, Suharto had instructed Sutiyoso to empty the PDI headquarters. The order was given as part of a scheme to cripple Megawati as a serious contender to Suharto in the run-up to the 1997 general election.

"Sutiyoso was given a direct order by Suharto at Jl. Cendana on 19 July 1996. The meeting was attended by several ministers and high-ranking government officials. Suharto said this case must be resolved," said Nadapdap.

"The Cendana meeting was also attended by the Chief of the Social-Political Department of the Armed Forces, Syarwan Hamid, Armed Forces Commander Faisal Tanjung, the National Police Chief and the Jakarta Police Chief," he said.

Sutiyoso said in 2001 that as soon as Suharto gave the order to clear the PDI headquarters, which had been occupied by an activist group that held a speech forum at the building for a number of weeks, Sutiyoso sent a message about the plan to Megawati through veteran PDI politician Sabam Sirait.

Complicating the picture is the implication that the planned attack was used by conspiring generals as the momentum for destabilizing Suharto.

A close aide of Megawati at that period told Laksamana.Net that the conspirators planned to sacrifice Megawati as part of their plan to weaken Suharto's hold, but they erred by involving Sutiyoso in the plan.

Sutiyoso's testimony makes it clear that the involvement of Armed Forces Commander Tanjung and Social-Political chief Syarwan Hamid means that this was a very high-level game, with Sutiyoso a far more junior player.

It also suggests that both Tanjung and Syarwan Hamid should be included on the list of suspects released by the joint investigating team consisting of officials from the military, police and Attorney General's Office (AGO).

The first dossier of suspects, to be announced on Monday, will implicate several members of the anti-Megawati faction within PDI, including former chairman Suryadi, Alex Widya Siregar, Buttu R. Hutapea, Harsokiregar, Buttu R. Hutapea, Harsok and 12 witnesses.

A second dossier will implicate former Jakarta Military commander Sutiyoso, late Jakarta Police Chief Hamaminata, Brig. Gen. Abu Bakar, Brig. Gen. Indra Warsito, Col. Haryanto and Jakarta Garrison chief Col. Tritamtomo. The former chief of of the Military Intelligence Body (BIA) Maj. Gen. Syamsir Siregar and his deputy Maj. Gen. Zacky Anwar Makarim are also included on the list of suspects.

The inclusion of the two former BIA officials is a significant development given the strategic role played by the agency as the leading intelligence body in charge of Suharto's political agenda.

BIA took prominence among the intelligence agencies when Suharto instructed Armed Forces Chief Benny Murdani to create a counter- balance to the State Intelligence Coordination Body (BAKIN), which was seen to have developed a degree of independence from Suharto and his military clique.

Presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who was then Chief of Staff of the Jakarta Military Command, is vulnerable as the subordinate of Sutiyoso.

Sutiyoso's counsel has ruled out the involvement of Yudhoyono in the incident. "The evacuation of PDI's headquarters had nothing to do with Yudhoyono as the Chief of Staff of the Jakarta Military Command. He had no authority in this, but everything was the responsibility of the Jakarta Military Commander," said Nadapdap.

Eros Djarot, Megawati's political advisor during the crucial days before the July tragedy, holds a different opinion concerning the involvement of Yudhoyono. "All military officers, including Yudhoyono who at the time was in charge as the Chief of Staff of Jakarta Military Command, must be held responsible," he declared.

"At the least Yudhoyono should be held morally responsible and honestly explain to the public what did happen at the time. It is totally impossible that as Chief of Staff Yudhoyono did not know of the preparations for the July bloody takeover of Megawati's party headquarters."

Djarot has tied his political ambitions to the camp of Amien Rais, and his comments must therefore be weighed along with the other political motivations to find out who was behind the bloody attack, in which at least five people died.

Testimony given by Sutiyoso and former Armed Forces Chief of Staff Suyono suggests that the incident was largely triggered by rivalry among the generals around Suharto.

When the Suharto regime collapsed in May 1998, the generals started to blame each other. Suyono, in his testimony in 2001, said then Army Chief of Staff R. Hartono had written to the Armed Forces Commander, with a copy to Syarwan Hamid, urging the use of military measures to take back the PDI headquarters.

Hartono immediately denied Suyono's accusation. Immediately after the July tragedy, Suyono had on a number of occasions claimed that Hartono was responsible for the affair.

The strongest testimony came from Sutiyoso. His account of the meeting at Jl. Cendana makes it clear that the top generals had two aims in mind: the overthrow of Suharto and the destruction of Megwati's image by painting her as a dangerous radical who would allow the re-emergence of communism.

Eye-witnesses of the events immediately following the assault on the PDI headquarters say that, after its initial charge against the large mass of protestors gathered around the area, the military and police established a very distant cordon around the area. Within the confines of its cordon, the enraged mob was allowed to sack and burn at will. Suyono, asked by one foreign correspondent why there was no action to stem the rioting until the following morning, insisted that troops were in place, despite the clear evidence that they had left the mob to have its will.

On the night following the headquarters assault, the military started to move into position, but continued to sit by and watch as remnants of the mob continued their orgy of destruction. It was only the following morning that troops were deployed to stem the violence. On the main focus of the rioting, Jl. Salemba Raya, Marines were positioned to politely urge people off the street.

Back in the kampung behind the major thoroughfare, Jakarta military command troops displayed a far less friendly aspect to the still enraged populace, who erected South American-style barricades to keep the military out.

Presumably, if the theory that the generals wanted to destabilize Suharto, they had engineered the situation precisely to enrage the poor, who had begun to see Megawati's PDI as a hope for an end to the harsh rule of Suharto.

The brutality of the charge against the protestors at noon following the assault on the headquarters was guaranteed to create anger. Troops and police who had stood for hours facing waves of rock-throwing protestors were allowed to take their revenge on the crowd, lashing out blindly and anyone in their way, including children in their school uniforms and women wearing jilbab.

Many of those who fell in the angry charge were middle class bystanders who had only come to watch and were provoked into joining the mob on the streets or even to comment on the events meant that the steam slowly ebbed from the rioters on the streets and denied the generals' hopes that she would play into their hands by adopting a radical stance.

The generals at least succeeded in one of their objectives: the sight of a large area of Jakarta enveloped in a pall of smoke at the peak of the nation's economic boom made many question Suharto's ability to stay in power, and the assault on the PDI headquarters created a lasting symbol of Suharto's ugly power that was to dog him until he was forced to resign two years later.

The generals failed in their other objective. Instead of portraying Megawati as a radical, she emerged as a cautious, skilful player who preferred recourse to the law rather than the streets as she continued to challenge Suharto's leadership of the nation.

Now, in pushing for a new probe into what happened in July 1996, she has reminded the nation of her travails under Suharto, and taken a solid swipe at the generals opposing her in the race for the presidency.

Megawati to put Suharto on trial if re-elected

Associated Press - June 10, 2004

Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri will make sure that Indonesia's former dictator Suharto is brought to trial if she is re-elected in next month's voting, a top adviser said on Wednesday.

"We see the Suharto case as an important case that needs to be resolved. It is our intention to resolve it in the next administration," said Mr Subagio Anam, a lawmaker from President Megawati's party and a senior member of her campaign staff.

The government has previously attempted to bring the 83-year-old up on charges of stealing more than US$600 million. But Suharto's lawyers have successfully argued that he's too sick to stand trial, and the courts have ruled that he's mentally unfit to endure the proceedings.

Suharto seized power from President Megawati's father, Indonesia's founding president Sukarno, after a 1965 coup, and ruled with an iron first for 32 years. His US-backed dictatorship ended in 1988, when he stepped down after months of pro-democracy protests. During his reign he muzzled the media, rigged elections and allegedly amassed more than US$15 billion through corruption.

Critics claim that President Megawati is not eager to try Suharto because of personal and business favours he did for her family. But Mr Anam dismissed such claims, pledging that several high- profile suspects would be brought to justice. "When President Megawati wins the presidential election we will bring to justice a number of unresolved cases, including Suharto's," he said.

President Megawati is trailing badly in the public opinion polls ahead of the July 5 presidential elections. Latest surveys indicate she's 30 points behind the front-runner, her former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Suharto's lawyers dismissed Anam's statement as an election ploy designed to restore President Megawati's standing with reformists, who are disappointed by her administration's lacklustre record on battling corruption.

"They are lying to the people by saying they want to bring Suharto to justice," Mr Denny Kailimang, one of Suharto's attorneys, said on Wednesday. "It is nonsense."

Battle of wits continues over Wiranto's 1998 role

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- A former aide to Gen. (ret) Wiranto alleged on Wednesday that he had been offered billions of rupiah and an ambassadorial post in order to cancel his plan to publish a book detailing Wiranto's role in the deployment of the Pamswakarsa militia in 1998.

"Wiranto's men came to offer me billions of rupiah and an ambassadorial post in Britain if I canceled the launching of the book," former Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) chief Maj. Gen. Kivlan Zen told a press conference here.

However, Wiranto's top campaign strategist, Lt. Gen. (ret) Suaidi Marasabessy, challenged Kivlan to disclose the names of the men who attempted to bribe him.

"If he is telling the truth, why doesn't he disclose the names of our men who tried to bribe him with money and a posting? He's engaging here in politicking, isn't he?," Suaidi told The Jakarta Post by phone.

Kivlan stressed that the launching of the book would go ahead next week. "I will launch the book next Thursday and won't be intimidated even if Wiranto threatens to sue me for libel. Wiranto is lying to the public when he says he is clear in the clear regarding the establishment of the Pamswakarsa ... it was based on his order that I went about setting up this civilian militia," Kivlan said.

Wiranto, who is contesting the presidential election for the Golkar Party, has been linked to a number of human rights crimes when he was Indonesian Military (TNI) chief. "We are preparing legal efforts to settle the dispute. It is just a matter of time," Marasabessy said.

According to Kivlan, his book entitled Hubungan Integrasi TNI-AD dan Integrasi Bangsa Indonesia (Relationship between the Indonesian Army and Indonesian National Integration) states that a clear and unambiguous order was issued by Wiranto to Kivlan to hire thousands of youths to block student protesters from disrupting the Extraordinary Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in November 1998.

Clashes erupted between the civilian militia, who were armed with sharpened bamboos, and the students, which claimed at least 10 lives on both sides. The MPR session endorsed the appointment of B.J. Habibie as president, replacing Soeharto, who had stepped down in disgrace six months earlier.

Wiranto himself was able to secure his position as military chief, while Kivlan, who says he had been promised a regional military command, was moved to a desk job. To make things worse, Kivlan says he was left owing around Rp 5.4 billion (US$5.8 million) as Wiranto allegedly asked him to fund the secret operation out his own pocket, promising to reimburse him afterwards. "I challenge him to sue me," Kivlan said.

July 27 case, Megawati left her supporters to be attacked

Detik.com - June 9, 2004

Suwarjono, Jakarta -- Not enough people are being investigated by police over the July 27 case(1). Police must also investigate the general chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), President Megawati Sukarnoputri, because she left her supporters to be attacked.

This was revealed to journalists by the former chairperson of Student Solidarity for Indonesian Democracy (Solidaritas Mahasiswa Indonesia untuk Demokrasi, SMID), Andi Arif, a press conference at the Vanezia coffee shop at the Taman Ismail Marzuki arts centre in Jakarta on Wednesday June 9.

"She [Megawati] had information that there would be an attack by security forces on the PDI [Indonesian Democratic Party, later named PDI-P] headquarters. However this info was not passed on to her supporters. Megawati [just] left her supporters to be attacked by security forces", said Arif.

A victim of the abductions in 1998(2), he also said that there is something strange about the reinvestigation of the case at this time because to date the case has just been forgotten and left without any clear resolution.

"What's more, its being conducted in the middle of a mass campaign [for the presidency], this indicates that Megawati is using [her] authority and power for the sake of getting ordinary people's support and sympathy. On the other hand, she is moving to keep her political opponent from winning, that is SBY [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party presidential candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] who was chief of staff of the Jakarta military command at that time", said Arif.

Arif admitted however, that accusations over the involvement of SBY in the July 27 case are not incorrect. He believes that as the chief of staff of the Jakarta military command at the time SBY must have known about the plan to attack the PDI headquarters.

"In terms of the chain of command SBY is involved. As chief of staff of the Jakarta military command at the time it impossible that [he] was not part of the [command] structure [which planned] the attack, so he must also be investigated. Moreover, if [Megawati] want's to be genuine about it, [former President] Suharto must also be a suspect because it was him who ordered it", said Arif accusingly. (djo)

Notes:

1. Following weeks of protests at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters after the Suharto regime engineered Megawati's removal as the party's democratically elected chairperson, on July 27, 1966, paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police. Many had hoped that with Megawati's ascendancy to the presidency those responsible would be held accountable however Megawati and other leading party figures have publicly distanced themselves (refusing to attend annual commemorations) from the issue. Those who were eventually brought to trial in late 2003 have all been low ranking soldiers or civilians and have either been acquitted for lack of evidence or given light sentences. None of those believed to have organised or led the attack have been brought to trial.

2. Between 1997 and 1998 as many as 14 pro-democracy activists were abducted by members of the elite special forces Kopassus. After extended periods of detention -- in many cases the victims were severely tortured -- most were released although four remain missing and are presumed dead.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

News & issues

15,000 child sex workers in Riau

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

Fadli, Batam -- A non-governmental organization (NGO) activist disclosed on Wednesday that some 15,000 girls under the age of 18 on the Riau Islands were sex workers.

The number was half of the total of 30,000 sex workers operating on the islands, raising concern that child trafficking could be widespread, said Lola Shirin T. Wagner, the chairwoman of the Batam-based Humanity and Health Partner Foundation (YMKK).

"Some 30 to 60 percent of the sex workers operating in Batam, Tanjung Pinang and Tanjung Balai Karimun are children," said Lola at a seminar on child prostitution in Batam. The three cities in question are major cities on Riau Islands.

Also present at the one day seminar was Seto Mulyadi, the chairman of the National Commission for Children's Protection. According to Lola, the number of child prostitutes in Batam is high when compared to the national figure. There are some 150,000 sex workers operating nationwide currently, 40,000 of whom are children.

Lola explained that the high number of child prostitutes on the islands was due to the growing sex industry here. Many foreigners, such as Malaysians and Singaporeans, spent their weekends on the islands, and many of them visited purely for commercial sex, she said.

The high demand for commercial sex had led to the development of the industry. Local girls saw prostitution as a quick and easy way to make money, and irresponsible parties exploited children, Lola said.

Lola said there were two facets of the industry on the islands: First, a syndicate "bought" the children from within the islands, or from Java island and sold them to local pimps. And second, the syndicate supplied male teenagers or children to pedophiles.

In order to end the practice, Lola demanded that the government take stern measures. She called on all parties on the islands, including bell boys, tour guides and security personnel to help stop child prostitution. "They should not give tourists seeking sex with children information, including the whereabouts of child sex workers in the city," she said.

US researcher refused work permit

Green Left Weekly - June 9, 2004

Max Lane -- The government of Megawati Sukarnoputri, apparently at the urging of Indonesia's intelligence agency (BIN) and foreign affairs department, has refused to extend Sidney Jones' work permit.

Jones works for the International Crisis Group, a Brussels headquartered think-tank. Her work permit and residency visa expired on June 10. A non-Indonesian staff member of the ICG's Jakarta office has also had to leave the country.

Jones has indicated that she will base herself in Singapore. While there are conflicting reports in the Indonesian media, it appears that Jones will not be banned from making short visits to Indonesia.

The decision on Jones' work permit became major news in Indonesia after the head of BIN, retired general Hendropriyono, informed reporters that he had told a parliamentary committee that Jones' work was harming Indonesia and that many of her reports were untrue. The ICG usually reports on conflict issues, such as the situation in Aceh, West Papua and Ambon, although in Indonesia Jones is mostly associated with the campaign against the radical Islamic group Jemaah Islamiyah.

In the same parliamentary committee briefing, Hendropriyono said that there were 19 non-government organisations that were carrying out harmful activities and may need to be acted against. General Da'i Bachtiar, the national police chief, stated that he was waiting on information that could be used for charges to be laid by BIN. Apparently, he also claimed that I was a threat to national security. In all cases, he allegedly did not elaborate on his assessments.

There has been widespread criticism by NGOs, human rights organisations and some political groups of the decision on Jones' visa. Many commentators have expressed their concern that the decision, and the threat against NGOs, represent a return to the political methods of repression used during the Suharto period.

From within the top levels of the Indonesian political elite, presidential candidate for the National Mandate Party Amien Rais criticised the decision and defended Jones. Rais stated that if he became president, Jones would be allowed to return to Indonesia to work.

Presidential candidate for the Democratic party and retired army general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono urged the government to explain the legal basis for the decision, claiming that without such an explanation, the decision's legitimacy could be questioned. Golkar's vice-presidential candidate Salahuddin Wahid took a more ambivalent stand, calling on the government not to act hastily in deporting Jones. However, he also said that if her reports were actually subversive and "sowing disunity in the nation" then action should be taken against her.

There are many theories circulating in Jakarta about the reasons for this decision and its timing. What is clear is that the decision, and the threats against other critics, reflects the reality that the personnel of Suharto's New Order, with its old mentality, remain entrenched within the state apparatus. While the victory of the student and democratic movement in May 1998 ended the dictatorship and re-won many basic democratic freedoms, these personnel were not removed.

Almost all of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates currently running in the elections have played important roles in the political system established under Suharto. There has been very little turnover at the high levels of the state apparatus.

At the local level, there are regular reports of authorities using New Order-style methods to violently disperse protests, although the police rather than the military now play this role.

[Max Lane is a visiting fellow at the Asia Research Centre, Murdoch University, and chairperson of Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific.]

Anti-rotten NGO group demands DPR support deportation

Detik.com - June 8, 2004

Anton Aliabbas, Jakarta -- Sydney Jones' expulsion has created a controversy in its own right in Indonesia. Although there are many who have defended her, there are also however many who want the director of the International Crisis Group (ICG) to go.

On Money June 7, around 100 people demonstrated at the People's Representative Assembly (DPR) demanding that the DPR support Jones' deportation. They were from two groups, the Community Forum of National Saviours (Forum Komunitas Penyelamat Bangsa, FKPB) and the Alliance Against Rotten Non-government Organisations (Aliansi Anti LSM Busuk).

The 50 or so FKPB demonstrators arrived at Senayan in South Jakarta first and were joined a short time later by the Alliance Against Rotten NGOs. The action by the two groups began in front of the parliament's gates at 10.30am.

In a speech, FKPB field coordinator Handriansyah said that Jones must be expelled because she is a provocateur who had created conflict in Indonesia. "We oppose Sydney Jones coming back to Indonesia to continue her activities which could create conflict within the nation", said Handriansyah.

FKPB also condemned Ibrahim Ambong, the chairperson of the DPR's Commission I, who has said he would assist Jones' return to Indonesia. "We asked that this statement be withdrawn for the sake of the national interest. We ask the government and the DPR to review ICG's presence in Indonesia", he said.

As well as giving speeches, the protesters also brought posters and banners, one of which read "ICG and Sydney Jones are provocateurs". (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Sydney Jones' supporters paid: Intelligence chief

Detik.com - June 8, 2004

Suwarjono, Jakarta -- Although Sydney Jones has been expelled from Indonesia, support for the American national continues to flow. National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Hendropriyono believes that those who are supporting the head of the International Crisis Group (IGC) have received money from Jones.

"It looks like they have received money. If there are foreign nationals who are denigrating [Indonesia] like that it is inconceivable that we will just let them [keep doing it], it's a betrayal [of the country] after all. For as long as Indonesia has been independent we have never allowed [the nation] to be colonised by foreigners", Hendropriyono told journalists before a meeting with President Megawati Sukarnoputri at the Presidential Palace on Jalan Veteran in Central Jakarta on Monday June 7.

As has been reported, Jones left Jakarta on the afternoon of Sunday June 6 and will be living in Singapore temporarily. In response to the eviction, non-government and social organisations have defended and given their support to her.

Unfortunately however, Hendropriyono was not able to reveal the names of the supporters he is accusing of being paid. Previously, Hendropriyono has said that in the past, before ICG was headed by Jones there weren't any problems. "It is only one person who has caused problems", said Hendropriyono. He then asked why the management ICG's head office had kept Jones as head of ICG Indonesia. "I don't understand why", he said.

Hendropriyono also warned other parties not to go along with it and also give their support to Jones. "[And] to these other parties I ask [you] not to run around backing them up", he said. He also denied that there was a question that Jones would have to flee from Indonesia next June 20. (dsb)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Health & education

Government swayed by tobacco lobby

Radio Australia - June 8, 2004

Indonesia's tobacco industry is warning that moves to adopt international laws to limit smoking would lead to massive job cuts and billions of dollars in lost tax revenue. Critics in Indonesia say the government is bowing to the tobacco companies in the hope of seeing a reward at the ballot box.

Presenter/Interviewer: Marion MacGregor

Speakers: Mia Hanafiah, vice-president, Indonesia's National Committee on Smoking Control; Budi Primawan, corporate communications manager, British American Tobacco Indonesia

MacGregor: Smoking may have become passe in some countries, but not in Indonesia. Here, in a bid to attract more young smokers, the tobacco industry has been recruiting musicians like the popular boy band 'Padi' to promote the message that smoking is most definitely 'in'. While government restrictions on tobacco advertising do exist, the vice president of the national committee on smoking control, Mia Hanafiah says they're being ignored.

Hanafiah: In 1999 when Mr Habibie was president, these government regulations were issued for the very first time and it was quite strong it was prohibited at all ... any sort of advertising was prohibited. But then we changed president, and it was weakened, and then we changed another president and it was totally ...it's just there's no implementation, no enforcement at all.

MacGregor: The ubiquitous cigarette advertising certainly seems to be working. Currently over sixty per cent of Indonesian men smoke, and more are starting. Indonesians are the fifth highest consumers of tobacco products in the world today. Despite this, the country's 155-plus tobacco companies have been complaining of declining sales, which they blame largely on increased taxes on cigarettes. Budi Primawan is the corporate communications manager at British American Tobacco Indonesia.

Primawan: We can say that excise do have impacts on the industry. That's why the industry in general are keen to have a good co- operation with the government in finding a good excise system which will provide a win-win solution to all relevant parties.

MacGregor: In other words, no higher duties in the future?

Primawan: I'm not saying that (laughs)... All we are seeking, all the industry, not only BAT, is a win-win solution with the government.

MacGregor: Tobacco excise contributes around eleven percent to government revenue in Indonesia. It's been increased five times since 1999, but still it remains among the lowest in the region. Anti-tobacco lobbyists have been pushing for higher prices, which they say would ultimately reduce rates of smoking, easing the massive burden on the health system. They also want the government to force the makers of kretek, the aromatic mix of tobacco and cloves preferred by ninety percent of Indonesian smokers, to cut tar levels. But in an election year, there's little chance of that. Mia Hanafiah again.

Hanafiah: This sort of cigarette is produced in the regions where a lot of constituents of the majority parties are there, so the farmers, the industry is mainly in these regions where the ruling party has its constituents.

MacGregor: With the July fifth presidential election approaching, the clock is also ticking for countries to sign on to the first international treaty on smoking, the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, by the 29th of June. Mia Hanafiah says the tobacco industry has made unrealistic threats of mass lay-offs of farmers and factory workers to pursuade the government not to come to the party.

Hanafiah: You know there's a very strong lobby, and they use an exaggerated concern that if the FCTC is signed it will immediately have a disruptive influence on the industry including tobacco farmers. Well in the long run of course it would take years and years so the government actually has ample time to do something about it. But the problem is there's no political will. And we should start somewhere, that's what we always say.

Armed forces/police

Military-Police revival a step back: TNI chief

Jakarta Post - June 9, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto gave a lecture on Tuesday at the Police Staff College (PTIK) on the relationship between TNI and the police, stressing their separate functions in the post-reform era.

Endriartono said the separation of the TNI and the National Police had determined the institutions' separate responsibilities, with the military focusing on national defense and the police on domestic security and order. "The idea to reunite the TNI and the police is a setback," Endriartono said.

The People's Consultative Assembly established the police and the military as separate, non-political entities following the 1998 reform movement and the installation of a civilian government.

Business & investment

Central bank moves to steady currency

Raido Australia - June 7, 2004

Indonesia's currency has fallen to two-year low, prompting the country's central bank to announce measures to stabilise the rupiah. But there appears to be little consensus as to the cause of the drop in the foreign investment climate. While some economists are blaming the uncertainty of Indonesia's long election cycle, others are pointing to the international rise in petrol prices.

Presenter/Interviewer: James Panichi

Speakers: Julian Week, economist, IDEAglobal; Burt Hofman, lead economist, World Bank, Indonesia.

Panichi: Just days since the start of Indonesia's official presidential campaign, the rupiah hit a low of 9,550 to the US dollar. And while Bank Indonesia governor BurHAnuddin Abdullah says the low is temporary, market players are showing signs of nervousness, with foreign investment down by 49 per cent this year. But why the concern, and why now? According to Julian Wee, an economist with IDEAglobal in Singapore, it's all about politics.

Wee: A lot of traders were sidelining, basically. They want to wait and see if there's going to be any violence, or how candidates' progress -- especially Wiranto, I think, is one that the markets are quite concerned about because he's not a popular choice.

Panichi: In terms of the political issue, I suppose it could be argued that people knew that the elections were coming for quite some time. So is it, in a way, a bit unusual that there should be this level of uncertainty?

Wee: Not really. The rupiah's interest rates are quite high, so if you're not expecting violence you wouldn't want to sell the rupiah because you'd have to pay quite a high cost. So people naturally wait for when they think risk levels are high and given that this is the campaigning month, the risk levels would be highest now.

Panichi: The dive in the rupiah has prompted Indonesia's central bank to announce a series of measures to absorb over four billion US dollars worth of currency. Bank Indonesia will also tighten rules to reduce foreign speculation on the rupiah -- speculation which Mr Abdullah had already blamed for the currency's woes. But not everyone agrees that political uncertainty in the lead-up to the presidential election is to blame. What's more, not everyone sees a weaker currency as cause for concern. Burt Hofman is the lead economist at the World Bank's Jakarta office.

Hofman: Well, for now, given the moderate slide, it could actually be a good thing. Firstly, it makes Indonesia's exports more competitive internationally, and Indonesia's exports have not done very well over the last couple of years, so this might actually be an opportunity. Second, for the budget it's a bit plus and minus, but on the balance it's probably still a little bit positive because if the exchange rate goes down then some Value Added Tax income goes up and, of course, they have to pay more debt service as well. But they also finance from abroad, so the financing in rupiah terms goes up. So, on balance, it's almost a little bit positive for the budget, actually.

Panichi: The World Bank also rejects recent speculation suggesting the rise in international fuel prices is compounding the problem. Although Indonesian government subsidises have capped petrol prices, Mr Hofman says Indonesian fuel exports are also attracting a better price. And that would leave government coffers no worse off.

Hofman: It's not just oil. The oil balance by now, on the balance of payments, is slightly negative, so Indonesia imports a bit more oil than it exports. But it exports a lot more gas and gas prices, by and large, move in line with oil. So, the oil and gas balance is still strongly positive and we calculate that for every dollar increase in the oil price, the oil and gas balance is positive of about 70 to 100 million US dollars for Indonesia. So, it's a positive thing. The second part is the impact on the budget: it's a bit more complex because nowadays the central government shares revenues with the regional government. And in addition it pays out fuel subsidies. And those fuel subsidies go up if the oil price goes up and revenue sharing goes up if the oil price goes up. So, even though Indonesia's budget gets more revenues, they also have more expenditures. On balance, though, there is still a slight positive for the budget as well.

Supreme Court overturns bankruptcy ruling on Prudential

Agence France Presse - June 8, 2004

Indonesia's Supreme Court has overturned a bankruptcy ruling against the local insurance unit of British financial services giant Prudential.

"The Supreme Court has accepted the appeal by Prudential," said the official, Wike Widianingsih. She declined to give further details Prudential Life Assurance had been declared bankrupt in April by a Jakarta commercial court, which cited its failure to settle a consultancy contract worth 400,000 dollars with Malaysian consultant Lee Boon Siong.

Lee filed the petition after Prudential terminated his consultancy contract. He claimed 40 million dollars.

The bankruptcy ruling further damaged the reputation of Indonesia's erratic courts, which are seen as a major deterrent to badly needed foreign investment.

"The impact of these high-profile cases on perceptions of Indonesia's investment climate cannot be underestimated," said the World Bank in a report this month.

In 2002 the supreme court overturned a similar bankruptcy ruling against the fully solvent local subsidiary of Canadian insurance giant Manulife Financial Corp. which found itself involved in a local dispute.

A Supreme Court judge, Mariana, was quoted by Tuesday's Koran Tempo as saying the case was a contractual dispute between Lee and Prudential, and should not have been filed with the commercial court.

Pressure is growing to amend the bankruptcy law after the latest case. Chairman of the Indonesian Insurance Council Hotbonar Sinaga has said the main amendment is a clause stipulating that only the finance minister can file a bankruptcy petition against an insurance firm.

Prudential Life spokesperson Nini Sumohardoyo told financial newswire AFX-Asia the firm has been oporating normally despite the bankruptcy ruling. However, she said that since the original ruling, the number of customers who have surrendered their policies had been slightly above the normal monthly average.

The company has said it is financially strong, with a risk-based capital ratio of 255 percent, well above the 100 percent required by the finance ministry.

Opinion & analysis

Our wealthy candidates

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 10, 2004

As required by law, the 10 candidates opened their purses and publicly reported their wealth last week to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Lest we forget, unveiling one's personal wealth is alien to Indonesia. Secrecy is part and parcel of the mainstream culture, especially among the ruling elite. The rule of thumb is, the higher a person's status in this inherently feudal society, the greater their privileges -- and these privileges run the gamut, from communal respect to liberty to commit a crime with impunity.

Ever since Soeharto's downfall in 1998, the people have sought to change this culture, albeit with little success, and the wealth report is but one example.

A hats-off is therefore due to the candidates for their willingness to take the risk to lead by example in a supposedly transparent society -- no matter the possible flaws in their reports or in the filing process. Besides, flaws are to be expected in this year's unprecedented electoral system.

Interestingly enough, however, their revelation did not meet with wide response from the public, save a few activists. How should we interpret this reaction? Hopefully, it was only because the people are not used to scrutinizing their prospective leaders and not because the people on the streets simply dismissed it as another commonplace lie.

We must pay attention to these flaws in view of the future and raise some questions in the hope that the next elections will register improvement.

First of all, could a poor person join a presidential race? The whopping figures of the candidates' personal wealth -- from hundreds of millions to hundreds of billions of rupiah -- is jaw-dropping. As a laborer commented in dismay, all the candidates turned out to be enormously affluent.

The question sounds out of place, perhaps, until one recalls the not-so-well-kept public secret: Running for office takes money in this country, and this goes for any office -- from the village level to the presidential seat. The only difference is the sum involved: billions or trillions of rupiah for the presidency, millions or tens of million for village heads.

Whatever the case, the revelation of their wealth alone is a rude awakening as to just how much the gaping chasm between the rich and the poor has been overlooked. The candidates are talking in terms of billions, whereas the people earn a minimum wage of less than Rp 700,000 a month in Jakarta, one of the very few provinces with a high standard of living.

This question prompts others in succession: How much are the salaries of a president and a vice president? The wealths of incumbents President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Vice President Hamzah Haz differ greatly at Rp 60 billion and Rp 19 billion, respectively.

How much is the salary of a minister? Susilo (Rp 3 billion) is a former security minister and Jusuf Kalla (Rp 122 billion) a former coordinating minister of people's welfare, but the latter cannot be measured with the same yardstick, as he was initially a businessman. The same goes for Siswono Yudohusodo (Rp 75.5 billion), a former minister under Soeharto who was a successful property businessman. Meanwhile, former House Speaker Amien Rais is worth Rp 991 million.

Finally, how much does a general earn in a year? There are three retired generals in the presidential race -- Wiranto, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Agum Gumelar -- who have vastly disparate levels of wealth at Rp 46 billion, Rp 4.65 billion and Rp 12 billion, respectively.

To put these figures in context, the current basic salary for a president is Rp 27 million, a vice president's, Rp 22 million, and a minister's, Rp 20 million. A general's salary, on the other hand, is less than Rp 2 million.

By applying some simple arithmetic, it is obvious that none of the candidates could have amassed such wealth from their salaries alone.

The question is, how did they? The answer is crucial for the people to judge the candidates fairly. In a free society, it is no sin to be wealthy as long as the means of its accumulation was legal. If the candidates did gain their wealth through unscrupulous ways -- and if this information is left in the dark -- how can the public trust them? The KPK has said it would audit the candidates' wealth this month. The question is, can it be done in such a short time -- even if the candidates cooperate duly?

Second, six of the candidates, including Megawati, Hamzah, Susilo, Amien, Siswono and Agum, submitted only their 2001 wealth. The remaining four submitted their current wealth figures, and thus seem to have more goodwill in this respect. The KPK's argument that not all candidates could submit an up-to-date figure because they had yet to finish their terms was, needless to say, weak at best.

The 6-month-old KPK should be tougher in collecting the facts on the actual, complete figures of the candidates' wealth and use this golden opportunity to disprove the allegation that its ranks are not filled with the most critical, objective and impartial individuals.

Honesty is an undebatable requisite for certain positions of power, and president and vice president are among these. It goes without saying that dishonest persons in top positions will put this country in real danger of becoming a failed state.

Fear of authoritarianism legitimate

Jakarta Post - June 10, 2004

Aboeprijadi Santoso, Amsterdam -- They opted for ballots and promised changes; yet, the rise of former generals in the presidential election raises questions as to ex-militaries' potentials to lead the nation and strengthen Indonesia's incipient democracy. At issue are their associations with the New Order's methods, institutions and networks.

Initiating a debate on ex-military politicians, Muslim intellectual Nurcholish Madjid recently said we should make a distinction between "military" and "being militaristic". He pointed out that a general like Dwight D. Eisenhower became a good and democratic president, but a civilian like Adolf Hitler became an infamous dictator.

The problem is, having won World War II and the election, Eisenhower built a military industrial complex and started the Cold War by occupying Korea and the Vietnam War by sending military advisors. A racist like Hitler seized state power through the Nazi party amid the 1930s crisis in a historically hurt society.

Since his argument rests on individuals and behavior rather than on institutions and societies, Nurcholish' proposition seems inapt: Hundreds of Eisenhowers would not guarantee a stronger democracy for Indonesia any more than hundreds of Hitlers would make Indonesian rulers fascists.

However, given the country's history -- with almost two-thirds of its post-independence period under authoritarian rule -- other factors could have created a fascist Indonesia. Had Soeharto's rule been charismatic, populist and consistently totalitarian, it would have made his New Order regime closer to Hitler's Third Reich. It was not an individual, however, but an institutional legacy, that made the difference.

The New Order legacy has made dubious the post-Soeharto civilian-military dichotomy. At issue is whether the politicians -- be they of civilian or military origin -- will adopt the old methods if they get hold of state power. On the other hand, obviously, it is the ex-militaries who can make the most of the New Order's institutional legacy, since they have inherited and could rely upon and use old networks and military institutions.

If they command powerful apparatuses and self-righteously believe in repressive measures, with a dose of chauvinism and xenophobia -- incidentally, not unlike Hitler -- they could fall easily into authoritarian methods and suppress civil rights. This has actually happened in Aceh, but has apparently also occurred recently when a closed meeting between some legislators and intelligence head Gen. (ret) A.M. Hendropriyono resulted in a decision to expel foreign researcher Sidney Jones, blacklist another and threaten 19 other foreign and local NGOs.

For the military, what matters is results, not methods. In an election, everyone knows the method, but is uncertain about the result. However, some militaries are used to applying various -- including arbitrary -- methods, with or without the threat of violence. The military is more likely to do so than civilians, as they hold the privilege of a legitimate monopoly in a Weberian sense -- of violence as a means to serve the state. It logically follows that the military must remain politically neutral.

In Indonesia, however, the military has always been a political force, even though it has never been monolithic. It claims an "extra" legitimacy based on its inception during the independence movement and invokes the doctrine of People's Defense, or Hankamrata, which, 58 years on, still justifies its powerful structure of territorial command -- all the way down to remote hamlets across the archipelago.

While a "normal" democracy takes a neutral military for granted, the Indonesian Military (TNI) commander has to repeatedly urge its members to remain politically neutral in the national elections -- as Gen. Endriartono Sutarto did in April.

Since these anomalous institutions became rooted firmly during the New Order, they will not simply fade away. Likewise, even if they are retired, this does not mean ex-generals are divorced from their corps. Once immersed in their doctrines, they are likely to carry the social capital they may need for material and ideological resources, which may include key political, corporate and financial connections, in addition to comradeships formed at war or military academies and personal networks within and outside security apparatuses. Territorial connections also serve as infrastructure to mobilize support, militia or other forces.

All these are assets the ex-generals may or may not use -- but against which no civilian politician can possibly compete.

One observer, Indro Tjahjono, noted that Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has a great advantage over Gen. (ret) Wiranto, since his last job as the top security minister enabled him to expand his network internationally and, more importantly, throughout various sectors and regions at home. These early "campaigns" made him popular in Washington, Aceh and Poso, and also explains his rapidly rising star.

Wiranto, obviously, will challenge this by using the wide network of Golkar Party interests -- another legacy left by the New Order -- which Susilo also did via Golkar running mate Jusuf Kalla. Meanwhile, both will also use personal friends and friends of friends among retired and active officers. Clearly, the former generals are able to attract and reach the greater public by relying upon considerable support from institutions and mechanisms of both Golkar and the military.

As a consequence, a serious row recently occurred within the TNI over whom the PEPABRI, or Veterans Association, a grouping of retired generals highly respected as sesepuh -- wise elders -- and known to be staunch supporters of military supremacy, should direct its support. It finally urged TNI members and their families to vote only for presidential candidates of TNI origin despite Endriartono's calls for neutrality. For all its claims of reform and professionalism, the TNI, with all its tentacles, has created a political discrepancy vis-a-vis political parties and civil society. No legitimacy exists for this to perpetuate under a "normal" democracy -- something Indonesians have hoped for and aspired to since the downfall of Soeharto.

[The writer is a journalist of Radio Netherlands. This article is personal views.]

Expulsion a blow to free speech

Sydney Morning Herald Editorial - June 9, 2004

The expulsion from Indonesia of the American terrorism expert Sidney Jones can only undermine the democratic credentials of the Megawati Government. Ms Jones, head of the Jakarta office of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG), is widely acknowledged as the world's top authority on the Indonesian-based Jemaah Islamiah (JI) Islamic terrorist network. Her departure at the weekend, however, probably says more about national pride and politics than Jakarta's stance on Islamic extremism.

Two months before the Bali bombings of 2002 Ms Jones published a detailed report describing the extent of the JI terrorist network in South-East Asia. Last year, her latest report concluded that JI was far from destroyed, despite the arrests of more than 200 of its senior members in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. A new generation of jihadists, it said, was in the making in Islamic boarding schools across Indonesia.

Yet, it was not this blunt challenge to the Indonesia's anti- terrorism effort that seems to have so offended. Indonesia has consistently co-operated with Western security agencies, including the Australian Federal Police, since the Bali bombings. There is certainly popular resentment among Indonesia's majority moderate Muslims over Western stereotypes that associate Islam with terrorism. However, it is the ICG's scathing reports on the Indonesian military's operations against separatist forces in Aceh and Papua that are believed to have provoked Jakarta's ire.

International condemnation of the Indonesian military over the carnage in East Timor in 1999 -- and the loss of the former Indonesian-occupied territory -- was considered deeply humiliating in Indonesia. Many politicians, including President Megawati Soekarnoputri, have since insisted that national unity and pride depend on preventing a similar splintering in Aceh and Papua. As a fluent Bahasa Indonesia speaker Ms Jones -- unlike many other foreign experts -- was able regularly to bring ICG's frank views on these conflicts, and other politically sensitive issues such as corruption, into the domestic media.

A rumoured hit list of other individuals and organisations that threaten security before next month's presidential elections has, understandably, raised fears of a return to the repression that marked the authoritarian Soeharto era.

But unless such a crackdown is implemented it seems far more likely that Ms Jones's case is an exception to Indonesia's expanding freedom of speech -- and a temporary one at that. Once the presidential campaign dust has settled it must be hoped Ms Jones will be allowed to return.

Commentary: Expelled From Indonesia

Wall Street Journal - June 9, 2004

Sidney Jones -- On Sunday morning, my colleague from the International Crisis Group and I left Jakarta -- expelled, apparently, for being a threat to Indonesia's security and damaging its image abroad.

One Indonesian friend said that it was a testament to how far Indonesia has moved from its authoritarian past that we lasted as long as we did. She may be right. When I joined ICG's Jakarta office in 2002, after decades of working on human rights in Indonesia, I thought it was a miracle that I got a residence permit at all.

Over time, I got so used to the post-Suharto political space that I felt no inhibitions about writing and speaking on topics that would have been taboo six years ago, including the dynamics of the conflicts in Aceh and Papua, communal tensions, and radical Islamic movements. ICG reports were picked up by the local print and broadcast media and fed into a lively public debate, unthinkable a short while ago.

Our expulsion doesn't presage a return to dictatorial controls. The fact that a leading Jakarta daily could publish a cartoon on its front page of me with my mouth taped shut is only one indication that sardonic commentary on government actions is here to stay. If we didn't get a fair hearing from the National Intelligence Agency known as BIN, which set this whole train of events in motion, we certainly got one in the Indonesian press. Another newspaper even published a comic strip showing the head of that agency as the evil villain, going back into his cave after ordering us out.

But our expulsion does expose some troubling aspects of today's Indonesia. We clearly crossed an invisible limit in terms of what was acceptable to say or investigate. If we can be branded a security threat as a result, so can many other organizations, domestic and international, which challenge or inadvertently stumble against powerful political and economic interests.

Some officials in the Indonesian government obviously feel more comfortable with the old system than with the new; what they don't realize is that the old system is gone for good. BIN officials, for example, gave different explanations of our sins to different audiences behind closed doors. We were variously said to have spread slander about Aceh and Papua, sold information abroad, and pitted the army against Islam. They conveyed nothing to us directly.

But word leaked out, and when it did, we sought -- and got -- a hearing with a key parliamentary committee and were able to challenge the accusations through the press. It didn't stop our deportation, but it does suggest that there are beginning to be checks on the use of power.

Our expulsion is also symptomatic of what seems to be a growing suspicion of foreigners, linked to a strong sense of Indonesian nationalism. When BIN presented its case against ICG to an Indonesian parliamentary committee, the discussion reportedly turned to how deporting us was an appropriate response to the indignities suffered by Indonesian citizens at the hands of American and Australian immigration authorities.

Shortly after ICG's difficulties exploded in the local press, I was invited to a discussion by the international relations division of the Indonesian Muslim Students organization. Almost all the questions during the course of that lively session focused on the malicious intent of Westerners, either to do to Papua what they did to East Timor, to weaken Indonesia through support for separatist movements more generally, or to undermine Islam through the war on terror.

One young man asked why so many foreigners were doing research on Indonesia, as though they must have some evil purpose in doing so. I asked him in return how many Indonesians were studying in Australia, the US and Europe, and drew applause as if I'd scored a point. No question that conspiracy theories in Indonesia run rampant, but they seem to be reflective less of some innate hostility than of a lack of information to challenge widespread rumor mongering.

A third source of concern is what our expulsion reveals about the sensitivity of the Aceh and Papua issues. Both areas have armed guerrilla movements and strong pro-independence sentiment. ICG has been studiously neutral in reporting on the conflicts there, not supporting independence. If anything, we have suggested that a properly conceived and implemented autonomy package could be the way forward. That stance alone has brought protests from the Acehnese rebel movement GAM, as has our repeated reference to GAM's own abuses.

But we have also said that failure to implement autonomy in any meaningful way has contributed to the ongoing conflict and that, in both places, Jakarta was losing the battle for hearts and minds. We have also suggested, based on detailed investigation, that there are people within the political elite who have strong economic interests in both places. Does this then make us a threat to Indonesian security? The larger threat comes from closing down a debate on the sources of these conflicts. A debate which, if allowed to continue, could throw up creative ideas for how to resolve them.

Finally, Indonesia is in election mode, with the first round of presidential elections scheduled for July 5. The moves against ICG began in late 2003, but everything has come to a head just as the presidential campaign gets underway.

On the one hand, we are accused of being potentially disruptive of the democratic process. On the other hand, our expulsion has become so politicized that it's difficult to know whether it would have happened anyway, given the cumulative impact of our reports, or whether a decision was made somewhere that deporting us could be used politically to play into a nationalist agenda.

When the issue of ICG's imminent expulsion first broke, an official accused me of seeking martyrdom through publicity. The BIN director said I was the kind of person the Indonesian people don't like. But I was deluged with messages of support from across the country from people who wanted the issues we raised to be out in the open. We may now be in temporary exile. But ironically, it's the reaction to our expulsion that has made us optimistic about the prospects for Indonesian democracy.

[Ms. Jones is Southeast Asia project director for the International Crisis Group.]

Opinion: Suspension - Now!

Tempo - June 1-7, 2004

Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh is to be questioned by National Police HQ nd the Anti-Corruption Commission. Why has he not been suspended?

Although they have the same job, Abdullah Puteh has a higher status than other governors. A civil state of emergency was proclaimed in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam because the separatist Free Aceh Movement, GAM, is still causing security concerns there. The civil emergency authority holder is Abdullah Puteh, because the position goes to the governor.

It is easy to imagine that Puteh is busier than other governors. Not only does he have to oversee routine matters of regional government, but he also has

to head the security forces to guarantee public security in the context of the civil emergency. The fact that he is so busy is the reason why National Police HQ has repeatedly extended the deadline for the questioning of Puteh, who is suspected of involvement in corruption over the supply of electricity generators. National Police HQ spokesman Insp. Gen. Paiman said that although President Megawati has already given permission for Puteh to be questioned, the police are still trying to find a time when the governor is free.

This seems odd. Based on initial questioning of a number of people involved in the purchase of the generators, Puteh is suspected of being involved in corruption that cost the state more than Rp6 billion. The Rp30-billion generator project was intended to help the public because the state-owned electricity company (PLN) electricity supply substations had been torched by GAM.

The generators were installed, but the electricity supply to the public did not return to normal. It turned out that the generators supplied were not up to the specifications and not in accordance with the contract. The generator supplier, William Taylor, has already been detained. From Taylor, it emerged that funds were diverted to several officials in Aceh.

Why has Puteh not been suspended to allow the corruption investigation to proceed smoothly? When the investigation is over, and if there is not enough evidence to put Puteh on trial, he can be reinstated. But if he has to face trial, or is sentenced, he must immediately be replaced, not merely suspended.

If this were done, the police would not have to wait for Governor Puteh to have enough time to be questioned.

The government often lacks resolve in these cases. The appointment of Fadel Muhammad as Governor of Gorontalo was delayed because of his involvement in a civil case. The election of the Lampung governor was cancelled by the government because governor-elect Alzier D. Thabranie was involved in a criminal case, although there has been no decision about a trial. But East Nusa Tenggara Governor, Piet Alexander Tallo, was inaugurated by Home Affairs Minister Hari Sabarno for a second term despite the local police having declared him a suspect in a Rp14.9-billion health project corruption case.

In the Puteh case, Minister Hari Sabarno has said that Puteh will be suspended as he is declared a suspect. But the police are certain that Puteh will immediately be declared a suspect once the questioning gets underway.

Then there is the statement from Puteh that he is ready to be questioned at any time, in Banda Aceh or Jakarta. If that is the case, why do the police have to wait until the civil emergency authority holder has spare time for questioning? A governor who is a civil emergency authority holder can be busy, or he can make himself busy for ever.